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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
· Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
Richard Fieldhouse to Julia Moffitt re: Sen. Levin's Introduction ...
(partial) ( 1 page)
. 10/21/1996
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
'
· Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Anthony Blinken (Speechwriting)
. OA/Box Number: 3381
FOLDER TITLE: ·
NATO Speech-SpeechEdits [l]
2006-0459-F
rs326
RESTRICTION CODES
u.s.c. SS2(b)J
Presidential Records Act ~ [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5
Pl National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA) ·
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential·commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between' the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA[
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) oftheFOIA(
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnef rules and practices of ·
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA) ·
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disdose trade secrets or confidentiafor financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA) ·
,
· ·
b(6) Release would constitute a dearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
·
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
' purposes [(b)(7) ofthe FOIA)
·.
.
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIAI
·
. '
b(9) Release would di.sclose geological or geophysical information
.concerning wells ((b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions con~ained in donor's deed
of gift."
.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44· U.S.C. ·
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�10/21/96
MON 19:58 FAX 202 456 9370
Li>? 1-96 06: 4'3 r'M
. NSC Communications
FROM SEN. CARL LEV IN.
PRAFT: InqodwaiPD
for,.,_
141003
?03
~;.;:
1
Clinton Os;tobar 22. 1996
uus· ~c&sion of a major fore.ign
It is a great honor and a p~ ·to iDtrow~ th~ President on
policy address in Detroit.
PreSident Clinton has takca a II&J'mil and energetic leadership role in foreign policy. He entered
the White Houle dlJriai a time of'both turbulence and opportunity. He has .met the cballenge of
foreiS!l~cy leadership acro11 1M. board. and our nation and the world are safer for it .
...,.--
.
'
~th the end of me Cold War, he lula worked hard to rcc:hKc the danpn fr~ nuclear weapons.
~ ;
~{ reducing existing araenala lillld ftahtina apill8t nucloar proliferation.
Y--..
Under his leadership, the
)"nitcd States negotiated a landnWrk ftmnework agreement With North Korea that hBB
succea&fully ftozon that coun:ttyt ~Ciar weapon program. WCTe it not for this agreement, North
Korea could today have a amall anaal of nuclear weapons and the capacity to add a dozen more
~chycar.
President Clinton bas made· hard deai8ions when leadership was needed io solve fonDgn policy
problems. I think it wu a vary Mid (and successtW) decision to launch our military fOT~es for a
landing on Haiti. It proved to be U.. necessary persuasion f'or the Haitian military dia&tOrs to
. asrec to step down and telinquia!J power peacefully. lt was a risk for peace and democracy, and it
worked. That is the ut~Wc;e of~p .
......,
.
Prellident Clinton's foreign poligy "-der•hip is partioularly ~lear when it come& to our NATO
alliance in the poat.COld War era. He wu the architect of the Pal'blelwblp for Peace program,
which has given all tb~ non-NATO Buropean. nations an opportunity to benefit from association
and cooperation with NATO. Ho a}Jo lead the alliance tb:roush a challcmging period corlceming
Bosnia, and dem~nstrated that U.S. leadenhip is still key to NATO sucCM&. This effon stopped
Lhe war and. pn)duced the DaytOn Ac:cofds that offer the be&t hope for peau'in Bosnia. And
President Clinton has colisidercd tM seauity coneerns of all Bw-opaa:n nations, ~ludins Russia,
to m&ke sure that the fUture evolution o(NATO does not create new di-iiaioM or insecurities. He
)l~_a}~ys kept in focus m.t the pal is inci'eased security and stability in Europe.
~""~
.
'
Thcs issue of NATO expanlion hQI been of peat c:oncem both to those nations ..vishins to join
NATO and to thole which ~boo,. not to, particularly Russia. As the President has made clear, it
is not a matter ofwhether~ but wbea and bow NATO will ~d. I believe that as NATO
ands it is crucial for- NATO to llllablim a special retatloa&hip with Russia, ·so llussia has no
oubt about the peaceful nature ofthl North Atlantic Alliance, and .to
that RuS&ia's
egitiotate security cc)ncems are fMJtquately addressed. President Clinton understands this very
clearly. Our success with llus~ fon:eli working alonsside U.S. forcei in Bosnia is remarkable
proof of that tact.
·
·
·
ensure
1 am delighted mat ~lident CliQton. ia hare today in Dettoit to spetak on. futeign policy. Detroit
�10/21/96. MON 19:59 FAX 202 456 9370
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NSC Communications .
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FROM SEN.. CARL LEVIN. DC
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is the home or many citizens wboa llluU' orilins are ftom a:ri\WI where the President and tbe
nation now fKe foruip policy dlalilop&. I bear ftom many ccmstituerita from .Deti'oit who are
deeply interested in tbe i1suo of.NATO expansion, and it is one which i dDal with regularly. So I
know the President will find a very well-iiaform~ and interefiod. audicmc:e here in Deu-oit.
It is with great pleuure that I now ialroduce President William 1effet&on.. Clinton.
;
�Withdrawal/Redaction· Marker.
·
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
Clinton Library
SUBJECTffiTLE .
DATE
Richard Fieldhouse to Julia Moffitt re: Sen. Levin's Introductio~ ...
(partial) (1 page}
10/21/1996
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records ·
National Security Council
.Anthony Blinken (Speechwriting)
OA/Box Number: 3381
FOLDER TITLE:
NATO Speech-Speech Edits [1]
2006-0459-F
· rs326
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act· [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom oflnformation Act· [5 U.S.C. 552(li))
Pl
P2
P3
P4
· b(l) Natiqnal securitY classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((li)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3).Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(S) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
·concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA) ·
· ·
National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) ofthe PRA)
Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRAJ
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
'C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�~002
M~MORAND·UM.
JuitaMo~
To';
. i''rbm:
ltiehara FW~ (iert •. Levin) 1.14-1816
D~te!
I
SubJ:
. I
October ll, tSJ.N
.
Sea. ~·~ bt-~a &. freaide:nt•s llpft«!h
:
.I a'~ atta.elli.ni a dra.ft o,ftho ~n tlutve sent Sen. Levin. for tomorrows SJX.+ec.h. 1 am
serid.ing if to you stfyou <m.n haW Q8 opponUnity to see if there's ilnytbl.ng rve omitted that y¢u
thitik wOuld be~ or needed; or .iftltn's anything I've induded to Mtith you (or the .
Pr~6identl) would take exuptitm.;'
··
to
d~n't
Levm~·~ ·~·~kl.lili'<.J~.!!!!~~s•: r ha....-eri't. had 'a chance youdiba~ it
to scu&.'l
.
Plcsue.c:a.U mo if
I
know what of this material Slll'h:
wit~ rum ~seetnti he .ami me.
. .
an>:
quest~ona
I
or collll'tVmta.
.
want~d to point out•. in ~• . . .· · ·
. •· · . ·~en. Levin fur. the ·
ioJ,oduction, that Sen.l.:Gvitrblla bGIIl.avery strong proponent oftliB PreSident's foreign policy
ini~a.tives. pwtioularly in ~el ~
·
I aiso
I
.
.
Sen. Levin has been vr:try ~ive of NATO expansion togOther with a aputaJ
rel~~ip betwMn NATO and~ (You ea.n sea Sen. ~·~ ~e'lfla in his dra:ft:
int~o~uctioa · Tbo8e fit p~ with the Pmld~m·s dfaft r~manai on .tbe subject )
'!'
.I
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·.
.
,
• ; Sea. Levin has been.a key.~t oftlie Administration's arma co'Mral·efforts, including
ratift<:a.t'ion of START U and tho t::htnnical W6ilf'onsConventioa. He wu the one who actually
goti IDe ewe fo~ irrto the' uc..Wtlieh unf'ortunate!Y was dtopp~ becau~ the Republicans
apJ{eared ready to v6te agalast the eonvention in support otDole.
.
.
.
I
• !· Sen. Levin hu been a molt WGI.Irl ptOpot\e:nt of the ·,.Agreed Fra.:mework'* 'Wi:th North Korea,
and ha..<a u5ed his position on t.M Armed Services Committee to make a clear record of the security
b~e:fit oftbi$ agrument.
.· .
.. . .
. . . .
·. '
1 Sc:n. ~~n bY~ a f?r~ PfOJ)Onent ortne. President.'s. bd.istie missile ~efcn!>~ pl~
<TI1cater Missile D,etem8. and tho NMD "3+3" plall) m .the face of mongJ:t.qpubllea.n cnU~1sm and
•
oPfsitian(ycni've·noti~?).
·
..
• i He haibeenthe ehlefdef~ etth.e ABM treaty agAinst mil.W ftom the Rt=publicw
to damaae or ~~it.
.
who~ frying
I
..
Bob Bell and Sandi Stuart .C3n ~ all this. It would be 8fetU ifihe Preliid~ could recosruu
s.o~e Clf Sen. Levin's for~ poUcy supipott when ho ·t.h.a.nks Sen. Levin for tbe introduction.
Tl'uinks for your help~
I.
... .
�· October 21, 1996
NOTE FOR TONY BLINKEN
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FROM:
I
MARILYN DIGIACOBBE
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SUBJECT:
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COMMENTS ON DETROIT FOREIGN POLICY ADDRESS
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Foliowing are some comments/suggestions for the speech:
Mor~ emphasis on the President's vision for America's role in the
world:
I
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: journey the President started out on 4 years ago
make the connection to the development of the President's
policy by mentioning the 1992 Milwaukee speech, the 1994
Milwaukee speech by the Vice President before the
President's first Europe trip, the 1995 Cleveland Trade and
Investment Conf.erence
how the President felt we had to "maintain our country's
leadership at the end of the Cold War as the world's
strongest force for peace and freedom and prosperity."
uniqueness of the Cold War in American history, "the Cold
War was the only (peacetime) period in American history
where our nation was able to muster majority support for
continued American leadership."
it is critical today as we prepare to move into the 21st
century, to fulfill our mission in the world
there are great obligations that come with the blessings of
peace
·great lesson of this century is that democracy is the
foundation for a peaceful world
Relate more to Americans on why engagement in the world esp~cially engagement in Europe - is critical to American
I
't
sec~r1 y:
explain the strong connection between Europe and America,
how the values of Europe and the values of America are so
closely tied, how the values of Europe were carried to
America by generations of immigrants and helped guide the
value structure of America
Americans understand the importance of our engagement
because of their personal history as Americans - generations
' of Americans carry memories of their own struggles for
freedom and liberty in their minds and hearts
�Americans have a· u'nique understanding and interest in the, ·
. success and support of d'~mocrati,c nations, because our
nation was in many respec-t;:s form~d out of the hopes and
dreams of individuals an4 f~milies who sought America's
.
shore~_to.find that freedom~ liberty and de~o~racy.
Fr9}.'1\:~<
the pl.lgrJ.ms who came to our shores for relJ.gl.ous freedom·-to the.peasant families who came to Ellis Island ,at the turn
of the century .in search of a better life'.:..-·to_the refuge~s.
who fled nazi,sm and_communism. We are especially remindf?d:
of this as tomorrow we commemorate the 40th Anniversary of~·,
the Hungarian Uprising of 1956~
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Tell us more about ,the process of NATO 'expansion av.d g,ive
ourselves more credit for pushing NATO expansion. 'Ackn.owledge
initial skepticism around Partnership for Peace - and give
l
.
•
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examples of PFP's success. Tell us how the natJ.on's are . selected
I
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to qe members of NATO -- the process of self-selection, etc.
Acknowledge that some have felt that we may not have been moving
fast enough on NATO expansion. Example - Congress felt it had to
pushI us with NATO bills.
i
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I
I
NATO - Russia Relations. We should talk about this in a context·
of n1ot just NATO and Russia talking about European security
··
isslies, bu:t;: NATO, Russia, and all NATO's new partners talking
abou~t European security·.
'
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�- :from the bridges of Prague to the streets of Rega, Latvia
- ;Estonia's radical free market reform has already gained the
behefits in the bustling prosperity of Talin, rapidly regaining
it,s historic place as a community center tied to the west
- ·the perserverence of the. Hungarian people helped turn the
co:rner on Hungary's economy, billions of dollars have flowed in
�10/21/96 ·MON 20:36 FAX 202 456 9370
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....
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.... NSC Copun1cat1ons
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~001
�10/21/96 lMON 20:J7 FAX 202 456 9J70
..... NSC CQ!D.J!Iun1cat1ons
1/13/95 -- 8 a.m.
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PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
CENTRAL & EASTERN EUROPE TRADE AND INVESTMENT CONFERENCE
CLEVELAND, OHIO
JANUARY 13, 1995
Thank yo~. Secretary Brown, for that generous. introduction and for your dedication to American
I
business and American workers. I'm grateful to you, to the Commerce Department and to the
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Business Council for International Understanding for organizing this Conference. You've
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_assembled an impressive. diverse group -- delegations tl·om Central and Eastern Europe,
!business leaders from the United States and Europe. American ethnic leaders from .around the
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country and so many outstanding state and local officials .. Thank you all for being here.
I
:I'm especially pleased that we are meeting in Cleveland. Many of the men and women who made
1
this city a foundation of America's industrial heartland came to our shores from Central Europe.
With little money, but with lots of determination. discipline and vision, they helped build a great
' nation. Now, their children and grandchildren are leaders in Cleveland and in dozens of other
American communities. Strong bonds ofmem01y, heritage and pride link them to Europe's
emerging democracies.·
1 also chose Cleveland because people here know what it takes to adapt to the· new global
economy. Whether you're in this great state, or in Central Europe's coal and steel belt, meeting
the challenge of change is hard. But Cleveland is transforming itself into a center for international
trade. Already, it expo11s $5.5 billion worth of goods every year. And that trade supports
100,000 jobs.
141002
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I came here to talk about the need for America to remain engaged with the world. · If we do so,
we have a historic opportunity to enhance the security and increase the prosperity of our people.
Many of you in this rooin are proving that proposition every day. The new pattnerships you are_
forging between America and Central Europe bring tangible benefits to all our people~ Jncreased
trade and investtnent promotes American exports, gives people new skills and creates good jobs -on both sides of the Atlantic. And it pays another, no less important dividend by helping the
nations of Central Europe consolidate their hard won democracy on a foundation of free
·enterprise and political fi·eedom.
In all our countries, we stand ar the start of a new era -- an era of rapid change and expanding
opportunities. The explosion oftrade and technology_has produced a new global economy in
which people, ideas. products and capital come together more quickly. easily, and creativelylhan
ever before. The end of the Cold War has liberated millions of Europeans and introduced
democracy and free markets to countries on every continent.
But thepromise of this new era is clouded by fear and uncertainty. Aggression by malicious
states... transnational threats like over·population ... terrible ethnic conflict... the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction-- these and other problems beyond America's borders make it
tempting to retrench behind those borders. And the very fact of democracy's triumph in the Cold
War has led some to argue that we should confine our focus to the challenges we face at home.
They say America cannot afford to lead.-
141003
�NSC Communications ·
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Their views are dangerously shortsighted. We must reach out, not retrench. 1 will continue to
work with Democrats and Republicans in Congress to forge a bipartisan coalition of
internationalists who share that conviction. The agreement we reached yesterday with
. Congressional leaders from both sides of the aisle to help Mexico restore full -confidence in its.
economy demonstrates that coalition's potential. I will do everything in my power M-as I have
done for two years -- to keep America engaged with the world. I will not let anyone or anything
divert us from this course.
History teaches us that
s~curity
and prosperity at home require that we maintain our focus abroad.
After World War 1. the United States refused a leadership role and withdrew behind trade
barriers, leaving a vacuum that was filled by the torces ofhatred and tyranny. The
res~lting
struggle to preserve our treedom in World War II cost millions of lives and required aU of our
energy and resources.
After World Warn. a wise generation of Americans refused to let history repeat itself They
helped shape NATO, the Marshall Plan. GATT and the other structures that insured fifty years of
prosperity and security for America, Western Europe and Japan. Ultimately, the strength (lfthose
structures, the force of democracy and the heroic determination of people to be free produced
victory in the Cold War.
Today, it is our common responsibility to realize the full potential oftha.t victory. Now that·
freedom has been won, all our people deserve to reap the tangible rewards of their sacrifice. Now
that freedom has been won, our nations are determined that it never be lost again.
�_,_ _ 10/21/96 JlON._,go: 38 FAX 202 456 9370
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The United States is seizing the moment history has granted us. And the results are there ·to
prove it:
Because of e agreements we reached with Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Ukraine, for the
first time in fifty years Americans can go to bed at night knowing that the nucleat weapons of the
former Soviet Union are no longer pointing in our direction. Our patient but hard headed
diplomacy secured an agreement with North Korea on nuclear issues that is protbundly in our
interest. Its critics are simply wrong: the deal
~1ops
North Korea's nuclear program in its tracks
and it will roll it back in the years to come. International inspectors confhm that the program is
frozen and they will continue to monitor it No critic has come up with an alternative that isn't
either unfeasible or foolhardy.
Our troops -- the best trained. the best prepared, the best equipped fighting force in the world -stood down Iraq's threat to the security of the Persian Gulf And they convittced the· military
regime in Haiti to step down peacefully and give H;1irians a new chance at democracy. Our
influence is being used constructively to help people frl)tn the Middle East to Southern Africa
transform contlict into cooperation.. AJ1d through our leadership in GATT. NAFTA and in Asia
and the Americas, we have literally helped create a new trading system for the next century.
Already, trade is becoming more free and more fair and producing better jobs for our people.
In Central Europe, as elsewhere, the United States has moved aggressively to shape the future.
The reasons are simple. Helping Central Europe consolidate democracy and build strong
economies is the best way to prevent assaults on freedom that, as this century demonstrates, can
{)(
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turn into all-consuming conflagrations. And a healthy. prosperous Central Europe is good for
America because it will become a huge new market for our goods and services.
America is also engaged with Central Europe because it is the right thing to do. For tour and a
half decades, we challenged these nations to cast away the shackles of communism. Now that
they have done so, we have an obligation to work with them to ensure that their people share in
the rewards of freedom.
Some argue that open goverruncnt and free markets cannot take root in some countries. that there
will be boundaries for democracy in Europe. They would a:ct now in anticipation of those
boundaries by creating an artificial new division of the continent. Others claim that we must not .
extend the West's institutions of security and prosperity al all, that to do so would upset a delicate
balance of power. They would confine the newly free peoples ofCentral Europe to a zone of
insecurity, and therefore ofinstability.
Both visions for Europe are too narrow and too cynical. One year ago this week -- in Bn•sscls,
Prague, Kiev, Moscow and Minsk-· l set forth a different vision tor the new Europe: that of an
integrated community of secure and increasingly prosperous democracies. Over time and with
hard work, our ~ngagement with the countries of Central Europe and the former Soviet Union
can help make that vision a lasting reality.
First, Europe must be secure. The breakup of the Soviet Union has made the promise of security
more real than it has been for half a century. But reform in 'ltu~sia and alJ the states of the tbrmer
liiJ006
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USSR will not be completed overnight-- and, at times, it will prove rough and unsteady,
as the
tragic events in Chechnya remind us.
Chechnya is part of the Russian Federation and we support the territorial integrity ofRussia --just
as we support the territorial integrity of its neighbors. But the violence must end. I call on all the
parties to stop spilling blood and start making peace. Every day the fighting in Chechnya
continues is a day of wasted lives and wasted resources. So we will continue to encourage every
effort to bring a lasting end to the bloodshed, including the proposals put forth by the European
Union and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
Some have used the conflict in Chechnya to question continued American support for refonn in
Russia. But that conflict has not changed the nature·ofU.S. interests. We have a tremendous
stake in the success ofRussia's eftot1s to become a stable, democratic nation-- as do all the
countries represented here today. That is why the United States will not waver from our course
of patient, responsible support for Russian refonn. It would be a terrible mistake to react
reflexively to the ups and downs that Russia. is experiencing -· and will continue to experience for
years, indeed decades to come-- as it undergoes its historic transformation. If the forces of
refonn are embattled, we must renew -· not retreat from -- our support for them. So we will
continue to lead a bipartisan eftbrt at home and an international coalition abroad to work with
Russia, and also the other new independent states [= w whielt-ntore than ha1f0f oUI assistanee-wf
tb~ow...flfrwst_:-~-----......
We are well aware, too, ofCentraJ Europe's security concerns. We wiiJ never condone any state
in Europe threatening the sovereignty of its neighbors. That is why the United States protected
~
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Baltic independence by pressing -- successfully -- for the withdrawal of Russian troops. In this
period of great social and political change we want to help countries thfoughout Central Europe
achieve the stability they need to build strong democracies and foster prosperity.
To promote stability. the United States established the Partnership for Peace. And we have taken
the lead in preparing for the gradual, open and inevitable expansion of NATO.
In just a year, the Partnership tbr Peace has become a dynamic forum fbr practical military and
political cooperation among its members. For some countries, the Partnership will be the path to
full NATO membership. For others. the Partnership will be a strong, lasting link to the Alliance.
Last month-- clearly and deliberately -- NATO began to map out the road to enlargement.
Neither NATO nor the United States can give a date certain for expansion, nor can we say now
which countries will be the tirst new members. But let me repeat wh~t I have said betbre: the
only questions concerning NATO expansion are not "whether"and "if', but rather "when" and
"how". And when expansion begins, it will come as no surprise: its ·conditions~ timing and ·
military implications will be well and widely known in advance.
NATO membership is not a right .. we expect those who seek to join to prepare themselves -through the Partnership for Peace -- for the obligations of membership. Countries with repressive
political systems... or with designs on their neighbors... or with militaries unchecked by civilian
controL. or with dosed economic systems need not apply. And let me state once again: only ·
NATO's 16 members will decide on expansionf.o non-member will veto its decisioj
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MON 20:39 FAX 202 456 9370
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But NATO exp
be seen as replacing one division of Europe with another. It
. should -- and it iU -- incr. ase security for aU European states -- members and non-members
alike.
En parallel with eipansionfATO mUst develop close and strong ties with Russia. The
Alliance's relationship with Russia should become more direct, more open anfore ambitioj
Our vision ofEuropean security embraces a democratic Russia.
But for Central Europe to enjoy true security. its nations also must develop successful market
economies-- and that's why we're here. From Tallinn to Tirana, people must have good jobs so
that they can provide for their families. They. must have the tools
£0
adapt to the fast changing.
global economy. They must have economic confidence to believe in a democratic future.
Since the fall of the Berlin Wall. my government has played an important role in promoting.those
goals. We've strongly supported Central Europe's integration into the Eliropean Union. We
have taken significant steps .to improve access to our markets. ·And we've provided Central
Europe with financial aid, technical support and debt relief. This assistance has been used tbr a
staggering array of projects, from helping the Czech Republic draft a modern bankruptcy code...
to training commercial bankers in. Slovakia ... to advising and equipping modern -and independent
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media throughou't. the region.
But for all our government has done and will continue to do, the fact remains that only the private
sector can mobilize the vast amounts of capital and the human skills and technology needed to
help Central Europe complete its transformation to free· markets. President Walesa put it to me
this way last July: what Poland needs, he said, are more American generals -- like General
Electric and General Motors.
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Injust five years, mosl of the countries in Cen£ral Europe have unde1taken many of the difficult
retbrms necessary to build credibility with investors and trading partners -- to make themselves
attractive to the GEs and GMs. Bold economic reform works .. Countries that have pursued it
with the greate~t conviction have rebounded
quic~ly
from recession. They are among Europe's
fastest growing economies. · And they are drawing the most foreign trade and investment.
More trade arid investment is good for Central Europe ttnd it's good tbr America. For all of us, it
means more jobs. lt means higher wages. It means an opportunity to learn the new skills we need
to'· succeed in the new global economy. It means real security.
Consider the beneti£s of two recent American ventures in Central Europe:
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The International Paper Company ofNew York bought a major mill in Poland, retrained its
work force. modemized the mill and turned it into a thriving exporter. It also acquired a
strong presence in the competitive European market that
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American exports and support hundreds of jobs back home.
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million in
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Denver-based U.S. West will soon bring nation-wide cellular phone service to Hungary. That
will give Hungarians •• who now wait an average ofl 2 years to get a phone ·- immediate
access to modem communications. And it
wille28
support hundreds of jobs in the United States.
million in U.S. exports and
�10/21/96
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I'm proud that these and dozen:s of other projects went forward with the help of loans. insurance
and other g\1arantie~ from the U.S. government. But l also know that our trade with and
investment in Central Europe could and should be much greater. American companies and
investors are second to none in identifYing good opportunities. But they will reject a project if the
roadblocks to getting it done efficiently and fairly are too high -- especially given the fierce
competition for trade and investment from Latin Americ.: ·. and Asia. ·
Our companies need to be sure that when they make a. deal, it won't be arbitrarily reversed. They
look for full information and reasonable regulation. They want clear commercial; tax and legal
codes. And of course, they must have private sector counterparts~- the driving force of Central
Europe's economies-- with whom to do business.
One of the most eftective roles the United States can play is to promote continued reform and to
help business do business ·- which is what Lhis conference is all about. But our efforts did not
begin and will not end in Cleveland. Already, we've concluded inveslment and taxation treaties
with many ofthe countries represented here. The Tra.de and Development Agency has identified
thousands ofbusiness opportunities throughout Central Europe. Peace Corps volunteers are
teaching business, banking and finance skills to new entrepreneurs. Our Expon/1 mport Bank is
promoting the use of American products fol' major infrastructure projects· and bringing our
environmental technology and expe11ise to Central Europe. And today, I arn pleased to announce
that the Overseas Private Investment Corporation has set up two new equity funds that, together
With funds OPIC already supports. should leverage more than $4 billion in private investment.
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Every U.S. government economic agency is working hard to help American business, big and
small, take advantage of opportunities in Central Euro,)e and around the world. Twant to thank
them all for their team work and for proving that government can work for the American people.
I know how difficult and unsettling this period of cl1ange is tor so many people. Sometimes it
seems that the more you open your eyes to the world around you, the more confusing it becomes.
But we must not Jose sight of the fact that even greater forces of history arc on our side. And if
we use them, and guide them, and shape them -· if we remain engaged -- we can make people
more secure and increase our prosperity.
Look at what's happening in Central Europe. Every day, open societies and open economies are
gaining strength. Evety day, new entreprenelirs and businesses are spurring growth and creating
jobs in their own countries and in America. It is in our national interest to help them succeed.
We cannot afford to do otherwise. Just six years ago. the countries of Central Europe were
captive nations. Now, 120 miUion people have the freedom to speak their minds, to create, to
build, to prosper. This newfound freedom is the fruit of Europe's stntggle and America's
engagement. We owe it to those wno brought us this far-- and to ourselves and our children~not to tum Otlr backs on their historic achievement. That is why my Administration will not
retreat -- we will continue to reach out. Working together, trading together, joining together, we
will fulfill the great promise of this moment.
Thank you.
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DETROIT
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MR. BLINKEN -
SPECIAL DELIVERY INSTRUCTIONS/REMARKS:
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Tony There is an improvement that can be made in the draft of the
President's Detroit speech. The draft I received said that Mexico had
repaid two-thirds of its loans to the U.S. ahead of schedule. We can
say that Mexico has repaid "nearly three-quarters'' of its loans to the
U.S. ahead of schedule.
In other words, the facts are better than the
speech currently reads.
Hope this helps.
Bob
�-=:::;:;;:;:z,-!fO•'' .•,Ji,;.·'·,:
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PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
"LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS FOR PEACE, .SECURITY AND PROSPERITY.
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IN THE 21ST CENTURY" ·
FISHER THEATE~ --DETROIT, MICHIGAN
·· OCTOBER 22, 1996
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I am glad to be in Detroit, a city focused o.n:the future ... a city meeting the challenge of change.
com<:' h ~re to talk ~bout one of the great challenges we face as. we enter the 2 t st century: making ·
sure America remains the strongest{orce: on earth for peace, freedom, security and prosperity.
Ftom its birth, Americ·a has stood for an idea: .that people have the right to control their own ·
. lives and pursue their own dreams. ln this century especially, we have done more than stand for
ti·;<~:->e jJ•';Hciples --we have acted on'them:,. and sacrificed-for them. We fought two world wars
so that freedom could triumph over ty.ranny. Then, we made the' commitments that kept the
p_eace.. th~:n helped spread democracy ... that brought us great prosperity ... and that won the Cold
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War. Now, the ideas \ve Americans fought for-- democracy ... tolerance ... free markets-~ are, .
mor~ and more, th;; . . als ofhwnanity.
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After four years as Presideri.t, I am more convinced than ever that to build a strong con1munity ~~
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based on opportunity and responsibility here at hoine ... we must maintain our indispensable~
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···of leadership al1road. That is the lesson of this century. And it will be an even more powerful
. reality in the century,that is about to begin-~ u century 'in which the blocs and bamers that
detined the world for previous generations will continue to give w~y to greater freedom, faster
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As the walls come down around the worfd so must the walf in our minds be ween domestic and
fo.reign'pol.icy. Think about it. ·Our prosperity as individuals, as communities and as a nation
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depends upon our policies. on ec.onomics and trade at home and abroad. Our well-being as
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as co1'nmunities and as a nation depends upon our policies on the environment at ·
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· home and abroad. Our security as individ!1als, as communities and as a nation depends tlp.on our··
p"olicies on terrorism, crime and drug trafficking at home and abroad. We can best reduc.e the
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threats to people here in America by also reducing thleats beyond our bord~rs. We can best
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advance the coinmon good at home by also advancing the common.good around the world.
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beli~W~ ove~, ~erica can afford
to choose escapism over engagem,, The. fact is, America r~mainsthe:indispensable·nation.
There are times \vhen America, and only America, can make the di.fference ~tween war and
peace, between freedom and i-e~tession; betweenhope·and fear..we/cam1ot.be the wortd's
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policeman. But where our interests and values demand it -- and where
we can make a difference
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··ArnericamUstao,andl~~A..A. ~ ~ · .·~
~rican leaders
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necess~. ts~1o help meet irlunediate challenges from
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rogue regimes ... from s~sl-Je~ e~pl_~siolJS ofethnic; raciat religious and tribal hatreds.:. an~ .from
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short tem1 crises. Second, to seize the op2;~;~~.:!es created by change to la~e long term
foundation for greater peace, freedom, security and prosperity around the world.
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We hitve approached the immediate challenges with strength and flexibility--. working with'
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' o£hers when we can, alone when we have to ... using diplomacy where possible, force where
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necessary. That approach has produced good results:
When l took office, the bloodiest war in Europe since World War II raged in Bosnia. Thanks to
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' . .S.-led NATO airstrikes: American diplomacy and the presence. of our peacek.eeping troops, the
,, ar ·. .wer .. elec.tions have been held ... arid the Bosnian people can get on with the hard work of
· · r~, ..aiding their lives and their land.
·When T took of:, e, dictators terrorized Haiti, forcing tens ofthousands of refugees to flee for our·
shores. Beca~se we backeQ American diplomacy with the force of our military and the power of
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an international coalition, the dictators are gone ... Haiti's democratically elected leaders are
back ... and the .exodus of fe!ir has ended. ·
When I took office, North Korea was movingJbrward with a dangerous nuclear program that it
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had been. developing for more than a decade. Thanks to our hard-headed diplorttacy and the help
·of Japan, South Korea and China, North Korea has frozen that pJ;cig~ under international ·
monitoring.
When the Mexican. pes~ collapsed, it j~opardized tens of thousands of American jobs and
threatened the security of our border and the stability of. other developing ecom:nnies.. Because
we stepped in immediately with an assistance package and rallied others to join us, Mexico's
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· economy is back on track.. ·two-thirds Of our loans have, been repaid ahead of.schedule ... and.
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we're even earning interest on the deal.
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But it is not enough to handle the headline crises. We also have a duty to set our sights on,.and
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devote our efforts to, a more distanthorizon -- because we live in a time of remarkable
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Through our size, strength and wealth·· but also through the.power of our example-- Am.erica
has a unicue .ability
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t~ lay the. f~undation for greater security, prosperity and freedom in the .
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future. These are long tenn efforts. Often, they take place behind the headlines. ·But if we
pursue tbem,:we can prevent the immediate crises we've had to·contend with these past four
ye:ars from arising in the first place. And we can forge a future in which our children and·
children ~round the world'have an.opportunity to make the most oftheir God-given potential
That's why we have worked patiently and pragmatically to reduce the threat ofweapons of mass
destruction and take
on the challenge .of terrorism..• to. build an opeD tradirtg system for the 21st
century ... and t.o help secure the gains peace and freedo~ are making arouru:J the world.
We are making the futme more secure b)' lifting th~ danger of weapons of mass destruction. It
has taker1 hard ne·gotiations and determined diplomacy. But consider the results. ·Today, not a
single Russian missile is pointed at America. We are c~tting our nuclear !p'Senals by two-thirds,
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We won the· indefinite extension of the Non-Proliferation_.
when the S~)vietUnion dissolved.
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. Treaty so the~e weapons of destruction do not spread to other co~ntries. And just a few weeks
··go, after literatly decades of discussion that began under Presidents Eisenhower and Kennedy, T
\KtS
proud to sigll the Comprehe~sive Test Ban Treaty. Once it entersinto force, it will end all
nuc.lear testing
tor all time.
There is more-hard work ahead of us: Securing Senate ratification ofthe Chemical Weapons
Convention to make it harder for rogue states and terrorists to acquire poison gas. Strengthenin
the Biological Weapons Convention ·to help prevent the use of disease as a weapon of war.
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Negoti;:;tiilg a worldwide ban on anti-persoimellandmines;.which murder and maim more tha
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people every year.
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''\will be relentless about keeping our focus on these goals-- and keeping the heat on terrorists
. who would darken the dawn of the ne~ century. Piece by piece, we have put in place a strategy
to fight terrorism .ori three fronts: toughening laws at home ... tightening the
~ecurity in our ·
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· airports and on our airplanes ... and pressing our allies to adopt policy of zero tolerance for
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terrorism~·. 'ti e we ri. defeat terrorists, it
a long time.before we defeat terrorism. But·
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if we remain determined and strong, we :will prevail.
We are building greater pt6sperity at horne by opening markets abroad. Decades from'now,
people will look back on this period and see the most far reaching changes if) the world trading
·system in generations. We.'ve negotiated more than 200 trade agreements. _These agre~ments
have led to more than a miJlion expo11•related jobs and_l}ave_ helped make America the world's
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number oneexporter again. Now, we' must extend the reach of.free and fair trade even further-issue by issue, agreement by agreeme~t.
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~;we~·· advancing the Cause ofpeace ""-d freedom around thO ;.orld. This mission is
rooted in our idea.ls and our interests. · Wheri people l.ive free and' at peace, they are less likely to
make war 'or abuse the rights of their fellow citizens
-~ and more likely to be good trading
partners and partners in the stmggle against rogue states, terro~ism; international cr!me .arid drug ..
trafficking or environmental ~ecay. F~om the Middle East to Northern Ireland .... from Cuba to·
Burma, all those taking rlsks fo~ peace and freedom know that the United States stands by their
side.
Next momri, Twill travel to Asia for the fourth annual summit of the Asia PaCific Economic
f:oop~ration forum ~-because Asia's future is America's future .. As a Pacific power, we have a
responsibility to w~rk ~oi stability and security in ~sia so that our workers and consumers·.
benefit from·that region's remarkable economic growth.
America is no less engaged in Europe. Remarkable generations of Americans invested in
Europe'~ ~eace and freedom with their~tice.
They fought two world wars. Then·
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they had the vision to create NATO, the Marshall Plan, GATT. The strength of those
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institutions, the force of democracy and the determination of people to be free produced victory
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in the Cold War.
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Now that freedom has been won, 1t is this g~neration's responsibHity. to.make sure that it never
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l:le lost again. Presidend~eagan helped bring about the end of the Soviet empire. President Btish
helped reunify Gennany. Now, for the very firs_t time since nation states appeared in Europe, we
have an opportunity to build a peaceful, tmdivided and democratic Europe -~ a continent where
democracy and·free markets know no boundaries ... but where nations can be assured that their
borders will always_ be secure.
To succeed, all of Europe -- notjust .its Western half-~ must know the stability that has eluded. ,it
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for too inuch of this century. Nearly three years ago, I laid out .a strat~gy for European stability ·
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based upon its i'ntegn:ition ,-~political integration.around democracies, economic integration
arolU1d free markets, and ~ecurity integration around mutual defense cooperation. I urged our
enduring allies and new friends to ·build the bonds among our nations necessary for this time -through the European Union, the OECD, the Organization for Security ~d Cooperation in
Europe and NATO. And lchallenged all our people to summon the vision, the will and the
patit'I~'-'e
this great adventure· ~emands.
The United States and·Europe are answering the challenge. With our assistance, the forces of
· re :, ~rm in Europe's ~ast have laid the foundations of democracy --political pa~ies, .free. elections,
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an independent media. We have helped them
we'are moving from
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devel~p successful m~ket econo~ies -- and.now ·
aid to-trade and inv~stment.
It's·tempting tot~e progress for granted .. But
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consider: in just the seven years since the fall of the Berlin Wall, two·thirds of Russia's economy
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has moved from the heavy grip of the state into the hands of its people. And Polai1d, which wa,s
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looked.at as a charity case .. now has one of the West's highest rates of growth-- you're as likely
to read about Poland on -the business page as on· the. front page·..
.The bedrock of our common security remains the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Whe.n
President Truman signed t.he North Atlantic Treaty forty-seven years ago, he expressed the goal
of its founders plainly'bi.1t p~werfuUy: ·"to preserye thejr .present peaceful sittiation and to protect
in
it in the future." All of us here today are the beneficiariesofNATO'sextraordinarysuccess
doing just that
NATO defended the West against aggn:issi~n. But even more: through NATo', We.ste.rn Europe
became a source of stability instead .of conflict... France and Germany ended their wars ...
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democracy took permanent root in formerly fascist countries .. I came to office convinced that
NATO can do for Europe's East what it did for Europe's West: prevent a return to local
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rivalries ... stfengthen democracy against future threats ... and create the conditions for market
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~conomies to flourish. That's why the United States has taken the lead in adapting NATO to the .
· challenges of a new: era... ·~penirig its doors to Europe's new democracies.... and building a strong·
relationship between NATO.and Russia.
To
ad~pt NATO to new demands, we ~ecognized that it would have to act beyond the territory of
its members. We shifted our emphas1s·from large standing armies in Europe to smaller, more
flexible forces trained and.equ~pped for peacekeeping. W,e set up mobile headquarters to run
these new missions more effectively and ~fficienily: And we are.giving our European allies .a
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·. command. The United States will continue to take the lead inNA'fO ··especially in the'
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Southern Region, where th~· greatest threats to peace still exist But we welcome our allies'
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willingness to shoulder a greater sqru:e ofthe burden.
Bosnia has been .the first major test for the new NATO. At the outset of the war, NATO was •· ·
subordinate to the United Nations humanitarian mission. But once we gave NATO the lead, its
bombing campaign, together with Muslim-Croat gains on the ground, pushed the Bosnian Serbs
lt·om the battlefield to the bargaining table. The NATO~Ied IFOR mission has restored s~~urity
to Bosnia and allowed national elections to go forward.· It has helped Jay the foundation upon
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which the people of Bosnia have a chance to build a lasting peace.
But for NATO to fulfill the promise of l.asting pe~e and democracy that stands before Europe, i.t
is not enough to take on ·new missions. NATO must also take in new members from among its'
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fNmer adversaries-- and reach.out to al~ the new democracies in Central Europe, the B~ltiys and
tht New Independent States.
At the first NATO Summit! attended in .JanUary ,1994, I proposed that NATO enlarge--:- stef1!.1ily,
deliberately and o~enly. Our.~ATOallies agreed. Together, we created the Partnership for
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Peace as a path to full NATO membership for sotne'and a strong, lasting link to the Alliance for
·others.
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Our strategy is paying off. The pr9spect of membership in or partnership with NATO has give~· ·
. nations east of Austria a strong incentive 'to stren~h~n de:mQcracy and improve relations with
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their neighbors. And throughthe.Partnership for Peac.e, prospective new members are gaining the
practical experience they need to assume the responsibilities of NATO membership:··~~ Bosnia, ·
[#TKJ Partner countries are serving alongside NATO troops. There are Polish and, Czech co,mbat
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battalions .... Hungarian engineering troops ... ·soldiers from Ukraine and the Baltic states ... and a
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full Russian brigade. Just seven years ago, these soldiers were adversaries; Today, their
te"!Uwork with our troops is erasing the lines that once divided Europe.
NATO enlargem~nt is on track. Now, it is time to take the next, historic step forward. Last .
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{J/l~e..month, I called for a Summit in the spring or early summer Of 1997 to name the first group of
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• future NATO members and invite them to begin acces.sion talks. ·Today, I want to state the goaJ
the United States will take. to that Summit
By 1999 -:-NATO's 50th anniversary and ten years .
after the faJI of the Berlin Wal~ •• the first group of countries we invite to joiri will be full-fledged
members ofNATO.
To those not part ofthis initial. wave, I pledge that NATO's doors will not close behind.its first
new members. Others will follow. And we will work to deepen.,)ur cpoperation ~ith all the
Partnership for Peace countries.
Enlarging NATO will strengthen the sec\1rity .of its new members, old members and non~ .
members alike:
~s
we go forward, I want the American people to understand ,that our plan is not
free of costs. And it will rileari extending the most solellUl security guaranty to our ne~ allies -~a
commitment to treat an attack on one as
an attack on all.
Peace and security. cannot be had on the
cheap. But mark my words: if we fail to seize this hl~to.~iq~pportunity)o b~ild a new NATOfor
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PHOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
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�OCT-20-96 12:20
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a new Europe.,. ifwe allow the Iron Curtain to be replaced .by. a veil of indifference ... we will pay
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a much higher price later. America will be stronger, safer and better-off if its democratic faniily
grows ... if we bring into our ranks partners willing to spare the responsibilities of freedom.
I greatly appreciate Congress' bi-partisan endorsement for enlargement.
By overwhelming
majorities this summer, both hous.es passed the 'NAto Enl~rgement Facilitation Act -- ·rutd .
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showed that they shared my determi~ation to forge a new alliance ofse~mitY, prosperity and
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values with Europe. In the months and years ahead, Tlook forward to working with both parties
in Congress toratify the accession of new members ... to fund our share ofthis ne\¥
commitment... and to secure the ·support of the American people .
. NATO enlargement is not direct~d against anyone-- and it will serve the security ofeveryone.
•
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invited to join.-- no outside .country. will. have a veto. I ~ow that some in Russia stilll~ok upon
. NATO through a Cold War prism. Task them to look again. By reducing rivalry and fear,
NATO will create greaterstability in Europe than Russia ha~known in centuries.
Indeed, Russia has the best chance in its history to play a central role in building a peaceful, ,
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undivided Europe -- and to define its role as a· great nation in terms of the future, not the past.
We can seize that chance
if NATO enllirgement proceeds hand-In-hand with forgirig a new
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.No nation will be automatically.. excluded; at the same time,·only NATO will decide who is
·
NATO ~Russia relationship. Russia's participation in the Partnership for Peace and its strong
presence inBostiia proves that s1,1ch a relationship is both possible and producti~e. After fifty.
PHOTOCOPY··
PRESERVA~ION ·
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year~_ of confrontation., our 'iro(lps are training together on land and at sea, \~orking together at
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NATO headquarters and standing together for peace,
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T have proposed to President Ye!tsin that Russia and NATO negotiate a formal <;'harter. -We
sho~ld set up a mechanism for reg~lar NATO-Russia meetings at all levels. And we should
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consult on Eun)pean security issues so that wh~re possible, NATO and Russia can act jointly to
_mc:-et the challenges that ari~e in the future. J Russia and NATO are. already p~rtners for peace ..
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We can become full partners in bringing Europe together -- and turn the rnai1i battleground tbr
the bloodiest century in history into
a.co~tinentwh?se people: rem~n secure, prospe~ous and
free.
These past four years, it has been one· ofthe greatest privileges of my life to travel around the
world on behalf of America.· l hav~ heard the voices, seen the faces and shaken t,he hands of
Prime Ministers nn. people on the streets. Wherever I go; whomever r talk to, tlie 1nessage to me
is the same: American leadership ~a~ers. American leadership is welcome. American
leadership Is necessary ..
I wish every Ame.ric~ could see _our country ~s so much of the world see~ us. Our friends rely
upon ~ur engagement. Our adversaries respect our strength .. As ~e enter the 21st century, we
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must all inake a commitment to remain tnie to this legacy ofleadership: . America ~the.
indispensable nation. That is om burden and our opportunity. That is America's future.
?~
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PHOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
�.)
Blinken, Antony J.
From:
To:
Cc:
Subject:
· Date:
Priority:
Blinken, Antony J. · .
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@NSA- Natl Security Advisor; @CEE- Central/Eastern Europe; @COUNSELOR·counselors Office; @EUROPE- European Affairs; @PRESS- Public Affairs;
@PLANNING ~ Strat Plan & Comm; @EXECSEC - Executive Secretary
/R, Record at A 1
Detroit Speech Revised
Sunday, October 20, 1996 8: 1 5PM
High·
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<<File Attachment: 10-22SP3.DOC> >Now reflecting edits from Talbott, Fried, Vershbow, Pifer.
Page 1
�10/20/96 8 p.m.
PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
"LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS FOR PEACE, SECURITY AND PROSPERITY
IN THE 21ST CENTURY"
FISHER THEATER- DETROIT, MICHIGAN
OCTOBER 22, 1996
I am glad to be in Detroit, a city focused. on the future ... a city meeting the challenge o( change. I
come here to talk about a great challenge we all face as we enter the 21st century: making sure
America remains the strongest force on earth for peace,· freedom,· security and prosperity.
From its birth, America has stood. for an idea: that people have the right to control their own lives
and pursue their own dreams. In this century especially, we have done more than stand for these
principles-- we have acted· on them... and sacrificed for them. We fought two world wars so that
freedom could triumph over tyranny. Then, we made the commitments that kept the peace.:. that
helped spread democracy ... that brought us great prosperity... and that won the Cold War. Now,
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the ideas we Americans fought for-- democracy ... tolerance... free markets-- are, more and
more, the ideals ofhumanity.
· After four years as President, I am more convinced than ever that to build a strong community
based on opportunity and responsibility at home ... we must maintain our indispensable role of
leadership abroad. That is the lesson of this century. It will be an even more powerful reality in
the century that is about to begin -- .a century in which the blocs and barriers that defined the
world for previous generations will continue to give way to.greater freedom, faster change and
·
mor~
technological innovation than ever ~efore.
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As $e walls come down around the world, so must the wall in our minds between domestic and
foreign policy. Think about it. Our prosperity as individuals, as communities and as a nation
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depends upon our peJ~ econonrles and htt6e at home and abroad. Our well-being as
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individuals, as communities and as a nation depends upon our policies on the environment at ·
home and abroad. Our security as individuals, as communities and as a nation depends .upon our
policies on terrorism, crime and drug t~afficking at home and abroad. We can best reduce the
J
threats to peo~le her~ in America by also reducing threats beyond our borders. We can best
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advance the common good at home by also advancing the common good around the world.
That is why I resist those who believe that, with the Cold War over, America can choose escapism
over engagement.· The fact is, America remains the indispensable nation. There are times when
America,· and only America, ca.il make the difference between war and peace, between freedom
and repression, between hope and fear. We cannot be the world's policeman. But where our
interests and values demand it, and where we can make a difference, America must act - and lead.
I~..; L,P '"'
eric~ tem:let sflip n-et:essfH:¥ in two ways.
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First, to help meet immediate challeng
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from
rogue regimes ... from sudden explosions of ethriic, racial, religious and tribal hatreds ... and from
L."-t- ~ .
s ort term crise
econd, to seize the opportunities created by change to lay the long term
foundation for greater peace, freedom, security and prosperity around the world.
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We have approached the immediate challenges with strength and flexibility -- working with others
when we can, alone when we have to ... using diplomacy where possible, force where necessary.
That approach has produced good results.
When I took office, the bloodiest war in Europe since World War II raged in Bosnia. Thanks to ·
U.S.-led NATO airstrikes, American diplomacy and our peacekeeping troops, the war ~s over.. ..
elections have been held ... and the Bosnian people can get on with the hard work of rebuilding
their lives and their land.
When I took office, dictators terrorized Haiti, forcing tens of thousands of refugees to flee.
Because we backed American diplomacy with the force of our military and the power of an
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·~ ders a.t=e back. ..
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international coalition, the dictators are gone ... Haiti's democrati1 e
and the exodus of fear has ended.
When I took office, North Kore~ was moving forward with a dangerous nuclear program that it
had been developing for more than a decade. Thanks to our hard-headed diplomacy and the help
of Japan, South Korea and China, North Korea has frozen that program under int~mational
monitoring.
When the Mexican peso collapsed, it jeopardized tens of thousands of American jobs and
threatened the security of our border and ~e stability of other developing economies. Because we
stepped in immediately and rallied others to join us, Mexico's economy is back on track, 2/3rds of
. our loans have been repaid ahead of schedule,. and we're even earning interest ()n the deal.
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In each of these. cases, we were able to succeed because we
ac~epted
the responsibility to lead.
But it is not enough to handle the immediate crises. We also have a duty to set. our sights on, and
devote our efforts to, a more distant horizon-- because we live in a time of remarkable possibility.
Through our size, strength and wealth -- but also through the power of our example -- America
has a unique ability to lay the foundation for greater security, prosperity and freedom in the
future. These are long term projects. Often, they take place behind the headlines. But if we
pursue them, we can prevent the kind of immediate crises we've had to contend with these past
four years from arising in the first place. And we can build a future in which our children have an
opportunity to make the most of their God-given potential.
That's why we have worked patiently and pragmatically to reduce the threat ofweapons of mass
destruction and take on the challenge of terrorism ... to forge an open trading system for the 21st
We are making the future more secure by lifting the danger ofweapons of mass destruction.
has taken hard negotiations and determined diplomacy. But consider the results. Today, not a
single Russian missile is pointed at America. We
~e
cutting our nuclear arsenals by two-thirds.
We helped convince Ukraine, Kazakstan and Belarus [TK] to give up the warheads left on their
land when the Soviet Union dissolved. We won the indefinite extension of the Non-Proliferation
Treaty so these weapons of destruction do not spread to other countries. And just a few weeks
· ago, .after literally decades ofdiscussion that began under Presidents Eisenhower and Kennedy, I
�5
was proud to sign the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. Once it enters into force, it will end all
nuclear testing for all time.
There is more hard work ahead ofus: Securing Senate ratification of the Chemical Weapons
Convention to make it more difficult for rogue.states and· terrorists to acquire poison gas.
Strengthening the Biological Weapons Convention to help prevent the use of disease
a~
a weapon
of war. Negotiating a worldwide ban on anti-personnellandmines, which murder and maim more
than 25,000 people every year.
I will be relentless about keeping our focus on these goals -- and keeping the heat on terrorists
who would darken the dawn of the new century. Piece by piece, we have put in place a strategy
to 'fight terrorism on three fronts: toughening laws at home ... tightening the security in our
airports and on our airplanes ... and pressing our allies to adopt a policy of zero tolerance for
terrorism. While we can defeat terrorists, it will be a long time before we defeat terrorism. But if
we remain determined and strong, we will prevail.
We are building greater prosperity at home by opening markets abroad. Decades from now,
people will look back on this period and see the most far reaching changes in the wofld trading
system in generations.· We've negotiated more than 200 trade agreements. These agreements
have led to more than a million export-related jobs and have helped make America the world's
number one exporter again. [Y()U know that here in Detroit, which leads the nation with the
fastest recent growth in export trade.] Now, we must extend the reach of free and fair trade even.
·. furth~r -- issue by issue, agreement by agreement.
�6
Finally, we are advancing the cause of peace and freedom around the world. This mission is
rooted in our ideals and our interests. When people live free·and at peace, they are less likely to
make war or abuse the rights of their fellow citizens -- and more likely to be good trading partners
\
and partners in the struggle against rogue states, terrorism, international crime and drug
trafficking or environmental decay. From the Middle East to Northern Ireland ... from <;uba to
Burma, those taking risks for peace and freedom know that the United States stands by their side.
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Next month, I will travel to Asia for the fourth annual summit of the Asia Pacific Economic
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Cooperation forum -- because Asia's future is America's future. As a Pacific power, we have a
~
responsibility to work for stability and security in Asia so that our workers and consumers benefit
from that region's remarkable economic growth.
Nowhere are America's interests more engaged than in Europe. When Europe is at peace, our
security is strengthened. When Europe prospers, so does America. Remarkable generations of
Americans invested in Europe's peace and freedom with their sweat and sacrifice. They fought
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two world wars. Then they had the vision to create NATd\fthe Marshall Plan,~. The
strength of those institutions, the force of democracy and the determination of people to be free
produced victory in the Cold War.
Now that freedom has been won, it is this generation's responsibility to make sure that it never be
lost again. President Reagan gave strength to those working to bring down the Iron Curtain.
. President Bush
helped~tY
Gennany. Now, for the very first time since nation states appeared ·
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in Europe, we have an opportunity to build a peaceful, undivided and democratic continent -where democracy and free markets know no boundaries ... but where nations can be assured that
their borders will always be secure and their sovereignty and independence respected.
friends to build the bonds among our nations necessary for this time -- through the European
Union, the OECD, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and NATO. And I
challenged our people to summon the will, the resources and the patience to make this vision real.
The United States and Europe are answering the challenge. With our assistance, the forces of
reform in Europe's newly free nations have laid the foundations of democracy -- political parties,
free elections, an independent media. We have helped them develop successful market economies
--and now we· are moving from aid to trade and investment. Look at what we already have
achieved together. In just the seven years since the fall of the Berlin Wall, two-thirds of Russia's
economy has moved from the heavy grip of the state into private hands.
. looked
Polamf:~ch was
~t as a· charity c~ now has one of the West's highest rates of growth -
you're as likely
to read about Poland on the business page as on the front page.
The bedrock of our common security remains the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. When ·
President Truman signed the Ne>rth Atlantic Treaty forty-seven years ago, he expressed the goal
. of it~ founders plainly but powerfully: "to preserve their present peaceful situation and to protect
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it in the future." All of us here today are the beneficiaries of NATO's extraordinary success in
doing just that.
.
NATO defended the West against aggression. But even more: through NATO, Western Europe
became a source of stability instead of hostility ... France and Germany moved from conflict to
cooperation... democracy took permanent root in countries where fascism once ruled: .I came to
office convinced that NATO can do for Europe's East what it did for Europe's West: prevent a
return to local rivalries ... strengthen democracy against future threats ... and create the conditions
for market economies to flourish. That's why the United States has taken the lead in adapting
·NATO to the challenges of a new era ... opening its doors to Europe's new democracies ... and
while preserving NATO's vital core-- its integr~ted military command.
continue to take the lead in NATO-
greater share of the burden.
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n the Southern Region, where the most
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Bosnia has been the first major test for the new NATO. At the outset of the war, NATO was
subordinate to the United Nations humanitarian mission.
ut once we gave NATO the lead, its
bombing campaign, together with Muslim-Croat gains on the ground, pushed the Bosnian Serbs
from the battlefield to the bargaining table. The NATO-led Implementation Force has restored
security to Bosnia and allowed national elections to go forward. It has helped lay the foundation
upon which the people of Bosnia have a chance to.build a lasting peace.
For NATO to fulfill the promise of lasting peace and democracy that stands before Europe, it is
not enough to take on new missions. NATO must also take in new members, including from
among its former adversaries. It must reach out to all the new democracies in Cent~al Europe, the
Baltics and the New Independent States of the former Soviet Union.
At the first NATO Summit I attended in January 1994, I proposed that NATO enlarge -- steadily,
deliberately; operily. Our NATO allies agreed. Together, we created the Partnership for Peace as
. a path to full NATO membership for some.:. and a strong, lasting link to the Alliance for others.
Our strategy is paying off. The prospect of membership in or partnership with NATO has given
Europe's new democracies a strong incentive to continue reform and improve relations with their
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neighbors. Through the Partnership for Peace, prospective new members are gaining the practical
experience theyneed to assume the responsibilities of NATO membership. In Bosnia, [#TK]
Partner countries are serving alongside NATO troops .. There are Polish and Czech combat
battalions ... Hungarian engineering troops ... soldiers from Ukraine and the Baltic states ... and a
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. full Russian bngade. Just seven years ago, these soldiers served on.opposite sides of the Iron
Curtain. Today, their teamwork with our troops is erasing the lines.that once divided Europe~
We have kept NATO enlargement on track. Now, it is time to take the next, historic step .
r--~ t"(.v VI~·~ N ~ l{)
. forward. Last month, I called for a Summit in the spring·or early summer of 1997 to name the
1
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first group of future NATO members and invite them to begin accession talks. Today,. I want to
state America's goal: By 1999 --NATO's 50th~versary and ten years after the fall of the
Berlin Wall-- the first group of countries we
inv~ to join will be full-fledged members ofNATO.
I
To those not part of this first
gro~p,
I pledge that NATO's doors will not close behind its first
new members. NATO will remain open to all ofEurope's emerging democracies. No nation will
be automatically excluded. No country outside NATO will have a veto. And we will work to
deepen our cooperation with all the Partnership for Peace countries. We will not allow a gray
zone of insecurity to reemerge in Europe.
.
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As we go forward, I want the American people to understand that our plan is not free of costs.
And it will mean extending the most solemn security guaranty to our new allies -- a commitment
'·
to treat an attack on one as an attack on all. Peace .;,d security cannot be had on the cbeapp
mark my words: if we fail to seiZe this historic opportunity to build a new NATO for a new
Europe ... if we allow the Iron Curtain to be replaced by a veil of indifference ... we will pay a
much higher price later. America will be stronger, safer and better-off if the democratic falnily
grows ... ifwe bring into our ranks partners willing to share the respo~sibilities
offreedo~
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By overwhelniing majorities this'summer, both houses of Congress passed the NATO
Enlargement Facilitation Act. I greatly appreciate this bi-partisan support for my determination to
·forge a broader alliance of security, prosperity and -- as the First Lady said in Prague last Fourth
of July -- .an alliance of values with Europe. In the months and years ahead, I look forward to
working with Congress to ratify the accession of new members ... to provide the resources to meet
(}-vf=c..
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this new commitment. .. and to secure the support of the American people.
+k
NATO enlargement is not directed against anyone and it will serve the security of everyone -NATO's old members, new members and non-members alike. I know that some in Russia still
look upon NATO through a Cold War prism. I ask them to look again. By reducing rivalry and
fear, by strengthening the hand of peace and cooperation, NATO will promote greater stability in
Europe -- and Russia will be among the beneficiaries.
Indeed, Russia has the best chance in its history to help build a peaceful, undivided Europe -- and
to define its greatness in terms of the future, not the past. Therefore, I believe NATO
enlargement should proceed hand-in-hand with forging a new NATO.:. Russia relationship.
Russia's participation in the Partnership for Peace and its stron~ presence in Bosnia prove that
such a relationship is both possible and productive. After fifty years of confrontation, our troops
are training together on land and at sea, working together at NATO headquarters and standing
together for peace.
The United States has suggested that Russia and NATO agree on a formal Charter. We should
·. set up a mechanism for regular NATO-Russia meetings at all levels. And we sh_ould consult on
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European security issues so that ~ossible, NATO and Russia can act jointly to meet the
challenges that arise in the future. Russia and NATO are already partners for peace. We can
become full partners in bringing Europe together -- and turn the main battleground for the
bloodiest century in history into a continent whose people remain secure, prosperous and free.
These past four years, it has been one of the greatest privileges of my life to travel aroqnd the
world· on behalf of America. I have heard the voices, seen the faces and shaken the hands of
Prime Ministers and people on the streets. Wherever I go, whomever I talk to, the message to me
is the same: American leadership is welcome. Americap leadership matters.
~erican
leadership
ts necessary.
I wish every. American could see our country as so much of the world sees us. Out friends rely
upon our engagemenf Our adversaries respect our strength. As we enter the 21st century, we
must all make a commitment to remain true to this legacy ofleadership. America is the ·
indispensable nation. That is our burden and our opportunity. That is America's future.
�10/16/96
11:08
'Zr202 647 4147
POL PLANNING OFF
FAX TO:
NSC :- TONY BLINKEN
FROM;
S/P - ANDREW WEISS
Tony:
Bill Antholis. suggested that I follow up with you on
possible themes for· the Ukraine slice of next weekis POTUS
speech on European security. Strobe's speech at the
Ukrainian Embassy last Friday i~ the most authoritative
statement available and it contains a couple of threads
worth mentioning space permitting. See pp. 5-6 for the
following:
•
•
•
•
Ukraine is decidedly part of Europe,
Ukraine's integratio~ with Europe and deepening
relationship with NATO/PFP are critical elements of
our overall European strategy (quotes from
Christopher in Stuttgart)
Ukraine will not be left in a grey zone or sphere of
influence o~ce enlargement occurs
Ukraine remains eligible for NATO membership.
Feel f~ee to ring m~ (647-3393) if you need additional
suggestions or materials.
Cheers, Andrew
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11:09
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Ukraine at Five: A Progress Report on U.S. Policy
By Strobe Talbott
Acting Secretary of State
The Washington Group 1996 LeadersWp Conference
October 11, 1996
As delivered
Thank you Jaroslav [Voiko], and rhanks to The Washington Group for
including me in your celebration.
To £hose of you who arrived today from other pans of the country for
this weekend's conference: welcome to Washington. During the Cold War,
this city .used to be called the .. capitol of the free world." Well, WaShington
still qualifies as exactly that; In fact, with the collapse of Soviet Communism,
with the disappearance of rhe USSR, and with the dissolution of the Warsaw
Pact, .the free world is a much bigger place than it was just a few years ago -.
and today me free wor~d includes an independent, democra~c Ukraine.
Over the past three and a.balfyears, I've bad six opportUnities to visit
that brave young democracy.· It's good be back on sovereign Ukrainian
territory this eveniri.g. I'm grateful to the embassy for ope.b.ing its doors to me
and my colleagues ·from the Administration- Jolm Deutch, the Director of
Central Intelligence, Carlos Pasqua! of the National Security Council, Melanne
Verveer of the Office of the First Lady, Teras Bazyluk of the Arms Control and
Dis~ent Agency and Bill Taylor and Bruce Corm.uck of the State
to
Departmen~.
The Presidenr and the Secretary of Stare have asked me to convey two
messages to all of you: First, they have asked me to extend their greetings and
their thanks for all that everyone here· bas· done both for Uk.raine and for U.S_Ukrainian relations;· and second, they have asked me to review briefly, from the
vantage point of rhe .Clinton Administration; the past five years.
Everyone here tonight knows very well how far Ukraine has come in
·that short time. Tills room is filled with wirnesses of Ukraine's transfom:tation_
. Some of you were a pan of the "Chain of Unity" that stretched from Kyiv to
Lviv on January 22, 1990. Some of you were in the Verkhovna Rada on
August 24, 1991, the day when an honor guard brought in a giant blue and
yellow flag and Ukraine declared its independence,. Orhershere were in Kyiv
�10/16/96
11:09
'6'202 647 4147
POL PLANNING OFF
or Lviv or Kharkiv during the landmark presidential election in 1994, when
Ukraine became the first New Independent State of the forn1er Soviet Union to
transfer power from one democratically elected government to another. Or
you've been back for subsequent regional elections that have produced victories
around the country for a new generation of leaders who have made the. cities
:mel towns they lead into hubs of reform and sources of new ideas. Or maybe
you were mere this past June, when Ukraine adopted a new constitution that has
codified.the country's commitment ro democracy· and equal righlS for all its
citizens.
Many of you - I'd guess most of you -have seen wirh your own eyes
the indu~try and enirepreneurship of the Ukrainian people, whi~h have spawned
rhousands of small businesses throughout rhe country. They now account for
more than half ofUki"aine's national income. You've seen the hospitals where
there are now MRls and other modem diagnostic equipment,.and you've seen
the maternity wards where there are now incubators for premature babies.
You've seen the churches and synagogues that are once again filled with
worshippers.
In fact, many of you have been more than just witnesses of an rhis --you've been benefacrors and participants, and your contribution goes back a lm
longer than five years. For more than seven decades of Soviet domination, the
Ukrainian-American community kept alive the dream of an independent and
democratic homeland. Your faith nurtured rhe spirit and the substance of ·
independence until the dream fmally came true in 1991. Since then, you have
labored on behalf of Ukrainian democracy, Ukrainian rule of law, Ukrainian
freedom.of the press, Ukrainian medicine and science, the Ukraiitian
environment - and Ukrainian prosperity.
Many of you have worked bard to pur the Ukrainian economy on the
right rrack. Ir has beeri a monumental effort, and there were some scary
momentS along the way. Not too long ago, Ukraine was looking over the abyss
of hyperinflation. ·Last month, inflation was running at only 2 percent - a
huge and hopeful improvement. Also _in· September, Ukraine successfully
launched itS new currency, the hryvnia, which is already stronger rhan the
kharbovanets, the provisional currency it replaced.
.
If Ukraine is to continue this progress - if it is to fulfill its tremendous
economic potential- there is much hard work srill to be done. 1bat means
culling taXes and· bureaucracy, promoting land reform, and building the legal
foundation for a market economy.
But Ukraine does not face the challenge alone. The American people as
a whole have followed the example of Ihe Ukrainian-American community.
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We've all joined together in the great task of supporting a free Ukraine.
President Clinton has led the way by calling on the international community to
secure $1.9 billion in cash commitments for Ukraine in 1996. He has gone
beyond the mandates of Congress to provide Ukraine with $330 million in
bilateral grams and $860 million in trade and investment credits.
We're in Ukraine not just with our dollars but with our know-how, our
expertise, our own can-do bent for licking the toughest problems. We're on the
ground, making a difference fQr the better, working with real people.
Americans are in Ukraine today training the· next generation of entrepreneurs.
And by the way, our exchange programs work both ways. Through the U.S.
Information Agency and the Agency for International Development, nearly 8000
Ukrainians have come ro our country to share our ideas, to learn first-hand
about our way of life and work.
By early next year, we will have helped Ukraine privatize virtually its
entire small business sector, and a significant share of its larger enterprises.
We have already helped Ukraine build democracy by sponsoring town hall
meetings, sending legal advisors and constitutional experts, and assiSting
Ukraine's growing indepen,dent media.
Let me also make special mention of America's effort- both public and
private- ro help Ukraine deal with. one of the defining disasters of our tinie.
Ten ·years ago, an obscure town on the Prypiat River became world-famous
overnight When Reactor Number Foul: at the Cbomobyl nuclear power plant
blew its top, it was more than an isolated accident; it marked the beginning of
the meltdown of the Soviet Union. But Chomobyl also left Ukraine wilh a
health crisis rhat will last a generation - and it left the world with an obligation
to ensure that such a tragedy never happens again. Through the work of
numerous volunteer groups, many of whom are represented in this audience~
there has been an out;pouring of support for the victims, especially the children:
ofChomobyl.
A number of you weie present at the White Ho11se when Vice President
Gore and the First Lady conim.emorated the anniversary of the disaster - not
just by looking backward at the horror, but by looking forward with hope and
resolve. In this spirit, the United States has delivered over one hundred tons of
medical supplies to.hospitals in Ukraine and Belarus. We have also used our
leadership position in the Group of Seven maj9r industrialized democracies to
make available $3 billion to support Ukraine's decision to close Chomobyl by
me year 2000.
Let me assert a key point: Everything we've done for Ukraine - and
everything we will do in the future - we do not just because we Americans are
a generous people, although that is c~rtainly the case. We've done it and we'll
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keep on doing it~so because it is in our own nation's il;lterest to see an
independent, secure, democratic Ukraine survive, succeed and prosper.
Let me explain why that is by echoing our President. I was with him (as
was Marta) on a lovely spring day in May 1995 when he spoke to an audience
of enthusiastic, welcoming students in front of the main building at Shevchenko
University in Kyiv. President. Clinton told that young audience that support for
. Ukraine's young democracy reflects our most deeply held American values and
advances our most fundamental interests. He said a Ukraine that fulfills the
hopes of irs 52 million citizens will also, as he put it, "'provide an essential
anchor of stability and freedom in a part of the world still reeling from rapid
change."
We've said over and over- and we mean it every. time we say it- that
Ukraine· is a key European country. It is a bellwether for a vast region that
matters deeply and enduringly to the United States. If Ukraine stays on course
toward a better future for its own people, that will be good for all of Europe
and for the larger transatlantic community of which we are a part. If, however,
Ukraine goes off course, that will be bad for all of us~ The rationale for a
steadfast policy of American suppon for Ukraine is just that simple.
The fact is, whil~ U\:raine still faces numerous challenges, it has already ·
··emerged as a force·for stability and integration in Europe. It has done so
through it.S courageous decision in 1994 to join the Non.:.Proliferation Treaty as
a non-nuclear-weapons state. In exchange for assurances worked out with the
help of the United States, Ukraine enhanced its OWn security, and it set a
valuable example for the rest of the world. As a result of that landmark of
·Ukrainian wisdom, the whole world is safer today, and it will be safer· still in
the next century.
Ukraine has shown similar stateSmanship and strategic foresight by
forging strong new ties with the West while main~ining constructive relations
with its neighbors to the East.:._ and to the North. Ukraine was the fust New
Independent State to join the Partnership·for Peace program in February of
1994. This past summer American, Ukrainian, Russian, and Polish troops
trained together for peacekeeping operations on Ukrainian soil.
That training is already paying off. Today, American and Ukrainian
soldiers are together in Bosnia, working side by side to deal with the first major
threat to the peace in Europe since the end of the Cold War. And a Ukralnian. Polish peacekeeping battalion is raking shape.
·
Ukraine has also managed irs complex relationship with Russia with
prudence and balance, working hard to defuse problems before they become
4
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·.
crises. From time to -time; when both panies have asked us to do so, the United
Stares has helped, and it stands ready to do so again in the future.
We in the U.S. govelnment fully understand the difficulty that often
anends rhe right decisions. Therefore we will use every occasion, including this
one, to reafflrm our detennination to ensure that there is a proud and prominent
place for Ukraine in the growing conununity of market democracies - and in
the institutions that Wldergird our common values, our corru:Don interests and
our common aspirations.
· My boss, Secretary Christopher, recently delivered a major speech on
European security in Srurrgart. He laid out the President's strategic vision for a
Europe that is increasingly sr.able, secure, prosperous, and democratic- a
Europe that will be Wldivided for the first time in hisrory. Let me quote just
one part of what Secretary Christopher had to say about Ukraine in that speech .
.. A critical goal of the New Arlantic Community," he said, .. is to achieve
Ukraine's integration with Europe. "
That statement will serve as a guiding principle for the United States in
the months and years ahead. I£ means that we will support Ukraine's active
participation in the Council of Europe and. in the Organization on Security and
Cooperation in Europe, the OSCE. It meam that we will continue to assist
Ukraine in its effort ttijoin the World Trade Or,g;anization, and that we endorse
Ukraine's interest in the Central European Free Trade Area, the European
Union, and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development;
which is the international forum for monitoring economic trends in free market
. democracies.
That same guiding principle - that same commitment to Ukraine's
.
integration into the community of nations - will also dictate our leadership of
.the Nonh Atlantic Treaty Organization. NATO is, and will remain, essential to
the evolution of a new, post-Cold War Europe.
A solid, cooixrative relationship berween NATO' and Ukraine is vital to
European security. As you all know, NATO is preparing to take in new·
meJDbers. There will be concrere steps in that direction next year. We are
determined that the process of NATO enlargement serve the larger cause of
peace, security, prosperity, democratization and integration on the Continent of
Europe.
This is more than just a matter of assertirig a negative: ·it's more than
being determined that NATO enlargement not create new dividing lines or harm
rhe legitimate security interests of any of the new democracies emerging from
the old Soviet empire. Iris also a matter of asserting a positive propositionthat NATO must respect and enhance the security of the region as a whole and
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the security of all European states t:har deserve and aspire to integration. That
emphatically includes Ulqaine.
As a vigorous, pathbreaking panicipam in the Parmership for Peace,
,
Ukraine is already cooperating closely with NATO. We've laid the basis for a
. steadily developing relationship of cooperation and consultation. There is
nothing to limit how that enhanced relationship mighr develop over time.
Let me tinderscore'here two simple sratemenrs of fact-'- and of
principle: fir5t, Ukraine and only Ukraine will decide what associations or
memberships it aspires to in the future; and second, NATO and only NATO
·will decide whom to admit to its ranks.
··
·
The warchwords ofNATO enlargement bear repeating here: the proc~ss
· will continue to be deliberate; it. will be transparent; it will be open; it will be
inclusive; it will be respectful. '"Inclusive" means that none of the emerging
democracies is 10 be excluded. None means none. It means there will be no
special categories for inclusion into NATO, and none for exclusion from
NATO. "'Respectful" means that the rightS and interests of all those states will
be taken fully and properly into account in the way that ~nlargenient occurs.
Both those principles apply to Ukraine.
How we apply those principles is one of the. most important items·on the
ever-giowing agenda of U.S.-Ukrainian cooperation and consultation. No
subject has occupied more arrention than European security in the dealings that
Secretary Christopher and I have bad with our friend Foreign Minister
Hennadiy Udovenko, or in the talks that Tony Lake and I recently' had with
Volodymyr Horbulyn, the very. able Secretary of the National Security and
Defense Council. By me way, Foreign Minister Udovenk:o will be here again
. in just over a week for meetings with Secretary Christopher, Secrerary Perry
and National Security Advisor Tony Lake.
The subject of Ukraine's important role in the building of a new Europe
will also figure, along with a wide array of other topics, in a new channel that
is opening between Washington and Kyiv: the U.S.-Ukraine Binational
Commission, to be headed by President Kuctuna and Vice President Gore.
I do not want ro impose on your kind attention much longer. Nor do I
want to delay the next stage of the embassy's hospitality. I just want to make
one fmal point.
All of us in the Clinton Adm:inistrat~on - starting with the President and
·Vice President themselves~ are optimistic about Ukraine's future, and I sense
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you are too. One reason for our optimism .is that Ukraine has come so far in
such a short period of time.
The United States •· own historical experience should make us Americans
patient. persistent, and admiring when we look at Ukraine. After all, our own
democracy has been a:. work in progress for 220 years. We must remember how
long it has taken us ro get it right (in fact, we're still working at it). The United
States became a "new independent state" in 1776. When we celebrated the fifth
anniversary of our.own independence in 1781,. we still had a very long way to
go. It would take us another six years to draft a constiru.tion. Independent,
democratic Ukraine accomplished that task before it turned five. In our own
evolution as a civil society and a multiethriic democracy, it took us ·s9 years to
abolish slavery, 144 to give women the vote, and 188 ro extend full
constitutional protections to all citizens.
·
All of which is to say that, even by the accelerated, fast-forward
standards of the modem world, Ukraine at the tender age of five has much of
which to be proud, much to make it confident about the future, and much that
we Americans can be proud to support, to. applaud and to join in celebrating for Ukraine's sake, and for our own.
So happy birthday, Ukraine.· Mnohaya lita, Ukraino.
7
141 008
�10/19/96 7 p.m.
PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
"LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS FOR PEACE, SECURITY AND PROSPERITY
IN THE 21ST CENTURY"
FISHER THEATER- DETROIT, MICIDGAN .
OCTOBER 22, 1996
I am glad to be in Detroit, a city focused on the future ... a city meeting the challenge of. change. I
come here to talk about one of the great challenges we face as we enter the 21st century: making
sure America remains the strongest force on earth for peace, freedom, security and prosperity.
From its birth, America has stood for an idea: that people have the right to control their own lives
and pursue their own dreams. In this century especially, we have done more than stand for these
principles-- we have acted on them ... and sacrificed for them. We fought two world wars so that
freedom could triumph over tyranny. Then, we made the commitments that kept the peace ... that
helped spread democracy ... that brought us great prosperity ... and that won the Cold War. Now,
the ideas we Americans fought for-- democracy ... tolerance ... free markets-- are, more and
more, the ideals of humanity.
After four years as :E-resident, I am more convinced than ever that to build a strong community
based on opportunity and responsibility here at home ... we must maintain our indispensable role of
leadership abroad. That is the lesson of this century. And· it will be an even more powerful reality
in the century that is about to begin -- a century in which the blocs and barriers that defined the
world for previous generations will continue to give way to greater freedom, faster change and
. mor~ technological innovation than ever before.
�----------------------------,----------..,----'i
2
As the walls come down around the world, so must the wall in our minds between domestic and
foreign policy. Think about it. Our prosperity as individuals, as communities and as a nation
depends upon our poliCies on economics and trade at home and abroad. Our well-being as
individu3.Is, as communities and as a nation depends upon our policies on the environment at
home and abroad. Our security as individuals, as communities and as_a nation depends. upon our
policies on terrorism, crime and drug trafficking at home and abroad. We can best reduce the
threats to people here in America by also reducing threats beyond our borders. We can best
advance the common good at home by also advancing the common good around the world.
That is why I have resisted those who believe that, with the Cold War over, America can afford to choose escapism over engagement. The fact is, America remains the indispensable nation. There
are times when America, and only America, can make the difference between war and peace,
between freedom and repression, between hope and fear. We cannot be the world's policeman.
But where our interests· and values demand it -- and where we can make a difference -- America
must act, and lead.
American leadership is necessary in two ways. First, to help meet immediate challenges from
rogue regimes ... from sudden explosions of ethnic, racial, religious and tribal hatreds ... and from
short term crises. -Seco~d, to seize the opportunities created by change to lay the long term
foundation for greater peace, freedom, security and prosperity around the world.
'
:
I
�3
We have approached the immediate challenges with strength and flexibility -- working with others
when we can, alone when we have to ... using diplomacy where possible, force where necessary.
That approach has produced good results.
When I took office, the bloodiestwar in Europe since World War II raged in Bosnia. Thanks to
U.S.-led NATO airstrikes, American diplomacy and the presence of our peacekeeping troops, the
war is over ... elections have. been held ... and the Bosnian people can get on with the hard work of
rebuilding their lives and their land.
When I took office, dictators terrorized Haiti, forcing tens ofthousands of refugees to flee for our
shores. Because we backed American diplomacy with the force of our military and the power of
an international coalition, the dictators are gone ... Haiti's democratically elected leaders are
back. .. and the exodus of fear has ended.
When I took office, North Korea was moving forward with a dangerous nuclear program that it
had been developing for more than a decade. Thanks to our hard-headed diplomacy and the help
of Japan, South Korea and China, North Korea has frozen that program under international
monitoring.
When the Mexican peso collapsed, it jeopardized tens of t~ousands of American jobs and
threatened the security of our border and the stability of other developing economies. Because
we stepped in immediately with an assistance package and rallied others to join us, Mexico's
�4
economy is back· on track. .. ·two-thirds of our loans have been repaid ahead of schedule ... and
we're even earning interest on the deal.
In each of these. cases, we were able to succeed because we accepted the responsibility to lead.
But it is not enough to handle the headline crises. We also have a duty to set our sights on, and
devote our efforts to, a more distant horizon -- because we live in a time of remarkable. possibility.
Through our size, strength and wealth-- but also through the power of our example-- America·
has a unique ability to lay the foundation for greater security, prosperity and freedom in the
future. These are long term efforts. Often, theytake place behind the headlines. aut if we pursue
· them, we can prevent the immediate crises we've had to contend with these past four years from
arising in the first place. And we can forge a future in which our children and children around the
world have an opportunity to make the most of their God-given potential.
That's why we have worked patiently and pragmatically to reduce the threat of weapons of mass
destruction and takeon the challenge of terrorism ... to build an open trading system for the 21st
century ... and to help secure the gains peace and freedom are making around the world.
We are making the future more secure by lifting the danger of weapons of mass destruction. It
has taken hard negotiations and determined diplomacy. But consider the results. Today, not a
single Russian missile is pointed at America. We are cutting .our nuclear arsenals by two-thirds.
We helped convince Ukraine, Kazakstan and Belarus to give up the warheads left on their land
·. when the Soviet Union dissolved. We won the indefinite extension of the Non:-Proliferation
�'I
5
Treaty so these weapons of destruction do not spread to other countries. And just a few weeks
ago, after literally decades of discussion that began under Presidents Eisenhower and Kennedy, I
was proud to sign the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. Once it enters into force, it will end all
nuclear testing for all time.
There is more hard work ahead of us: Securing Senate ratification of the Chemical We_apons
Convention to make it harder for rogue states and terrorists to acquire poison gas. Strengthening
the Biological Weapons Convention to help prevent the use of disease as a weapon of war.
Negotiating a worldwide ban on anti-petsonnellandmines, which murder a:nd maim more than
25,000 people every year.
· I will be relentless about keeping our focus on these goals -- and keeping the heat on terrorists
who would darken the dawn of the new century. Piece by piece, we have put in place a strategy.
to fight. terrorism on three fronts: toughening laws athome ... tightening the security in our
airports and on our airplanes ... and pressing our allies to adopt a policy of zero tolerance for
terrorism .. While we can defeat terrorists, it Will be a long time before we defeat terrorism. But if .
we remain determined and strong, we will prevail..·
We are building greater prosperity at home by opening markets abroad. Decades from now,
. people will look back on this period and see the most far reaching changes in the world trading
system in generations. We've negotiated more than.200 trade agreements. These agreements
have led to more.than a million export-related jobs and have helped make America the world's
�6
number one exporter again. Now, we must extend the reach of free and fair trade even further--.
issue by issue, agreement by agreement.
Finally, we are advancing the cause of peace and freedom around the world. This QJ.ission is
rooted in our ideals and our interests. When people live free and at peace, they are less likely to
make war or abuse the rights of their fellow citizens -- and more likely to be good trad!ng partners
and partners in the struggle against rogue states, terrorism, international crime and drug
trafficking or environmental decay. From the Middle East to Northern Ireland ... from Cuba to
Burma, all those taking risks for peace and freedom know that the Unit~d States stands by their
side. ·
Next month, I will travel to Asia for the fourth annual summit of the Asia Pacific Economic
Cooperation forum-- because Asia's future is America's future. As a Pacific power, we have a
responsibility to work for stability. and security in Asia so that our workers and consumers benefit
from that region's remarkable economic growth.
America is no less engaged in Europe. Remarkable generations of Americans invested iri Europe's
peace and freedom with their sweat and sacrifice. They fought two world wars. Then they had
the vision to create NATO, the Marshall Plan, GATT. The strength of those institutions, the
force of democracy and the determination of people to be free produced victory in _the Cold War.
. ..
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Now that freedom has been on, it is this generation's responsibility to make sure that it never be
lost .again. President ReagJ helped bring about the end of the Soviet empire .. President Bush
�7
helped reunify Germany. Now, for the very first time since nation states appeared in Europe, we
have an opportunity to build a peaceful, undivided
an~
democratic Europe -- a continent where
democracy and free markets know no boundaries ... but where nations can be assured that their
borders will always be secure.
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·To succeed, all of Europe -- not just its Western half-- must know the stability that has eluded it
.
...
'
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,
for too much of this century. Nearly three years ago, I laid out a strategy for European stability
based upon its integration -- political integration around democracies, economic integration
around free markets, and security integration around mutual defense cooperation. I urged our
enduring allies and new friends·to build the bonds among our nations necessary for this· time-through the European Union, the OECD, the. Organization for Security and Cooperation in
.
'
.
Europe and NATO. And I challenged all our people to summon the vision, the will
~~
·
d the
patience this great adventure demands.
The United States and Europe are ~swering the challenge. With our assistance, the forces of
reform in Europe's east have laid the foundations of democracy-- political parties, free elections,
an independent media. We have helped them develop successful market econmpies --and now
we are moving from aid to trade· and investment. It's tempting to take progress for granted. But
consider: in just the seven years since the fall of the Berlin Wall, two-thirds ofRussia's economy
.has moved from the heavy grip of the state
int~Zds o£.its people.· And Poland, which was . · t>(
looked at as a charity case, now has one of the West's highest rates of growth -- yolJ 're as likely
to read about Poland on the business page as on the front page.
01
�----------
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8
The bedrock of our common security remains the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. When
President Truman signed the N~rth Atlantic Treaty forty-seven years ago, he expressed the goal
of its founders plainly but powerfully: "to preserve their present peaceful situation and to protect
it in the future." All of us here tod~y are the beneficiaries of NATO's extraordinary success in
doing just that.
NATO defended the West against aggression. But even more: throug NATO, Western Europe
o(
NATO can do for Europe's East what it did for Europe's West: prevent a return to local
rivalries ... strengthen democracy against future threats ... and create the conditions for market
~
economies to flourish. That's why the United States has taken the lead in adapting NATO to the
_
·
challenges of a new era.. , opening its doors to Europe's new democracies ... and building a
(ooV"-·~"" 1'll--
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relationship between NATO and Russia.
t>(
·ng armies in Europe to smaller, more _
. flexible forces trained and equipped for peacekeeping. We set up mobile headquarters to run
these new missions more effectively and efficiently. And we are giving our European allies a
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_larger role within the Alliance while preserving NATO'l)
--its integrated military
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command. The United States will continue to take the lead in NATO -- especially
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in the Southern
Region, where the greatest threats to peace still exist. But we welcome our allies' willingness to
· shoulder a greater share of the. burden.
'
�•
..
9
Bosnia has been the first major test for the new NATO. At the outset of the war, NATO was
subordinate to the United Nations humanitarian mission. But once we gave NATO the lead, its
from the battlefield to the bargaining table. The NATO-le
o(
s restored security to
Bosnia and allowed national elections to go forward. It has helped lay the foundation uponwhich
.
,
the people of Bosnia have a chance to build a lasting peace.
But for NATO to fulfill the promise oflasting peace and democracy that stands befor Europe, it
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is not enough to take on new missions. NATO must also take in n:ew members om among its
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adversaries~~ out to all the new democracies in Central Europe, the Baltics and
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the New Independent States)~
At the first NATO Summit I attended in January 1994, I proposed that NATO enlarge-- steadily, .
deliberately and openly. Our NATO allies agreed. Together, we created the Partnership for
Peace as a path to full NATO membership for some and a strong, lasting link to the Alliance for
others.
,Our stftf:f is paying off The prospect of membership in or partnership with NATO bas given
nation~t ~ a strong incentive to strengthen democracy and improve relations with
their neighbors. And through the P;artnership for Peace, prospective new members are gaining the
practical experience they need to assume the responsibilities of NATO membership. In Bosnia,
[#T~]
Partner countries are serving alongside NATO troops. There are Polis4 and Czech combat
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battalions ... Hu.ngarian engineering troops ... soldjers from Ukraine and theBal · s . es ... and a
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full Russian brigade. Just seven years ago, these soldiers were adversaries. Today, their
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teamwork with our troops is erasing the lines that once divided Europe.
NATO enlargement is on track.· Now, it is time to take the next, historic step forward. Last
month, I called for a Summit in the spring or early summer of 1997 to name the first
gr~:mp
of
future NATO members and invite them to begin accession talks. Today, I want to state the goal
the United States will take to that Summit. By 1999 --NATO's 50th anniversary and ten years
after the fall of the Berlin Wall-- the first group of countries we invite to join will be full-fledged
members ofNATo{:kfl,..;.)
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To those not part of this i tial
, I pledge that NATO's doors will not close behind its first
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new member
. And we will work to. deepen our cooperation with all the
A..t
Partnership for Peace countries.
alike. As we go forward, I want the American people to understand that our plan is not free of
costs. And it will mean extending the most solenin security guaranty to our new allies-~ a
commitment to treat an attack on one as an attack on all. Peace and security cannot be had on the
cheap.· But mark my ~oids: if we fail to seize this historic opportunity to build a new NATO for
a new Europe ... if we allow the Iron Curtain to be replaced by a veil ofin~ce ... we will pay
a much higher price later. America will be stronger, safer and better-off
~mocratic family
grmys ... ifwe bring into our ranks partners willing to share the responsibilities.offreedom.
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I greatly appreciate Congress' bi-partisan endorsement for enlargement.
majorities this summer, both houses passed the NATO Enlarg~ment Facilitation Ac --and.
.
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determination to forge~
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o security, prosperity and
In the months and years ahead, I look forward to working with~th parties
Congress to ratify the accession of new members ... to fund our share of this new coJ!UDitment. ..
.and to secure the support of the American people.
NATO enlargement is not directed against anyone-- and it will serve the security of everyone.
No nation will be automatically excluded; at the same time, only NATO will decide who is invited
L 1 _11
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through .a C. old Warp~~ them to look again. By reducing rivalry and fearJNATO will ~ fi ;
(. ~ ~ s~--- l!. . · + - 1- , (,-.,1 11 &. (.,,._, "-:1 -ft._
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ct:eate greater stabilitY, in Europe tY1 Russitt\has ~es. ~ z...::, ,
loop ,
to join-- no outside country will have a veto. I know that some in Russia stilllopk upon NATO
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Indeed, Russia has the best chance in its history to play a central role in building a peaceful,
L&M~
..
undivided Europe -- and to define itS; r9le a& ~t satign in terms of the future, not the past.
We can seize that chance if NATO enlargement proceeds hand-in-hand with forging a new NATO
- Russia relationship. Russia's participation in the Partnership for Peace and its strong presence in
Bosnia proves that such a relationship is both possible and productive. After fifty years of
confrontation, our troops are training together on land and at sea, working together at NATO ·
headquarters and standing together for peace.
�12
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a formal Charter. We
. should set up a mechanism for regular NATO-Russia meetings at all levels. And we should .
consult on European security issues so that where possible, NATO and Russia can act jointly to
meet the challenges that arise in the future.· Russia and NATO.are already partners for peace.· We
can become full partners in bringing Europe together -- and tum the main battleground for the
bloodiest century in history into a continent whose people remain secure, prosperous and free.
.
.
.
These past four years, it has been one of the greatest privileges of my life to travel around the
world on behalf of America. I have heard the voices, seen the faces and shaken the hands of
Prime Ministers and people on the streets. Wherever I go, whomever I talk to; the message to me
is the same: American leadership matters. American leadership is welcome. American leadership
1s necessary.
I wish every American could see our country as so much of the world sees us. Our friends rely
upon our engagement. Our adversi:uies respect our strength.. As we enter the 21st century, we
must all make a commitment to remain true to this legacy of leadership. America is the
·indispensable nation: That is our burden and our opportunity. That is America's future.
�~-v5~
\-\P\U
10/20/96 8 p.m.
·/
PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
"LAYING THE FOUNDATIONS FOR PEACE, SECURITY AND PROSPERITY .
IN THE 21ST CENTURY"
FISHER THEATER-- DETROIT, MICHIGAN
OCTOBER 22, 1996
1 am glad to be in Detroit, a city focused on the future ... a city meeting the challenge of change. I
come here to talk about a great challenge we all face as we enter the 21st century: making sure
America remains the strongest force on earth for peace, freedom, security and prosperity.
;.
From its birth, America has stood for an idea: that people have the right to control their own lives
·
. · ·Jc J
and pursue their own dreams. In thi!s centun,pecianJ, we have done IItOre than stand for these .
A~,- ~
principles -- we have acted on them ... and sacrificed for them. We fought two world wars so that
~-~9
freedom could triumph over. tyranny.~e made the commitments that kept the peace ... that
.
·.
.
.
"
.
.
helped spread democracy ... that brought us great prosperity... and that won the Cold War. Now,
the ideas we Americans fought· for-- democracy ... tolerance ... free markets-- are, more and
more, the ideals ofhumanity.
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rest en ,
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an ever that to build a strong community
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based on opportunity and responsibility at home ... w~aintain et:tf irrdis-fHti:.lsa.ble fQ~
1~. That is the lesson ofthis century. It will be an even more powerful reality in ,
~ry"ihat is ftael::lt to begin -- .a century in whi~h the blocs and barriers that. defined ~he
'
____..
.
world for previous generations will continue to give way to greater freedom, fast~~. change and
.
'
more technological innovation than ever before.
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individuals, as communities and as a nation depends upon o
home and abroad0Our
olicies on th environme
at .
se~urity as individuals, as communities and as a nation depends upon our
policies on terrorism, crime and drug trafficking at home and abroad. We can best reduce the
threats to people here. in America by also reducing threats beyond our borders. We can best
advance the common good at home by also advancing the common good around the world.
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That is why I resist tose who believe that, with the Cold War over, America can .choose escapism
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over engagement. /The fact is, America remains the indispensable nation. There are times when
America, and only America, can make the difference between war and peac;e, between freedom
and repression, between hope and fear. We cannot be the world's policeman. But where our
interests and values demand it, and where we can make a difference, America must act - and lead.
American leadership is necessary in: two ways. First, to help meet immediate challenges from
rogue regimes ... from sudden explosions of ethnic, racial, religious and tribal hatreds ... and from
.
.
short-term crises. Second, to seize the opportunities created by change to lay the long-term
foundation for greater peace, freedom, security and prosperity around the world.
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We have approached the immediate challenges with strength and flexibility-- working with others
when we can, alone when we have to ... using diplomacy where possible, force where necessary.
When I took office, the bloodiest war in Europe since·
U.S.-led NATO airstrikes, American diplomacy
War II raged in Bosnia. Thanks to
~
. . .
-
eacekeepmg troops, the war IS over. ..
national elections have been held ... and the Bosnian people can get on with the hard work of
~ebuilding
their lives and their land.
When I took office, dictators terrorized Hai~f!)ens of thousands of refugees to flee.
Because we backed American diplomacy wi~ce of oar-milita:ry and the power of an
international coalition, the dictators are gone ... Haiti's democratically elected leaders are back. ..
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and the~ has ended. ·
·
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-
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When I took office, North Korea w~s moving forward with a dangerous nuclear program that it
had been developing for more than Cl: decade. Thanks to our hard-headed diplomacy and the help
of Japan, South Korea and China, North Korea has frozen that program under international
exican peso collapsed{)ieopardized tens of thousands of American jobs and
threatened the security ef our border and the-stability of other developing economies. Because we
stepped in immediately and rallied others to join us, Mexico's economy is back on track, 2two-
•
�thirds of our loans have been repaid ahead of
sch~ule,
and we're even
Jtt
interest on the
deal.
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[n each of these cases, we were able to suCceed because we accepted the responsibility to l e a f f
But it is not enough to handle the immediate crises. We also have a duty to set our sights on, and
.
.
devote our efforts t(), a more distant horizon -- because we live in a time of remarkable possibility.
·~
Through our size, strength and wealth -- but also through the power of our example -- America
has a unique ability to lay the foundation for greater security, prosperity and freedom ifl the
~e ...These are long-term project~. 0
they take place behind-the headlines: But if we
,~
pursue them, we can preven the . · .
~rom arising in the first place.
·
.tJ ...
ediaj crises &ve had to conW!td widt these-past
And we can build a future in w¥ch our·children have an
opportunity to make the most of their God-given potential.
That's why we have worked patiently and pragmatically to reduce the threat ofweapons of mass
destruction and take on the
challen~~orism ...
rcl~
to forge an open trading system for the 21st
·
century... and to help secure the gain\. peace and freedom are making around the world.
·
We are making the future more secure by lifting the danger of weapons of mass destruction. It
has taken hard negotiations and determined diplomacy. But consider the results. Today, not a
single Russian missile is pointed at America. We are cutting our nuclear arsenals by two-thirds.
We helped convince Ukraine, Kazakstan and Belarus [TK] to give up the warheads left on their
land when the Soviet Union dissolved.· We won the indefinite extension of the Non-Proliferation
1
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.
Treat~86-these weapons o
: n do not spread to.other countries. And just a few weeks
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.
.
.
ago, after literally decades of aiscussion that began under Presidents Eisenhower and Kennedy, I
was proud to sign the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. Once it enters into force, it will end all
nuclear testing for all time.
~~0
.
(V.
There is more hard work
~ead of us\ securing Senate ratification of the Chemical Weapons
Convention to make it more difficult for rogue states and terrorists to acquire poison gas.
'
.
· Strengthening the Biological Weapons Convention to help prevent the use of disease as a weapon
ofwar. Negotiating a worldwide ban on anti-personnellandmines, which murder and maim more
than 25,000 people every year.
I will be relentless about keeping our focus on these goals -- and keeping the heat ori terrorists
who would darken the dawn of the new century. Piece by piece, we have put in place a strategy
to fight terrorism on three fronts: toughening laws at home ... tightening the security in our
airports and on our airplanes ... and pressing our allies to adopt a policy of zero tolerance for
terrorism. While we can defeat terrorists, it will be a long time before we defeat terrorism. But if
we remain determined and strong, we will prevail.
We are building greater pros rity at home by opening markets abroad. Decades from now,
people will look back on
system in generation
is period and see the most far-reaching changes in the world trading
We've negotiated more than 200 trade agreements. These agreements
have led to more than a million export-related jobs and have helped make America the world's
number one exporter again. [You know that here in Detroit, which leads the nation with the
.
.
�-------------·--··--··----,--------
6
fastest recent growth in export trade.] Now, we must extend the reach of free and fair trade even
further -- issue by issue, agreement by agreement.
Finally, we are advancing the cause of peace and freedom around the world. This mission is
rooted in our ideals and our interests. When people live free and at peace, they are less likely to
. make war or abuse the rights oftheir fellow citiz"ens'-- and more likely to be good trading p
and partners in the struggle against fogue states, terrorism, international crime and 'drug
·
ners
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trafficking or environmental decay. From the Middle East to Northern Ireland ... from Cuba to
Burma, those taking risks for peace and freedom know that the United States stands by their side.
Next month, I will travel to Asia for the fourth annual summit of the Asia Pacific Economic
Cooperation forum-- because Asia's future is· America's future. As a Pacific power, we have a
responsibility to work for stability and security in Asia so that our workers and consumers benefit
from that region's remarkable economic growth.
Nowhere are America's interests more engaged than in Europe.· When Europe is at peace, our
security is strengthened. When Europe prospers, so does America. Remarkable generations of
Americans invested in Europe's peace and freedom with their sweat and sacrifice. They fought
two world wars. Then they had the vision to create NATO, the Marshall Plan, GATT. The
strength of those institutions, the force of democracy and the determination of people to be free
produced victory in the Cold War.
to S~ A/"'iA(Ji
�------------~----------------------------------------
7
. '
Now that freedom has been won, itis this generation's responsibility to make sure that it never .be
lost again. President Reagan gave strength to those working to bring down the Iron Curtain.
President Bush helped reunify Germany. Now, for the very first time since nation states appeared
in Europe, we have an opportunity to build a peaceful, undivided and democratic continent -where democracy and free markets know no boundaries ... but where nations can be assured that
their borders will always be secure and their sovereignty and independence respected.
In January 1994, during my first trip to Europe as President, I laid out a strategy for European
integration -- political integration around democracy, economic integration around free markets,
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and security integration around mutual defense cooperation. · I urged our enduring allies and new
friends to build the bonds among our nations necessary for this
tim[
through the European
Union, the OECD, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe,
an~ And I
challenged our people to summon the will, the resources and the patience to make this vision rea]
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.
The United States and Europe are answering the challenge. With
.
.
our~' the forces of
.
.
reform in Europe's newly free nations have lai~ the foundations of democracy ~- political parties,
free elections, an independent media. We have helped them develop successful market economies
-- and now we are moving from aid to trade and investment. Look at what we already have
achieved
.
togeth~r. InA\J the sevenyears sipce the fall of the Berlin Wall, two-thirds of Russia's
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.
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economy has moved from the heavy grip ofthe state into private hands. Poland, which was
looked ttt as a eharity case,
now has one of the West's high~st rates of growth-- you're as likely _)
to read about Poland on the business page as on the front page.
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�. When
President Truman signed the North Atlantic Treaty forty-seven years ago, he expressed the goal
of its founders plainly but powerfully: "to preserve their present peaceful situation and to protect
it in the future." All ofus here today are the beneficiaries ofNATO's extraordinary success in . ,
f)
doing just that. .
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NATO defended the West against aggression. But even more: through NATO, Western Europe
became a source of stability instead of hostility ... France .and Germany moved from conflict to
cooperation... democracy took permanent root in countries where fascism once ruled. I came to
office convinced that NATO can do for Europe's East what it did for Europe's W~st: ··prevent a
return to local rivalries ... strengthen democracy against future threats.,. and create the conditions
for market economies to flourish. That's why the United States has taken the lead in adapting
NATO to the challenges of a new era ... opening its doors to Europe's new democracies ... and
building a strong, cooperative ielationshipbetween NATO and Russia.
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To adapt NATO .to new demand~e r~cognized that it would ha:J to take on missio:beyond
the territory of its members -- ofteri in cooperation with non-member states.
W~ur
emphasis from large standing armies in ~urope to smaller, more flexible forces trained and
.
.
equipped for peacekeeping.· We set up mobile headquarters to run these new missions more
effectively and efficiently. And we are giving our European allies a larger role within the Alliance
while preserving NATO's vital core-- its integrated military
continue to take the lead in NATO
.
0- -
coinmand.~he United States \\'ill
especially in the' Southern Region; where the most
.
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~·immediate threats to peace still exist. But we welcome our allies' willing1,1ess to shoulder a
. greater share of the burden.
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.Bosnia has been the first major test for the new NATO. At the outset of the war, NAT
t-v<
was
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-~~:;:nited Nations hYRHmil"riaa nrissieR
But once ~~ATO the lead, its
~' together with Muslim-Croat gains on the groun~ pushed the'Bosnian Serbs
from the battlefield to the bargaining table. The NATO-led Implementation Force has restored
.
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security to Bosni~lowed national elections to~rvtM!!:f"H l:!:iiS hei]:reellay the fe~ion
7
upon whiGtl the people ofBosriia~a chance to build a lasting peace.
For NATO to fulfill the promise of lasting peace and democracy that stands before Europe; it is
not enough to take on new missions. NATO must als·o take in new members, including from
among its former adversaries. It must reach out to all the new democracies in Central Europe, the
(
.
Baltics and the New Independent States·.ofthe f~rmer Soviet Union.
At the first NATO Summit I attended in January 1994, I proposed that NATO
.
deliberately,. openly.
~nlarge
-- steadily,
.
·Our~ allies agreed .. Tog~ther, we created the Partnership for Peace as
a path to full NATO membership for some... ahd a strong, lasting_ link to the Alliance for others.
Our strategy is paying off. ·The prospect of membership in or partnership with NATO has given
Europe's new democracies a strong incentive to continue reform and improve relations 'Yith their
.
. J
neighbors. Through the Partnership for Peace, prospective new members are gaining the~
experience"' they need to assume th~ responsibi ities ofNATOmembership. In B·osnia, [#TK]
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Partner countries are
rving alongs' e NATO troops. There are Polis,h and Czech combat
battalions ... Hungari
en · ering·troops ... soldiers from Ukraine and the Baltic states ... and a .
full Russian brigade. ust seven years ago, these soldiers served on opposite sides of the Iron
Curtain. Today, their teamwork with our troops is erasing the lines that once divided Europe.
We have kept NATO enlarge!llent on track. Now, it is time to taketh~ next, historic step
forward .. Last monVed for a
S~mmit in the spring or early summer of 1997 to name the
'
.
I
fi,rst group offut~re NATO members and invite them to begin accession talks. Today, I want to
state America's-goal: By 1999-- NATO's 50th anniversary and ten years after the fall of.the
Berlin Wall -- the first group 'of countries we
invit~ tOjoin eJP. full-fledged members ofNATO.
.
'··
'
To those not part of this first group, I pledge that NATO's. doors will not c
~--~·------
~:;;: lo~
e behind its first~
.. .
new members. NATO wilhemain open to all ofEurope'~ emerging democracie. No nat1
be ~utomatically excluded. No
J I
fJmJt~
wi1111h '"J{p ~
c~untry o~tside NATO will have a veto. -lma we ucill wgfk.to.
~fleH: ol.K GOOfle+atioA .with~~ tl:te Partnership fOr Peace ~~s. We will riot allow a gray
<
••
'
..
•
•
'
'
zone of insecurity to reemerge in Europe.
As we go forward, I want the Ameri,can people to understand that our plan is not free of c o s t ! .
'
;;;'will mean extending the mo~t solemn security guaranty to our new allies -- a commitment
•
I
'
'
to treat an attack on one as an attack on all.. Peace and security cannot be had on the cheap. But
mark my words: if we fail to seize .this historic opportunity to build_ a new NATO for
a
anew
Europe ... ifwe allow the Iron Curtain to be.replaced by veil ofindifferenc~ ... we will pay a
�11
much higher p
America Will be stronger, safer and better-off if the democratic family
grows .. ,.
By overwhelming majorities this summer, both houses of Congress passed the NATO
Enlargement Facilitation Act. I greatly appreciate this bi-partisan support for my determination to
forge a broader alliance of security, prosperity and~- as the First Lady said in Prague last Fourth
of July -- an alliance of values with
Europo~ the. molllh&&lld . - alt<~ I look forward to
working with Congress to ratify the accession of new members ... to provide the resources to meet
this new commitment. .. and to secure the support ofthe American people.
NATO enlargement is not directed against anyone and it will serve the security of everyone-NATO's old members, new members and non-members alike. I know that some in Russia still
look upon NATO through a Cold War prism. I ask them to look again. By reducing rivalry and
fear, by strengthening the hand of peace and cooperation, NATO will.promote greater stability in
Europe -- and Russia will be among the beneficiaries.
Indeed, Russia has the best chance in its history to help build a peaceful, undivided Europe -- and ·
··:..
to define its greatness in terms of the future, not the past. Therefore, I believe NATO
enlargement should proceed hand-in-hand with forging a new NATO-Russia relationship.
Russia's participation in the Partnership for Peace and its strong presence in Bosnia prove that
.
such a relationship is both possible and productive. After fifty years of confrontation, our troops
Ge trainmg together on land and
together for peace.
~t sea, ')'Orking together at NATO headquarters
j ,~di;;g
�12
. ,,
set up a mechanism for regular NATO-Russia meetings at .all levels. And we should consult on
European
~ecurity
issues so that where possible, NATO and Russia can act jointly to meet the
challenges that arise in the future. Russia and NATO are already partners for peace. We can
become full partners in bringing Europe together -- and turn the main battleground for the
-
.
bloodiest century in history into a continent whose people remain secure, prosperous and free.
~·
~
·
.
.
, , re.~ ~~ ~J rvJ-{le·•
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t-L'Y.:iY''··-.:t
een one of the greatest privileges of my lif~travel around the
These past four year
I
world on behalf of
Prime Ministers
erica.. I hayp heard the voices, seen the faces and shaken the hands of
'*· 7~
an~eople
~
on the streets. Wherever Igo, whomever I talk to, the message to me
.
~fu
is the same: American lea ership is welcome. ·American leadership matters. American ~
I wish every American c uld see our country as so much of the world sees us. Our friends rely
upon our engagement.
ur adversaries respect our strength. As we enter the 21st century, we
must all make a commit ent to remain true to this legacy ofleadership. America!§. the
indispensable nation. T at is our burden and our opportunity. That is America's future.
�
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Speechwriting Office - Antony Blinken
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<p>Antony Blinken served in the Clinton Administration as the chief foreign policy speechwriter in the National Security Council Speechwriting Directorate from 1994 thru 1998.</p>
<p>Blinken prepared remarks for President Clinton, Anthony Lake, Samuel Berger, James Steinberg, and General Donald Kerrick. His speechwriting topics cover a variety of subjects for various audiences including but not limited to: foreign trips or head of state visits, United Nations General Assembly addresses, and State of the Union and weekly radio addresses. As an NSC speechwriter, Blinken produced speeches on major foreign policy actions during the Clinton Administration on Haiti, Iraq and Bosnia. The documents in the collection consist of speech drafts, newspaper and magazine articles, memos, correspondence, schedules, and handwritten notes.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request. </p>
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Antony Blinken
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1994-1998
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36017" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://research.archives.gov/description/7585787" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
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2006-0459-F
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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941 folders in 39 boxes
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NATO Speech - Speech Edits [1]
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Antony Blinken
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Box 25
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42-t-7585787-20060459f-025-004-2014
7585787