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Chemical Weapons Convention Statement 4/23/97
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�REMARKS BY PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
ON THE CHEMICAL WEAPONS CONVENTION
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON, D.C.
APRIL 23, 1997 .
Thank you very much, Mr. Wallace, for your remarks and your service to our nation: Mr. Vice
President, General Shalikashvili, General Powell, General Scowcroft, members of the Joint Chiefs,
General Jones, Admiral Zumwalt, Admiral Arthur, all the distinguished veterans and veterans
groups with us today.
I want to thank all of you for your words on behalf of the common cause that joins us here today:
securing America's ratification ofthe Chemical Weapons Convention. Your presence provides
eloquent proof of a basic reality: America's participation in this historic treaty will make our
troops safer and our nation more secure. That is why the Chemical Weapons Convention has
won the support of every chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff for the past 20 years, many of our .
most decorated and dedicated commanders, and an overwhelming majority of our veterans groups
--so many of whom are here this morning. You know that when all is said and done, the
Chemical Weapons Convention can make a real difference to America's fighting men and women
where it counts: on the battlefield.
From Belleau [Below] Wood in World War I to Baghdad in the GulfWar, our soldiers have
fought under the dark shadow cast by one of modern war's most lethal killers. Thousands died or
were injured by chemical warfare in the forests and trenches ofWorld War I. We are honored to
have with us today one remarkable AmeriCan veteran who survived such an attack, Mr. George
Clark.
·
As a 16-year-old Marine-- nearly 80 years ago-- George Clark fought in the Battle of Scissons
[Swah-sawn] in July 1918. Taking cover in a ditch during fierce fighting, his squad came under
artillery attack by mustard gas. Every man except him was either killed or wounded as the
poisonous fog settled on the ground. But Corporal Clark, who received the Purple Heart for
what he endured that day, refused medical treatment, even though, as he said, "it hurt my lungs
bad." He went on to serve his country in World.War II and the Korean War in the Army and Air
Force, retiring after 32 years of active duty. On behalf of all Americans, sir, I thank you for your
extraordinary record of service and sacrifice for our nation.
The Chemical Weapons Conventionwhich the Senate takes up today will reduce the risk that
brave Americans like George Clark ever again will face the horror of chemical war. It cannot end
the need for vigilance against chemical attack. No treaty can, and we must maintain state-of-theart defenses. But the CWC will help protect our soldiers by requiring other countries to do what
we decided to do years ago-- destroy their chemical arsenals. To put it bluntly, this treaty isn't
about getting rid of American weapons-- it's about getting rid ofweapons that could one day be
used against Americans.
�...------------------c---------------------
2
As more and more nations eliminate their chemical arsenals and give up developing, producing
and acquiring such weapons in the future, our troops will be less likely to fa:ce chemical attack.
As stockpiles are eliminated and the transfer of dangerous chemicals is controlled, it will be harder
for terrorists and rogue states to get or make poison gas to use against our soldiers or our
citizens. By giving us tough new tools like short notice, on-site inspections, creating a worldwide intelligence and information network, and strengthening the authority of our own law
enforcement officials, this treaty will help us prevent plans for a chemical attack from getting off
the ground.
'
These clear benefits to our men and women in uniform help explain why Presidents and legislators
of both parties and our military leaders have worked to bring the Chemical Weapons Convention
treaty to life. First negotiated under President Reagan and signed under President Bush, the
treaty now before the Senate enjoys broad, bipartisan and growing support. During the last two
months, working with Senate Majority Leader Lott, we have succeeded in resolving virtually all
the concerns that some senators have raised.
Now we must not let the disagreements that remain blind us to one overwhelming fact. As
Admiral Zumwalt has said, "at the bottom line, our failure to ratify will substantially increase the
risk of a chemical attack against American service personnel." That is a risk that none of us
should be willing to take. As Commander-in-Chief, I have no greater responsibility than to
protect those who stand up for America's freedom and security. I urge the Senate to ratify the
Chemical Weapons Convention.
�.·
~
.REMARKS BY
";t'
PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
ON THE CHEMICAL WEAPONS CONVENTION
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON, D.C.
APRIL 23, 1997
�1
Thank you very much, Mr. Wallace, for your remarks
and your service to our nation: Mr. Vice President,
General Shalikashvili, General Powell, General
Scowcroft, members of the Joint Chiefs, General
Jones, Admiral Zumwalt, Admiral Arthur, all the
distinguished veterans and veterans groups with us
today.
�·2
I want to thank all of you for your words on behalf of
the. common cause that joins us here today: securing
America's ratification of the Chemical Weapons ·
Convention. Your presence provides eloquent proof of
a basic reality: America's participation in this historic
treaty will make our troops safer and our nation more
secure.
�3
That is why the Chemical Weapons Convention has
won the support of every chairman of the Joint Chiefs
ofStaff for the past 20 years, many of our most
decorated and dedicated commanders, and an
overwhelming majority of our veterans groups -- so
many of whom are here this morning. You know that
when all is said and done, the Chemical Weapons
Convention can make a real difference to America's
fighting men and women where it counts: on the
battlefield.
�4
From Belleau [Below] Wood in World War I to
Baghdad in the Gulf War, our soldiers have fought
under the dark shadow cast by one of modern war's
most lethal killers. Thousands died or were injured by
chemical warfare in the forests and trenches of World
War I. We are honored to have with us today one
remarkable American veteran who survived such an
,attack, Mr. George Clark.
�5
As a 16-year-old Marine-- nearly 80 years ago -George Clark fought in the Battle of Soissons [Swabsawn] in July 1918. Taking cover in a ditch during
fierce fighting, his squad came under artillery attack
by mustard gas .. Every man except him was either
killed or wounded as the poisonous fog settled on the
ground. But Corporal Clark, who received the Purple
Heart for what he endured that day, refused medical
treatment, even though, as he said, "it hurt my lungs
bad." He went on to serve his country in World War
II and the Korean War in the Army and Air Force,
retiring after 32 years of active duty. On behalf of all .
. Americans, sir, I thank you for your extraordinary.
record of service and sacrifice for our nation.
�6
The Chemical Weapons Convention which the Senate
takes up today will reduce the risk that brave
Americans like George Cl~rk ever again will face the
horror of chemical war. It cannot end the need for
vigilance against chemical attack. No treaty can, and
we must maintain state-of-the-art defenses. But the
ewe will help protect our soldiers by requiring other
countries to do what we decided to do years ago -destroy their chemical arsenals. To put it bluntly, this
treaty isn't about getting rid of American weapons-~
it's about getting rid of weapons that could one day be
used against Americans.
�7
As more and more nations eliminate their chemical
arsenals and give up developing, producing and
acquiring such weapons in the future, our troops will
be less likely to face chemical attack. As stockpiles are
eliminated and the transfer of dangerous chemicals is
controlled, it will be harder for terrorists and rogue
· states to get or make poison gas to use ·against our
soldiers or our citizens. By giving us tough new tools
like short notice, on-site inspections, creating a worldwide intelligence and information network, and
strengthening the authority of our own law
enforcement officials, this treaty will help us prevent
plans for a chemical attack from getting off the
ground.
�·"
. 8
These clear benefits to our men and women in uniform
help explain why Presidents and legislators of both
parties and our military leaders have worked to bring
the Chemical Weapons Convention treaty to life. First
.
.
negotiated under President Reagan and signed under
· President Bush, the treaty now before the Senate
)
enjoys broad, bipartisan and growing support.
During the last two months, working with. Senate
Majority Leader Lott, we have succeeded in resolving
virtually all the concerns that some senators have
raised.
�" .
'
.
9
Now we must not let the disagreements that remain
blind us to one overwhelming fact. As Admiral
Zumwalt has said, "at the bottom line, our failure to
ratify will substantially increase the risk of a chemical
attack against American service personnel." That is a
risk t~at none of us should be willing to take. As
Commander-in-Chief, I have no greater responsibility
than to protect those who stand up for America's
freedom and security. I urge.the Senate to ratify the
Chemical Weapons Convention.
�.
~
· ~
Record ·Type:
To:
SUNTUM_M@A1.
.,_.... . . 04/23/97 03:32:00 PM
Record
Lori Anderson
cc:
Subject: Complete transcript of CWC event
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
THE VICE PRESIDENT, GENERAL JOHN SHALIKASHVILI
GENERAL COLIN POWELL, SENATOR ROBERT DOLE
AND ROBERT WALLACE, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE VFW
April 23, 1997
11:09
A~M.
EDT
THE VICE PRESIDENT: Please be seated, ladies and
gentlemen. On behalf of the President I want to welcome all of you .
to the White House and acknowledge a few of the distinguished guests.
As ·you can tell from this lineup here, this is really a bipartisan
group of leaders of our country gathered here together.
Senator Bob Dole, General Colin Powell, General
Shalikashvili, former General and former National Security Advisor
Brent Scowcroft; Robert Wallace, Executive Director of the Veterans
of Foreign Wars; many leaders from all branches of the military; many
retired military personnel and many veterans groups present. In
addition to the VFW, who will be represented here by Mr. Wallace,
there is !n this group the Reserve Officers Association, AMVETS,
Vietnam Veterans of America, the Air Force Association, the Korean
War veterans, the Gulf War Resource Center, Military Order of the
Purple Heart, AMEX * POWs, Jewish War Veterans, American Gl Forum ·and
others.
Included among the military leaders are General Jones
�and Admiral Arthur, Admiral Zumwalt. Forgive me if I'm missing some
folks. This is quite a lineup and we're very, very proud to be here.
Obviously, everyone is aware that tomorrow the United
States Senate will consider the ratification of what surely will be
looked at by future generations as perhaps one of the most important
treaties of our age, or any age, the Chemical Weapons Convention. In
less than a week the Chemical Weapons Convention will enter into
force .. And. our U.S. Senate now has a critical task of ensuring that
· United States will join with every civilized nation in the world in
working to implement this treaty ..
. The stakes are enormous; The World War I Veterans are
particularly eloquent on this point. The implications are profound.
Our military leaders tell us that. And so the eyes of the world will
be watching the United States and especially the United States Senate
very, very closely.
So we gather here with a sense of solemnity and high
purpose in the company of our nation's warriors, veterans, our
nation's leaders -- both past and present -- and our nation's
President to issue a clear call to action and a summons to good old
American common sense. The voice you hear today represen~s a great
c;~nd diverse group of organizations, including the ones that I have
mentioned -- and we're real glad that Bob Wallace is going to be
speaking for so many others who are part of this audience.
It is a voice of conviction in the idea that the
Chemical Weapons Convention is good for our men and women in uniform,
who serve on freedom's front lines; good for the security of our
nation; good for the cause of peace around the world. Obviously, we
. represent different parts of the nation, different branches of
service and different political parties. But we speak today with a
single voice. And we are especially grateful, may I say, for the
presence of Senator Bob Dole, a true patriot, exercising once again
leadership in the best interests of the United States of America.
We're also particularly pleased that General Colin
Powell is here today, a man who served his nation with great
distinction and honor both in war and in peace. And, General Powell,
thank you for taking time out from the intensive preparations going
on right now for the important summit this weekend on volunteerism.
We appreciate your leadership~
And we are particularly proud of ou~ nation's current
Chairman of the Jqint Chiefs of Staff, a man of impeccable judgment; .
with an inspiring personal story, a man who has served this nation
extremely capably. It is a great personal privilege to introduce you
to him, but let me clarify that when he speaks, then we will have.
�--right after him we will have General Powell come to the microphone.
And after General Powell, Senator Dole will come to·the microphone.
After that, Robert Wallace of the VFW, will come to the microphone
and he will introduce the President.
It's my privilege to introduce now the Chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff, General John Shalikashvili. (Applause.)
GENERAL SHALIKASHVILI: Thank you. I very much welcome
the opportunity to be here to let you know where this country's
senior military leaders -- the Joint Chiefs and the combattant
commanders -- stand on the Chemical Weapons Convention. From the
beginning of the CWC debate in 1991, the Joint Chiefs have
consistently supported this very important Convention. Now, early
this morning, I returned from a NATO meeting· in Brussels where every
one of my NATO counterparts supports the CWC as well.
Why do all of us consistently support this Convention?
Because no matter how we analyze the provisions of this Convention,
we alway's come back to the same conclusion: that our troops will be
safer with the Convention than without the Convention. Simply
stated, the ewe will greatly reduce the likelihood that our
servicemen and women will encounter chemical weapons on a
battlefield.
Well before the CWC was negotiated, Congress had already
directed the· destruction of the vast majority of our chemical weapons ·
stockpile. So with or without the Convention, we have· already
foresworn our chemical weapons. And the CWC is the only vehicle we
have to require other state parties to do the same and under very
strict international control. And since we are already destroying
our chemical weapons, it makes great sense to levelthe playing
field. We owe this to our troops. And we all agree that we do not
need chemical weapons to provide an effective deterrent. Deterrence
is .bas.ed on our defensive capability and on bur ability to rapidly
deliver an overwhelming and devastating response.
But we also recognize that there are rogue states that
will not sign up to the Convention. But even there, the CWC will
make it harder for rogue states to acquire chemicals and other
equipment to make these particular weapons. While this is not the
full answer in dealing with rogue states, it is obvious that even in
this case, we are better off with this Convention than without it.
In a final analysis, despite the objections sometimes raised, the CWC
makes sense to me, to the Joint Chiefs and to our combattant
commanders. And it makes sense for one overwhelming reason: it's
good for our troops. And so we urge its P.rompt ratification.
Thank you very much. (Applause.)
GENERAL POWELL: I'm very, very pleased to be here this
morning to add my strong words of encouragement to the Senate to
ratify this Convention. It's in the best interest of America; it's
in the best interest of America's fighting men and women.
�With this Convention, we enter into an alliance of over
160. nations that have come together and said, we will never use these
weapons. We will no produce them. We will not keep them on hand.
We will destroy them. If we have stocks of them in other countries,
we'll go get them and get rid of them. That's what this alliance is
all about.
,
There are some rogue states. that will be outside of that .
alliance. Good, let's isolate them, but let's not join them. Let's
not be out there with them. The monitoring and inspection regime
.that comes along with this Convention gives us a higher degree of
assurance that we can find those nations that are participating in
this kind of activity than we can now unilaterally looking by
ourselves. We will have our unilateral assets, b.ut we'll also have
this very, very effective inspection and compliaf}ce regime.
So this is in our best interest. We do not have
chemic.al weapons. We don't want chemical weapons. We're destroying
them as rapidly as we can. No plans to use them. We have defensive
technologies, and we are investing even more in those defensive
technologies to make sure that our troops are equipped for whatever
dangers may be ahead with respect to chemical weapons.
The Senate today will be considering a.number of
provisions, and one provision will deal with the contentious Article
10. And I'm sure you've all· noticed the dueling editorials of the
last two days as to whether Article 10 requires us to give any of our
defensive technologies to another state. And the answer to that is,
there's none. There's not a single word ir:~ Article 10 that requires
us to give anything to another state that we 'choose not to. It
encourages us to do so.
·
But let's get beyond the dueling editorials and ask:
Why was this article written? Why are the member states or signatory
states encouraged to share defensive technolngy? Because chemical
weapons are horrible, what they do to people -- and we have a veteran
with us today -- what they do to people, what they may do to innocent
civilians. It's a horrible weapon. And if there are defensive
technologies available that can relieve that suffering or prevent it
or·in some way protect innocent people, then we should try to share
that technology. If we are able to develop a vaccine or pill or
something which would negate the effects of sarin, wouldn't we not
want to share that with the whole world? The answer is, yes. But if
we have another technology that is very, very sensitive and we don't
want to .share it with anybouy, nothing in Article 10 requires us to
share that technology. We are fully protected~
I'm reminded of the time I worked for President Reagan
as his National Security Advisor some years ago when we first started
on this treaty. But there was another very contentio.us subject at
that time called the Strategic Defense Initiative. And President
Reagan was, as you know, a great champion of it. It was his program.
And he would always say, by the way, if we ever get the Strategic
�Defense Initiative up and working, we're going to give it away.
We're going to share it with the world. Why do we share it with the
world? Because when we all have a defensive shield, guess what we no
longer need? Offensive weapons, because they make no sense.
So we should share the defensive technology that helps
mankind protect that technology that we do not wish to share for
whatever reason we choose.
There's another reason· to share it.
When you share it, you start to negate the importance of chemical
weapons. You ·start to reduce the incentive to develop or use ·
chemical weapons.
So this is an article of the treaty, of the Convention,
that really supports out interest. And I think it has been
negotiated in a very, very effective way. And I say again, nothing
in that article requires us to give up anything we choose not to give
up. And we should remember that, and I hope the Senators will
remember that today in the course of the debate.
With President Reagan, it was the same thing. I want to
share it. We always had to tell him, Mr. President, there are a few
things we really do not want to share -- (laughter) -- so would you
please not quite be so outspoken with respect to that? And he would
smile and say, yes, but the spirit is, we want everybody to have a
shield, thereby reducing the value of the offensive weapons coming
·
the other way.
.
.
So I am proud to lend my support this Convention. I've
been with it for 10 years from National Security Advisor through
Chairman, when the Chairman -- as Chairman -- and with my colleagues
in the Joint Chiefs of Staff, we gave our military advice to
President Bush in late '92, early '93, that we should go forward with
this Convention. And I hope the Senate will come to the same
conclusion tomorrow.
It is now my enormous pleasure, and I've got to at least·
take this opportunity to introduce the next person, a great American,
distinguished gentleman from Kansas, Bob Dole. (Applause.)
SENATOR DOLE: Mr. President, other distinguished
guests, I'm very honored to be here this morning. Some may recall
that last September the Senate Majority Leader, Trent L:>tt, asked me
to express my opinion on the Chemical Weapons Convention, and in my
response I raised concerns about the Chemical Weapons Convention and
expressed hope that the President and the United States Senate would
work together to ensure that the treaty is effectively verifiable and
genuinely global. They have, and as a result, 28 conditions to the
Senate's. Resolution of Ratification have been agreed to. These 28
agreed conditions address major concerns.
I commend Senator Lott and Senator Helms and Senator
Lugar, Senator Biden and others, and many of my other colleagues, as
well as President Clinton and administration officials for their
�constructive efforts. Is it perfect? No. But I believe there are
now adequate safeguards to protect American interests.
We should keep in mind that the United States is already
destroying its chemical weapons, as previously referred to here, in
accordance with legislation passed more than 10 years ago, more than
a decade ago. The CWC would require all other parties to destroy
their stockpiles by April 2007.
·
·
In addition, the administration has agreed to a number
of provisions dealing with rogue states that remain outside the
treaty. I also understand there is a real possibility of an
additional agreement with respect to sharing of information. If so,
it would further strengthen the treaty.
I understand that even with all the safeguards, not
every Senator, for their own good reasons, will support ratification.
As a member of the Senate, I supported START I, START II, INF, CFE
treaties because they met the crucial test of effective verification,
real reductions and stability. If I were present in the Senate, I
would vote for ratification of the CWC because of the many
improvements that have been agreed to.
Now, there may be some who still have concerns. And I
say to those who still have concerns, look to Article 16, which
allows withdrawal from the treaty on 90 days' notice if it fails to
serve America's vital interest. And there is little doubt in my
mind, that if this Convention increases proliferation of chemical
weapons, it would lead to public outrage which would compel any
President to act.
The bottom line is that when it comes to America's
security, we must maintain a strong national defense that is second
to norie.
Thank you. (Applause.)
MR. WALLACE: Mr. President, Mr. Vice President,
distinguished members of the military, my fellow veterans, ladies and
gentlemen, it is with a special sense of mission that I co:ne here
today to speak on behalf of this nation's oldest and largest combat
veterans organization, the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United
States, in support of ratification of the Chemical Weapons
Convention.
The men and women of the VFW have first-hand knowledge
of the overwhelming horror, the terrible human cost of .war. So it is
with considerable satisfaction that we now speak out in favor of this
treaty to limit and perhaps lead the way to the eventual total
elimination of this most gruesome and inhumane instrument of death.
Of limited military value, such .chemical agents are
indiscriminate weapons used against both soldiers and civilians. The
uncertainty and suffering endured by veterans afflicted with Persian
/
�Gulf Syndrome bears ample witness to chemical weapons' potential to
cause random and selfless pain and death.
The Veterans of Foreign Wars has been in the forefront
on this issue from the start, and we have learned that the emotional
pain resulting from exposure to chemical weapons can be almost as
harmful as the actual physical injury they bring about. Such weapons
have no place in the arsenals of civilized nations. We well
understand that the. Chemical Weapons Convention cannot in itself
totally eliminate the threat of these agents of mass destruction. It
is for this reason the VFW is adamant that this nation must, in these
most uncertain times, continue to ensure a strong national defense
and firm global presence.
But the treaty does provide for the destruction of
numerous other nations' existing stockpiles of chemical weapons -chemical weapons that accordingly may never _pe used against our men
and women in uniform. The United States has already pledged to
destroy its own chemical arsenal by 2004. It is our view that this
great nation must continue in its leadership role in bringing about
the most comprehensive arms control treaty ever negotiated. In
reducing the threats of these weapons of mass destruction,
ratification· of the Chemical Weapons Convention publicly affirms this
nation's commitment to world peace and moral leadership in the global
arena.
The men and women of the Veterans of Foreign Wars urge
every member of the United States Senate to vote for ratification of
the Chemical Weapons Convention. We as a nation can do no iess for
· both our men and women in uniform, as well as for all of humanity.
Thank you. (Applause.)
It is indeed my honor and privilege to introduce to you ·
a man who has worked hard for ratification of the Chemical Weapons
Convention, and a man who has shown leadership and passion when
addressing the health care needs of Gulf War veterans and their
families, the President of the United States.
Mr. President. (Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank
you, Mr. Wallace, for your remarks and for your service; Mr. Vice
President, General Shalikashvili. Thank you, General Scowcroft, for
being here. Thank you, Admiral Zumwalt, for being here and for being
on this issue for so long. General Jones, Admiral Arthur, to all the
distinguished veterans .and veterans groups who are with us today, and
to the.men and women in uniform iNho are here today. And I'd like to
say a special word of thanks to General Powell and to Senator Dole
for _being here.
You have witnessed today, I believe, an example of
�America at its best, working as it should, putting the interests of
the American people and the interests of the men and women of America
in uniform first. And it is something for which I am very grateful.
This treaty will make our troops safer. It will make
our nation more secure. It will at least reduce the likelihood that
innocent Civilians here and around the world will be exposed in the
future to horrible chemical weapons. That is. why every Chairman of
the Joint Chiefs for the last 20 years and all the military leaders
and political leaders and veterans you have heard today have
supported it.
All the arguments have beeri made, so I would like to .
tell you a story. We now know that chemical weapons have bedeviled
Americans in uniform from Belleau Wood in World War I to Baghdad in
the Gulf War. We know that thousands were injured or killed by
chemical warfare in World War I. And I thought it would be a
wonderful thing today to show what this treaty is all about, to have
one remarkable American veteran of World War I who survived such an
attack. And he is here with us today, Mr. George Clark. Thank- you
for coming sir. {Applause.) God bless you.
Mr. Clark was just iri the Oval Office with all of us.
And Senator Dole apparently asked him if he was a contemporary of
Senator Thurmond -- {laughter) -- and he said he thought Senator
Thurmond was a little young for the heavy responsibilities that he
has enjoyed. {Laughter.)
As a 16-year-old Marine, almost 80 years ago, George
Clark fought in the Battle of Soissons in July of 1918. Taking cover
in a ditch during fierce fighting, his squad came under artillery · ·
attack by mustard gas. Every man except him was either killed or·
wounded as the poisonous fog settled on the ground. But Corporal·
Clark, who received the Purple Heart for what he endured that day
-- and he's wearing it here today, 80 years later-- refused medical
treatment even though, as he. said, "it hurt my lunss bad." This man
went on to serve our country in World War II and the Korean War in
the Am1y and in the Air Force, retiring after 32 years of active
duty.
Sir, I thank you for your extraordinary record of
service and sacrifice to our nation. I thank you for caring about
all the young people who will follow in your footsteps and for taking
the effort and the trouble to be here today to support the.
ratification of the Chemical Weapons Convention. God bless you, sir,
and thank you. {Applause.)
All the arguments have been made and the vote is about
to come in. But let me just restate a couple of points I think are
very important that the opponents of this treaty cannot effectively
rebut. We have decided -- as General Powell said, we have decided to
give up our chemical weapons. We decided to do that a long time ago.
Now, as more and more nations eliminate their arsenals
,..
�and they give up not only their arsenals, but they give up
. developing, producing and acquiring such weapons, our troops will be
less likely to face attack. But also as stockpiles are eliminated
and as the transfer of dangerous chemicals, including chemicals which
can be put together to form chemical weapons for that purpose, as
that is controlled it will be more difficult for terrorists and for
rogue states to get or make poison gas.
That is why it is not a good argume'nt that we don't have
some countries involved in this treaty. That's not an argument
against ratification. This commits everybody else not to give them
· anything that they can use to make chemical weapons to use against
·
our forces or innocent civilians.
We also have now tough new tools on short notice, onsite inspections; we create a worldwide intelligence and information
sharing network; we strengthen the authority of our own law
enforcement officials. That is also very important. That's one of
the reasons the Japanese were so supportive of this, because of what
they have endured in their country. All these things together are
going to help us make America's men and women in uniform and American
·
citizens safer.
During the last two months, as Senator Dole said so
clearly, we have worked hard with Senate Majority Leader Lott,
Senator Helms, Senator Lugar, Senator Biden and others. We've
resolved virtually all the concerns that some senators have raised,
and those resolutions will be embodied tomorrow in an amendment with
the 28 understandings to which Senator Dole referred.
·
Now, we can't le't the minor and relatively small number
of disagreements that remain blind us to the overwhelming fact -- to
use the. words of· Admiral Zumwalt, that at the bottom line our failure
to ratify will substantially increase the risk of a chemical attack
against American service personnel. None of us should be willing to
take that. As Commander-in-Chief, I cannot in good conscience. I'm
very proud of the work that's been done under the two predecessor
administrations to mine of the opposite party. And I'm very proud
that we're all standing here together today as Americans in support
of a good and noble and tremendously significant endeavor. And all
. working together, maybe tomorro~ it will come out all right.
Thank you and God bless you. (Applause.)
Q
Mr. President, at his briefing today; Senator Lott
appeared to be leaning towards supporting th.is treaty -- that's sort
of my analysis -- because of the so-called 28 conditionalities, as he
says. If there are so many provisos -- if this passes with so many ·
·provisos, what is the rest of the world going to thirik ofthis
. ,
treaty? And can we just-- the United States say; becau~e we're
putting so much in the bill -- can we just say, you accept it the way
we like it?
THE PRESIDENT: If you read the provisos tomorrow, every
�one of them is consistent with the overall treaty and would clearly
be a clarification of it. I think the rest of the world will applaud
what we have done. And I believe that in very important respects
they will say, that's the way we read the treaty all along. So I
believe it will be reinforcing it. And I think you'll see the
differences over the debate tomorrow, where the line falls.
I think it will be clear that this will. strengthen and
.enhance the meaning of the treaty, not only for ourselves, but for
others all around the world:··
Thank you. (Applause.).
END
11:33 A.M. EDT
�THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
April 23, 1997
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
ON THE CHEMICAL WEAPONS CONVENTION
The Roosevelt Room
11:25 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Thank you very much.
Thank you, Mr. Wallace, for your remarks and for your service;
Mr. Vice President, General Shalikashvili. Thank you, General
Scowcroft, ~or being here. Thank you, Admiral Zumwalt, for being
here and for being on this issue for so long. ·General Jones,
Admiral Arthur, to all the distinguished veterans and veterans
. groups who are with us today, and to the men and women in uniform
who are here today. And I'd like to say a special word of thanks
to General Powell and to Senator Dole for being here.
You have witnessed t·oday, I believe, an example of
America at its· ~est, working as it should, putting the interests
of the American people and the interests of the men and women of
America in uniform first. And it is something for which I am
very grateful.
This treaty will make our troops safer.
It will make
our nation more secure.
It will at least reduce the likelihood
·that innocent civilians here and around the world will be exposed
in the future to horrible chemical weapons . . That is why every
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs for the last 20 years and all the
military leaders and political leaders and veterans you have
heard today have supported it.
All the arguments have been made, so I would like to
tell you a story. We now know that chemical weapons have
bedeviled Americans in uniform from Belleau Wood in World War I
to Baghdad in the Gulf War. We know that thousands were injured
or killed by chemical warfare in World War I. And I thought it
would be a wonderful thing today to show what this treaty is all
about, to have one remarkable American veteran of World War I who
survived such an attack. And he is here with us today, Mr.
George Clark. Thank you for coming sir.
(Applause.)
God bless
you.
Mr. Clark was just in the,Oval Office.with all of us.
And Senator Dole apparently asked him if he was a contemporary of
�2
Senator Thurmond -- (laughter) -- and he said he thought Senator
Thurmond was a little young for the heavy responsibilities that
he has enjoyed.
(Laughter.)
As a 16-year-old Marine; almost 80 years ago, George·
Clark fought in the Battle of Soissons in July of 1918. Taking
cover in a ditch during fierce fighting, his squad came under
artillery attack by mustard gas. Every man except him was either
killed or wounded as the poisonous fog settled on the ground.
But Corporal Clark, who received the Purple Heart for what he
endured that day -- and he's wearing it here today, 80 years
later -- refused medical treatment e.ven though, as he said, 11 it
hurt my lungs bad. 11 This man went on to serve our country in
World War II and the Korean War in the Army and in the Air Force,
retiring after 32 years of active duty.
Sir, I thank you for your extraordinary record of
service and sacrifice to our nation. I thank ~ou for caring
about all the young people who will follow in your footsteps and
for taking the effort and the trouble to be here today to support
the .ratification of the Chemical Weapons Convention. God bless
you, sir,. and thank you.
(Applause.)
All the arguments have been made and the vote is· about
to come in. But let me just restate a couple of points I think
are very important that the opponents of this treaty cannot
effectively rebut. We have decided -- as General Powell said, we
have decided to give up our chemical weapons. We decided to do
that a long time ago.
Now, as more and more nations eliminate their arsenals
and they give up not only their arsenals, but they give up
developing, producing and acquiring such weapons, our troops will
be less likely to face attack. But also as stockpiles are
eliminated and as the transfer of dangerous chemicals, including
chemicals which can be put together to form chemical weapons for
that purpose, as that is controlled it will be more difficult for
terrorists and for rogue states to get or make poison gas.
That is why it is not a good argument that we don't
have some countries involved in this treaty. That's not an
argument against ratification. This commits everybody else not
to give them anything that they can use to make chemical weapons
to use against our forces or innocent civilians.
We also have now tough new tools on short notice, onsite inspections; we create a worldwide intelligence and
information sharing network; we strengthen the authority of our
own law enforcement officials. That is also very important.
That's one of the reasons the Japanese were so supportive of
this, because of what they have endured in their country. All
these things together are going to help us make America's men and
women in uniform and American citizens safer.
�3
During the last two months, as Senator Dole said so
clearly, we have worked hard with Senate Majority Leader Lott,
Senator Helms, Senator Lugar, Senator Eiden and others. We've
resolved virtually all the concerns that some senators have
raised, and those resolutions will be embodied tomorrow in an
amendment with the 28 understandings to which Senator Dole
ref~rred.
Now, we can't let the minor and relatively small
number of disagreements that remain blind us to the overwhelming
fact -- to use the words of Admiral Zumwalt, that at the bottom
line our failure to ratify will substantially increase the risk
of a chemical attack against American service personnel. None of
us should be willing to take that. As Commander-in-Chief, I
cannot in good conscience.
I'm very proud of the work that's
been done under the two predecessor administrations to mine of
the opposite party. And I'm very proud that we're all standing
here together today as Americans in support of a good and noble
and tremendously significant endeavor. And all working together,
maybe tomorrow it will come out all right.
Thank you and God bless you.
(Applause. )
Q
Mr. President, at his briefing today, Senator Lott
appeared to be leaning towards supporting this treaty -- that's
sort of my analysis -- because of the so-called 28
·
conditionalities, as he says.
If there are so many provisos -if this passes with so many provisos, what is the rest of the
world going to think of this treaty? . And can we just -- the
United States say, because we're putting so much in the bill -can we just ~ay, you accept it the way we like it?
THE PRESIDENT:
If you read the provisos tomorrow,
every one of them is consistent with the overall treaty and would
clearly be a clarification of it.
I think the rest of the world
will applaud what we have done. And I believe that in very
important respects they will say, that's the way we read the
treaty all along. So I believe it will be reinforcing it. And I
think you'll see the differences over the debate tomorrow, where
the l.ine falls.
I think it will be clear that this will strengthen and
enhance the meaning of the treaty, not only for ourselves, but
for others all around the world.
Thank you.
END
(Applause. )
11:33 A.M. EDT
�
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Speechwriting Office - Antony Blinken
Description
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<p>Antony Blinken served in the Clinton Administration as the chief foreign policy speechwriter in the National Security Council Speechwriting Directorate from 1994 thru 1998.</p>
<p>Blinken prepared remarks for President Clinton, Anthony Lake, Samuel Berger, James Steinberg, and General Donald Kerrick. His speechwriting topics cover a variety of subjects for various audiences including but not limited to: foreign trips or head of state visits, United Nations General Assembly addresses, and State of the Union and weekly radio addresses. As an NSC speechwriter, Blinken produced speeches on major foreign policy actions during the Clinton Administration on Haiti, Iraq and Bosnia. The documents in the collection consist of speech drafts, newspaper and magazine articles, memos, correspondence, schedules, and handwritten notes.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request. </p>
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Antony Blinken
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1994-1998
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36017" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://research.archives.gov/description/7585787" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
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2006-0459-F
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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941 folders in 39 boxes
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Chemical Weapons Convention Statement 4/23/97
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Antony Blinken
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2006-0459-F
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Box 28
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2006/2006-0459-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585787" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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9/17/2014
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42-t-7585787-20060459f-028-020-2014
7585787