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Case Number: 2006-0459-F
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This is ·not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the Clinton Presidential
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. Folder Title:
State ofthe Union-Outside Memoranda 12/97
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NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
~99
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20504
December 23, 1997
ACTION
MEMORANDUM FOR SAMUEL R. BERGER - JAMES STEINBERG
FROM:
ANTONY BL INKEN ,f{\Jf> ·
SUBJECT:
State of the Union Memos for the President
In years past, the White House-'communications office has
solicited memos to the Pr~sident from outside ~olicy experts and
academics, former administration officials and some current ones
to prod ~is thinking on theState of the Union. Waldman and Co.
have asked ~bout two dozen people on the domestic side. I have
begun to ask a small cross section of thinkers on the foreign
policy side: former Secretary Christopher, Admiral Bill Owens,
Fareed Zakaria (managing editor o{ For~ign Affairs); David
Rothkopf; Jane Holl (former NSC staffer who directed conflict
prevention project for Carnegie); Jeremy Rosner; Fouad Adjami;
Eliot Cohen (professor expert in defense policy) and James Chace
(World Policy Institute) . · One issue for decision, another for
ref1ection:
1. Several memos already have come in (Christopher; Holl;
Owens). They are attached . . The communications of ce would
like to give the President a binder of memos for his Christmas
reading by the end of today (the re.st t() be compiled and passed
along after Christmas). Okay to send them Ch~istopher, Holl ~nd
Owres fo~ inclusion?
2.
Are there other people you would·like me to ask for memos?
RECOMMENDATION
That you approve forwarding the memos from Secretary
Christopher, Jane Holl and Admiral Owens for inclusion in the
President's binder.
Approve
Disapprove
Attachment
Tab A Memos to the President from Christopher, Owens & Holl
�DEC-22-1997.
P.03
15=42
W .ARiEN CHRISTOPHER
7T" F'LOOR
1999 AVENUE OF TI-lE. STARS
LOS ANGE:Le:S, CALIFORNIA 90067 • 6035
December 22, 1997
Dear Mr. President:
Tony Blinken has suggested that I write to you about the foreign affairs
section of the State of the Union message:
The State of the Union message provides an excellent opportunity
for you to tackle the most fundamental problem facing American foreign policy today:
the new isolationism.· In the new isolationism, Congress preseiVes the rhetoric of
American leadership but deprives America of the capacity to lead.
While many
other foreign affairs items will no doubt be covered in your message; I will focus on
this one.
The need for American leadership is rarely questioned today.
No one
· in publk life is likely to stand up and say that we can afford to retreat, ignore our
commitments, or build a wall around America. On the contrary, the new isolationists
regularly mouth the slogans of global engagement. They aren't abashed in ':lfging us
•
to do more to protect workers rights in A"\ia, to promote investment in Africa, or to
support the independence of the states of the former Soviet Union.. Beyond the rhet. oric, however, a different reality emerges, one 'in which you have been deprived of the
�P.04
DEC-22-1997 ·15:42
necessary tools to lead. The new isolationists are denying you the very kind~ of support that Congress has given to every President from Harry Truman to Ronald Reagan
and George Bush.
The end of the last session of Congress brought this new isolationist tide
to the high-water mark. .It is hard to imagine three actions more destructive. of our
capacity to lead than denying fast track authority, refusing a,4ditional funding for the
.
'
IMF, and failing to address our arrearages at the United Nations. In each instance,
the consequences of these decisions and failures by Congress can already be seen.
The Europeans are moving in to make advantageous trading deals in Latin America,
while our hands are effectively tied. The IMF has had to address the devastating
currency crises in Asia ~thoilt vital new U.S. support. And the refusal of the United
Nations to reduce our share of UN obligations is partly attributable to our arrearages.
The failure of Congress to provide adequate resources for international
affairs; as illustrated in the UN decision, is a further~anifestation of this new isolationism.. In my last year in office, I concentrated on the lack of resources in three
speeches. But it is difficult for anyone, other
t~an
the President, to break through to
the voters' consciousness on a foreign policy issue. For the President, the State of the
Union message is a special opportunity be~ause the entire nation will'be listening.
I
know how much competition there is forevery sentence in the State of Union address,
but I hope you will use a portion of it to identify and combat this new isolationism.
�DEC-22-199?
holiday.
15:42
P.05
Marie and I send you our warmest regards and best wishes for a happy
A~
ever,
The Honorable William 1 Clinton
President of .the United States
The White House
.Washington, D.C. 20500
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Science Applications International Corporation
· An Employee-Owned Company.
William A. Owens
President and Chief Operating Officer
Vice Chairman of the Board
December 22~ 1997
William]. Clinton
The President of the United States of America
Dear Mr. President:
Thanksfor the chance lO suggest some ideas for your forthcoming State of the Union. I'd like to
focus on two watershed issues: the leadership of the United States in dealing with what I'll call
"GlobaJ Issues," and, second; a redefinition of ..National Security" and a look at the future of our
Nation's military.·
·
.
·
Global Issues: We tend to see challenges in terms of their symptoms. We focus on' and respond
to the crises, .conflicts,' tensions, and the other events and. situations that drive headlines.., Yet, in
'
almost all cases, the headlines that absorb so much official attention and condition our leadership
in world affairs stem from deeper issues that all peoples of the world face. ·These are Global
Issues of having enough energy, food, and clean water; of having enough reliable information to
make reasoned judgments, enough security and. democracies to implement them. Environmental
remediation and good health are also issues that transcend borders. We bow to these Global
Issues in speeches, acknowledge them in how we allocate money and resources, and sometimes
dedicate governmental institutions to help cope with them. Yet, too often, faced by their
enormity and complexity, we snicker quietly at rhetorical allusions to dealing directly with these
i~sues and slip back into the bureaucratically comfortable mode of trying to cope-mostly
incrernent~lly, myopically, and partially-·with their symptoms and effeCts.
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This falls short of what we Americans can do. Only America has the vision, power. leadership,
and technical capacity to do more than respond to the effects of deficits in energy, food, water,
health and the other truly Globallssues that beg to be addressed. We shouJd have a list of these
based on understanding of base causes ... I don't·believe any organization does (I have attached
a list which might form the basis for discussion). I don't mean to sound starry-eyed here; history
warns us to beware of mindless crusades. T rn not suggesting grandiose new governmental
programs or massive tax revenue shifts to global energy expansion, environmental remediation,
the global eradication of disease,' or the other Global Issues. But I am suggesting new and
innovative efforts, which only you could lead, to tap the cutting edge of American information
technology and the capacity of America's private sector to develop integated, synergistic
solutions to the kind of tough, complex problems at the root of these Global Issues. No c::>ne but
America can do this and I believe the impact could be profound.
As the world's leader, with the world poised OQ the cusp of the next millenium; we have an
opportunity to do this. It could be an enduring agenda for you and your administration. ·It could
10260 Campus Point Drive, San Diego, California 92121 • (619) 546-6126 • FAX (619) 546-6043
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also be a unifying framework for many of initiatives you have put in place. And American
industry can help ~ou with the vision and the path to innovative solutions.
National Security: l believe .. National Security" should be redefined. It, of course, includes the
traditional elements ofdiplomacy and military capability, but it could also include other factors
such as NAFfA-Iike initiatives to lower trade barriers around the world and capitalizing on our
leadership in technology (or it could include.Giobal.Issues).
Much has changed during your administration. Our military forces have downsized by one third,
and what your officials have termed the "revolution in business affairs" has continued to bring
greater rationality and efficiency in building and maintaining our nation's military capabilities.
And, largely outside the public's attention, the transforniation of the U.S. military to a new
qualitatively higher level of technical capability has slowly accelerated. This transformation is
an ''American Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA)," because the information technologies and
systems integration that power that RMA are truly revolutionary. For the first time in history, we
are capable of building a military that will rely less on the principle of mass and the <;oncepts of
attrition warfare that have dominated military thinking throughout history, and more on the
ability to understand what is actually occurring in operations and on agility and precision. We
lead the world in this revolution, and our growing capacity to provide a militarily significant
"information umbrella" for our friends, aiJies, and coalition partners has paid very high military
and political dividends in Bosniaand elsewhere. Could it be in large part a substitute for the
"Nuclear Umbrella"? But, we have only begun to tap into the enormous potential of this
capability.
This transformation could be an essential part of your vision for the role of the United States in
world affairs. It offers the key military dimension to the genius of the Partnership for Peace and
the new security relationship in Europe. And it promises the most productive, effective course in
the years ahead, when our position as the world; s only military superpower can generate
suspicion instead of the solace we intend. The recent National Defense Panel was basically
right. We should shift our focus away from the desire to keep what America built for an era that
has passed, and toward what the future will require. This means, among other things, serious,
sensible exploration of the very significant organizational and procedural changes inside the
Pentagon needed to bring the promise of this new technology to fruition.
Mr President, before I became a member of the Joint Chiefs, I was the U.S. Sixth Fleet
Commander in the Mediterranean. In the flagship, I made the first official U.S. visit to Bulgaria
since the end of World War II. As I disembarked from our ship, I noticed an elderly gentleman
on the dock, his arm outstretched, with his hand on the side of our ship. I asked him what he was
doing, and his reply captured much of how I believe America was perceived during the Cold
War and in its immediate aftermath. He said: ''Admiral, I have been waiting forty-five years for
this day. I have lost hundreds of comrades waiting for this moment and I want to stand here and
savor it for them." I knO\v that it is your intent to foster this sense of respect and confidence in ·
the United States throughout the world as we move past the confrontational years of the Cold
War,. and I appreciate having had this opportunity to share my thoughts with you.
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4. Food Supplies and Distribution Mechanisms
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CARNEGIE COMMISSION- ON PREVENTING DEA,DLY CONFLICT
CARNEGIE CORPORATION OF NEW YORK
December 19, 1997
MEMO.RANDUM FOR THE PRESIDE~
FROM:
Jane E. Ho¥'"
Executive Director
SUBJECT:
Foreign Policy Focus: Preventing Conflict
One year ago, in outlining five foreign policy priorities for the United States in your 1997 State of the
Union address, you emphasized the importance of acting preventively: to prevent nuclear materials from
falling into the wrong hands, to stop terrorists before they act, to be an unrelenting force for peace to
prevent more costly conflict.· You argued the economic sense of developing a preventive attitude toward
world affairs: for every dollar spent to prevent conflict, promote democracy, and stop the spread of
disease and starvation, Americans are more secure and better off. To act effectively in preventive ways,
you argued for maintaining a robust capacity to lead including, among other things, an engaged
diplomacy, an open attitude toward trade and economic relationships, and always a strong and ~eady
military. You made the case that inaction is our enemy. Americans agree with you. They
overwhelmingly accept our interconnectedness with the world and they support an intelligent leadership
role for the United States in that context (Tab A). It is in our interest to prevent violent conflict where
we can; but how?
Now, one year later, we kn.ow more about how and .when to pursue strategies that prevent dangerous
circumstances from forming or from turning massively violent with widespread consequences.
From the recent work of the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict (Tab B) we know, for
example, that it is not simply deprivation, but deprivation and discrimination that moves people toward
violence: We know that wars don't "happen," but that they result from deliberate choices of determined
leaders-choices and leaders that can be affected by the actions that others do or do not take. We know
that under conditions of basic security, well-being, and justice, people are not only better off, they are
also less likely to resort to mass violence to reach their goals. And we know that the combination of
responsible leadership at all levels, a vibrant civil society, and the timely and judicious help of outsiders
can help avert war.
Thus, strategies for dealing with potential violence must rest on three principies: early reactions to signs
of trouble, an integrated approach to alleviate risk factors that can trigger violence, and a sustained effort
to resolve the underlying root causes of violence. Moreover, for such strategies to have enduring
preventive value, they must do more than foreclose violence, they must also create alternatives to
violence that are sustainable by groups threatened by conflict.
Three specific challenges exist. To prevent dangerous circumstances from forming, we should work to
create capable partners-states with representative governance based on the rule of law, with widely
available economic opportunity, social safety nets, protection of fundamental human rights, and strong
civil societies. To prevent conflicts from spreading, we must construct political, economic, and if,
necessary, military barriers to deny belligerents the ability to resupply arms, ammunition, and hard
currency. We ~ust combined these efforts with humanitarian operations that provide relief for innocent
victims and aggressive political strategies that put maximum pressure on belligerents to pursue'
negotiations rather than violence: To prevent the recurrence of violence, we must help establish a safe
1779 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Suite 715, Washington, DC 20036-2103 Tel: (202) 332-7900 ·Fax: (202) 332-1919
E-mail: pdc@camegie.org
�and secure environment in the aftermath of conflict through the rapid introduction of security forces to
separate enemies, oversee disarmament plans, and provide a stabilizing presence. Necessary too are
simultaneous steps to restore legitimate political authority, install functioning police, judicial and penal
systems, and integrate external and internal efforts to restore essential services and restart normal
economic activity.
We have learned thatfour factors help ensure success in these efforts: I) Leadership-our own, at times;
at other times from other states or the UN or NATO-to shape the vision and marshal the necessary
political support; 2) An integrated approach to preventive operations, taking joint account of military
and nonmilitary (political, economic, and social) tasks-and their interdependence-to provide security,
well-being, and justice; 3) The combined resources ofthe public;·private, and international
sectors-including the NGO, business, and religious communities; and 4) Strong "outside-inside" links
that reflect an ever-present awareness that those closest to conflict have the greatest responsibility to
prevent its outbreak, but that outsiders can help create the condition.s favorable to their efforts.
It is possible to prevent the recurrence of violence in Bosnia. It is possible to prevent the current
stalemate in the Middle East from leading to a resumption of the Intafada. It is possible to prevent a
violent confrontation with Iraq while satisfying ourselves that Saddam Hussein cannot threaten others .
with weapons of mass destruction. It is possible to infuse the peace talks in Northern Ireland with
momentum that prevents a return to killing. But is it possible to prevent Turkey's slide into violence in
the wake of its dual rebuke from Arab and European states? Is it possible to prevent organized crime
from usurping legitimate government control in Russia-a development that could lead to weapons of
mass destruction falling into lawless hands? Is it possible to shepherd movement toward Korean
unification without provoking a violent reaction in Pyongyang? Is it possible to prevent the recent
slaughter in Rwanda from sparking renewed genocide in the Great Lakes region? Yes. In these cases
too,. effective prevention is possible. The United States should not be the world's policeman, but from
our position of leadership and with a willingness to do our fair share we can spearhead a change in
international attitudes toward prevention.
There is a need now to shift our own public dialogue toward efforts aimed at preventing violent conflict,
and I would urge you to use your upcoming State of the Union Address to promote the awareness of and
possibilities for effective preventive action. Americans understand the logic behind the old adage that an
ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure-we apply this logic every day in areas of personal health
and safety. This should become our attitude and practice toward incipient violence.
I would also urge you to create a WhiteHouse Task Force charged with the mandate to conduct a
"preventive assessment" of potential crises with the aim of identifying opportunities and strategies for
preventive action and to report to you on ways to strengthen our government's ability to take advantage
of these opportunities and, together with others, execute these strategies.
For too long too many believed that the only thing to do about violent conflict was manage it, contain it,
and help resolve it. This approach stemmed from the' view that violence is often simply unavoidable, that
civilizations "clash," that anarchy just comes, that people invariably, eventually, kill each other over their
differences.
The time has come to take a different view.
Attachments
Tab A Polling Data: American Views on U.S. Involvement Abroad
Tab B Executive Summary
2
�. FOREIGN AFFAIRS
ID:2128611849
DEC 24'97
14:28 No.006 P.02
•
FOR.EIGN AFFAIRS
58 RAST 68TH STRI•I,.J' • NI\W YollK • NI•W YORK 10021 .
Tel ~u. 434 9.so(l'a.~.212 861 J114?
Farced Zakaria
Managing EdittJr
. December 23, 1997
To:
President William Clinton
From: Fareed Zakaria, Managing Editor, Foreign Affairs
Re:
The State of the Union
You will, of course, list some of your administration's accomplishments in foreign
affairs. 1 would urge you, however, to place these in the context of some general
themes. The American people are w1iJitcrcsted in the details of foreign policy, but
they do waqt to know how their President sees America's role in the world. Your
audience overseas will also welcome such a statement of vision. The post-Cold war
world does not lack intelligent responses to individual crises and brush-fires. But it
does lack a framework or a sense of order. You could give it that.
Strengthening Political and Economic Libt~rty in the 21st Century
. For most of this century America has stood resolutely for its interests but also for its
ideals ·- indeed the two are· so interlwim:~d that one cannot separate them. We have
fought wars, supported friends,· opposed foes, given assistance, made investments,
to help the forces of poli~ical and economic liberty around the globe. And we have
been successful. .Today, our values are more widely accepted around the world than
at any point h1 history. As we approach the next century, we must work to
strengthen the powerful global
~ends
of peace, prosperity and freedom. The
fundamental goal of American foreign policy must be to help foster a 21st century in
which· the great nations of the world arc at peace and the global economy is
strengthened and expanded.
�FORf!IGN AFFAIRS
ID:21286l1849
DEC 24'97
14:29 No.006 P.03
In the economic realm this means furthering the process of economic liberalization
around the world. It brought Americans high-w,lge jobs and low cost goods, and ·
people around the world better live...;; and greater freedom.
But it also means
helping these developing countries when the winds of capitalism turn into
hurricanes. If we do not lead the world at times of economic crises, this
extraordinary world economy that we take for granted .... and on which our
prosperity rests -- could crumble. To those who believe that these problems will .
solve themselves and that we can retreat behind walls of proteetionism and
indifference, I say, remember what happened during the last series of global
economic cri~s, in th~ 1930s.. The potent mixture of neglect and protectionism led
to recessions, deflation, hyper-nationalism and war. We cannot let this happen
again.
In the politicaJ realm this means deepening the forces of freedom. In my address t()
you last .year I noted that a majority of the world's population now lives under
democratic rule. I believe that number wiJJ grow. But elections are not the only
measu~ of human freedom. The purpose of elections is to secure individual
liberty. Without protections for the freedom uf speech, assembly, reJigion; contract
and property, elections are a hollow charade. We are seeing the rise of a disturbing
trend-- what some have called· -"illiberal democracy"-~ of elected governments
violating human rights and ignoring the rule of law. We do not condone such
violations. That is why our efforts abroad focus not merely on elections but on
strengthening free markets, independent courts, labor unions, civic groups and
political parties. The dignity .of the ·individual can only be secure in a government
committed
to liberty and law.
We must secure and strengthen the foundatiuns of freedom around· the. world. Our
security and prosperity rest on them. Besides, it is the right thing to do.
�•
DEC-23-1997
17:39
KISSINGER ASSOCIATES
212 759 0042
KISSINGER ASSOCIATES, lN.C.
350 PARK AVENUE
NEW YORK.. NY !0022-6022
(2!2)759·7919
TELECOP'I', (212)759-0042
DAVID 1. ROTHKOPF
Mi\Ni\GJNC l>lli.ECTOlt
December 23, 1997
Via Telefax
Tony Blinken
National Security Council
The White House
Washington, DC
Dear Tony:
Hope this covers what you wanted. I stuck more'or less to international themes. Very tough
assignment. Too little. space. Too many ideas.
The first three pages are what I expect you'll send through. The remainder is really just for your
benefit if you thirik it has value. A few ideas that support some of the things I said.
Let me know if this is what you want and ifthere is anything I can do to follow up.
I'll be at 337-8039 in DC for the next couple weeks. if you need me .
.Best regards,
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RECORD ID: 9708599
RECEIVED: 23 DEC 97 11
UNCLASSIFIED
NSC/RMO PROFILE
-TO: BERGER
STEINBERG
FROM: BLINKEN.
DOC DATE: 23 DEC 97
- SOURCE REF :
KEYWORDS: SPEECHES
PERSONS:
SUBJECT:
STATE OF UNION MEMOS FOR PRES
DUE DATE: 29 DEC 97 - STATUS: ·c
ACTION:: OBE PER STEINBERG
STAFF OFFICER: BLINKEN
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FOR INFO
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001 BERGER
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�8599
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20504
Deputy Ne.tf Sec Ad, .
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· has seen
December 23, 1997
ACTION
MEMORANDUM FOR SAMUEL R. BERGER
~
JAMES STEINBERG
A'\JB
FROM:
ANTONY BLINKEN.
SUBJECT:··
State of the Union Memos for the President
In years past, the White House communications· of.fice has·
solicited memos to the President from.outside policy e~pe~ts and
academics, former administration officials and some current ones
to prod his thinking on the State of .th~ Union. Waldman and Co.
have· asked about tw6 doien people on the domestic side. I have
begun to ask.a small cross section of thinkers on the foreign
policy side: former Secretary Christopher, Admiral Bill Owens,
Fareed Zakaria {~anaging editor of Fcireign Affairs); David
Rothkopf; Jane Holl (former NSG staffer who directed conflict
prevention project for Carnegie); Jeremy. Rosner;. Fouad Adj ami;
Eliot Cohen (profesior e~pert i~ defense pcilicy) and James Chace
{World Policy Institute). One issue·foi decision, anoth~i for
re ection:
Several memos already have come in (Christopher; Holl;
Owens). They are attached. The coinmunications office would
like to
the P~esident a binder of memos for his Christmas
reading by the ·end of today · (
rest to· be compiled and passed
a~ong after Christmas).
Okay to send them Christopher, Holl and
Owres for inclusion?
1.
2 •.
Are there other people you would like me to ask for
memos?~ ~ \~. -~
~
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.
RECOMMENDAT.ION
7
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That you approve forwarding the memos from Secretary
.
. ,~. _· 4. ( ..
·
Christopher, . Jane Ho~i and Adm.lral Owens for inc).. us ion in the./,~·
President's binder.
Approve
.Disapprove
· Attachment
Tab A ·Memos to the President· from Christophe'i::·, Owens
&
Holl
�r.~...J
.•
WARREN OiRJSTOPHER.
7TM FLOOR
. 1999 AVENUE OF THE $TARS.
LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA
90067 • 603S
December 22., 1997
Dear Mr. President:
Tony Blinken has· suggested that l write to you about· the foreign affairs
section of the State of the Union message.
The State. of the Union message proVides an excellent opportunity .
·for you to tackle· the most fundamental problem facing .Americ~ foreign policy today:
· the new isolationism.
ln. the new isolationism, Congr~ss preseiVe.s the rhetoric of
Am.eriean leadership but deprives America of the capacity to lead. . While many
.
.
other foreign affairs items will no doubt be covered in your message, I will focus on
.
.
'
·this one.
The
ne~d
for American leadership· is rarely questioned today.
No one
.. in public 'life is likely to stand up and say that we can afford to. retreat, ignore our
.
.
commitments, or build a wall around .America. On the contrary~ the new isolationists
.
.
.
regularly mouth the slogans of global engagement. They aren•t abashed in urging us
. · to do more to protect workers ri~ts in A~ia, to promote. investment in Africa,. or' to .·
support the independence of the· states of the former Soviet Union. Beyo~d the rhet. oric, however, a different realit)' emerges, one in which you have been deprived. of the
�necessary tools to lead.. The new isolationists are denying you the very kindo; of
port thatCongress has given to every President fro-m
sup-
Harry Truman .to Ronald Reagan
and George Bush.
The end of the Ia.St session of Congress brought 'this new isolationist tide
to the high-wat~r mark.
.
capacif:Y
It is hard to imagi~e three actions more destructive of our
.
to le~ than denying fast track authorityt refusing additional funding for the
·. IMF, and failfng to address our arrearages at the United Nations. ·In each instance,
the consequences of these ·decisions and failures by Congress can. already be seeri.
The Europeans are· moving in to make advantageous trading deals in Latin America,
while our hands are effectively tied. The IMF has had to address the devastat::Uig .
.
.
.
currency crises in Asia without vital new U.S. support.· And the refusal of.the United .
Nations to reduce our share of UN ·obligations is partly attributable to our arrearages. ·
The failure of Congress to. provide adequate resources for international.
affairs, as illustrated in the UN decision,
is a further manifestation of this new isola-
In my last year in office, I concentrated on the lack of resources !n three
tionism.
speeches. .But it is difficult for anyone, other
than the PreSident, to break ~rough to
the voters· consciousness on a .foreign policy. issue.
•
'
For the P~esident, the State of the .
>,
'
Union m~ssage is a special opportunity·because the entire nation will ·be listening.
.
I ·.
'
know. how much competition there is· for every sentence in the State of Union address,
. but I hope you will use a portion of it to identify and combat this new isolationism.
�Mar.ie and I send you .our warmest regards and best wishes for a. happy
· holiday.
A~
ever, .
The.Honorable William J. 'Clinton
President of the United States
The.. Wbite House
Washington, D.C. 20500
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Science Applications International Corporation
·
An .Employee-Owned Company
·
··
William A. Owens
President and Chief Operating Officer
Vice Chairman of the Board
December 22, 1997
W iJliam J. Clinton
The President of the United Suites of Arneri.ca
· Dear Mr. President:
Thanks for the chance to suggest some ideas for your forthcoming State of the Union~ I'd like to
focus on two watershed issues: the leadership of the United States in dealing with what I' 11 call
"Global Issues," and. second, a redefinition of "National Security" and a look at the future of our
Nation's military.
·
Global Issues: We tend to see challenges
in
terms of their symptoms. We focus on and respond
to the crises, conflicts, tensions, and the other events and situations that drive headlines. Yet, in
almost all cases, the headlines thaf absorb so much official attention and condition our leadership
in world affairs stem from deeper issues that all peoples of the world face.· These are Global
Issues of having enough energy. food, and clean warer; of having enough reliable information to ·
make reasoned judgments, enough security and democracies to implement them. Environmental
remediation and good health are also issues that transcend borders; We'bow·to these Global
Issues in speeches, acknowledge them in how we'all~ate mm1ey and resources, and sometimes .
dedicine governmental institutions to help cope with them. Yet, too often, faced by their
·enormity and complexity, we snicker quietly at rhetorical allusions to dealing directly with these .
·. issues and slip back into the bureaucratically comfortable mode of trying to cope-mostly
· incrementalJy,myopically, and partially-with their symptoms 'and effects. · ·
This falls shon of what we Americans cando. Only America has the vision, power. leadership,
and technical capacity to do more than respond to the effects of deficits in· energy, food, water,
health and the other truly Global Issues that beg to be addressed. We should have a list of these
based on understanding of base causes ... I don'tbelieve any organization does (!:have attached
a list which might form the basis for discussion). I don't mean to sound starry-eyed here; history
warns us to 'beware ofmindless crusades. I'm not suggesting grandiose new governmental
.programs or massive tax revenue shifts to global energy expansion, enviromilental remediation,
the global eradication of disease, or the other Global Issues. But I am suggesting new and
innovative efforts, which only yo~ could lead, to tap the cutting edge of American information
technology and the capacity of America's' private sector to develop integated, synergistic
solutions to the kind of tou&Jl .. complex problems at the root of these Global Issues. No one bur
America can do this and i believe the impact could be profound.
.
.
As the world's leader, with the world-poiieci'on the cusp ofthe next millenium, we have;: an
opportunity .to do this: It could be an enduring.agenda for you and your administration. It could'
.
.
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also be a unifying framework for many of initiatives you have put in plac~ ..: And American
industry can help you with the vision and the path to innovative solutions.
National Security: I believe .. National Security" should be redefined: It, of course, includes the
traditional elements of diplomacy and military capability, but it could also include other factors
such as NAFTA-like initiatives· to lower trade barriers around the world and capitalizing on our
leadership in technology (or it could include Global Issues).
Much has changed during your administration. Our military forces have downsized by .one third,
and what your officials have termed the "revolution in business affairs'; has continued to bring
gre~ter rationality and efficiency in building and maintaining our nation's military capabilities.
And, largely outside the public's attention, the transformation of the U.S. military to a new
qualitatively higher level of technical capability has slowly accelerated. This transformation is
an ..American Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA)," because the information technologies and
systems integnition th~t power that RMA are rruly,revolutionary. For the first time in history, we
are capable of building a military that wiJI rely less on the principle of mass and the concepts of
attrition warfare that have dominated military thinking throughout history, and more on the
ability to understand what is actually occurring in operations and on agility and predsion. We
lead the world in this revolution, and our growing ·capacity to provide a militarily significant
"infonnation umbrella" for our friends, aJHes, and coalition partners has paid very high military
and political dividends in Bosnia and elsewhere. Could it be in large part a substitute for the
.. Nuclear Umbrella"? But, we have only begun to tap into the enonnqus potential of this .
capability.
·
·
This transformation could be an essential part of your vision for the role of the United States in
· world affairs. It offers the key military dimension to the genius of the Partnership for Peace and
the new security relationship Europe. And it promises the most productive, effective course in
.
.
the years ahead, when our position as the world's only military superpower can generate
suspicion instead of the solace we intend. The recent National Defense Panel was basically
right. We should shift our focus away from the desire to keep what America built for an era that.
· . has passed, and toward what the future will require. This means, among otJ:ter things, se~ious,
sensible exploration of the very significant organizational and pracedural changes inside the
Pentagon needed to bring the promise of this new technology to fruition.
in
Mr President, before I became a member of'the Joint Chiefs, I was the U.S. Sixth Fleet
Commander in the Mediterranean. In the flagship, I made the first official U.S. visit to Bulgaria
since the end of World War II.. As I disembarked from our ship, I noticed
elderly gentleman
on the dock.. his arm outstretched, with his hand on the side of our ship.· lasked him what he was
doing, aiid his reply captured much of how I believe Am~rica was perceived during:the Cold.
War and in its immediate aftermath. He said: "Admiral, I have been waiting forty-five years for
this day. I have lost hundreds of comrades waiting for this moment and I wantto stand here and.
savor it for them:· I know that ir·is your intent to foster this sense of respect and confidence in
the United States throughout the world as we move past the confrontational years of the Cold
War. and I appreciate having had this opportunity to share mY thoughts with you.
an
�CARNEGIE COMMISSION ON PREVENTING DEADLY CONFLICT
CARNEGIE CORPORATION OF NEW YORK
December 19, 1997
MEMORAND~ FOR 111E PRESIDE~
FROM:
Jane E. Ho~
.
Executive Director
SUBJECT:
Foreign Policy Focus: Preventing Conflict
One year ago, in outlining five foreign policy priorities for the United States in your 1997 State p(the
Union addJ-ess, you emphasized the importance of acting preventively: to prevent nuclear materials from
falling into the wrong hands, to stop terrorists before they act, to be an unrelenting force for peace to
prevent mor~ costly conflict You argued the economic sense of developing a preventive attitude toward
. world affairs: for every dollar spent to prevent conflict, promote democracy, and stop the spread of
disease and starvation, Americans are more secure and better off..To act effectively in preventive ways,
· you argued for maintairiing a robust capacity to lead including, among other things, mi engaged
diplomacy, an open attitude toward trade and economic relationships, and always a strong and ready .
military. You made the case that inaction is our enemy. Americans agree with you.·· They
overwhelmingly accept our interconnectedness with the world and they support an intelligent leadership
role for the United States in that context (Tab A). It is in our interest to prevent violent conflict where
·we can; but how? .
Now, one year later, we know more about how and when to pursue strategies that prevent dangerous
circumstances from forming or from turning massively violent with widesp~ad consequences.
From the recent work of the Carnegie Commission on ·Preventing Deadly Conflict (Tab B) we know, for
exainple, that it is not simply deprivation, but deprivation and discririlination that moves people toward
violence. We know that wars don't ..happen," but that they result from deliberate choices of determined
leaders-choices and leaderS that can be affected by the actions that others do or do not take. We know
that under conditions of basic securitY; well-being, andjustice, people are not only better off, they are
also less likely to resort to mass violence to reach their goals. And we know that the combination of
.responsible leadership at all·levels, a vibrant civil society. and the timely and judicious help of outsiders
can help avert war.
'
'
'
.
'
·Thus, strategies.for dealing with potential violence must rest on three principles: early reactions to signs
of trouble, an integrated approach to alleviate risk factc;>rs that ·can trigger violence, and a sustained effort
to resolve the underlying root causes of violence. Moreover, for such strategies to have enduring
,preventive value, they must do more than foreclose violence; they inust also create alternatives to
,.violence that are sustainable by· groups threatened by conflict.
·
Three specific challenges exist. Th prevent dangerous circumstances from forming,.we should ~ork to ·
create capable partners-states with repfesentative governance based on the nile of law, with widely· ·
available economic opportunity, social safety nets, protection of fundamental human rights, and strong
civil societies. ·To prevent conflicts from spreading, we must construct political:, economic, and.if,
necessary, military barriers to deny belligerents the ability'to resupply arms, ammunition, and hard·
currency. We must combined these efforts with htimanitarian operations that provide relief for innocent
victims and aggressive political strategi~ that put maximum pressure on belligerentS to pursue
negotiations rather than violence. To prevent the recurrence ofviolence, we must help establish a· safe
1779 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Suite 715, Washington, DC 20036-2103 Tel: (202) 332-7900 Fax: (202)332-191!'
E-mail: pdc@camegie.org
·
�and' secure eiwironment in the aftermath of conflict through the rapid introduction of sec~rity forces to ··
separate-enemies, oversee disarmament plans, and provide a stabilizing presence. Necessary too are
simultaneous steps to restore legitimate political authority, instalJ functioning police, judicial and penal
systems,\ and integrate external and internal efforts to restore essential services· and restart normal ·
economic activity.
·We have learned that four factors help ensure su~cess in these efforts: I) Leader~hip--our own, ·at times;
at other times from other states or the UN or NATO-to shape the vision and marshal the necessary
political support; 2) An integrated approach to preventive operations, taking joint account of military
and noninilitary (political, economic, and social) tasks-and their interdependence-to. provide security~
well-being, and justice; 3) The combined resources of the public, private, .andinternational
..
sectors-including the NGO, business, and religious communities; and 4) Strong "outside:.. inside" links··
that reflect an ever-present awareness that those closest to conflict have the gr~atest responsibility to
prevent. its outbreak, but that outsiderS can help create the conditions favorable to their effo~.
It is possible to prevent the recurrence of violence in Bosnia. It is possible to prevent the current
stalemate in the Middle E3st from leading to a resumption of the Intafada. It is possible to prevent a
violent confrontation with Iraq while satisfying ourselves that Saddam Hussein cannot threaten others
with weapons of mass destruction. It is possible to infuse the peace talks in Northern Ireland with
momentum that prevents a retunl to killing. But is it possible to prevent Turkey's slide into violence in
the wake of its dual rebuke from Arab and.European states? ·Is it possible to prevent organized crime
from usurping legitimate government control in Russia-a development that could lead to weapons of ·
mass destruction falling into lawless hands? Is it possible to shepherd movement toward Korean
unification without provoking a violent reaction in Pyongyang? Is it possible to prevent .the recent
slaughter in Rwanda from sparking renewed genocide in the GreatLakes region? Yes. In these cases
too, effective prevention is possible; The United States should not be the world's policeman, Hut from
our position of leadership and with Willingness to do our fair share we can spearhead a change in
international attitudes toward prevention.
a
There is a need now to shift our own public dialogue toward efforts aimed at preventing violent conflict,
and I would urge you to use your upcoming State of the Union Address to promote the awareness of and
possibilities for effective preventive action. Americans understand the logic behind the old adage that an
ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure-:-we apply this logic every day in areas of personal health
and safety. This should beco~e our attitude and practice toward incipient violence.
I would also urge you to create a White HouseTask Force charged with· the mandate to conduct a··
"preventive assessment" of potential crises with the aim of identifying opportunities and strategies for
preventive action and to report to you on ways to strengthen our government's ability to take advantage . ·
. of these opportunities and, together with others, exec.rute these strategies..
For too long too many believed that the only thing to do about violent conflict was J,llanage i( contain it,
and help resolve it. This approach stemmed from the view that violence is often simply unavoidable, that
civilizations "clash," that anarchy just comes, that people invariably, eventually, kill each other over their
·
differences.
.The time has come to take a different view.
Attachments
Tab A Polling Data: American Views on U.S. Involvement Abroad
Tab B Executive Summary·
2
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�.....
KISSINGER RSSOCIRTES
212.759 0042
DECEMBER 23, 1997
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
DAVID ROTHKOPF
RE:
STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS
At this IIDIDllt, the greatest 1hreat to this nation and to this Administration is complacency. The Congress and
lllV1Y anmg 1he Aneican people sean to think that we have reached such a level of power and prosperity that
we need not attend to the demands of international competition or the threats to the international system, that
we have reached the American zenith and we can coast for a while
past successe;.
an
Your upcoming S~ of the Union should be an assault on such complacency, using a clearly defined vision and
an agmda of major meaningful.ideas to ensure that we do not succwnb to the temptations momentaJy success
offers in such abundance. This must not be a something for everyone speech... rather it should be a speech that
motivates everyone to work together for the same thing: an America ready to lead the world into the next
century.
l have ~ asked to offer two or three pages of views as to how to achieve that goal. Realistically, all I can
hope to offer are a few ideas that may make it more achievable.
The Moment
The central point is that the Admnistration is in danger of fading into a period of decline and irrelevancy.
Incramrtal proposals and ''think small" solutions may be low risk but they have also proven to be low reward
The perception now, . however unfair, is that with three years to go we are settling into a period of lame duck
reduced ~pectations.
This State of the Union is really an opportunity to restore energy to the Administration and remind the world
that there are three full years to go ...years which will demand active leadership both domesticaJiy and
internationally. Indeed, on both fronts. the challenges we are likely to face will eclipse those that have
confronted us during the past five years. As you are most acutely aware, they include the growing likelihood
of recession or economic slowdown, growing racial tensions, the· threat of withdrawal and isolation
internationally, confrontation in the Gulf, deterioration of the situation in the Middle East at large, Russian,
Bosnian and Haitian fragility, Korea in turmoil economic crises in the developing world, etc.
The opportunity here is to counter the notion that the Administration has lost its vision or its willingne;s to rise
to the great challenges of the day. By defining those challenges and by pinpointing several significant measures
designed to address them, you will restore the sense that vision not politics drives this Administration. By
emphasizing the interrelationship between our domestic and foreign interests and between our security and
economic interests you will address crucial misunderstandings that exist in the Congress and among the
Aneican people. Indeed, I believe you cari go further and define a Clinton Doctrine (without naming it as such)
that reestablishes guidelines for om active involvement overseas based on a reassessment of.our domestic
interests and 1he forces that affect them The groundwork for such a doctrine ha:s been laid in the actions of the
Adninist:ralion to date-in Bosnia, in Haiti, in Russia, in the support for Meot:ico and the Asian economies, via
NAFfAandthe GAIT--this State of the Union can frame what has been done to date, what needs.to be done
I ,
�'.DEC-23-1997
17:39
KISSINGER ASSOCIATES
212 759 0042
P.03/08
and outline the relationship of1hese steps to our future as a nation.
While there are vital domestic agenda item; to be addressed such as the economy, achieving real campaign ·
finance reform, education and burgeoning racial tensions, lam an international specialist and will limit myself
to such issues. The key international messages that you should deliver ~e:
Our Domestic and International Interests are Deeply Imertwined
The linkages between international financial markets and our own have never been clearer. The
potential threats of weapons of mass destruction, terrorism, narco-trafficking, destabilizing regional
calllict are all so great 1hat they could impact 1be Jives of every American. It is folly to pretend we can
prosper or remain secure simply by directing our atkntions within our awn borders and hoping that
the restof the world won't bother tis.
·
America is the Indispensable Nation and We Must Rise to that Challenge-For it Is America That Will
Bear the Greatest Cost ofFailure
Where the international system fails to cootain a threat, v.htn crisis turns to conflict. we have the most
to lose. Therefore we have the most to gain from actively intervening Ytnen costs are lowest and the
likelihood of sticcess is greatest
a
1ile Single Greatest lnter12D.tlonal Thl'eat is the Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction and
We Must Spare No Effort to Contain and Reduce that Threat
·
This is an area about wbidl we must not compromise. Indeed, we must redouble our efforts and ensure
tba1 all Ytbo would use sucl1 Wm.pons that any such use wiD be seen as a dirE~:! threat to us and we will .
·react accordingly. New inultilateral initiatives in this regard make sense.
A Comparable Threat is the Growing Gap Between HaYeS and Have-Nots Worldwide
One billion people wiD enter 1he world's ecooo~ in the nex:t ten years. They 'Will make 5 to 10 doUars ·
a day and will have 80 percent the productiVity levels of our workers. The Hobson's choice of our time
is Vthetha:" \Ye work to welcome them into the global economy our whether we work to keep them out.
Ld: them in and we could face dislocationsand political unrest at home. Keep them out and we could
invite instability in very dangerous regions of the world. The not-so-simple but una:voidable answer
is growth: their economies grow and their comparative advantage on the labor front is reduced, our
economy grows and we create the new jobs that offset these changes.
America Cannot Opt Out ofrhe Global Economy-JusI as We Must Lead on Security Issues We Must
· Lead on the Economic Front
You have made all these argumads many times. But, on this one.· the world will be watching see .
Yttlether we are in permanent retreat following the fast-track postporlel:nf:nt or whether we will be putting
sufficitm energy and political capital·lxtind our efforts in 1998 to secure a victory of some sort. As
a pt'rsonal aside, I would like to emphasize that "narrow" fast-track authority that produces some
progress-..Chil~ say, or a couple other bilaterals and a couple sectoral agreements-is vastly
preferable to no progress at all
·
to
2
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KISSINGER ASSOCIATES
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International Institutions are Crucial to Fair Sharing of Global Burdens... But to Achi~ That
Fairness. We as Leaders Must Invest Both Political and Financial Capital Into 11zoae Institutions
We cannot have it both ways. ·If we don't want to pay an unfair share of the cost of ensuring global
stability. then we have to support the ir¥ltitulions that multilateralize that ~ort If we are unwilling to
do that, we will ultimately pay a much greater price. ·
Ameria:z is the Birthplo&:e ofths Information Age and Information Age Leadership will be the Key to ·
America's Future Domestically and Internationally
·
Weare the world leader in information technology and products and they ties they build and the ideas
1bey communicate are likely to enable tS to remain the world leader in all other respects as welt We
should twn this into a strmgth and you should factor it into your vision for the New American ·
Econoxey... an idea that should be a centerpiece of this speech.
1'11# Fear ofthe Unknown Must Not Force Us to Tum Inward-We Must Fmbrace the Fundt:imental
American Impulse to Embrace Change and Mab:, Tomorrow Our Own
You must draw a line ·in the sand on this issue. You must continue to be the ·champion ·of
engagernc::nt .. it very well may be the bellwether issue of the Post-Cold Wfff era
I
Specifically, you should:
1.)
·2.)
3.)
4.)
5.)
6.)
7.)
8.)
Send an Unequtvoc.ill M2ssage to Saddam Husse(n
Underscore Our Commitment to Preserve Peace in Bosnia and In the Middle East
. Support International Efforts to Stanch ths Bloodletting in the EconOmies of&1st Asia
Promote Peacefol Reconciliation in Korea and Transition in Cuba
· .
Reassert our Commitment to OpeningMarkets-Through All Means Available to Us Including
. Winning Fast-Track Authority, Pursuing the FTA.A.. and Enforcing U.S. Trade Laws
Commit to Fighting ths Growing Array of Threats from Terrorism and Narcotraffickers
Reassert Your Commitment to a Permanent Strategic Dialogue with China
Consider Addressing the Fears of American Workers Concerning Globalization with
Programs· ofMuch Gr~ter Impact Than Those Developed to Date.
The laSt major dislocation the U.S. faced was met with the G. I. ~ill. Something of a similar
scale, a pe:r:ma1'1('Jlt c:ontinuing education initiative underpinning a vision of the New American
Workforce is needed to win on this paint Rational argun:len1S·\\Iill not do in the face of
. irrational fears.
'
While it is frustrating to. attempt to cover so much ground with such teleseoped proposals, I am happy to
elaborate on any or all as you might wish. I hope these comments are of some we.
3
�..
'pEC-23-1997
17=40
KISSINGER ASSOCIATES
212 759 0042
P.05/08
What follow are a few ideas for language in support of the ideas described above.
.
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'
This is my sixth State of the Union address. In the past few days and weeks, I have spent
many hours considering what to say tonight. The State of our Union is very good We are the
·
most prosperous and the most powerful nation on earth.
Yet. I am uneasy. Something is wrong here in Washington. We are losing the trust and
corifidence of the American people. They take for granted the power of special interests and
the comparative impotence of the allerage man or woman. Such assumptions are poison to our
system. Neither party is. above reproach. Both the executive and the legislative branches of the
government· are tainted I am myself troubled by the abuses and missteps. that have taken pkzce
within my own party and my own campaign for President. But this is not just about money or the
failure of our campaign finance system. It is something that nms much deeper. The business of
·Washington should be governing, but instead it has become politics.
~he
Fortunately for all of us here tonight,· the American people are a great nation. They have
through their industry and their innovation fueled both growth and progress, creating
opportunities and overcoming obstacles. America flourishes despite the collapse of confidence
in our government.
But, we could be so much more. l11is country deserves a government that is as good as
its people. Such a proposition begins with the recognition that rhetoric is not enough.
Something must change and something must change now: Our first priority should be campaign
finance reform. Real reform. It is time to return government to the people and ensure that the
only special interest that drives our government be our national interest.
•••••
We live in remarkable times.· We have come to. accept transformations and miracles as a
part of our daily lives. Robots taking pictures on Mars. Cloning. Instant communications with
every corner of the globe. Hope in the fightof diseases that once were death sentences:
For all this. there .is another darker side to change. It brings dislocation. It fills us with ·
fear of the unknown.
. It is tempting to ·succumb to this iear, to let it overwhelm us, to try to turn back the clock.
.
.
But, that is not what our forbears would have done. Indeed, their embrace of change, of
the new, their courage in the face of the unknown is perhaps the defining aspect of the American
character. Call it the frontier spirit.' It fortified weary troops at Valley Forge, carried Lewis.&
Clark to the great Northwest, built the railroads, put men on the Moon... andtoday, it has made
America the greatest nation that the world has ever known, the most powerful, the most
prosperous.
4
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KISSINGER ASSOCIATES
·212 759.0042
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And again, we stand at the brink of the unknown. And again there are those who suggest
we retreat into the warm comfort ofyesterday's greatness. We could do what most nations do
when they reach their zeniths: they accept complacency... and then they decline. But, I ask you
here tonight to accept a proposition: that America, as great. as she is, greater than any nation
.
that has come before, is not now ather zenith, nor is she near it.
For what makes America great is aspiration, relentless, brave, visionary, innovative,
inspired aspiration. We are what we are because we have never forgotten what we might
become.
Tonight, as we consider the challenges that confront us.. from within-in the troubled
hearts of our cities or those ofparents uncertain about their children's futures--and from
without-in the new global economy and a world in which power is being redistributed from in
sometimes frightening, destablilizing ways... tonight; as we consider those challenges, let
recognize that the future shall go to those who lead the way to it and will be lost to those who
resist it or deny it.
·
us
We must tap again that frontier spirit... not to blaze trails into a new land, but to blaze
them into a new centUry.
American aspirations must again become the star by which we steer our course. We must
look out to the horizon and hold to the belief in better tomo"ows as some would have us cling to
the pasi. After all, our ultimate responsibility is not to ourselves or those who have privileged us
to·serve in the great offices we now temporarily oCcupy... our ultimate responsibility is to our
children and to generations ofAmericans yet unborn who have no voice today but will surely
bear the costs of our mistakes more acutely than we can know.
*******
Challenges of a New Global Order
.·
As I have traveled the world during the past five years, I have been stnJck by many
things. First, is the great admiration and warmth virtually all with whom I have :come into
contact have for the American people. Next, is the almost universal sense that we, as Americans,
have a special role to pkiy in the world We are the only remaining silperpower. We are the
leader. We must lead,
"
Some might ask why. Some might question how our interests may lie so far from our
borders when we have so mucJ: with which to concern Ol!rselves at home. Some suggest we carry
an unfair burden.
. It is important we answer these questions for ourselves. Our future will turn on how we
respond.
5
�..
. ,.DEC-23'-"1997
17:41
KISSINGER RSSOCIRTES
212 759 0042
p. 07/08 .
First. we must carefully define our national interests. In simplest form, they come down
to two ideas: peace and prosperity. Peace is security for our people and the ability for them to
conduct their busi"ness wherever it may take thein. Prosperity is the opportunity to enjoy the
fruits of those labors and to build a better tomorrow. When either is threatened and their is no
other more effective reco'llrse, it is the opportunity of the American government to step in on
behalf of the American people.
But, in today 's world the threats to the peace and to prosperity have taken new forms.
many of which are unfamiliar to most Americans. ·There is no single great looming threat as
there was during the Cold War. Instead, we have a world in which 25 nations now possess
weapons of mass destruction-nuclear, biological and chemical devices that can inflict
unthinkable damage. We have a world in which ·the same technologies that empower and can
educate, can also enable a foreign government or a cyberterrorist to sit far from another
nation's borders and reach inside their financial markets or their power grids and switch them
off, wreaking havoc. We live in a world in which democracy and open markets have made great
strides, hut in which it is premature to celebrate the "end of history" and the acceptance of our
values worldwide.
4t the same time, in today 's world our prosperity is drawn from many new sou.rces... and
can be threatened from many new directions. National economies no longer stop at their
borders. More American jobs have been created during the past decade from exports than from
any other ·single soUrce.. As we have seen very clearly in the past few months, we are part of a
global economy in which events in distant nations just a fraction of our size can impact our
economy in a significant way if not handled carefully. At the same time, those nations, the
countries of the world's emerging markets, have grown as important to us as markets for our •
products as are the nations ofEurope and Japan. Their economic health is not just an abstract
concern for us. 96 percent of the world's consumers live somewhere else. What is more, if those
nations struggle with poverty-and we must remember that over 1 billion people in Asia alone
live below the poverty line..-they become political tinder boxes, potential sites of tomorrow 's
security crises. · And as I indicatedjust a moment ago the stakes will be considerably higher in
the regional crises of tomorrow tluin they have been during regiemal conflicts in thepast.
The new global reality, offers much to us as Americans. No other nation is as well
positioned to benefit from the advances in technology that have knit the globe together. Our
hardware, our software, our satellites, our information products are the perves of the new global
system. Our aerospace products, our automotive products, our power systems and our
intelligent highway technologies are th'e sinews that will tie that system evermore tightly
together. This is good for American business. It is good for American workers. And it is good
for the world Because with these systems come American ideas and ideals and these should be ·
a source not only ofpride for us, but a source of security. They help others understand us and
they let others see the benefits of multicultural democracy, of truly open markets, of valuing and
.empowering individuals.
6
�·pEC-23-1997
17:42
KISSINGER RSSOCIRTES
212 7S9 0042
~
· America is the birthplace of the information age and information age leadership can
assure our global leadership in the next century just as surely as our status as the greatest
industrial power the world has ever /mown has assured our leadership the century past.
in
But, to lead in this environment, we must rise to the new challenges it creates.
Continue here with agenda as covered in memo.
7
P.08/08
�
Dublin Core
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Title
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Speechwriting Office - Antony Blinken
Description
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<p>Antony Blinken served in the Clinton Administration as the chief foreign policy speechwriter in the National Security Council Speechwriting Directorate from 1994 thru 1998.</p>
<p>Blinken prepared remarks for President Clinton, Anthony Lake, Samuel Berger, James Steinberg, and General Donald Kerrick. His speechwriting topics cover a variety of subjects for various audiences including but not limited to: foreign trips or head of state visits, United Nations General Assembly addresses, and State of the Union and weekly radio addresses. As an NSC speechwriter, Blinken produced speeches on major foreign policy actions during the Clinton Administration on Haiti, Iraq and Bosnia. The documents in the collection consist of speech drafts, newspaper and magazine articles, memos, correspondence, schedules, and handwritten notes.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request. </p>
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Antony Blinken
Date
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1994-1998
Is Part Of
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36017" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://research.archives.gov/description/7585787" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
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2006-0459-F
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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941 folders in 39 boxes
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Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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State of the Union - Outside Memoranda 12/97
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Antony Blinken
Identifier
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2006-0459-F
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Box 33
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2006/2006-0459-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585787" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Reproduction-Reference
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9/17/2014
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42-t-7585787-20060459f-033-005-2014
7585787