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Pacific Basin Economic Council 5/20/96
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�05/20/96 3 PM
PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
KEYNOTE ADDRESS TO THE PACIFIC BASIN ECONOMIC COUNCIL
WASHINGTON, D.C.
MAY 20, 1996
[Acknowledgments: Gary Tooker, Chairman, PBEC-U.S.; President Fujimori]
For nearly three decades, the Pacific ~asin Economic Council has stood on the cutting edge of
0
trade, investment, and opportunity. Today, with 19 member committees from Mexico to
Malaysia, you are helping lay the groundwork of a vibrant Asia Pacific community.
I am especially grateful for your active support. of APEC and the private sector insight you bring
to bear. Today, I am pleased to announce the appointment of three talented Americans to the
newAPEC Business Advisory Council: .Frank Schrontz, Susan Corrales-Diaz, and Robert
Denham. I also want to thank Les McCraw ofthe Fluor [FLORE] Corporation for his
tremendous contribution to APEC's Pacific Business Forum over the past two years.
In 1967, when PBEC was founded, few imagined how the world would look today. Superpower
f
I
confrontation has given way to growing cooperation. Freedom and democracy are on the march.
0
Modern telecommunications have collapsed the distances between us. And a new global economy
is transforming the way we live -- bringing tremendous opportunities for our people.
After World War
II; in a~ era of equally dramatic change, American leadership in Europe helped
secure 50 years of peace and prosperity. The Atlantic Alliance remains vital to America's security
and strength. But Asia's emergence ... the global economy ... the geography of potential threats
�2
we face ... reinforce the need, on the eve of a new century; for America to lead not just across the
.
.
Atlantic but across the Pacific as well.
Today, halfthe people on the planet live in Asia. China alone is growing by the size of Canada
every two years. Asia contains four of the seven largest militaries in the world, and two of its
niost dangerous flashpoints --the world's most heavily fortified border, between North and South
Korea ... and the regional conflict in South Asia, where India and Pakistan -- two of America's
friends -- live on the edge of conflict or reconciliation. At the same time, the economies of East
Asia have become the fastest growing in the world-- producing fully one-quarter of the world's
goods and services .
. There should be no doubt: America is and must remain an Asian-Pacific power. We have vital
strategic and economic interests at stake that affect the lives of each American-- every day.
Consider what could happen if we disengaged from the Pacific-- a region where we have fought
three wars this century. It could spark a dangerous and destabilizing arms race that would
· profoundly alter the strategic landscape. It would weaken our power to deter states like North
Korea that can still threaten the peace .... and to take on problems like drug trafficking in a region
that produces 62 percent of the world's heroin. Today, our le~dership in Asia is more important
to the security of our people than ever.
�;.
3
It is important to our future prosperity as welL The Asia Pacific regionis the largest consumer·
market in the world, already accounting for more than half of our trade and supporting millions of
American jobs. By the year 2000, auto sales to Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand could equal our
.
.
car sales to Canada and Mexico combined. Over the next 10 years, Asian nations will invest more
than $1 trillion in infrastructure projects alone. We can help shape the region's open economic
development, or sit on the sideline, and watch our own prosperity decline.
When I took office, America's challenge. was to harness the forces of change in the Asia Pacific to
build a better future for our people and the world. We saw the potential of a strong and
. successful partnership -- America and Asia working together for greater security, prosperity, and
:.
'
freedom ... in this decade and the century ahead. We laid
~:mt
a vision of an Asia Pacific
community built on shared effort,. shared benefit, and shared destiny. Over the last three years, we
have moved forward toward that·goal-- steadily, surely, and strategically.
. With both security and economic i~terests so deeply at stake, we developed from the outset an
integrated policy-- advancing on both. fronts together. We cannot reap prosperity in a climate of
instability. Each dimension reinforces the other... and both must be secured.
In Asia as in Europe, for the first time this century, no great military contest divides the region.
But a host of security challenges persist -- from rising nationalism in some quarters to nuclear
proliferation in others. To .meet these tests in Europe, we are adapting and expanding NATO.
But Asia has not evolved :with similar unifYing security institutions. So we are working with Asia
�4
to build new security structures -- flexible enough to adapt to new threats and durable enough to
defeat them. Each arrangement is like an overlapping plate of a security armor -- working
individually and together to protect our interests and reinforce peace.
Our security strategy has four fundamental priorities: a continued American military commitment
to the region; working to strengthen Asia's security cooperation; American leadership to combat
threats; and support for democracy throughout the region.
To pursue that strategy, we ·have updated and strengthened our five core alliances with Japan,
Korea, the Philippines, Australia and. Thailand. We have reaffirmed our commitment to keep
'
100,000 American troops in the region. We have reached a series of securitY' access agreements - magnifying the impact and. deterrent effect of our forward-deployed presence.
We have supported the ASEAN countries in building a new security dialogue in a region long
fractured by distrust. And we have launched new security initiatives,. such as the 4-party talks
President Kim and I proposed in an effort to bring a permanent peace to the Korean Peninsula.
''
With our South Korean allies, we stopped a North Korean nuclear threat that had been brewing
since 1985, when North Korea began to build a plutonium-production reactor. Through firmness
and steadiness, we gained an agreement that has already halted and will eventually dismantle
North Korea's nuclear weapons program. Today, a freeze is in place, under strict international
�------------
5
superv1s1on. Last month, we completed the international canning of North Korea's spent fuel.
One of the greatest potential threats to peace is being defused~- through American leadership.
We are meeting today' s rilissile threat to the region by building advanced bal_listic missile defense
systems to protect our troops and allies. We have deployed upgraded Patriot missiles to South
Korea. We are upgrading the'21 battalions of Patriot systems in Japan, and jointly examining
future requirements with the Japanese Government. We recently reached an agreement with
. Taiwan that will provide them with a theater missile defense capability. And we are developing
even more advanced systems for deployment in the next few years -,- such as the ~avy_ Lower
Tier, THAAD, and Navy Upper Tier programs -- the latter two to address longer
ran~e
missile
~
threats.
When China expanded its military exercises in the Taiwan Strait, we made clear that any use of
force against Taiwan would have grave consequences. The two carrier battle groups we sent to
the area were unmistakable proof of our resolve. ·Our pr~sence helped defuse a dangerous·
situation and demonstrated to our allies our commit~ent to regional stability and peace.
In the long-run, we also strengthen security by deepening the roots of democracy in Asia.
Democratic nations are more likely to seek ways to settle conflicts peacefully ... _to join with us to
conquer common threats ... and to respect the rights of their people.
Demo~racy
and human rights
are universal human aspirations. Look at South Korea, the Philippines, and taiwan ... the
Cambodians who turned from bullets to ballots to build a democratic future ... Burma's Aung
�.6
Sang Suu Kyi, and other courageous leaders. We will continue to support our shared ideals in
.
.
.
Asia as elsewhere -- encouraging reform... shining the spotlight on abuse ... speaking out for those
whose voices are silenced.
Reinforcing the security pillar of America'srelationships in Asia advancesAmerica's ecc;nomic
interests as well. Security provides the stability that unleashes resources for humap. progress -saving for the future ... investing ,in education... expanding trade. Li~ewise, the growing ties
'
among our economies draw the region closer together -.,. building
aforce for peace.
As with our security strategy, our economic strategy in Asia rests on the new arrang·ements we
are building. We are using all the tools available -- multilateral, regional, and bilateral -- to create
opportunities and jobs for Americans by opening markets abroad.
Soon after I became President I cailed for the first-ever summit meeting of Asian-Pacific leaders. ·
At that historic meeting, leaders from China to Indonesia to
Brun~i
Pacific community of shared strength, prosperity, and peace.
embraced the vision of an Asia
One year later in Indonesia, we .
.made a landmark commitment to achieve free trade and investment in the region by the year 2020.
Last year in Japan, APEC. adopted an Action Plan to get ther:e. And next November in. Manila, I
am confident we will take steps toward concrete measures to lower trade and investment barriers.
With APEC, NAFTA, our efforts in this hemisphere, and the World Trade Organization, we are
·leading the construction of a new global trading system --with America at the hub, and where
�7
·America can thrive ... a world of expanding markets and fairer rules. And country to country, we
are restoring health and balance to our economic relations ... through firm negotiations and tough
action, if necessary, to open markets for American goods and services -- today the most
competitive in the world. In the past three years, our exports have boomed -- creating a million
new jobs that consistently pay more than non-export related jobs. I'm proud to say that, once
again, America is the number one exporting nation in the world.
You can see the results of our strategy in the progress we've made with Japan. Today, America
is selling more goods to Japan than ever before·. Our bilateral trade deficit in the first quarter was
down 25
p~rcent
from last year. Since 1993, our two-nations have signed 21 trade agreements,
focusing on sectors where American competitiveness is strongest. Our exports in those sectors
are up more than 85 percent-- three times faster than our other exports to Japan. In Tokyo
today, a consumer can drive to work in a Chrysler jeep, chat with a friend on a Motorola phone,
snack on an apple from Washington state; and have American rice for dinner. Our work is
no~
do.ne. We will achieve further progress. But we are making a real difference for American
exports and jobs.
I·'
,,
·'.
Finally, let me turn to our relations with China, for they will shape our future profoundly. How
China evolves, and our relationship with it, will have as great an impact on the lives of our people
-- indeed, on global peace and security -- as any other relationship we have.
�8
China is Asia's only declared nuclear weapons state, with the world's largest standing army. In
less than two decades, it may well be the world's largest economy. And economic growth is
bringing broader changes-- as steps toward freer enterprise fuel the hunger for a freer society.
But the. evolution under way in China is far from clear-cut or complete. Today, China stands at a
critical crossroads. Will it choose the course of openness and integration, or veer toward
isolation and nationalism? Will it be a force for stability, or disruption in the world?
America's interests are directly at stake in promoting a secure, stable, open, and prosperous China
-- a China that embraces international nonproliferation and trade rules, cooperates in regional and
global security initiatives, and evolves toward greater respect for the basic rights of its citizens.
Our engagement policy means using the best tools available -- incentives and disincentives alike -to advance core American interests. .Engagement does not mean closing· our eyes to. Chinese
.
.
policies we oppose .. We have serious differences and we will continue to defend our interests.
But by engaging China, we have achieved important benefits for our people and the world.
We worked closely with China to extend the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and to freeze
North Korea's nuclear weapons program. We welcome China's constructive position regarding
the proposed four-party talks for peace on the Korean Peninsula. We are working with China to
.
.
conclude and sign a Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty by September. And we are cooperating to,
combat threats like drug trafficking, alien smuggling, and, increasingly, environmental decay.
�9
Last week, we reached an important understanding with China on nuclear exports. -For the first
time, China explicitly and publicly committed not to provide assistance to unsafeguarded nuclear
programs in any country. China also agreed to hold consultations on export control policies and
practices. We continue to have concerns about China's nuclear exports. ·This agreement pn;>Vides
a framework to help deal with them.
Our economic engagement with China has also achieved real results. China's elimination of more
than 1, 000 quotas and licensing requirements has helped fuel a rise of more than 200 percent in
U.S. exports of telecommunications equipment to China since 1992. China has become our
fastest-growing export market, with exports up nearly 30 percent in 1995 alone.
Much remains to be done. Our bilateral trade deficit with China is too high and China's trade
barriers must come down. ·But the best way to address our trade problems is to continue working
to open China's booming market by negotiating and enforcing goodtrade agreements. That is
why we will use the full weight of our law to ensure China meets its obligations to protect
intellectual property. That is why we are standing firm in insisting that China meet the same
.
.
\
'
standard of openness applied to other countries seeking to enter the WTO. We demand no more
from China than from our other trade partners ... but we expect no iess.
Comprehensive engagement advances America's interests. lfwe disengage with China, we close
the door on ourselves -- reducing our leverage, not increasing it.
�10
That is why I have decided to extend unconditional Most Favored Nation trade status to China.
Revoking MFN -- in effect, severing our economic relationship with China -- would drive us back
into a period of mutual isolation and recrimination that would harm America's interests, not help
them. Rather than strengthening China's respect for human rights, it would lessen our contact
with the Chinese people. Rather than limiting the spread of weapons of mass destruction, it
would limit the prospect for future cooperation.· Rather than bringing stability to the region, it
would increase instability-- as the leaders of Hong Kong, Taiwan, and all the nations of the
region firmly believe. Ratherthan bolstering our economic interests, it would cede one of the
fastest-growing markets to our competitors.
MFN renewal is not a referendum on China's policies. It is a vote for America's interests. I will
work with Congress in the weeks ahead to secure MFN renewal -- and to continue to advance our
goal of a secure, stable, open and prosperous China. This is a long-term ·endeavor. We must be
steady and firm.
Where we differ with China -- and we will have differences -- we will continue to defend
America's interests. We.will keep faith with those who stand for greater freedom and pluralism in
China, as we did last month in cosponsoring a UN resolution condemning China's human rights
\
practices. We will actively enforce U.S. laws on unfair trade practices and non-proliferation. We
�11
will stand firm for a peaceful resolution of the Taiwan issue within the context of the "one China"
policy that has benefited the United States, China, and Taiwan for nearly two decades.
But we cannot walk backwards into the future. We must hot seek to isolate ourselves or China.
We will engage with China -- without illusion -- to advance our interest in a more peaceful and
prosperous world.
Asia is in the midst of an historic transformation -- one America helped to inspire and one we
can't afford to ignore. I have spoken today about challenge and change -- but I pledge to you, as
President ofthe United States, that one thing remains unshakable .... and that is America's
commitment to lead -- with strength, with steadiness, and with judgment.
Working together, and with groups like yours, our nations can· rise to the challenge of our time -reinforcing our strength and prosperity into the 21st century. We can build an Asia Pacific region
where fair and vigorous economic competition is a source of opportunity ... where nations work as
partners to protect their common security._.. where emerging economic freedoms are bolstered by
greater political freedoms ... where human rights are protected and diversity is respected. We can
build a Pacific future as great as the ocean that links our shores.
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05/17/96 10:30 AM-- Boorstin version
PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
KEYNOTE ADDRESS
PACIFIC BASIN ECONOMIC COUNCIL
WASHINGTON, D.C.
MAY 20,1996
[Acknowledgments: Gary Tooker, Chairman, PBEC-U.S.; President Fujimori]
I ani delighted to join this distinguished group at your International General Meeting. For nearly
three decades, PBEC has stood on the cutting edge oftrade, investment, and opportunity. Today,
with 19 member committees reaching from Mexico to Malaysia, you are helping lay the
groundwork of a true Asia Pacific community.
A key focus for PBEC is your active support of the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum.
You've worked hard to bring private sector insight to bear on America's APEC agenda. Today, I
am pleased to announce the appointment of three talented Americans to the new APEC Business
Advisory Council: Frank Schrantz, Susan Corrales-Diaz, and Robert Denham. I also w~nt to
thank Les McCraw of the Fluor Corporation for his tremendous contribution as a member of
APEC's Pacific Business Forum over the past two years.
In 1967, when PBEC was founded, few could have imagined how the world would. look on the
eve of the 21st century. In 1967, superpower rivalry between the United States and the Soviet
Union was being played out from Eastern Europe to Vietnam. Israel and Egypt went to war in
the Sinai. Asia produced only 8 percent of the world's GDP [TK]. . And the channels of
commerce were still rocky, with the Kennedy Round merely starting the
ess of a
comprehensive effort to lower barriers to trade.
Today, the Soviet Union is gone. The top issue on Europe's agenda is not communist expansion,
but NATO expansion. Only months ago, Egypt hosted a Summit ofPeacemakers in Sharm ElSheikh to stand as one with Israel. Asian economies account for fully one-fourth of the world's
economic output. And a new global economy is transforming the way we live -- and bringing
tremendous opportunities for otir people.
· Change is clearly upon us. But in all this upheaval, one thing remains constant: the importance of.
American leadership. Over the last three years, American leadership has made a difference for
peace from the Middle East to Bosnia .... faced down dictators from Haiti to .the Persian Gulf ..
and led the global fight against the forces of destruction -- the terrorists, drug traffickers, and
organized criminals who menace our citizens and our safety. I am committed to continuing that
leadership. ·
Some may yearn for an over-arching framework to justify and guide our efforts ... the kind of
framework the Cold War world provided for so long . But today's new world demands new
vision to protect America's interests. There are new opportunities and dangers on the horizon.
We must b~ld new stru~ to meetthem. - _. wh~~ ~ 0'-t\ fl,<- sffL"i ~L ;
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Half a century ago, in another. era of change, America's transatlantic leadership helped create the
international institutions-- NATO, the IMF, the World Bank, the GATT-- that sec.ured us
unparalleled peace and prosperity ... and ultimately won the Cold War. For our next 50 years to
be as great as our last, my Administration has understood that our leadership must span the
Pacific as well .
. We have long had interests in the A~ia Pacific-- as missionaries, traders,.and defenders of
freedom. But today, the Asia Pacific region is ·~ore important td America's well-bei~g than ever
before in our history. This vast ahd vibrant region -- reaching from Alaska to Australia _:.. is ·in the
midst of tremendous transformation. It is a transformation we ,helped inspire, .. and one we can't
afford .to ignore.
..
For the first time this century, no greatmilitary rivalry divides t.he Asia Pacific. But the threat of
aggression has not disappeared ... and new challenges like n\.}clear proliferatio'n and environmental
degradation defy national. borders and demand new solutions.
The Asia Pacific economi~s are the fastest-growing_ in the world -- expanding at 3 times the rate
of the established industrial nations' [TK]. Already, more than 50 percent of America's trade is
with the nations of the Paciftc, sustaining three million good American jobs [TKr The gleaming
skyscrapers of Kuala Lumpur. .. the bustling Hong K~ng stock exchange ... the modern .
commercial. port of Singapore ... reflect the promise of the future. But barriers to trade continue
to exist -- distorting competition and limiting consumer choice.
The tide of democracy that is rising around the world has swept the Pacific as welL Free elections
have been held from Korea to Cambodia; and. the freer movement of people, products, and ideas
has reinforced the trend toward free societies. But ..state repression of human rights continues to
shackle the lives and hopes of millions of Asian citizens.
·
··
The challenge for Am~rica as we look toward the.Pacific is how to harness the forces of change
to protect our interests,· promote our ideals, and build a better future for our people and the
·
world.
Since the day I took office; we have pursued a steady strategy to advance our int.erests in Asia.
We have set out a vision of a new Asia Pacific co.mmunity of shared strength, prosperity, and
values -- where nations work together to the benefit of all ... where multiple new security
arrangements stand guard against multiple threats ... where strong ties oftnide and investment link
and invigorate our economies . ·... where open societies encourage their people to reach their fullest
potentiaL We are building new structures of cooperati~n t.o ~eplace old Cold War constructs-flexible enough to rise to inodern opportunities ... and strong enough to meetmoden1 challenges.
American leadership, vision, and strength -- the strength of our pi:-esence·and the strength of our
example -- are bringing the world's most diverse and dynamic region together as never before.
�3
My, first responsibility as President is to protect the American people. In building a new Asia
Pacific community, security always comes first. America is and will remain ·a Pacific power. Our
five security alliances and. our military presence are the shield arid sword. of our commitment. Our
100,000 troops who serve.inEast Asia deter aggression ... discourage arms races ... and extend the
global reach of our Armed Forces.··
.
Just as we have strengthened our traditional. alliances·, we have also risen to new dangers. Our
firm diplomacy faced down a North Korean nuclear threat that had been brewing since 1985,
when North Korea began to build a plutonium-proquction reactor. We stepped in where others
had stood aside -- stopping the nuclear program in its tracks and paving the way for its
dismantlement. Now the freeze is ih place, a: dangerous conflict has been averted, and
cooperation has begun on other issues of key importance -~ like the search for American MIAs ...
the donation of food assistance ... · and the effort to bring a stable, permanent peace to the Korean
Peninsula.
Wear~ also taking new initiatives to build. greater regional security cooperation. For the first time
---
ever, our Administration has supported our Southeast Asian allies in buildingj)...Jlf!w security
dialogue to reduce tensions and encourage the peaceful resolution of problems.
Just as America's strong Pacific presence guarantees security, so it has anchored the stability for
the region's extraordinary growth. [jactoids on Asia.'s booming growth}.
In the past, some Americans viewed Asia's vitality as a threat to American interests. My
Administration views Asia as an exciting new source of jobs, opportunity, and prosperity for our
people. Consider these examples: Asian carriers already buy one out of every two Boeing 74 7s,
and the demand for air service in Asia is projected to grow 8.5 percent annually through the end
ofthe decade. By the.year 2000, auto sales to.Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand alone could
equal our car sales to Canada and Mexico combined. And over the next decade, the developing
East Asian economies are projected to invest more than $1 trilli~n on infrastructure alone.
Over the past three years, America's determined leadership has empowered our businesses and
workers to succeed in the booming Asian market. We have strengthened our regional and
bilateral trade relationships to level the playing field for American exporters ... secure tough
agreements that stand up for our workers' interests ... and create new opportunities at home.
Three years ago, I hosted the first APEC leaders' meeting in Seattle --joining our economies at.
the highest levels with a vision for our common prosperity. Our goal was to energize this
fledgling institution-- to give it the mission, thetools, and the will to deliver real improvements in
our people's daily lives. Today, the world's biggest existing markets as well as its biggest
emerging markets are committed to achieve free trade and investment by the year 2020.
You can see t~e results of our bilateral efforts in the progress we've made with Japan. Today,
America is selling more goods to Japan than at any time in our history. There is still more work
ahead, but in the last three years, our two nations have signed 21 separate trade agreements,
�4
covering everything from com
medical technology. Our exports in those goods sectors
are up more than 85 percent-- three times ster than our other exports to Japan.
What once was inconceivable is now ecoming routine. When I was in Japan last month, I met
with Japanese families who were the proud owners of American cars .. In Tokyo today, an average
consumer could drive to work in a Chrysler jeep, chat with a friend on a Motorola phone, snack
on an apple from Washington state, and have American ricefor dinner.
'
'
America will continue lead efforts to strengthen security and prosp,erity in the Pacific. But at the
end of the day, our success will depend on the aims ofthe region'.s nations themselves. That is
why a key priority in building a new Asia Pacific community is supporting democratic reform.
Democracy encourages the peaceful resolution of disputes. Democracy anchors the open markets
that promote prosperity. And democracy .offers the best protection for human rights.
The examples of South Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan... the vision of Cambodians choosing ·
their destiny at the ballot box ... the voice of Aung Sang Suu Kyi and other courageous leaders
demonstrate clearly that democracy and human rights are universal ideals. We will continue to
support them in Asia as elsewhere..:_ shining spotlights on abuses, encouraging reform, and
speaking out for those whose words are sile~ced.
Nowhere do our goals and aspirations for the Asia Pacific community-- security, prosperity, and
democracy -- converge more dramatically than in China.
·
China is Asia's only declared miclear weapons state, and hqme to the world's largest standing
army. It represents one-fifth of the world's population-- and· is growing by one Canada every
two years. By the year 2010, China may well be the world's largest economy [TK]. It is already
America's fifth largest trading partner. And economic growth and change are raising expectations
--as the movement toward freer enterprise fuels the hunger for a freer society ..
But the evolution under way in China is far from clear-cut or complete. Today, China stands at a
critical crossroads. Will it choose the course of openness and integration, as a force for peace and
stability? Or will it choose the course of obstruction and confrontation, as a threat to the region
and the world? The choice is ultimately China's to make.-- but America's interests are directly at
stake. That is why America's best China policy is helping China choose the right China policy:
'
We have pursued a steady strategy of promoting a secure, stable, open, and prosperous China-- a
China that embraces international nonproliferation and trade rules, cooperates in regional and .
global security initiatives, and respects the basic rights of its citizens. We have engaged China on
the full range of America's interests -- from ope~ing markets to protecting the environment.
Engagement doe~ not mean closing our eyes to Chinese policies we oppose. It means using every
tool available -- incentives and disincentives alike -~ to advance core American interests. We have
no illusions about the ch'!-llenges we face. We continue to have serious differences in certain
areas. But we also have ac~ieved important results that benefit our people and the world.
(7.·
(
�5
Engagement with China has .strengthened America's security and that of our allie·s and friends.
We worked closely with China to extend the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and to freeze
.
.
.
North Korea's nuclear weapons program. We welcome China's constructive position regarding
the proposed four-party talks for peace on the Korean Peninsula. And we are cooperating to
combat threats like drug trafficking and alien smuggling.
When China undertook provocative military exercises in the Taiwan Strait, we made it clear that
any use of force against Taiwan would have grave consequences. The two carrier battle groups
we sent to the area were unmistakable_proof of our resolve. Our presence defused a dangerous
situation and demonstrated to our allies our iron-clad commitment to peace.
Just last week, our determined .diplomacy produced a landmark agreement on nuclear exports ..
Fqr the first time, China has explicitly andpublicly committed not to provide assistance to
unsafeguarded nuclear programs in any country. China also agreed to hold consultations ori
export control policies and practices. This gives us a framework to strengthen cooperation avoid
misunderstandings.
On. the econoniicfront, American exports to China have skyrocketed-- up 60 percent since I took
office and nearly 27 percent in 1995 alone. Our firm negotiations have opened China's markets
for America's hi-tech products and secured tough agreements from textiles to intellectual
property rights. _ ·
· At every step, we have made clear to the Chinese that we expect them to honor their
commitments. As our Trade Representative announced last week, we will use the full weight of
the law to promote IPR compliance. It is in China's self-interest to stand by its word. America's
interest demands that we stand our ground.
The record shows that comprehensive engagement advances America's interests. It maximizes ·
our opportunities· to influence China~ s behavior. It reinforces our common interests and provides
a context for addressing our disputes. If we disengage with China, we close the door on
ourselves -- reducing our leverage, not raising it.
That is why I will ask Congress to support the extension of unconditional Most Favored Nation
trade status to China [TK formulation].
Continuing MFN -- the policy of six Presidents -- does not give China a special deal. It simply
gives China the same tariff treatment our nation gives virtually every country in the world. And it
enables America to tap the vast potential of China's fast-growing markets. To give just two
examples: The Chinese government has already announced plans to add 100 million phone lines
to the domestic network. By the end of the decade, 270 million Chinese families will be
automobile buyers-- 4 times as many as in our own country. The implications and prospects for
American businesses and workers are staggering.
Some have raised concerns about our bilateral trade deficit with China. We all agree that China's
trade barriers must come down. But the best way to address our trade problems is to open
�6
China's booming market-- not to build a wall around our own. No Administration has fought
harder than ours for fairness, openness, and access -- and none has brought more tangible results.
When we differ with China, we will continue to respond with firm, .appropriate action. But
revocation ofMFN would undermine our goals. Rather than strengthen China's respect for
human rights, it would lessen our contact with the Chinese people. Rather than advance our
interest in nonproliferation, it would limit the likelihood of future cooperation. Rather than
bolster our economic interests, it would put U.S. companies at a competitive disadvantage in the
fastest-growing marke.t for our exports ... and more than 170,000 American jobs at risk. Rather
than fortify regional security, it would jeopardize the four-party talks on the Korean peninsula ...
damage the chances for a productive dialogue between Taiwan and China ... and harm Hong
Kong. It would weaken our presence and our influence, not only in China, but throughout the
Asia Pacific.
MFN renewal should not be a referendum.~n China's policies.·. It should be a vdte for America's
interests ... and the stakes are clear and present. I will work with ·congress in the weeks ahead to.
secure MFN renewal -- and to continue to advance our goal of a secure, st~ble, open and
prosperous China. This is a long-term endeavor. We are in it for the long haul.
In an age of rapid innovation and instant communication, it is easy to long for immediate results.
But we know the project on which.we are emb~rked will take effort and time to complete.
Working together, and with groups like yours, our nations can rise to the challenge of our time.
We can build an Asia Pacific region where fair and vigorous economic competition is a source of
prosperity and promise ... where nations work as partners to protect their ·common security ...
where emerging economic freedoms are bolstered by great~r political freedoms ... where human
. rights are protected and diversity is respected. We can build an Asia Pacific community as
peaceful and powerful as the ocean that links its shores.
###
�2 Speech
App~oaches
l.
The bipartisan center against the extremes:
•
New era of US foreign policy; range of challenges --list
•
Despite talk of isolationism, US public still wants engagement (#s), and the
world still needs it: Bosnia, Asia~ etc.
•
What is striking is the agreement between centrists in both·parties:
2. MRC posture
-Keep 100,000 troops in Eu~ope, Asia
Enlarge NATO
Keep ·engaged ·with China, MFN
Mideast peace process
Major push on proliferation: Nunn-Lugar, missile defenses
Pursue free trade: NAFTA,GAlT, etc.
Robusf intelligence capabilities
· Presen'e foreign aid
•
Real.fight is nt}t b(!tween the parties,. but between internationalists and noninternationalists wihtin each party:
·
Populists in each oppose free trade
Populists.in.each rail against foreign aid
Extremists in one would cut defense too much;
extermists in other would add too much
,. · · .
Etc.
•
. What is needed is a common ground foreign policy; and an effort to unite
.· internationalists in both parties in defense of it
steps
/
�2.
GOP as extreme, reckless, divisive
•
Even after Cold War, US still faces many challenges: list
•
Greatest need is sustained engagement conducted in a manner that is not
~·hipsa\\;ed by p~rtisanship and volatile ~~hims:
China
Defense readiness
Proliferation
·More
•
Yet the GOP is politicizing foreign policy, moving to\\'ard reckless extremes:
Defense budg~t: lacks balance with other priorities·
Missile defenses, while ignoring Nunn-Lugar and other prolif. threats
·
Foreign aid: led by extremist voices
China: deeply .divi~ed and partisan
More.
•
. Of course, my own party has divisions, too, and I have worked to keep Dems
committed to strong defenses, foreign engagement, and free trade.
•
But Dole has not made the s~me effort within his party:
-Pandered to Buchanan vote by nixing Chile/NAFT A
Pandered to .isolationist wing with UN and foreign aid bashing
Allowed Helms to hold up key arms .control treaties & appoi~tments
'
Etc.
•
At a time of major challenges, and isolationist pressures in ~oth parties~ we
need a president who will stand up .for engagement and take on the forces of
retreat, not just in the otherparty, but in his own party~
'
�
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Speechwriting Office - Antony Blinken
Description
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<p>Antony Blinken served in the Clinton Administration as the chief foreign policy speechwriter in the National Security Council Speechwriting Directorate from 1994 thru 1998.</p>
<p>Blinken prepared remarks for President Clinton, Anthony Lake, Samuel Berger, James Steinberg, and General Donald Kerrick. His speechwriting topics cover a variety of subjects for various audiences including but not limited to: foreign trips or head of state visits, United Nations General Assembly addresses, and State of the Union and weekly radio addresses. As an NSC speechwriter, Blinken produced speeches on major foreign policy actions during the Clinton Administration on Haiti, Iraq and Bosnia. The documents in the collection consist of speech drafts, newspaper and magazine articles, memos, correspondence, schedules, and handwritten notes.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request. </p>
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Antony Blinken
Date
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1994-1998
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36017" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://research.archives.gov/description/7585787" target="_blank">National Archives Collection Description</a>
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2006-0459-F
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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941 folders in 39 boxes
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Paper
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Pacific Basin Economic Council 5/20/96
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Antony Blinken
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2006-0459-F
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Box 21
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2006/2006-0459-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585787" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Reproduction-Reference
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9/17/2014
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42-t-7585787-20060459f-021-020-2014
7585787