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�CoUncil on Foreign Relations
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New York, New York
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October 17,2000
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I thank you very much, Ted, fo'r your friendship and your
introduction. I'm delighted to ~e with you and Pete "Peterson
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as well and [inaudible1is miss~ng but his wife Judy is present, "
which is a special treat as well~ I wantto thank the Council on
Foreign Relations for giving m'e this opportunity to speak: here
"again-the second time I'vebee* so fortunate to address this
group.
But I want to thank the Counc~l for what you have done and
stood for over the last century.iTo challenge the forces of
isolationism and champion internationalism, reflective both in
our enduring values and our stlategic interest.
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I want to spend a few minutes ,talking about some of these
underlying values and interests-and then I'm particularly
"looking forward to the questioh and answer period.
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"" Now we CQuid not have known a month ago that this reception
would take place against the b~ckdrop ofthe most serious
violence and serious threat to Israel since 1973. I am-as I
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know all of you are-pleased to hear the news out of Egypt,
with the president's announce~ent this morning, that the
parties have agreed to a cease+fire.
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But clearly the Toad ahead is " I long and "
difficult one. And
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agreements in a conference ro,om must be translated into
reality on the streets, and :theYI're going to obviously hope and
pray that this agreement hold~.
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But I think we will also expe~t that Chairman Arafat and the
Palestinians to end the violence and make it very clear the
renunciation of it that is (inaul~ible). Then whether or not we
" can continue to work toward an enforceable or comprehensive
peace agreement that guarantbes Israel's security and is in
"the best interest of peace in tije Middle East, we will have to
wait to determine.
ahe~d, obvi~)Usly
Now, in the days
the United States must
continue to stand with Israel ~d our policies in the Middle
East have to be governed by these core values. In this case,
�that means a commitment to Isiael's security, a staunch and
stalwart support of our friend ~d ally militarily,' poli~ically,
diplomatically, and economical'ly. And support of a
resumption of the peace proces$. .
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We also come here today in the aftermath of the brutal
terrorist attack against our sail~rs on the USS Cole and, in
effect, an attack on our nation. ~e have to make clear that
we will protect our people, that' we will do everything in oUr
power to find out who committbd this terrorist act, that we will
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hold them accountable. And that we call again on the world to
join us in cracking down on an~ tracking down terrorists and
.those who harbor them-whether they are arms dealers,
(inaudible) criminals, or rogue Istates.
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I also come here this mornirig mourning th~death of a good
friend of my husband's and miAe, Governor Mel Carnahan of
Missouri. He was killed with .his son and a close campaign
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aide on his 'small airplane last *ight. And I extended my
condolences to Mrs. Carnahan :and certainly to all the families
and the people of Missouri. Mel Carnahan would have been a
very fine senator, in the traditi6n of Harry Truman in the United
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States Senate.
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There is much disagreement thbse days, that we hear in the
presidential debate, over America's proper role in the world.
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What are our national interests? How can they be promoted?
How can we better make the d.se that the costs of our
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involvement in dollars, leadership', and influence is usually
less than the cost of our inacti~n?
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these and otherquesti~ns shot,lld be asked not only of
presidential candidates, but ofhs all. And I would like briefly
to make three points that I beli~ve should inform such a
national conversation.
First, at this decisive moment ~n our history, I believe America
needs a renewed international1sm, not an old isolationism.
This new internationalism mu$t be shaped, of course, to meet
new challenges. But it very much is in our interest to exert
leadership required to meet oui- strategic and national security
needs and interests around the! globe.
Second, new challenges requite new thinking about national
interest and security-which is tertainly one of the
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contributions that the Council~and your many scholars make
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�to this effort. We have a clear r~sponsibility to address issues
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like military strength, terrorisml, or trade.
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But these are albeit a necessaryl but not sufficient
understanding of the world in which we live and lead. I have
argued for some time that issuek like women's basic human
rights, the spread of deadly dis~ases, absolute poverty, the
flight of refugees, environmenthl degradation, and other new
challenges should be inciuded ip the debate about America's
foreign policy objectives.
And three, our ability to protect our interests abroad depends
on creating a stronger constituehcy for American international
leadership here at home. This i~ an issue that the Council is
particularly well-suited to addr~ss because it is clear that that
kind of constituency has dimini,shed over the last decades.
Now we have faced questions like these and others before. In
the last century, isolationism p~evailed after World War I, and .
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our values were trampled around the world, our security was
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ultimately threatened.
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After World War H"by contrast, we looked outwards toward
engagement, not abandonment pf American leadership; We
looked toward the Marshall Phinto help old allies and
enemies alike rebuild as trading partners and strategic
friends. And we really develop~d an understanding that the
future of our prosperity as well Ias our (inaudible) depended on
extending peace and the means! for economic development,
democracy, ,and freedom to ev¢ry part of the world.
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Now we must choose again. AAdmy first point is that while
the world around us has chang~d, the strength of our .
internatioilalleadership cannotiwaver. Of course, it is only
coincidental that as I mentioned future of our troubled lives,
my daughter (inaudible).
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New York is comprised of people who trace roots to every
comer of the world, know that :prosperity is linked to the
global economy, and that our fates are tied to events ,
occurring thousands of miles aray. This is a state where our
senators-from our current senators Daniel Patrick Moynihan
and Chuck Schumer to Jacob Javits and Robert
Kennedy-have ch~pioned out nation's responsibilities to and
in the world. That is a traditio~.I hope to build on.
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Now this is a very different tim~ from when my husband and
another George Bush ran for prfsident. In 1992, the Cold War
was over, but the new world or~er was not yet clear. The
sudden disappearance of the bipolar confrontation leaves
questions that we are still pond~ring. What after all (inaudible)
if riot to Soviet domination? What was so-called Third World
(inaudible) those alignments haa dissolved.
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We look at the world today in $s new century-the contours
, are becoming but are still vague and uncertain. That's a
problem that about a decade agb (inaudible) because nations
freed from the Soviet Union would defend ethnic warfare and
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ancient animosities, what he ca~led the (inaudible).
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He pointed to the barbarism th~t Milosevic was imposing on
the Balkans. Now we can say ti}at, as of last week, the
people that have overthrown M~losevic in the wake of the
NATO campaign and Europe more united and free than it's
ever been in its history. But in ~ fast-changing world, nothing
is certain. And even events such as those we witnessed in
the Balkans mayor may not pr~sage what is to come.
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We're fortunate that we do hav~ a static democracy. But I
believe strongly that our leader~hip in spreading that
democracy and maintaining it nas not yet reached its full
potential in ensuring that we d~ all we can to shore up those
who are fighting for democrac~ in still undemocratic regimes,
and to do more to help those leaders of the newly democratic
states.
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There's always arising force inl a time of change, and .
particularly in ourcountry, that: we are little to the rest of the
world, and we are little or nothing to international cooperation.'
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There is a refrain that once (in~udible) that we should ' ,
intervene with force only whe~ face [inaudible] wars that we
surely can win, preferably by oyerwhelming force in a relatively
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short period of time.
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To those who believe we
become involved 6nly.ifit is
easy to do, I think we have to say: America has never and
should not ever shy away fromithe hard task if it is the, right
one. Just because we are living! in a new and uncertain world,
it does not mean we cannot coritinue to exerci~e our '
leadership;
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During the recent presidential d~bates, foreign policy issues
were at least discussed. But I think that those issues should
be discussed in every congressi6nal and Senate race
because clearly, in the United States Congress today, there
is not a consensus for internatiohalleadership. And we' need '
more who are running for offic6 and holding office to be asked
the pivotal questions about where they stand on the issues of
, today and tomorrow.
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Now there are many questions II hope we can get to in the ,
period following my remarks, bht let me just say a few things
about what the people of this suite can expect from me in the
United States Senate.
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First and foremost, I believe astrong defense is as important
as ever. I will work to ensure tlilit we contihue to have the '
best-trained, best-equipped militarY force in the history of the
world that is ready to fight,if n~cessary, and win.
I will work to guarantee Amerida's leadership in promoting
arms control and curbing nuclear proliferation. And that
includes voting for the Compreijensive Test ~an Treaty.
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I will work tirelessly to safeguatd the security of our allies
such as Israel, and promote pea¢e in the Middle East. Iwill
also support people who are stniggling for peace, such as
those in Northern Ireland (inaudible) of the Good Friday
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Accords.
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I will work to promote economi9 development and democracy
in Africa and Asia, Latin Amerita and Central and Eastern
EUrope. And will certainly wotk to ensure that Russia
continues to draw down its nUcl¢ar arsenal, and that Russia
. (inaudible) to advance,democra9Y and religious freedoJ!l arid
freedom of the press.
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Had I been in the Senate this yek, I would have voted for
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normalizing trade relations withl China: I Vfill continue to fight
on behalf of basic human rights there and around the world. '
,And I will vote to pay our dues ~o the UN and support ~ritical
reform.
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I believe that our country cannot afford to be an island ~f
prosperity, that we should use free trade and open markets to '
increase our fortunes at home rui,d raise living standards "
abroad. But I also, maintain that ensuring fair labor statidards,
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environmental protection, and ~ansparency in international
organizations should go hand-iIi-hand with free trade .
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Now these are just a few of the principles and positions I
would take with me to the Senate as part of maintaining and
promoting an international perspective 'that keeps America's
leadership strong around the w~rld.
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But my second point is that there are additional challenges
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we must do more to address. CHallenges such as AIDS and
women's rights, which are becofuing more critical in this
global era. I gave a speech somci years ago in which I said
. that in addition to real politick, ~e need to be looking at what I
call real-life politics.
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The effect of decisions on people's everyday lives becomes a
new media. environment that crut have just as much of an
influence on an administration
.nga decision as any
. abstract balance of power calc fition.
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In many ways, this a continuatiqn of the discussion we had
here four years ago, when I spo~e to the council about .
women and development. But sirce then, I have seen even
more work take place on issues ~ike these. We've seen, for
example, the 0-8 and other major mass international
organizations such as the World !Bank recognize the
importance of problems such as }lliteracy, foreign debt, and
AIDS.
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So despite the objection of some~ I think it has become
frequently clear that our efforts to ensure democracy and
hUman rights cannot be considerbd marginal, but are indeed
central to our foreign policy and~ustice in this century.
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I come to these beliefs as someohe who's been privileged to
travel to every continent but Anfurctica in the last seven years
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representing our country. I've seen the difference that US
leadership has made and is makihg. I can see the effect of
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aid and trade, our investment and our commitments on the .
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lives on both leaders and people.:
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I've tried not only to meet with l~aders but also with the men
and women and children who wiil be charting the course of
their countries and their regions kd will, for better or worse,
impact oil our own security. I thihk, for example, the
importance of our environment ih promoting civil societies
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throughout the world, ensuring free and fair elections that
detennine the direction of cOWltnes.
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I sat in a small apartment in Siberia talking with three
generations of a Russian family! getting a much clearer idea·
of what it is that is at stake in the various forces that are still
working in Russia to determine ~e direction that COWltry
, takes really means ..
I talked with women who are bdnefiting from my prophetic,
from shantytowns and cape towhs, to villages in Uganda to, .
barrios in Guatemala, and I kno~ that there is a tremendous
potential for us to support economic development at the
macro-credit grassroots level. I
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I've also been privileged to help Istart something called the '
Vital Way Towards Democracy;Initiative, which is fOWlded by
US commitments to survey dembcracy by enlisting and
including women in the democr~tizing of their nation. We've .
had conferences aroWld the world bringing women together
following up on the Beijing conference where we made clear
that women's rights are human rights.
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The stories that I've told I've tri~d to bring back to our .
governments, to the private sect6r, to make clear that there is
important work that is happenin~ below the surface, Wlder the
radar screen, that can have very pig payoffs for our interests
abroad.
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It' is something that President Trlunan, I think, referredto
when he wrote a special m~ssagb to. Congress to discuss
economic aid to Europe. He talk~d about how our nation is
strong in material resources and ;the spirit of its people, that . .
we have an economic strength tliat has contributed to raising
living standards and a moral str~ngth that is the inspiratfon for
people everywhere. I think that i~ as true today, although in a
very different context, as it was ~hen he was President.
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We have to use our moral and rriaterial strengths in ways that
serve our evolving interests. Welwill not have strong markets
to iilvest in or democratic allies to depend on if children aren't
in schools, if ethnic cleansing is .IHpping apart our
commWlities, if women are being silenced and brutalized as
they are in Afghanistan, and if rrtore than half the population of
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the COWltry is basically marginal~zed and left behind.
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We have to ask ourselves what hope does the global market
· hold for the tens of millions of~ictims of child labor, who,
instead of going to school, are sent out to work in the most
dangerous and deadly condiiion~, or for the 100 million street
children without homes or families, whom I've seen
everywhere from Brazil to Mongolia, who are being left to fend
for themselves.
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What meaning do words like fr~edom have. for the 300,000
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child .soldiers caught up in brutal wars in Africa? I'vernet with
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those children, 3 of them from ~allas, who, like so many
others, have been kidnapped and used as human shields,
taken into a world where childrdn are forced to kill each other
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and where girls are raped and given away as wives to rebel
commanders.
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The global marketplace has meaht that business can be .
· shipped more easily across natidnal borders, but one of the
most tragic anc;l unintended cons1equ;ences has been that
· every year one million women ahd children are. being bought
and sold as well. They come froin South Asia, the former
Soviet Union, the Middle East, <Central America. Fifty five
percent end up in our own counthr acting as prostitutes, or
indentured servants .
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.This is a significant human righis violation and it has become
one of the fastest criminalente~rises in the world, second
only to drugs and arms. I've talk~d with many of these women
and their families and they've told me how desperate for
. economic opportunity in believing they could get well-paying
jobs as babysitters or even waitrbssesor sales clerks and
found themselves a part of the i~temational trade in human
beings.
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. Over the past years in the Ukraine and Thailand and U.N.
meetings, I've shone a spotlight en these women and I am
pleased the U.N. is supposed to idopt (inaudible) in the .
convention (inaudible) intematiqnal organized crime, which
re~uires our. country to make theitrafficking of human beings a
cnme. And Just last week, our Congress passed the first .
comprehensive U.S. legislation t~ address this tragedy, This
is a bill that I was very interesteq in and worked on and
(inaudible) to the president's desk and I think it puts the ,
United States on the right side in, the fight against modem
slavery.
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We also have to be willing to address another major threat to
our national security which (inabdible) in our borders and that
is the emergence of new infectious diseases like, AIDS and
the reemergence of old foes like!Malaria and TB. I applaud
(inall:dible) of putting AIDS on the U.N. agenda and
particularly focusing on the rav~ges of AIDS in Africa.
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We face the possibility of having 40 million children orphaned
by AIDS in the next decade and :the AIDS epidemic is now on
its way·to Asia where its impactiis (inaudible) if one can
believe it is more potentially dea:dly than what it has been
already in Africa.
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We also have to stand in the fi~t against poverty and make it
clear that the digital divide that i~ separating the haves and .
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the have-nots into the have manx1s and have less, leaving.the
have nots even further behind, is. something that deserves our
attention as well. I think that the 10Pportunity for economiC .
. development is particularly strong, with a focus on women .
and their ability to use microcre~it to improve their lives arid
the lives of their children and pay that loan, that rate, their
the envy of most
monthly 99, 100%. Rates that
commercial banks.
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And again I am pleased that Conkress recognizes the .
importance of this (inaudible) theI Microenterprise for Self
.Reliance Act, which I have long worked for and moving up
closer to the goal of helping 100 billion of the world's poorest
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entrepreneurs.
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. So there are many issues that I thInk deserve to be part of our
discussipn about internationalisrrl and America's leadership.
But my• third and final point is thltt if we are serious about
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combatmg any of our long tenn global challenges then would
have to create a broader, deeper, ~tronger constituency for
engagement. I think one of our gi:eatest threats to an .
international leadership is not Just opposition to those who
probably don't have passports, bu~ apathy of those who do.
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And this is from polling data and!research infonnation from
the 1960s. And it was striking to ine how business leaders
understood clearly the need for a bipartisan foreign policy and
a very strong presence in supportlof funerican leadership.
That has certainly changed over the last decade. That's where
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people's eyes often glaze over wilen we are talking about
foreign policy issues we clearly need to bring home the
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�stakes in these issues put humJ faces on them but we need
leadership in the private sector ~d the public sector to do
that.·.
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As we speak there are a lot of fdreign policy discussio~s .
gOIng on in Congress as they taIJ.e up this final appropriations
bilL I hope that Congress will. v9te to support counter-terrorism
efforts, embassy security and the debt reduction necessary
to ~lo~ poor countries to impro~e the health and welfare of
their citizens.
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I hope Congress will decide tp ~onor our international·
responsibilities by paying our UN dues and helping to fund
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peacekeeping missions from Sierra Leone to East Timor. And .
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I hope Congress.will stop attack~ng familyplanning,.whichwe
have seen reduce abortions, infaht and maternal mortality,
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and poverty arowidthe world.9f course,when it comes to
engagement overseas, one. ofth~ most important.votes that '.
Senators will cast next January ~ll be for Senate Majority
Leader.
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I've read a lot about the Maishal~ Plan, and I know it was a .
difficult sell for General Marshall and President Truman and
Secretary of State Atchison and pthers.'It was tough going
around the country saying, "We ;Want to use your tax dollars
to rebuild our former enemies."
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But what occurred was a broad qoalition of people in
government, the private sector, academia throughout 0l.JI'
country who came together and literally (inaudible) our college
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campuses, our civic clubs, (inau?ible) the. entire nation.
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t is an important goal for us to maintain a bipartisan
consensus on foreign policy- an4 I will certainly work hard to
achieve that. But, we cannot achieve that if the debate .about
America's role does not take place among our citizens and
particularly among our leaders a~ well. .
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This is something that I have be~n concerned about for some
time. Two years ago, I brought leaders from both parties
together to talk about how we cduld increase public support
for out continuing international engagement. I've spoken out
about this topic every chance I get - whether it is in front of
students, business leaders, or fo~eign policy experts such as
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many of you.
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But I think we need to go further. I believe that we need a
public education campaign that hot only educates but
inspires Americans to understan~ and support our leadership
in the world today. Elected offi~ials, journalists, business .
leaders and others who travel around the world have an
opportunity to help those of us here at home understand what
the real stakes are. This is a cauJe that I hope I will have
some role in promoting in the S6nate because 1 think in.the
absence of a more consistent, m~re forceful voice on the part
of business leaders,\particularly~ the Congress will not
respond.
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And it is clearly in business' int~rest now that every business
is a global business to follow in the footsteps of predecessors
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in the post War era to the end oft the Cold War who were very
strong opponents of the kind of engagement that is good for
busiIiessas well as good for AItierica:
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But we need a (inaudible) budg~t to work with the CoUncil on
such an effort. This is certainly the tradition of.thisState and
its Senators, And I look forwardl to having the opportunity to
follow in that tradition and to w6rk tirelessly to help meet
America's great intemationai chMlenges in this next centUry.
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Dublin Core
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Lissa Muscatine - Press Office
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First Lady's Office
Press Office
Lissa Muscatine
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1993 - 1997
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36239" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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2011-0415-S
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<p>Lissa Muscatine first served in the Clinton Administration as a speechwriter. Within the First Lady’s Office, she served as Communications Director to the First Lady.</p>
<p>Lissa Muscatine’s records consist of materials from First Lady Hillary Clinton’s Press Office, highlighting topics such as health care, women’s rights, the Millennium Council, Hillary Clinton’s 2000 Senate campaign, and deal extensively with press interviews given by the First Lady; her domestic and foreign travel; and speeches and remarks, on a wide variety of topics, given by her before and during her time as First Lady. The records include interview transcripts, press releases, speeches and speech transcripts.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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1,324 folders in 27 boxes
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Hillary 2000 Statements and Speeches 9/14/99-11/7/00 [binder]: [10-17-00 Council on Foreign Relations]
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<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/Systematic/2011-0415-S-Muscatine.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431941" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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Lissa Muscatine
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2011-0415-S
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7431941