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n.d.
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�Page 3
12TH
STORY o f L e v e l 1 p r i n t e d i n FULL f o r m a t .
C o p y r i g h t 2000 The New York Times Company
The New York Times
March 17, 2000, F r i d a y , Late E d i t i o n - F i n a l
SECTION: S e c t i o n A; Page 14; Column 1; N a t i o n a l Desk
LENGTH: 768 words
HEADLINE: Angry Over Confederate
BYLINE:
Flag, Mayor Plans March
By DAVID FIRESTONE
DATELINE: ATLANTA, March 16
BODY:
For y e a r s , Mayor Joseph P. R i l e y J r . o f C h a r l e s t o n , S.C, has done e v e r y t h i n g
but beg t h e South C a r o l i n a L e g i s l a t u r e t o s t o p embarrassing t h e s t a t e and lower
the Confederate b a t t l e f l a g from atop t h e s t a t e C a p i t o l . Today, f r u s t r a t e d by
the l a c k o f p r o g r e s s on t h e i s s u e , t h e mayor announced h i s b o l d e s t g e s t u r e y e t :
a 120-mile march from C h a r l e s t o n t o Columbia, S.C, n e x t month t o i n c r e a s e t h e
p r e s s u r e on f l a g s u p p o r t e r s .
Mr. R i l e y , who has been i n o f f i c e s i n c e 1975, i s a p o p u l a r f i g u r e i n South
C a r o l i n a , w i d e l y c r e d i t e d w i t h r e v i t a l i z i n g t h e c i t y as a t o l e r a n t and g r a c i o u s
t o u r i s t a t t r a c t i o n . A l t h o u g h t h e mayor has never been p a r t i c u l a r l y known f o r
d r a m a t i c g e s t u r e s , he s a i d t h e f l a g ' s d i v i s i v e presence c a l l e d f o r an updated
use o f an o l d c i v i l r i g h t s t e c h n i q u e .
"I've been i n c r e a s i n g l y concerned t h a t the l a c k o f a c t i o n by our l e g i s l a t u r e
i s p r e s e n t i n g an i n a c c u r a t e p o r t r a y a l o f our s t a t e , " Mr. R i l e y s a i d i n an
i n t e r v i e w . "The broad m a j o r i t y o f c i t i z e n s i n our s t a t e want the f l a g removed -every r e l i g i o u s group, c i v i c group, business group. Our l e g i s l a t u r e i s s i m p l y
out o f s t e p w i t h the people o f our s t a t e , and I wanted a way t o convey t h a t t o
the c o u n t r y , and t o p u t p r e s s u r e on t h e l e g i s l a t u r e t o a c t , and a c t now."
The mayor has i n v i t e d dozens o f business and c i v i c l e a d e r s t o j o i n him on t h e
f i v e - d a y t r e k , which i s t o b e g i n on A p r i l 2, and has s a i d he hopes hundreds o f
people w i l l j o i n i n . The march w i l l t a k e p l a c e o n l y i n d a y l i g h t hours and w i l l
f o l l o w U.S. 176, which runs n o r t h w e s t from C h a r l e s t o n and p a r a l l e l s I n t e r s t a t e
26. Mr. R i l e y s a i d marchers would c a r r y t h e s t a t e f l a g , which f e a t u r e s a
p a l m e t t o t r e e and a c r e s c e n t moon.
"People understand t h a t i t ' s t h e s t a t e f l a g you should f l y on your C a p i t o l , "
he s a i d , "not the one t h a t r e p r e s e n t s another government t h a t ' s been gone f o r
135 y e a r s . "
was
The Confederate b a t t l e f l a g has f l o w n over t h e Statehouse s i n c e 1962, when i t
r a i s e d as a symbol o f d e f i a n c e t o t h e c i v i l r i g h t s movement. There have many
�Page 4
The New York Times, March 17, 2000
campaigns t o remove t h e f l a g over t h e y e a r s , b u t i t became a f l a s h p o i n t i n t h i s
y e a r ' s p r e s i d e n t i a l campaign a f t e r t h e N.A.A.C.P., c a l l i n g t h e f l a g a symbol o f
s l a v e r y and i n t o l e r a n c e , d e c l a r e d an economic b o y c o t t o f South C a r o l i n a u n t i l i t
i s removed.
V i c e P r e s i d e n t A l Gore has urged t h a t t h e f l a g be removed; h i s R e p u b l i c a n
opponent f o r t h e p r e s i d e n c y , Gov. George W Bush o f Texas, has s a i d t h e m a t t e r
.
s h o u l d be l e f t t o t h e people o f South C a r o l i n a .
D e s p i t e i n c r e a s i n g p r e s s u r e from t h e s t a t e ' s business community t o remove t h e
f l a g , t h e m a t t e r has been s t a l l e d f o r months by s e v e r a l h a r d - l i n e l e g i s l a t o r s
who say t h e y w i l l never agree t o move t h e f l a g as l o n g as t h e b o y c o t t i s i n
p l a c e . L a s t month Gov. J i m Hodges o f South C a r o l i n a , a Democrat, proposed a
compromise t h a t would move t h e f l a g near a s t a t u e o f Wade Hampton, a Confederate
g e n e r a l from South C a r o l i n a , a t t h e r e a r o f t h e Statehouse. But f l a g s u p p o r t e r s
oppose t h e i d e a , s a y i n g t h e spot i s n o t s u f f i c i e n t l y p r o m i n e n t .
Two s t a t e s e n a t o r s on o p p o s i t e s i d e s o f t h e i s s u e -- Glenn F. McConnell, a
f l a g s u p p o r t e r , and D a r r e l l Jackson, an opponent -- s a i d y e s t e r d a y t h a t t h e y had
been n e g o t i a t i n g f o r weeks on a p o s s i b l e compromise, b u t had n o t y e t succeeded.
I n g e n e r a l , however, t h e mood i n t h e Statehouse has been i n c r e a s i n g l y tense and
r a c i a l l y divided.
One l e a d i n g f l a g s u p p o r t e r today accused t h e s t a t e ' s business l e a d e r s , many
of whom w i l l be j o i n i n g Mr. R i l e y on h i s march, o f s e l l i n g o u t t h e s t a t e ' s
t r a d i t i o n s because o f economic concerns. C h r i s t o p h e r S u l l i v a n , chairman o f t h e
South C a r o l i n a H e r i t a g e C o a l i t i o n , which has c l o s e t i e s t o many p r o - f l a g
l e g i s l a t o r s , s a i d businesses were so concerned about t h e b o y c o t t t h a t t h e y had
made t h e South C a r o l i n a Chamber o f Commerce " n o t h i n g more t h a n a p o l i t i c a l s h i l l
f o r t h e N.A.A.C.P."
Because o f i t s s t a t u s as a t o u r i s t a t t r a c t i o n , t h e C h a r l e s t o n area has been
the h a r d e s t - h i t r e g i o n o f t h e s t a t e by t h e b o y c o t t . S e v e r a l c o n v e n t i o n s and
s p o r t s events have been canceled, a l o n g w i t h a performance by t h e B i l l T. Jones
dance company, a prominent p a r t o f t h e c i t y ' s S p o l e t o a r t s f e s t i v a l i n May and
June .
But Mayor R i l e y s a i d economic p r e s s u r e was t h e l e a s t o f h i s reasons f o r
o r g a n i z i n g t h e march.
"The b o y c o t t concerns me," he s a i d , "but I'm f a r more w o r r i e d about t h e
s t a t e ' s r e p u t a t i o n . We've had good race r e l a t i o n s here. Our g o v e r n o r s d i d n ' t
s t a n d i n f r o n t o f schoolhouse doors and r e s i s t i n t e g r a t i o n . "
1
1
"But t h i s f l a g i s s u e i s c r e a t i n g a d i f f e r e n t i m p r e s s i o n , he added, "and I
t h i n k i t ' s t i m e t h a t t h e l e g i s l a t u r e f i n a l l y f e e l s t h e heat from t h e people o f
South C a r o l i n a . "
http://www.nytimes.com
GRAPHIC: Photo: Mayor Joseph P. R i l e y o f C h a r l e s t o n , S.C, s i t t i n g i n h i s C i t y
H a l l o f f i c e r e c e n t l y , s a i d y e s t e r d a y t h a t he planned a march t o Columbia, t h e
s t a t e c a p i t a l , t o urge removal o f a Confederate b a t t l e f l a g a t t h e Statehouse.
�Page 5
The New York Times, March 17, 2000
(Mic Smith/The Post and C o u r i e r )
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: March 17, 2000
�Page 3
2ND STORY o f L e v e l 1 p r i n t e d i n FULL f o r m a t .
C o p y r i g h t 2000 PR Newswire A s s o c i a t i o n , I n c .
PR Newswire
March 28, 2000, Tuesday
SECTION: nSTATE AND REGIONAL NEWS
DISTRIBUTION: TO STATE AND POLITICAL EDITORS
LENGTH: 361 words
HEADLINE: Get i n Step Walk From C h a r l e s t o n , SC t o S t a t e C a p i t o l O f f e r s F a m i l i e s
Rare, Personal C i v i c s and H i s t o r y Lessons;
Thousands o f F a m i l i e s Expected t o P a r t i c i p a t e i n H i s t o r i c , G r a s s r o o t s E f f o r t
DATELINE: CHARLESTON, S.C,
March 28
BODY:
When t h e 'Get i n Step' walk d e p a r t s downtown C h a r l e s t o n , SC on A p r i l 2,
o r g a n i z e r s expect hundreds o f p a r t i c i p a n t s t o l e a d t h e charge t o remove t h e
Confederate b a t t l e f l a g from atop t h e statehouse dome. A s i g n i f i c a n t number o f
w a l k e r s a l o n g t h e 12 0-mile course a r e expected t o be c h i l d r e n and teenagers
encouraged by t h e i r f a m i l i e s t o p a r t i c i p a t e as a way o f a c t i v e l y engaging i n
c i v i c s , community s e r v i c e and t h e making o f h i s t o r y .
Get i n Step i s a g r a s s r o o t s e f f o r t i n i t i a t e d by C h a r l e s t o n Mayor Joseph P.
R i l e y , J r . S i m i l a r i n s p i r i t t o t h e c i v i l r i g h t s marches o f t h e '60s, t h e walk
w i l l t a k e p a r t i c i p a n t s from downtown C h a r l e s t o n t o t h e s t a t e c a p i t o l grounds i n
Columbia, SC where t h e y w i l l p r e s e n t t o SC Governor J i m Hodges t h e o f f i c i a l
state flag.
The e f f o r t i s designed t o h e l p s t a t e l e g i s l a t o r s u n d e r s t a n d what
independent p o l l s have been i n d i c a t i n g f o r some t i m e : t h a t a m a j o r i t y o f South
C a r o l i n a r e s i d e n t s w i s h t o see t h e Confederate b a t t l e f l a g removed from a t o p t h e
s t a t e h o u s e dome.
"The p o i n t o f t h i s march i s t h a t t h e Confederate B a t t l e F l a g does n o t b e l o n g
atop o u r s t a t e c a p i t o l and t h a t t h i s view i s shared by a broad m a j o r i t y o f South
C a r o l i n i a n s , " s a i d Mayor Joseph P. R i l e y , J r .
On March 15, Mayor R i l e y announced h i s i n t e n t i o n t o o r g a n i z e t h i s walk,
which i m m e d i a t e l y g e n e r a t e d an o u t p o u r i n g o f i n t e r e s t from t h r o u g h o u t t h e s t a t e
and beyond. F o l l o w i n g a New York Times a r t i c l e about t h e march, o r g a n i z e r s
r e c e i v e d numerous c a l l s from i n d i v i d u a l s i n o t h e r s t a t e s who i n t e n d t o t r a v e l t o
C h a r l e s t o n t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e walk.
P r e s e n t l y , w a l k e r s can r e g i s t e r t o p a r t i c i p a t e by l o g g i n g o n t o
www.getinstep.com , o r by c a l l i n g 843-723-STEP (7837). Walkers w i t h s p e c i a l
needs o r who a r e p a r t i c i p a t i n g w i t h young c h i l d r e n w i l l note t h a t t r a n s p o r t a t i o n
s h u t t l e s and c o m f o r t s t a t i o n s a l o n g t h e way have been designed t o a l l o w people
of v a r y i n g a b i l i t i e s t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h i s h i s t o r i c event.
SOURCE Get i n Step
CONTACT: Barbara Vaughn, D i r e c t o r , P u b l i c I n f o r m a t i o n o f C i t y o f C h a r l e s t o n ,
843-724-3746, o r 843-724-3753, o r pager, 843-220-3605
URL: http://www.prnewswire.com
�Page 4
PR Newswire March 28, 2000, Tuesday
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: March 29, 2000
�Page 5
10TH
STORY o f L e v e l 1 p r i n t e d i n FULL f o r m a t .
C o p y r i g h t 2000 The A t l a n t a C o n s t i t u t i o n
The A t l a n t a J o u r n a l and C o n s t i t u t i o n
March 17, 2000, F r i d a y ,
Home E d i t i o n
SECTION: News; Pg. 6A
LENGTH: 916 w o r d s
HEADLINE: Accords on S.C. f l a g are f l a p p i n g i n t h e wind;
S t a t e emblem: Backers, opponents s t r u g g l e over t h e banner as C h a r l e s t o n mayor
p l a n s f i v e - d a y march t o the C a p i t o l .
BYLINE: C h r i s B u r r i t t , Cox Washington Bureau
SOURCE: CONSTITUTION
BODY:
South C a r o l i n a l e g i s l a t o r s are t a l k i n g about f l y i n g Confederate and Union b a t t l e
f l a g s t o g e t h e r on t h e Statehouse grounds, one i n a f l u r r y o f p o s s i b l e
compromises r i s i n g from p r e s s u r e t o end f e u d i n g over t h e Rebel f l a g .
C h a r l e s t o n Mayor Joseph R i l e y s a i d Thursday he i s o r g a n i z i n g n e x t month's
f i v e - d a y march from C h a r l e s t o n t o Columbia " t o p u t p r e s s u r e on the l e g i s l a t u r e
t o a c t , and t o a c t now" t o move t h e f l a g , t h e l a s t t o f l y a t o p a s t a t e C a p i t o l .
"We are h a l f w a y t h r o u g h t h e l e g i s l a t i v e s e s s i o n , " R i l e y s a i d . " I t h i n k t h e r e
i s a r e a l f r u s t r a t i o n among the people o f our s t a t e t h a t t h i s m a t t e r was n o t
d e a l t w i t h , i f n o t l a s t year, c e r t a i n l y d u r i n g t h e f i r s t week o f t h e s e s s i o n . "
C h a r l e s t o n ' s l o n g t i m e Democratic mayor, a v o c a l c r i t i c o f t h e f l a g ' s
prominent d i s p l a y a t t h e C a p i t o l , s a i d he w i l l c a r r y a South C a r o l i n a f l a g
d u r i n g t h e march. I t w i l l s t a r t A p r i l 2 and end A p r i l 6, when R i l e y w i l l p r e s e n t
the f l a g t o Gov. Jim Hodges, a l s o a Democrat, a t t h e Statehouse.
Meanwhile Thursday, f l a g s u p p o r t e r s g a t h e r e d i n the Statehouse l o b b y t o
denounce t h e South C a r o l i n a Chamber o f Commerce f o r pushing f o r removal o f t h e
banner, b u t t h e y d i d not c a l l f o r a c o u n t e r - b o y c o t t o f chamber businesses, as
had been t h r e a t e n e d . However, H e r i t a g e C o a l i t i o n E x e c u t i v e D i r e c t o r C h r i s
S u l l i v a n s a i d f l a g supporters should
t h i n k t w i c e ' ' about p a t r o n i z i n g them.
1 1
I n January, Statehouse r a l l i e s by b o t h f l a g s u p p o r t e r s and opponents drew
thousands o f people, as t h e N a t i o n a l A s s o c i a t i o n f o r the Advancement o f Colored
People launched a n a t i o n a l t o u r i s m b o y c o t t o f South C a r o l i n a .
Some b u s i n e s s l e a d e r s have s a i d t h e b o y c o t t i s , indeed, h u r t i n g commerce. The
Columbia M e t r o p o l i t a n Convention and V i s i t o r s Bureau r e l e a s e d a survey Wednesday
of seven l a r g e h o t e l s and conference c e n t e r s i n d i c a t i n g t h a t the d i s p u t e has l e d
to t h e c a n c e l l a t i o n o f 54 l a r g e meetings and t h e l o s s o f 24, 100 v i s i t o r s s i n c e
i t was announced l a s t J u l y .
Columbia Mayor Bob Coble has j o i n e d R i l e y i n r e c e n t weeks i n s e e k i n g a
�Page 6
The Atlanta Journal, March 17, 2000
compromise on t h e f l a g i s s u e .
The two mayors have proposed t h a t a new monument be b u i l t f o r t h e f l a g . The
monument's 4 1/2 - f o o t - t a l l g r a n i t e w a l l would be engraved w i t h t h e names o f more
t h a n 20,000 South C a r o l i n a s o l d i e r s who d i e d i n t h e C i v i l War. The f i v e f l a g s o f
the Confederacy would f l y on p o l e s a t t h e w a l l and a t t h e c e n t e r would be t h e
f l a g now a t o p t h e Statehouse.
Flag s u p p o r t e r s argue t h a t t h e e f f e c t s o f t h e NAACP b o y c o t t are g r o s s l y
o v e r s t a t e d . E l i j a h Coleman o f Southern I n t e r n e t News P u b l i c a t i o n , f o r i n s t a n c e ,
p o i n t s t o e s t i m a t e s t h a t t h e Republican p r i m a r y i n February b r o u g h t $ 7 m i l l i o n
i n revenue i n t o t h e s t a t e , and t h a t j o u r n a l i s t s c o v e r i n g t h e event b r o u g h t
another $ 4 m i l l i o n .
The Confederate f l a g has f l o w n over t h e C a p i t o l dome s i n c e 1962, when t h e
l e g i s l a t u r e r a i s e d i t as p a r t o f a C i v i l War c e n t e n n i a l . C r i t i c s say i t was a l s o
h o i s t e d i n d e f i a n c e o f d e s e g r e g a t i o n , a charge t h a t has p l a c e d t h e f l a g a t t h e
c e n t e r o f a n a t i o n a l debate over whether Confederate symbols r e p r e s e n t r e s p e c t
f o r t h e war dead, o r h a t r e d r o o t e d i n s l a v e r y .
Seeking t o end t h e d i s c o r d t h a t he says t h r e a t e n s t o t e a r a p a r t South
C a r o l i n a , Hodges has proposed removing t h e f l a g from t h e C a p i t o l and p l a c i n g a
s i m i l a r Confederate banner a t a Statehouse grounds monument h o n o r i n g Confederate
Gen. Wade Hampton.
But Confederate h e r i t a g e groups r e j e c t e d t h e p r o p o s a l , w i t h some l e a d e r s
s a y i n g t h e l o c a t i o n i s n o t prominent enough. The NAACP r e j e c t e d t h e l o c a t i o n as
t o o p r o m i n e n t f o r a f l a g t h e y say belongs i n a museum.
I n r e c e n t days, l e g i s l a t o r s have begun t a l k i n g p r i v a t e l y about t h e i d e a o f
f l y i n g t h e Confederate f l a g and t h e Union b a t t l e f l a g t o g e t h e r a t t h e
Confederate s o l d i e r s ' monument on t h e Statehouse grounds.
S t a t e Sen. Glenn McConnell, a C h a r l e s t o n Republican, has i n s i s t e d t h a t t h e
Rebel banner be p l a c e d a t t h e s o l d i e r s ' monument, i f i t i s moved. He s a i d
Thursday he "can l i v e w i t h t h e t w o - f l a g p r o p o s a l . "
He s a i d t h e p r o p o s a l "has sparked i n t e r e s t on b o t h s i d e s . . . . The f l a g s
would s a l u t e t h e South C a r o l i n i a n s who marched t o t h e Confederate drum and those
who marched t o t h e Union drum."
McConnell, a C i v i l War b u f f and r e - e n a c t o r , s a i d two p r e d o m i n a n t l y b l a c k
South C a r o l i n a r e g i m e n t s f i g h t i n g f o r t h e Union c a r r i e d a f l a g t h a t " l o o k s l i k e
the U n i t e d S t a t e s f l a g . "
A r e p l i c a o f t h a t f l a g would be a p p r o p r i a t e t o f l y w i t h t h e Confederate
banner, he s a i d .
A l s o g e n e r a t i n g i n t e r e s t among l e g i s l a t o r s , McConnell s a i d , i s a new p r o p o s a l
t o encase an o r i g i n a l Confederate f l a g and a f l a g p o l e i n "an a i r t i g h t g l a s s
box" a t t h e Confederate s o l d i e r s ' monument.
The a p p r o x i m a t e l y 5 - f o o t - b y - 8 - f o o t f l a g would hang from a 1 2 - t o - 1 5 - f o o t t a l l
f l a g p o l e , McConnell s a i d . Glass would enclose i t from t h e ground t o t h e t o p o f
�Page 7
The Atlanta Journal, March 17, 2000
the
pole.
" I ' v e got t o t h i n k i t t h r o u g h , " McConnell s a i d , adding, a t f i r s t g l a n c e , t h e
p r o p o s a l would s a t i s f y h e r i t a g e groups' demand t h a t t h e f l a g f l y a t t h e
s o l d i e r s ' monument, w h i l e s a t i s f y i n g i t s c r i t i c s who i n s i s t the banner belongs
i n a museum.
But h i n t i n g a t l i k e l y o p p o s i t i o n t o these p r o p o s a l s , Mayor R i l e y s a i d p u t t i n g
the Confederate f l a g a t the s o l d i e r s ' monument g i v e s the C i v i l War too p r o m i n e n t
a p l a c e i n South C a r o l i n a ' s h i s t o r y . The monument r i s e s from the Statehouse
grounds a t Main and Gervasis s t r e e t s , a busy i n t e r s e c t i o n .
"To t a k e the event and say i t i s the h e r i t a g e o f the s t a t e and g i v e i t a
markedly p r o m i n e n t p l a c e a t o u r s t a t e C a p i t o l i s wrong," R i l e y s a i d . " I do n o t
think that w i l l f l y . "
GRAPHIC: Photo
mug
o f C h a r l e s t o n Mayor Joseph R i l e y
LOAD-DATE: March 17,
2000
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Latestflagplan more
promising than others
itage as w e l l as t h o s e w h o s a y , l e g i t i m a t e A b i p a r t i s a n effort to m o v e the C o n f e d ly, that h e r i t a g e m u s t be m a r k e d w i t h i n a n
erate flag f r o m atop the State H o u s e
appropriate historical context. T h o s e on
a p p e a r s to be the best p l a n yet. S e n . J o h n
both sides s h o u l d support this p l a n —
Courson, a Republican, and Sen. Darrell
w h i c h addresses their concerns — or s o m e
Jackson, a Democrat, have been brokering
s i m i l a r o n e . I f t h e y c h o o s e to c o n t i n u e to
a resolution that very w e l l could g a r n e r
stall and obstruct progress, w e c a n only
support f r o m p a r t i e s on all sides.
a s s u m e t h e i r m o t i v e s a r e not a s p u r e a s
T h e i r p r o p o s a l w o u l d r e m o v e the C o n they p r o c l a i m .
f e d e r a t e b a n n e r o f f t h e d o m e a n d out of
T h i s p r o p o s a l w i l l get m o r e a n d m o r e
legislative c h a m b e r s . T h r e e f l a g s e n c a s e d
s u p p o r t as it is d i s c u s s e d . A n d that is w h a t
in g l a s s w o u l d be p l a c e d at s e p a r a t e sites
it n e e d s — b r o a d s u p p o r t f r o m b l a c k s a n d
o n the S t a t e H o u s e g r o u n d s . T h e f l a g o f
whites. Republicans and Democrats. Sens.
the A r m y of N o r t h e r n V i r g i n i a , a s q u a r e
C o u r s o n a n d J a c k s o n s h o u l d file t h i s b i l l
v e r s i o n of the f l a g n o w f l y i n g , w o u l d b e
first t h i n g T u e s d a y to b e g i n the p r o c e s s .
e n c a s e d at the C o n f e d e r a t e S o l d i e r M o n u ment; the S t a r s a n d B a r s w o u l d be p l a c e d
It's l i k e l y that it w i l l b e a n o t h e r w e e k
at the m o n u m e n t to C o n f e d e r a t e w o m e n ;
before there is s i g n i f i c a n t m o v e m e n t . T h i s
and a f l a g c a r r i e d by b l a c k U n i o n t r o o p s
is a d e l i c a t e m o m e n t a s l a w m a k e r s file f o r
w o u l d be p l a c e d at a n u n d e t e r m i n e d site.
re-election, l o o k i n g o v e r t h e i r s h o u l d e r s to
s e e w h o m i g h t s e e k to c h a l l e n g e t h e m
T h e r e a r e a n u m b e r of details still to be
solely o n t h e i r s t a n c e o n the f l a g i s s u e . I n
w o r k e d out, but t h i s p l a n is a n a t t r a c t i v e
a few days, filing will close and that
one for v a r i o u s r e a s o n s .
s p e c t e r w i l l no l o n g e r l o o m a s a s t u m b l i n g
• T h e intent is to o b t a i n t h r e e a u t h e n t i c
block.
C i v i l W a r - e r a f l a g s to d i s p l a y .
• A flag w o u l d be p l a c e d at the C o n f e d e r A t that point, a l l l a w m a k e r s s h o u l d t u m
ate S o l d i e r M o n u m e n t , w h e r e f l a g s u p t h e i r a t t e n t i o n to t h e f l a g a n d s i n c e r e l y
porters insist o n e s h o u l d go. E n c a s i n g the
w o r k t o w a r d c o m p r o m i s e . T h e y s h o u l d put
f l a g c o u l d w i n o v e r t h o s e w h o s a y the s o l aside selfish ambitions, partisanship and
dier m o n u m e n t is too v i s i b l e a spot to fly a
n a r r o w interests a n d put the n e e d s of this
Confederate flag.
state a n d its p e o p l e a b o v e a l l else.
It a l l s t a r t s w i t h the S e n a t e . If s e n a t o r s
• T h e p l a n legitimately r e c o g n i z e s history
genuinely w o r k toward a resolution they
and s e e k s to p u l l p e o p l e together.
c a n get the j o b d o n e . T h e y c a n set a t o n e
It is r e f r e s h i n g to see this p l a n m a t e r i a l of c o o p e r a t i o n a n d c o m p r o m i s e for the
ize. It is a p l a n w e b e l i e v e c a n e v e n t u a l l y
House.
r e c e i v e e v e n b r o a d e r s u p p o r t t h a n that put
E v e n a s t h e y p r e p a r e to p u t f o r t h t h i s
forth by G o v . J i m H o d g e s . G o v . H o d g e s '
proposal. Sens. Courson and Jackson
p l a n to p l a c e a s q u a r e v e r s i o n of the f l a g at
w o u l d be w i s e to i n c l u d e k e y H o u s e m e m the W a d e H a m p t o n m o n u m e n t is a v i a b l e
b e r s , w h o a r e v i t a l p a r t n e r s i n this e n d e a v o n e that e n j o y s b r o a d support. It is one w e
or. G e t t i n g s o m e H o u s e m e m b e r s o n b o a r d
believe c o u l d l e a d to a r e s o l u t i o n . H o w e v now would broaden support and build
er, the C o u r s o n - J a c k s o n p r o p o s a l h a s
momentum.
m o r e a p p e a l . It's a p l a n that b r i n g s u s c l o s er to a f i n a l r e s o l u t i o n t h a n a n y o t h e r to
L a w m a k e r s , w h i l e t h e y s h o u l d be o p e n
date.
and s h a r e t h e i r c o n c e r n s , s h o u l d c o n s i d e r
d i s c a r d i n g those p r o p o s a l s that h a v e n o
Gov. H o d g e s s h o w e d s o l i d l e a d e r s h i p i n
c h a n c e of p a s s i n g a n d o n l y s e r v e to c o n putting a w o r k a b l e p l a n o n the table. It h a s
'
f u s e debate.
s e r v e d as a catOther than
alyst to get othThose on both sides should support
the H o d g e s p r o ers
to
work
this plan — which addresses their
posal, no other
toward someplan
to
date
thing
better.
concerns — or some similar one. If
holds
the
T h a t Is e x a c t l y
they choose to continue t o stall and
promise
the
what has hapCourson-Jackp e n e d , a n d the
obstruct progress, we can only a s s u m e
son plan does.
g o v e r n o r is as
their motives are not a s pure a s they
Like any other
p l e a s e d as a n y p i e c e of l e g i s l a one.
"I
am
proclaim.
tion, the p l a n
e n c o u r a g e d by
needs
to
be
it," h e s a i d o f
p r o p e r l y a n d o p e n l y d e b a t e d . It v e r y w e l l
the C o u r s o n - J a c k s o n p l a n last w e e k . "I
m i g h t b e a m e n d e d a l o n g the w a y . I f it c a n
t h i n k it is a positive d e v e l o p m e n t . "
b e i m p r o v e d , it c e r t a i n l y s h o u l d be. O n e of
It is e s p e c i a l l y n o t a b l e that k e y s e n a t o r s
the g l o r i e s of o u r s y s t e m of r e p r e s e n t a t i v e
representing opposite viewpoints have
d e m o c r a c y is that t h e d e l i b e r a t i v e p r o c e s s
c o m e together to f o r m u l a t e this p r o p o s e d
tends to i m p r o v e l e g i s l a t i o n as a l l s i d e s a r e
resolution. T h e two have been w o r k i n g
heard from.
b e h i n d the s c e n e s to get n e e d e d a d d i t i o n a l
s u p p o r t a n d m u s t c o n t i n u e to do so.
T h i s is a p l a n , h o w e v e r , that e v e n as it
stands c o u l d b r i n g the h e a l i n g a n d unity
T h i s is a p l a n that s h o u l d s a t i s f y t h o s e
that S o u t h C a r o l i n a n e e d s so m u c h .
w h o s u p p o r t the f l a g i n the n a m e of h e r -
TOBACCO
Finding alternatives no
easy task f o r farmers
• I am delighted to know
that Mace Farms, a small
farming operation in Marion
County, is, in rhe opinion of
your editorial writer ("State
shouldn't give cash to tobacco farmers," March 7),
now on a par w i t h Springs
Mills. Our loss of 50 percent
of assets and income in the
last three years is, in your editorial opinion, the same as
the textile industry's loss of
market share over the last 30
years. I dare say Springs
Mills is in a better position to
suffer the loss than are we.
I am also pleased to know
that your writer has ideas on
diversification. We have
searched throughout the
South, buying trees f r o m
Louisiana and sprigs f r o m
Florida, i n an effort to f i n d a
profitable alternative to tobacco. W e read and consult
with all farm groups and
agencies. It will be most welcome f o r your editorialist to
advise us, as we have, to
date, been unsuccessful.
Please ask the writer to
more carefully examine the
facts before"shooting f r o m
the hip.
BOB MACE
G res ham
CAL
THOMAS
Representatives can be
wrong in judgment
• Trevor Bauknlght (Letters,
March 18) is living in a
dream, a clouded one at that.
Cal Thomas' article on the
"living" Constitution was
right on. Yes, the Supreme
Court justices are appointed
by representatives of the people, but both representatives
and Supreme Court justices
can be (and often are) very
wrong in their judgment.
It is the sort of thinking
that M r . Bauknight exhibits
that will eventually lead to
the total disruption of what
we call a free country. It is
well on the way to happening
already, precisely because
couch potatoes are so comfortable that they will not
�Draft 3/29/00 9:45am
Weiss/ Gottheimer
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
TALKING POINTS FOR CLYBURN TRIBUTE DINNER
ALLEN UNIVERSITY
COLUMBIA, SC
March 29, 2000
•
Acknowledge: Sen. Fritz Hollings; Reps. Jim Clyburn, John Spratt; Governor Jim Hodges;
Mayor Bob Coble; Former DNC Chairman Don Fowler; SC Dem. Party Chair Dick
Harpootlian; Bishop John Hurst Adams; Bishop Fred James.
Rep. Clyburn and I came to Washington together in 1992. He made his mark on Capitol
Hill right away. It didn't hurt that he's got the kind of commanding baritone that would
make even Barry White stand up and take notice.
•
But far more impressive than the quality of his voice was the quality and the spirit of
his leadership. When his freshman colleagues elected him class president, he immediately
proposed sharing the term with Rep. Eva Clayton, paying homage to the "Year of the
Woman." That's just the kind of generous, from-the-heart gesture that Jim Clyburn has been
making throughout his career.
•
Jim Clyburn is one of the greatest consensus builders we have in the U.S. Congress.
That's how he became the unanimous choice to lead the Congressional Black Caucus. That's
how he has kept the CBC's members united and kept their eyes on the prize. That's how he
has consistently delivered much-needed infrastructure investments for this region.
•
Jim has applied his gift for consensus-building to resolving the bitter debate over the
Confederate flag. Three weeks ago, when I was in Selma to mark the 35 anniversary of
the 1965 Voting Rights march, I said that "as long as the waving symbol of one American's
pride is the shameful symbol of another American's pain, we have another bridge to cross." I
know that many of you in this state are coming together to find common ground on this issue
- and I applaud your efforts.
th
•
In recent months South Carolina has hosted an active debate on the issues of racial and
religious tolerance. Discussion is good - but in the end, we must reject anything that
divides and embrace everything that brings us closer to being that One America of our
dreams.
•
Jim Clyburn has never forgotten where he came from. Just look at all the issues on
which he has become such an important national leader - from rural economic development
to affirmative action to supporting the vital mission of historically black colleges like Allen
and South Carolina State.
I am personally grateful to Rep. Clyburn for his leadership on our New Markets
Initiative. Back in July, Rep. Clyburn traveled with me all over the country - from &
�communities from Appalachia to the Mississippi Delta to the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation
- to help us shine a spotlight on communities that have not yet been blessed by our nation's
prosperity. He told me he sees opening opportunities in these communities as an extension
of the mission of the Civil Rights movement.
In fact, I ' l l never forget the first night of the trip, when he and Jesse Jackson and I went
to the National Civil Rights Museum, in Memphis and I asked him about the sit-ins at
lunch counters and kneel-ins at churches he helped to organize as a student leader. I
couldn't help but think of how far we have come since those days - and how important it is
that we continue marching ever further toward that elusive One America.
�03/29/00
W D 07:15 FAX
E
! t
r '
Lowell A. Weiss
03/28/2000 01:28:33 PM
;
Record Type:
To:
Record
Joshua S. Gottheimer/WHO/EOP@EOP
cc:
Subject: clybum - with flag issue and bob jones
ifs fine for you to show this to terry and anyone else who needs to see it - and to merge this with your
stuff, i'll give you changes on my portion as they come in. thanks.
Draft 3/28/00 l:3Qpin
Weiss/ Gottheimer
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J . CLINTON
TALKING POINTS FOR CLYBURN TRIBUTE DINNER
ALLEN UNIVERSITY
COLUMBIA, SC
March 29, 2000
•
Acknowledge: Columbia Mayor Bob Coble; more TK.
•
Rep. Clyburn and I came to Washington together in 1992, He made his mark on
Capitol Hill right away. It didn't hurt that he's got the kind of commanding baritone that
would make even Barry White stand up and take notice.
•
But far more impressive than the quality of his voice was the quality and the spirit of
his leadership. When his freshman colleagues elected him class president, he immediately
proposed sharing the term with Rep. Eva Clayton, paying homage to the "Year of tlie
Woman." That's just the kind of generous,from-the-heart.gesture that Jim Clybum has been
making throughout his career.
•
Jim Clybum is one of the greatest consensus builders we have in the U.S. Congress.
That's how he became the unanimous choice to lead the Congressional Black Caucus. That's
how he has kept the CBC's members united and kept their eyes on the prize. That's how he
has consistently delivered much-needed infrastructure investments for this region.
•
Of course, Jim has applied his gift for consensus-building to resolving die bitter debate
over the Confederate flag. Three weeks ago, when I was in Selma to mark the 35th
anniversary of the 1965 Voting Rights march, I said that "as long as die waving symbol of one
American's pride is the shameful symbol of another American's pain, we have another bridge
to cross." Wellrthankp to tho work of nmny-of >PU, I belk ve South Cariuilina ia on the verge
of-cross-iflg that bridge, I juin Rep. Ctyburn in oupperting thc-hoBornblr*, -hirimiMn plan „
G&OOl
�03/29/00
121002
W D 07:15 FAX
E
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?oirrsgino remove the ConfederairfnT^fhW^
jtate ^pu§fi,rlnmc nnd place Quthontii Civil Wm an llngij uu die Lapiu „ — _ » i H » i » - S S ^ e ^ '
- ... .
1
•wifradneveTBe goal ul moVing-QCTJg-IMii a plaea 6f sovei^Tgm^ m q piaui of rcspoct, and ^
-Luig^aH-of^ou to otter your suppofT
' —^
^7l?
•
Jim Clyburn has never forgotten where he came from. Just look at all the issues on ^
which he has become such an important national leader - trom rural economic development to
affirmative action to supporting the vital mission of historically black colleges like Allen and
South Carolina State.
•
I am personally grateful to Rep. Clybum for his leadership on our New Markets
Initiative. Back in July, Rep. Clyburn traveled with me all over the country - from
communities from Appalachia to the Mississippi Delta to the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation to help us shine a spotlight on communities that have not yet been blessed by our nation's
prosperity. He told me he sees opening opportunities in Uiese communities as an extension of
the mission of the Civil Rights movement.
•
In fact, I'll never forget the first night of tlie trip, when he and Jesse Jackson and I
went to the National Civil Rights Museum, in Memphis and I asked him about the sit-ins at
lunch counters and kneel-ins at churches he helped to organize as a student leader. I couldn't
help but think of how far we have come since those days - and how important it is that we
continue m^ching ever further toward that elusive One America.
�Capitol Column
http://www.house.gov/clybum/cc991215-Flag.htm
Capitol Column
Confederate Flag Belongs in ((Pfficeof Respect Not Sovereignty
by Sixth District Congressman James E. Clyburn
December 15,1999
Last March 17th, as I dressed to go about the business of representing the people of the 6th
Congressional district, I did something I have traditionally done, put on a green tie. I consider it an
appropriate way to demonstrate my respect for the traditions and heritage of my friends and constituents
of Irish decent as they celebrate St. Patrick's Day. It does not take anything from me or my heritage, in
fact I think it adds to me as a person and as a representative of people of diverse backgrounds and
customs.
In September, I proudly joined my colleagues in honor of Jewish American traditions and customs as we
suspended Congressional operations in celebration of Yom Kippur, and in October I joined my Italian
American friends in celebration of Columbus Day. In a few short days, our nation will pause for
Christmas, a day held sacred by Christians and respected by all other religious adherents the world over.
During that time many of us will observe Kwanza and all of us will celebrate its spirit. I am not Jewish,
and it is pretty obvious that I am not Irish or Italian, but that does not prevent me from respecting and
honoring the traditions and heritage of my fellow Americans whatever may be their accident of birth or
choice of religions. I feel the same way toward those who feel obliged to honor the memory and
celebrate the sacrifices of those who fought and died for the Confederacy. I respect and defend their right
to celebrate their heritage and honor the battle flag as a symbol of that heritage.
That is an entirely separate issue from flying the Confederate battle flag in a place of sovereignty over
the State House. And before anybody gets confused let me make it perfectly clear as to where I stand on
this highly emotional and slightly controversial issue. I believe the "Navy Jack" should be moved from
the State House dome to a place more suitable for preserving history and honoring heritage. Although I
have no problems with that section of the Heritage Act of 1994 which calls for placing the Confederate
Battle Flag at the monument of the Confederate soldier, fourteen years ago I proposed creating a
walkway of flags on State House grounds. The Confederate battle flag, and all other flags of significance
to South Carolina's history and development, would be displayed along this walkway.
South Carolina is well positioned to be a leader in so many ways. It makes no sense for us to continue
fighting the Civil War or, if you wish, the War between the States, or if it suits you better, the "War of
Northern Aggression." The business climate in the state is so good, the tourism possibilities so great, and
the recreational opportunities of such magnitude we ought not spend much more time on this issue.
Please note, I said spend not waste. Contrary to the opinions of some, I do not believe the time spent on
this issue has been wasted. Almost every day someone says to me something to the effect, you know I
have never thought of it that way before. It is always good to talk. We should not just keep the lines of
communication open we should use them.
Many of the business and religious leaders of the state are to be applauded for their recent efforts on this
issue, and I embrace Governor Jim Hodges' recent efforts, some of which have been reported in the
media, but much of which has not been reported.. And of course the recently reported
below-the-radar-screen efforts of former Representative George Campsen, Jr. and former Governor,
John West, have been taking place for quite some time. They and many others have been magnanimous.
Personally, I am also thankful to those who have shared their views on talk shows and on the editorial
pages of our newspapers. Some of whom I agreed with and many with whom I disagreed. But when all
is said and done, I am certainly hopeful that all of us will be the better for the experience.
###
Back to Newsletters
lofl
3/23/2000 3:14 PM
�Capitol Column
http://www.house.gov/clybum/col980313a.html
Capitol Column
Clyburn Unveils Education Agenda
by Sixth District Congressnian James E. Clyburn
March 13,1998
I was proud to join with other House and Senate leaders as U.S. Education Secretary Richard Riley
recently announced his support of the Democratic education bills to strengthen and modernize public
schools. One of the issues raised most often by families in the Sixth Congressional District is education.
Parents are concerned about increasing class sizes and are incensed over dilapidated and inadequate
school facilities.
One of the top two priorities in the Democratic education agenda calls for modernizing our schools for
the 21st century. Many schools are stretched to their limit and are at the end of their usefulness. Kids
need the proper environment to be able to concentrate on the subjects that are being taught.
The General Accounting Office performed a comprehensive survey of the nation's elementary and
secondary school facilities, and found severe levels of disrepair in all areas of the country. More than 14
million children attend schools that are in need of extensive repair or replacement. Recent news accounts
in South Carolina have highlighted this issue locally.
Our proposed legislation establishes and expands tax incentives to help states and local school districts
address school modernization backlogs. Under the bill, the federal government will subsidize a total of
$9.7 billion per year in qualified school modernization bonds in 1999 and 2000.
The second priority of the agenda is a reduction of class sizes. Overcrowded classrooms are the greatest
threat to quality education for all children in America. Research has shown that students attending small
classes in the early grades make more rapid educational progress than students in larger classes. I know
from personal experiences these benefits are greatest for inner-city children.
Over the next decade, communities will need to hire over two million teachers to meet increasing
student enrollments and teacher retirements. The bill provides for $1.1 billion in FY 1999 and $12.4
billion over seven years to help States and communities recruit, train, and hire 100,000 additional
qualified teachers. The Democrats' goal is to reduce class sizes nationally to an average of 18 students
per class in grades 1-3, and to ensure that these students are taught by well-trained, qualified teachers.
Democrats are committed to ensuring that public schools are the best they can possibly be in fulfilling
their mission to our children. As we move into a new global economy of rapid technological
advancement and international competition, we have to ensure all our kids get the best education
possible so they can compete and win.
As a former high school history teacher here in South Carolina's 6th Congressional District, I am
convinced that the enactment of these two education initiatives will go a long way toward reclaiming our
leadership position in educational pursuits. We were successful in prodding Congress to enact the
Democrat's higher education agenda in 1997. That agenda included making college education
significantly more affordable for working families. I believe that in 1998 - as we are experiencing
unprecedented economic growth - Congress needs to turn its attention to unmet needs in K-12 education.
###
Back to Newsletters
lofl
3/23/2000 3:18 PM
�Capitol Column
http://www.house.gov/clyburn/cc991122-Urbanle.htm
Capitol Column
Mixed News for the State of Black America
by Sixth District Congressman James E. Clyburn
November 22,1999
The good news is the State of Black America is improving. The bad news is the gaps between blacks and
whites in our country remain significant. Those are thefindingsof the recent National Urban League's
report on the State of Black America.
I was honored to have been asked to participate in the unveiling ofthe Urban League's report. Yet I was
disturbed by what I read in the report and heard at the press conference. According to their new report,
"The economic state of Black America has never been healthier." However, even though American
unemployment is at a record low, the black unemployment level remain double that of the national
average. This seemingly persistent gap leaves black unemployment levels more typical of recession rates
for white America.
This report demonstrates that the wage gap and opportunity gap are undeniable. There is a very strange
dichotomy of efforts in respect to affirmative action. While States are seeking to eliminate programs that
address the current effects of past discrimination (these persistent gaps in wages, etc.), some Members of
Congress want to expend federal resources to make it easier for foreign nationals to come to the U.S. and
get highly skilled, highly paid jobs for which many black American want the opportunity to compete.
The many disparities highlighted in the report support some of the legislative efforts of the
Congressional Black Caucus, particularly regarding the health disparities among blacks in access to
health care, treatment, and especially in the need for more research to close the "Cancer Gap".
The report indicates black men have the highest cancer rates among industrialized nations. Although
biological factors may come into play, it can not be denied that a lack of healthy diets and access to and
treatment by many in the medical profession contribute to this staggering finding. Environmental factors
may also contribute because many African Americans live near hazards such as toxic waste sites.
Also, gaps still exist between the races when it comes to education. However, there is some good news
here as well. Blacks have bridged the gap with whites in high school completion rates bringing them
almost on par. But low test scores continue to plague African American students. To me it is apparent
that teaching and testing methods must be taken into consideration here before students are criticized for
their performance in this area. And I have spent enough time teaching in South Carolina's public schools
to know of what I speak.
As a whole, the Urban League's State of Black America highlights how we observe factors like family
background, income, and school resources, where there are more similarities across the races than within
races. The conclusion: race is not a biological category, but a social category.
The report concludes that, "Racial privilege has real economic meaning. After all, economics is the study
of who gets what and how much. Privilege is access to goods ... and demonstrates that the wealth effect
of racial privilege is enduring. Race is not something defined outside the economic system; it is defined
by the economic system, to grant or deny access to wealth accumulation."
Despite the biases that racial privilege carry, it is clear that within the black community strides are being
made. We are moving in the right direction. Our next task is to bridge the gaps with white America. In
some areas this is already being accomplished ~ an indicator that we can and will achieve this goal. But
it is a slow and steady progression to overcome African Americans' lack of racial privilege. However,
with each new encouraging finding it gives us the incentive to move forward.
###
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�Press Releases
http://www.house.gov/clybum/pr991210-beaufort.htm
Remarks by Congressman James E. Clyburn
NAACP Freedom Fund Dinner
Hilton Head Island, South Carolina
Hyatt Regency - Palmetto Dunes
December 10, 1999 7:30 p.m.
Last March 17th, as I got dressed to go about the business of representing the people of the 6th
Congressional district, I did something I have traditionally done in the past, put on a green tie. I consider
it an appropriate way to demonstrate my respect for the traditions and heritage of my friends and
constituents of Irish decent as they celebrate St. Patrick's Day. It does not take anything from me or my
heritage, in fact I think it adds to me as a person and as a representative of people of diverse
backgrounds and customs.
In September, I proudly joined my colleagues in honor of Jewish American traditions and customs as we
suspended Congressional operations in celebration of Yom Kippur, and in October I joined my Italian
American friends in celebration of Columbus Day. In a few short days, our nation will pause for
Christmas, a day held sacred by Christians and respected by all other religious adherents the world over.
During that time many of us will observe Kwanza and all of us celebrate its spirit. I am not Jewish, and
it is pretty obvious that I am not Irish or Italian, but that does not prevent me from respecting and
honoring the traditions and heritage of my fellow Americans whatever may be their accident of birth or
choice of religions. I feel the same way toward those who feel obliged to honor the memory and
celebrate the sacrifices of those who fought and died for the Confederacy. I respect and defend their right
to celebrate their heritage and honor the battle flag as a symbol of that heritage.
That is an entirely separate issue from flying the Confederate battle flag in a place of sovereignty over
the State House. And before anybody gets confused let me make it perfectly clear as to where I stand on
this highly emotional and slightly controversial issue. I believe the "Navy Jack" should be moved from
the State House dome to a place more suitable for preserving history and honoring heritage. And, I have
no problems with that section of the Heritage Act of 1994 which calls for placing the Confederate Battle
Flag at the monument of the Confederate soldier on the State House grounds.
Now I do not know the source of the rumors, but let me make one other thing crystal clear. I have
absolutely no problem with confederate monuments and markers. I am the author of the amendment
passed by the United States Congress which established the South Carolina Heritage Corridor. Many of
the historic sites on that corridor are rooted in the Confederacy. As a former high school history teacher
and one who loves to study and preserve as much of history as possible, I am not in the business of
destroying or denying any of the obvious. And it is obvious, I am not the only black person who feels
this way. I have black friends in Columbia who live on Confederate Avenue. The street had that name
before they moved there and I know of no plans they have to move because of the name.
The same is true of my Jewish friends in Charleston who live on Confederate Circle. They aren't
lobbying to have their street name changed. If they objected to its name, they wouldn't have purchased
homes there in the first place. Confederate flag supporters who claim that removing the flag from the
State House dome will open the floodgates for wiping away all street names, monuments, and other
vestiges ofthe Confederacy are misinformed. I have never heard anyone say "the flag today, monuments
tomorrow." I have great respect for those who honor their ancestry. Would not think very much of them
if they didn't.
This issue is not about heritage and traditions, and it is not about hate and disrespect. It is only about
sovereignty and symbolism. It's about one flag for "one nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty and
justice for all." It's about one flag for one sovereign state with its people rallying around the inscription
on its great seal 'Dum Spiro Spero,' While I breathe I hope." It's not about "us" versus "them." It's about
one people practicing the "Golden Rule" and showing respect for each other. It's about enjoying together
the chirps of the Carolina Wren and the delicate sweetness of the Yellow Jessamine. It's about joining
together in song as some of us sing and others hum "Carolina" or "South Carolina on my mind."
I represent portions of Lee County, and my family's roots run very deep in Lee County's soil. My mother
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was born there, and I have many relatives still living there. I know the county was named for
Confederate General Robert E. Lee, but that does not detract from my representation of its citizens and
residents. Lee County is also the largest cotton producing county in the state. The farmers there will tell
you that I have been as good as a friend as they could possibly have in the Congress. And, I was happy
to secure funding in this year's federal budget for their Ashwood Community Center, and continue to
seek funding for their Cotton Museum. And when the leaders of that county turned out in large numbers
three weeks ago for a luncheon in my honor, I was not only honored but humbled as well.
Calhoun County is named for John C. Calhoun, U. S. Secretary of State and slave proponent. I represent
only four precincts in that county. Yet, when it was brought to my attention three years ago, I did not
hesitate to pick up a ball dropped 40 years earlier in that county, and got funding in the Transportation
Efficiency Act for the 21st Century to build a bridge and causeway over Lake Marion between Lone Star
and Rimini. My goal is to open up recreational possibilities, enhance economic opportunities, and
undergird historic preservation efforts in Sumter, Clarendon and Calhoun counties and throughout South
Carolina.
South Carolina is well positioned to be a leader in so many ways. It makes no sense for us to continue
fighting the Civil War or, if you wish, the War between the States, or if it suits you better, the "War of
Northern Aggression." The business climate in the state is so good, the tourism possibilities so great, and
the recreational opportunities of such magnitude we ought not spend much more time on this issue.
Please note, I said spend not waste. Contrary to the opinions of some, I do not believe the time spent on
this issue has been wasted. Almost every day someone says to me something to the effect, you know I
have never thought of it that way before. It is always good to talk. We should not just keep the lines of
communication open we should use them.
That's part of what our problem is today. Some of you may remember that Senator Kay Patterson
brought this matter to our attention almost 20 years ago. But our leaders would not talk about it. Back in
1987,1 spoke and wrote about the flag pretty extensively. Let me share with you from a February 20,
1987 Spartanburg Herald editorial, "James E. Clybum has turned his attention - and that of my others to the controversial flying of the Confederate flag over the Statehouse in Columbia. He just may have
focused on some historic truth which could bring a beautiful accommodation of the contending
viewpoints." Unfortunately, with the exception of a few other newspaper editors, our leaders refused to
discuss my proposals. In 1994, the NAACP sponsored a very large flag protest march at Myrtle Beach,
in which I participated. That march was followed up by a march here on Hilton Head the following
January where a call for economic sanctions was made. This time there were a few short discussions.
But after the issue fell from the front pages it was pushed to the back burner.
I share this recent chronology of flag activity in an attempt to set straight the NAACP's position as I
understand it. Now, I do not purport to speak for the NAACP. I am not a member of its board, and the
last time I held office in a branch was over 45 years ago when I was president of the Sumter Branch's
Youth Council. But I do hold a Life Membership and my late mother, who passed in 1971, is reported to
have been the State NAACP's first Woman of the Year.
The South Carolina Conference of Branches was found in the 1930's. We are not outsiders, and our
membership consist of all races, gender and colors. We are not monolithic. We are not unanimous in
thought, but we are unified in purpose, a purpose grounded in the words of the preamble to our nation's
Constitution, "to form a more perfect Union."
This purpose led the NAACP to open a window on the subject of the Confederate battle flag 5 years ago.
But unfortunately few leaders in this state used that window to talk honestly and openly on the subject.
Last July, the South Carolina Conference of Branches petitioned to close the window on January 1,
2000. This time things seem different. Leaders throughout the state from every walk of life, have begun
to speak out, and the lines of communication seem to be open and are being used.
My longtime friend, James Gallman is to be congratulated for his longtime dedication to the NAACP
and the causes that unite its members and supporters. He is making all of us proud. There are many
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others in the organization who are providing positive leadership, many of whom are here tonight. The
long list includes the President of this local branch, John Ingram, and my former student and longtime
friend, Charlie Brown.
Many ofthe business and religious leaders ofthe state are to be applauded for their recent efforts on this
issue, and I embrace Governor Jim Hodges' recent efforts, some of which have been reported in the
media, but much of which has not been reported. I know because I , like many of you in this audience,
have been in frequent contact with him on this subject. And of course the recently reported
below-the-radar-screen efforts of former Representative George Campsen, Jr. and my mentor, John
West, have been taking place for quite some time. They and many others have been magnanimous.
Personally, I am also thankful to those who have shared their views on talk shows and on the editorial
pages of our newspapers. Some of whom I agreed with and many with whom I disagreed. But when all
is said and done, I am certainly hopeful that all of us will be the better for the experience.
Now some of you may have gathered from what I said earlier, that once the location of the flag is settled
that should end the talking. Well I hope not. I would hope that the intensity and diversity we have
employed in recent weeks and months over video poker and this flag issue will be directed toward some
open and honest discussions about a few other contentious issues that serve to keep us divided. Like
things we can do over the next few months to achieve a complete and accurate census county. We need
to have some serious biracial and bipartisan discussions about how and when we conduct our elections.
We need to open up some meaningful conversations on how to achieve better payoffs from our
investments in education.
The 1990 census was the first time in our nation's history that our decennial results were worse than the
preceding decade. That 8.8 million undercount, 124,000 of which were in South Carolina, cost us
approximately $5 billion. We simply cannot afford a similar result next year. Everybody and every
entity must get involved in this effort. The quality of life of our citizens is at stake. From the education
of our children and grandchildren to the delivery of health care to our parents and grandparents, the
census is critical. We must work together to improve the process and more effectively communicate the
value of a good and thorough count. The old excuses for failing to fill out the forms are no longer
acceptable.
Lets face it. The questions on the census form are much less intrusive than those we do not hesitate to
answer to get a credit card or enter a sweepstakes contest. Our communities are being neglected, our
children shortchanged and our senior citizens overlooked. Let's not start the next century the way we
started this one, neglecting and shortchanging and overlooking significant numbers of our people.
I have felt for over 20 years now that winner-tale-all elections are too divisive and should be modified.
They also discourage voter participation. In too many instances people who live in districts where they
are a decided minority have stopped voting. After the 2000 Census, we will need, and in some instances
be required, to reapportion all of South Carolina's election districts. I think we should begin a discussion
now on the feasibility and viability of alternatives to winner-take-all elections.
I have long advocated a combination of single-member and multi-member districts for local and state
elections. Living patterns dictate that under such a plan, some single-member districts would be majority
white, while others would be majority black. Under such a plan, multi-member districts would consist of
two or three members per district. In the multi-member districts some form of proportional or
cumulative voting would be utilized to elect the requisite number of representatives. I firmly believe that
this "new" method would increase voter participation, and enhance political discourse and cooperation.
It would lessen the racial divide that currently exists and minimize the provincialism that stymies our
state's progress.
I say "new" when in fact this would not be new to South Carolina. Cumulative voting was used in our
state during and immediately after Reconstruction. But after the 1895 constitution, various schemes such
as poll taxes, literacy tests, numbered posts, full slate voting, and winner-take-all elections were
instituted in South Carolina and many other states to dilute the voting capacity of blacks.
Winner-take-all elections are polarizing and archaic and means that as many as 49.99% can have their
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hopes dashed and their interests totally ignored after an election.
Cumulative voting was used statewide in Illinois until a few years ago and a return to the method is
currently being discussed in that state. It is being successfully used in local jurisdictions in
Massachusetts, Illinois, Texas, Alabama, and North Carolina. In these jurisdictions voter participation is
much greater than what we are experiencing in South Carolina. Their results are similar to those found in
several foreign countries. Belgium uses proportional voting and boasts a 93% voter turn-out. Five other
European countries that use one or more of these systems have voter participation rates higher than 80%.
These systems have proved successful and I believe them to be deserving of our consideration.
I also believe that weekend voting is an idea whose time has come. Early voting is working well in
Texas and other states. Voting by mail seems to be working well in Oregon, and some jurisdictions are
beginning to vote via the Internet. Having elections only on Tuesdays is also a holdover from that period
of our history when policies and practices were designed to discourage and deny participation by certain
races and classes of people.
Democracy is a continuous experiment and our Constitution a living document. Both should be
occasionally tweaked and modified to properly address the times within which we live. This is no longer
just a black/white issue here in South Carolina. The Hispanic community in our state is growing rapidly,
and our Asian population is increasing significantly. In less than three weeks we will embark upon a new
Century, our 21 st. It's a reality reflected in almost everything we do except our method of selecting
political representation. In that most fundamental ingredient of democracy we are still holding on to 19th
Century practices.
My daughter Jennifer is a Language Arts Consultant at the State Department of Education. She and her
associates are confident that under Superintendent Inez Tennebaum's leadership the Governor's First
Steps program will achieve great strides in the right direction. And if I can believe recent media reports,
the Governor is contemplating what I think will be a giant second step in the right direction. Using SAT
scores as a predictor of students' potential and a means to award scholarships is not only unfair but
unethical. The people up at Princeton will tell you as much if you do what I did and ask them. It is also
outside the scope of its purpose to use the SAT to evaluate schools, and contrary to popular opinion, it is
not a requirement for admission to college. Let me share a recent experience I had while speaking to a
group of Congressional fellows in Washington.
During our Question and Answer period, a young lady who identified herself as being from South
Carolina asked what would I do to improve SAT scores in South Carolina schools. I suggested to her
that I would do as they do in Iowa and other states, limit the test to students in the upper 5-10
percentile. I noticed as I gave my answer that one of the other fellows in the group smiled rather
interestingly. When I asked about her countenance, she replied that she was from Iowa, and was the only
student in her graduating class who took the SAT. Now some may choose to rebut my position on this
subject by references to Connecticut. To them I say simply, arguing exceptions serve no useful purpose.
The length of my remarks tonight have been unusually long for me. But I believe we all agree we are
experiencing some unusual times. Martin Luther King, Jr. in his letter from the Birmingham City Jail
wrote cogently about time. He declared in that letter that, "time is neutral. It is never right and it is never
wrong. It is only what we make it." He went on to observe that, "the people of ill-will in our society,
seem to make much better use of time than the people of good will." He closed his discussion of time by
admonishing that, "we may be made to repent in this generation not just for the vitriolic words and deeds
of bad people, but for the appalling silence of good people."
The good people of South Carolina have broken their silence on the Confederate battle flag. I sincerely
believe the time has come for all South Carolinians to join hands and begin talking to each other about
other issues as well. Let's step into this new millennium with a promise to ourselves an to each other to
keep the lines of communication open and in use.
Thank you and Godspeed.
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NAACP sees hope inflagplan (3/28/2000)
IT'S A S
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HEADLINES
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Home page
Published Tuesday, March 28, 2000, In The State.
NAACP sees hope in flag plan
Bv KENNETH A. HARRIS
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The NAACP says a plan to remove the Confederate flag from
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flags on the Capitol grouna?5ffers "a road map leading to
where we would like to go" in resolving the controversy.
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However, James Gallman, president of the S.C. Conference
of Branches ofthe NAACP, stopped short of endorsing the
plan crafted by two key senators on opposite sides of the flag
controversy.
——•
During an interview Monday, Gallman said the plan offered by
Sens. John Courson. R-Richland, and Darrell Jackson,
D-Richland, moves the debate toward a solution ihat brings
"finality." The National Association for the Advancement of
Colored People has called for economic sanctions against
South Carolina until the flag is removed.
'That's what offers promise: The direction is where we need
to be headed to bring finality to it," Gallman said. "We think
that it's a starting point. There are some things we would
have to look at. There are some questions that need to be
answered. If we can get some ofthe questions answered, we
would be willing to sit down and take a look at it."
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Jackson, who is black, commended the NAACP for its
sosition and called for flag supporters to come to the
Dargaining table.
"I think the NAACP is moving in the right direction by saying
this proposal is worth considering," Jackson said. "Now, I
think it's time for the pro-flag and heritage groups to
demonstrate their will to move in the right direction and see if
we can meet somewhere in the middle. I think that this
proposal is the middle ground.
"I think the ball is now in the court of the heritage groups to
see if they can say what the NAACP has said," Jackson said.
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see if they can say what the NAACP has said," Jackson said.
Under the Courson-Jackson proposal, flags would be
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Senate chambers. An authentic Army of Northern Virginia
flag, a square version of the banner atop the dome, would be
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encased in glass and displayed at the Confederate Soldier
. .,
. Monument.
The plan also seeks to place the first national flag of the
Confederacy, also encased in glass, at the monument
honoring the women of the Confederacy. Supporters are
seeking to place an authentic flag, one that flew in a position
of sovereignty over South Carolina, at the monument.
A third flag, that of the First South Carolina Volunteer Infantry
Regiment, a group of black Union soldiers, would be
displayed in a place of prominence on the State House
grounds.
In addition, the plan offers protection for monuments,
memorials, markers and street signs honoring the
Confederacy as well as those honoring the civil rights
movement.
Last week, Gov. Jim Hodges, who also has a flag proposal
pending, said-lllti LUUIiJon-Jackson plan "could be a
breakthrough" if it draws broad support.
—
The key element of the Courson-Jackson proposal is the
soldiers' monument, considered "the holiest of the holiest" by
many flag supporters who say it must be part of any
resolution.
"You're returning the battle flag that these men fought under
to them," said Courson, who is white and author ofthe 1994
Heritage Act. "By doing that, you're moving it from a
sovereignty and political context and placingjynjjJiisjBLical
cqntEXtszhich, to me, is critical."
Courson, too, has unanswered questions about the efforts to
preserve the flags. He has not formally submitted a plan to
the Senate for consideration.
Gallman said he needs details of the Courson-Jackson plan
to determine if it falls within the "historical context" outlined in
the NAACP resolution, approved last July. Since that time,
the NAACP has called for placing the flag in the Confederate
Relic Room or in a glass case inside the State House.
"I am excited that we're heading in the right direction after
months of trying to find a compromise everybody can live
with," Jackson said. "I think this is the last best effort to reach
a compromise and get something both sides have asked for."
But, Attorney General Charlie Condon said lawmakers should
not act under threat of an economic boycott.
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NAACP sees hope in flag plan (3/28/2000)
"In other words, our state is being coerced to legislate with a
gun to its head," Condon said in a statement. "Some leaders
are so anxious to resolve the flag controversy that they
appear to be willing to ignore the dangerous policy
implications that are clearly involved."
Kenneth A. Harris covers state government and the
legislature. Contact him at (803) 771-8509 or by e-mail at
khanis(8).thestate. com.
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FOLDER TITLE:
Clybum Dinner [3/29/00]
2006-0470-F
wrl74
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Danny Cromer
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Michael Elazier
Congreaunan Jatdes
Andrea Martin
Pybum
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HEADLINES
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Published Monday, March 27. 2000. in The State.
Clinton visit will give Allen more coverage
Bv CHRISTINE SCHWEICKERT
Staff Writer
A phalanx of grim G-men in suits and shades moved in a tight
knot across Allen University's campus Friday - another sign
the school has embarked on a renaissance.
The group of Secret Service agents and Democratic party
officials was laying the groundwork for President Bill Clinton's
visit Wednesday. The president - as the big-name guest at a
fund-raiser for Allen trustee and U.S. Rep. Jim Clyburn - will
be among the first to eat a catered dinner in Allen's new
gymnatorium.
Yes, Clinton's visit has set the campus abuzz but - to be fair
~ only a little more abuzz than it has been for three years, as
Allen has worked to pull itself into a more positive reputation..
"It's part of our coming back up," student Saymon James said
of Clinton's visit. "Allen's on a comeback now, so I think it will
be real good."
Only a little while ago, Allen was a place of crumbling
buildings, molding library books and minuscule enrollment,
but with memories of prominence earlier in the century.
The university started its upswing with the hiring three years
ago of President John Waddell and the guidance of board
chairman and African Methodist Episcopal Bishop John Hurst
Adams.
UOQKIKQ F O R
Behind the scenes was Clyburn, working to keep Allen on the
list of federal grant recipients.
During the past three years, Allen has:
Won 10-year regional reaccreditation from the Southern
Association of Colleges and Schools;
I
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Snared millions in government grants for construction and
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big-money folk attending the dinner), 'OK, now, help Allen.'
"We don't want to overshadow Jim.
"Quite frankly, next to Bishop Adams, he's been responsible
for the resurrection of Allen."
Still, Waddell said, the dinner will "help us a great deal with
fund-raising."
"We're cultivating those million-dollar gifts," he said, with a
grin. "I have a vision, of a brand new library, a couple of new
dormitories, a new student center.."
Waddell isn't the only "Allenite" who's a little giddy.
"It's a great experience to see (President Clinton)," said
Wilhelmina Broughton, the school's director of student supply
services. "It's something I'd like to remember, to tell my
grandchildren.
"I'm a graduate of Allen myself (in 1964). My life's success
depended on Allen University," Broughton said.
" (The visit will) let people know that even though we're small,
we still can do what others do."
Sophomore Shaneek Johnson said she, too, will be "excited
to see him. I've never seen a president in person."
Freshman Janice Myers is a bit more blase.
"It's OK that he's coming," she said. "I guess maybe by the
time he gets here" she'll be more eager.
Alumni and AME church members visited Allen's campus
during the weekend, walking past newly planted pansies and
crowding into Chappelle Auditorium for their meetings.
"It feels wonderful" to watch Allen's resurgence, said
Clementa Pinckney, a 1995 graduate. "I'm a third-generation
Allenite and a fourth-generation minister. To see Allen rise
and to continue to grow and prosper makes me feel great."
Shirley Washington of Charleston's AME community also
exulted in the resurgence.
"It's exciting," she said. "It's really exciting to see anything
come back to life."
Christine Schweickert reports on Allen University. Call her at
(803) 771-8488 or (800) 288-2727; or send e-mail to
cschweickertSDthestate. com.
^ Back to Home page
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Snared millions in government grants for construction and
curriculum improvements;
Secured a significant construction loan;
Come off a federal student loan default list;
Won state approval for its teacher-training program;
Bolstered its enrollment to 400.
"Allen will be a new place when you come back here in the
fall," Waddell told a gathering of students last week.
Already the library has been overhauled and air-conditioned.
Arnett Hall, the first building on campus, will be well on its
way to restoration in the fall, thanks to federal and private
grants.
And the new gym and pool building named for Adams will
begin its first full school year of use.
If Clyburn works the Wednesday night crowd the way Waddell
said he hopes Clyburn will, Allen's president might have even
more resources for the tiny, historically black college.
Waddell credits another resource for much of Allen's success
- its students.
"It's a major honor and a privilege" to have a presidential visit,
Waddell told them last week, leaning over the rostrum on the
stage of Chappelle Auditorium.
"Thank you for... helping me to make Allen the kind of place
the president would like to visit."
The Secret Service agents combed every nook and cranny
on Friday, just in case, though it's unclear how much contact
he'll have with the school aside from being in the gym across
the street from the main city block off campus.
As for visiting with students, that's unlikely, unless they
manage to snare $500 dinner tickets.
Still, Clinton's visit might shine a bit of the national spotlight
on the school.
Waddell doesn't see it as the school's own Super Bowl
commercial, though. Standing in the light, screaming for
attention isn't Allen's way of doing things.
(Some students do admit that they gloat when they run into
friends at neighboring - bigger - Benedict College.)
"We do business with a lot of finesse," Waddell said. Rather
than toot Allen's horn on national TV, "we'd rather him
(Clyburn) do it the way he's been doing it, saying (to
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S.C. more than Civil War, Riley says (3/28/2000)
FREE community
web sites
;202
Jim ClyBurn
COLUMNISTS
a***
Arts & Entertainment I Business I Editorial Home & Life I Politics | Sports | Talk About
Town | Technology
Published Tuesday, March 28, 2000, in The State.
S.C. more than Civil War, Riley says
By JOHN MONK
News Columnist
South Carolina has many decent whites who don't believe in
hurting black peoples' feelings. These decent whites do more
in life than blindly worship long-dead Confederate soldiers
and their flag.
That's what Charleston Mayor Joe Riley wants to tell the
nation and the world next week when he leads an
unprecedented 120-mile march to lower the Confederate flag
from the State House dome.
"For crying out loud," Riley says, "our state's 330 years old.
The definition of South Carolina cannot be the Civil War."
In recent weeks, Rileys says, he's become sick at heart as
national media focused attention on South Carolina as a state
of bizarre bigots whose 170-member Legislature insists the
Confederate flag fly atop the State House.
"I have a friend who called me from California. He said it used
to be that people could never differentiate between the
Carolinas. He said, 'they do now - South Carolina, that's the
state with the Confederate battle flag.'"
Riley knows a small group of white heritage activists controls
the legislature on the flag issue. These heritage groups have
a one-sided, almost religious view of history and the flag.
In the main, these white groups care only about the suffering
of South Carolina Confederate soldiers. They shun
discussing pre-Civil War slave ownership in South Carolina;
they ignore the 100 years of white supremacy and black
struggles for equal rights. They don't believe slavery caused
the Civil War. They don't seem to care about other eras in
U.S. history — including World War I, World War II, Korea and
Vietnam, or any other Americans who suffered in those wars.
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His march, says Riley, will let the world know that most South
Carolinians aren't fixated on white Confederate soldiers 135
years after the Civil War ended.
"This cannot be the definition of our state, the flag that flies
above it, or the flag that flies in front of it. I respectfully feel
those who are trying to fly the flag are trying to define your
heritage and my heritage."
Heritage groups can't care much about today's South
Carolina, Riley says.
"Obviously they don't get up in the moming worrying about
the reputation of South Carolina. If they did . we wouldn't be
flying the Confederate battleflag."
Riley is taking on a powerful special interest. White heritage
groups aren't given to compromise. They vote and can make
the difference in close legislative elections. The most
prominent, the Sons of Confederate Veterans, has hundreds
of activists statewide. It also counts among its members two
key pro-flag lawmakers.
One is Sen. Glenn McConnell, R-Charleston, who is using his
substantial parliamentary skills to gridlock the state Senate on
the flag.
The second is Rep. Rick Quinn, R-Richland, House Majority
Leader. Quinn says he wants compromise. But his
compromise involves flying the Confederate flag prominently
where it will offend many people - in short, no compromise at
all.
Riley hopes even if his march doesn't change legislative
minds, it will show that the General Assembly is out of touch.
"The people want the flag moved," he says. 'This issue really
is about racial progress and sensitivity."
March supporters already include leaders in business,
education, religion and members of Congress. They include
Bank of America CEO Hugh McColl, entrepreneur Darla
Moore and USC president John Palms. Ordinary citizens are
expected to make up a large contingent.
Riley says white heritage folk sometimes lecture him. He lets
them know where he stands.
"I say, let me tell you about heritage. Southern heritage is
about courtesy and manners. It's about love of land - our
forests and our rivers and our streams and our estuaries. It's
about our love of family and work ethic.
"To say heritage of the South is about that four- or five-year
period is wrong."
Riley says his great-grandfather fought for South Carolina as
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S.C. more than Civil War, Riley says (3/28/2000)
a Confederate.
"He did what they did. Walked homefromRichmond, furled
his uniform, and he went about building the city of Charleston
and raising a family, and he didn't ever fly the Confederate
battle flag over bui dings. It is demeaning to my greatgrandfather to put the battle flag over the capitol now."
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CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
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Jim Clyburn—Leadership for South Carolina and the Nation
After his historic election in 1992, James E. Clybum demonstrated his leadership skills
even before he was sworn into the 103rd Congress in January of 1993. When the 1992
Democratic Freshman Class organized after the election, Jim Clybum's colleagues saw his
talents and elected him the Democratic Freshman Class President. But in an effort to reach out
and unite his colleagues, Jim Clybum proposed sharing the term with Congresswoman Eva
Clayton of North Carolina, paying homage to the "Year of the Woman." Such a gesture is quite
typical of Jim Clybum's ability to see past the rhetoric and achieve positive results in a political
environment.
Jim Clybum also firmly believes in remembering from whence he has come. The very
first piece of legislation he introduced in Congress was a measure to name a new $56 million
federal courthouse in Columbia after the Honorable Matthew J. Perry, Jr., United States District
Judge for the District of South Carolina. Mr. Clybum shares a long and inspiring history with
Judge Perry, dating to their struggle to integrate public facilities in Orangeburg, South Carolina.
Mr. Clybum felt it was altogether fitting and proper to pay honor and tribute to the man he
described in testimony before Congress as "the greatest living South Carolinian."
Mr. Clybum's service to his constituents is well known and highly regarded throughout
Washington and South Carolina. He has been personally involved in every major federal
investment the past eight years in virtually the entire eastern half of the state. Whether the issue
involved securing S34 million for airport improvements in Columbia and Orangeburg, to
authorizing $159 million to deepen Charleston Harbor, to securing a $100 million
Sumter/Columbia Empowerment Zone, to receiving authorization and start up funding for the
$150 million Lake Marion Regional Water Project, to authorizing and funding the completion of
the Yadkin/Pee Dee Watershed Study to ensure a dependable supply of potable water, Jim
Clybum remains focused on providing the leadership to achieve results.
Jim Clybum is nationally recognized as an expert and leader in historic preservation
issues. He single handedly pushed through the Congress the Historically Black Colleges and
Universities Historic Preservation Program. This program, which provides funds for black
schools to renovate and preserve historic buildings on their campuses, represents one of the first
new programmatic initiatives in historic preservation at the National Park Service since the
Historic Preservation Act of 1966. In addition, Mr. Clybum has worked closely with the
National Trust for Historic Preservation in pushing for the Historic Homeownership Assistance
Act, which will provide tax credits for families who renovate homes in historic neighborhoods.
And finally, Jim Clybum introduced the legislation which authorizes the South Carolina Heritage
Corridor, a two hundred mile long route of heritage promotion which runs along the Savannah
River Valley from Oconee County to Charleston. Once again, Mr. Clybum's leadership has
focused on protecting that which is irreplaceable, achieving tangible results.
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But no where has Mr. Clybum's talents shone more brightly than in the field of
transportation policy and funding. As a member of the Conference Committee which hammered
out the tough negotiations resulting in the Transportation Equity Act for the 21st Century, Jim
Clybum influenced both national transportation policy, where he retained the Disadvantaged
Business Enterprise provisions at the U. S. Department of Transportation, and his own state's
interest, where he increased South Carolina's return from the Highway Trust Fund by 79%.
Countless minority owned businesses depend on the DBE Program to provide assistance in
obtaining federal contracts. Yet when threats to this program were at their grimmest, once again
Jim Clybum provided the leadership that protected this program from those who sought to have
it eliminated.
As a Member of the House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee's Aviation
Subcommittee, Mr. Clybum took the lead in promoting whistleblower protection for aviation
employees. For the past three Congresses, Jim Clybum has worked with the leadership on both
sides of the aisle and the Senate, pushing this legislation which will provide basic labor
protection to employees who work in some of the most critical safety systems in the world. Mr.
Clybum is extremely pleased that the Aviation Investment and Reform Act for the 21st Century,
expected to be signed into law this week by President Clinton, contains his legislative language
to provide this whistleblower protection.
As he began his fourth term, Mr. Clybum was rewarded for his leadership skills with a
coveted seat on the powerful House Appropriations Committee. As the first session of the 106th
Congress progressed into its eight month, the House Democratic Caucus was forced into a
dilemma when a Member from the Republican side of the aisle joined the Democratic Caucus.
The new Member of the minority party sought to retain his seat on the Appropriations
Committee, creating an administrative nightmare for the minority Members of the Committee
who had no vacancies on the Committee. Jim Clybum's leadership manifested itself once again,
as he volunteered to take a leave of absence from the Appropriations Committee for the
remainder of the 106th Congress to make way for his new Democratic colleague. Such
magnanimity is rare in Washington, but Mr. Clybum's administrative background at the South
Carolina Farm Workers Commission and the South Carolina Human Affairs Commission taught
him to appreciate the need for a smooth administration in public policy.
Also for the 106th Congress, Jim Clybum's colleagues once again looked to him for
leadership. This time, his colleagues elected him Chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus
in a rare unanimous vote. Mr. Clybum had proven himself as a consensus builder and achiever,
who was results oriented. The Congressional Black Caucus represents a cross section ofthe
nation, with membership from both urban and rural areas in all four comers of the country. Such
a broad based Caucus demands a leader who can unite its membership, looking beyond
distractions and remaining focused on the big picture.
Such a leader is Jim Clybum.
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In a fuU W M I I In WasWnKton,
Clybum strides into spotlight
:
Low key congressman to lead Congressional Black Caucus
"ff the distance
between you and
the other person
is five steps, you
damn sure ought
' be willing
. take two steps."
I
James Clybum
By MICHELLE R. DAVIS
Washington Bureau
W
A HN T N — When Jim
S I GO
Clyburn was about 12. a
woman visiting his
mother's Sumter beauty
shop asked what he wanted to be
when he grew up.
Clybum poured out his dreams
of becoming a politician in
Columbia's State House, of someday working in Washington.
"Dont you ever let anyone else
hear you say that again," the
woman told the young Clyburn.
In a small town in the deep
South in the early '50s, young .
black boys didn't have those aspi-
rations. And, if they did, they'd
best keep them quiet to prevent
rhaiipnging tbe white establishment, Clyburn says now.
But, later that day. Clybum's
mother took him aside and told her
son to ignore the woman's words:
He could be anything he wanted.
"It was a form of protection
then to teach a child what the
rules were if you wanted them to
grow to be an adult," Clybum said
last week. "My mother didn't
accept those rules."
Neither did U.S. Rep. Jim
Clybum, the 6th District Democrat who last week was elected
incoming chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus.
Relaxing on a couch in his
Washington office last week, his
feet propped on a coffee table.
Clybum couldn't be further from
the days when a black youth
shouldn't dream out loud.
Earlier this month, he was
overwhelmingly re-elected to a
fourth term in the U.S. House, a
seat he won as thefirstAfricanAmerican representative from the
state since ^construction.
Last week, Clybum was elected
chairman of the Black Caucus,
formed in 1971 to help focus lawmakers on African-American concerns.
Pl£ASE SEE C L Y B U R N PAGE B 7
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T H E STATE. COLUMBIA, S . C .
Clybum comes from behind the scenes
to become congressional leader
For Clybum, education meant
everything. In high school, he
attended all-black Mather AcadeThe 58-year-old Clybum has
my in Camden, washing dishes to
come out from behind the scenes,
help pay for his room and board.
-where he often does his best work,
He went on to South Carolina
into the limelight as incoming two- State University. There, his politiyear chairman of the Black Caucal ambitions earned the nickcus. He was unchallenged in his
name some old friends still call
bid for the position, a testament,
him: "Senator."
some say, to his abilities as a
Clybum arrived on the Orange- '
politician.
burg campus as racial unrest was
~l have always known him to be building against segregation. I n
j
a very moderate, bright public ser1960, he was one of seven people .
vant," said former Democratic
to organize the state's first sit-ins.
U.S. Rep. Butler Derrick, now a
starting when a small group of
lobbyist in Washington. "He has
black students demonstrated at a
become a tremendously adept con- five-and-dime store in Orangesensus-builder over the years."
burg's town square.
Clybum, who was chairman of
Emotions ran high, recalls
South Carolina's Human Affairs j Bobby Doctor, a Clybum classCommission for 17 years, is
!
mate and fellow protester. Doctor
known by political insiders for his
said many demonstrators, himself
administrative skills and his ability
included, got angry or lost their
to make deals and bridge party
tempers. But Clybum was always
lines.
more level-headed, said Doctor,
However, those abilities have
now the Atlanta-based regional
sometimes earned Clybum the
director for the Civil Rights Comcensure of onetime supporters.
mission.
His liberal stances — on issues
i
"Jim was the negotiator and the
including affirmative action and
conciliator type even then," Doctor
abortion — also have earned him
said. "He was a person resigned to
criticism from South Carolina contrying to work with folk to make
servatives.
things happen. My attitude was to
But Clybum says he has
force the state of South Carolina
remained true to something he
to do what was right"
learned in childhood.
Out of the small sit-ins grew
" I f s a little bit immature to
rallies across the state. Clybum
expect people to reach out to you
and his fellow protesters were
if you aren't going to reach out to
tossed in jails and hauled before
them," he said. "If the distance
judges. It was in court, among a
between you and the other person
group of those arrested, that
is five steps, you damn sure ought
Clybum met his future wife,
to be willing to take two steps."
Emily. She shared her hamburger
with the famished future congress'Aront you BOfnebodyT In his deep,
man. The two have been married
growling Barry White voice,
37 years and have three children.
Clybum remembers back to the
That time — of marches,
cotton fields and clapboard
chants, jail cells and sit-ins — was
churches of his youth.
scary, Clybum said.
His mother sold cosmetics out
" I would be lying to you if I did
of a wagon to earn the money to
not tell you that almost every night
go to beauty school. His father
I went to bed with some fear," he
was a fundamentalist church minsaid. " I wonder sometimes why we
ister who so prized education that
did i t he repeated the seventh grade
Then, Clybum recalled his
three times, when that was as far
father's response each time his
as blacks were allowed to go.
son said somebody should do
something about a situation:
"Aren't you somebody?"
C L Y B U R N FROM PAGE Bl
i
1
StteUng Ms nock out. Ask Clybum
what the most prized possession
in his office is and he'll skip over
the burnished wood plaques on
the walls, the congressional seals
and the heavy paperweights.
Instead, he points to a cartoon
poster in a simple black frame.
It is a drawing of a plodding
blue turtle. The caption reads,
"Behold the turtle! He makes
progress only when he sticks his
neck o u t "
The poster sums up Clybum's
philosophy.
After graduating from S.C.
State in 1962, Clybum went to
Charleston to teach English and
social studies. At 25, he became
director of the Charleston County
youth training program.
Clybum was supposed to find
jobs — which often paid very little
— for the teens he worked with.
Instead, he discovered grants he
could use to send the young people to college. By the time Clybum
left more than two years later,
hundreds of teens were heading to
college using aid packages he had
organized.
The Labor Department, which
oversaw the program, objected
unsuccessfully.
That wasn't the only time
Clybum faced objections to his
methods.
In 1971, Democratic Gov. John
West named Clybum as special
assistant forhuman resources.
After a two-year stint in law school
— his wife is still angry he didn't
finish — Clybum was appointed to
run the state's Human Affairs
Commission in 1974. Clybum held
that post until leaving to run for
Congress in 1992.
Clybura's tenure at the Human
Affairs Commission wasn't always
smooth, however.
In 1986, two white Citadel
cadets donned sheets and hazed a
black cadet The cadets were punished by the school, but some in
the black community believed the
punishment was just a slap on the
wrist. They wanted more.
Clybum went to investigate
and, over objections of some in the
black conununity, found the punishment fit the crime.
�3 - 2 3 - 0 0 :
5 : 2 5 P M :
:202
R e p .
lln a similar situation in 1989.
blacks boycotted the Conway High
School football team after a coach
moved a black player from quarterback to defensive back. A black
teacher who led the boycott was
suspended. Despite anger by some
cks in the community, Clybum
and that the incident wasn't
. acially motivated.
Some African-Americans
accused Clybum of "selling out."
"He is more concerned with
staying in the good graces of the
power strucmre than with correcting injustices tbat his fellow man
has incurred," a Conway resident
wrote to a newspaper at the time.
"It saddens me to see that some of
our blacks who are now In high
places have also sold out to 'the
system."
Clybum also drew censure at
times for his close work with thenGov. Carroll Campbell, a Republican who some said was insensitive
to blacks. But that relationship
resulted in the state's first Fair
Housing Act, making it illegal to
discriminate in selling or financing
houses.
Deputy Human Affairs Commissioner Paul Beazley, who
served under Clybum, said his
boss never gave in to pressure
from blacks or whites.
"Some of the people for whom
did the most sometimes turned
him," Beazley said. "Some of
JS hardest moments were dealing
with the line between advocacy for
uniquely black issues and faithfulness to the law. His constituents
always wanted him to be an advocate when, rather, he had to execute public policy.
"He struggled with that. In my
judgment, he always came down
on the right side."
'One hell of a politician; Clybum
has struggled, too, with personal
issues.
In 1992, he almost dropped out
of the race for the majority-black
congressiona] seat he now holds
after his brother, Charles Clybum,
Clybum comes to USC
• Rep. Jim Clybum, D-S.C, will
tum his sights from Washington to
South Carolina on Dec. 1, to
discuss the implications of recent
elections. Clybum will speak at
7:30 p.m. in the Belk Auditorium of
the Darla Moore School of Business
at USC. USC's African American
tudies Program sponsors the
jvent. For more information, call
(803) 777-7248.
was convicted in federal court of
selling crack cocaine.
"To me. credibility means
everything in the world," Clybum
said.
But how could Clybum ask
people to believe he was honest
and capable, when his brother was
going to prison?
At the urging of former Gov.
West, Clybum ran anyway, winning a race so historic that he
donated the suit he wore on Election Day to the State Museum. But
Clybum remains frustrated by his
inability to help change his brother, still serving time in prison.
"My Lord. I tried everything I
possibly could within reason. . . . I
wish I could do more," Clybum
said. "There ain't a family I know
that hasn't been touched by
drugs."
Another personal setback came
in 1993, when Clybum's longtime
friend and top aide Bill DeLoach
died of AIDS-related pneumonia.
Clybum hadn't known that
DeLoach, who had such faith in
Clybum that he ran his campaign
for free, had HIV. Clybum doesn't
know how DeLoach contracted the
disease and doesn't care.
But the absence of his dose
adviser rocked him. "What a
waste," Clybum said. "What a
waste."
Even without his political confidant. Clybum made progress in
Congress. His low-key manner
and administrative abilities helped
him to win friends and forge
alliances.
"He's one hell Of a politician,"
said Marva Smalls, once chief of
staff to Rep. Robin Tallon, who
held the 6th District seat before
Clybum. "He understands all of
the dynamics and intricacies that
make up the political process."
Clybum took stands on issues
he believed important to his constituents. He's pro-choice on abortion and for the continuation of
affirmative action.
However, some in his district,
including Florence County Christian Coalition Chairwoman Bette
Cox, say Clybum chooses to
ignore opinions that differ from
| his own.
"He's only inclusive if you
agree with his point of view," she
said. "If you don't agree with his
point of view, he doesn't hear you,
see you, think of you or anything
else. He ignores you."
But Clybum's easy manner and
confidence have served him well
in Congress. A prime example of
his behind-the-scenes methods
was highlighted earlier this year
with his work on the transportation bill. In the past, the bill had
left South Carolina at the bottom
22S
219J
of heap in terms of the percentage
of gas-tax money returned to the
state.
This year, Clybum went first to
Transportation Secretary Rodney
Slater to call attention to the problem of Southern states that were
paying more in gas taxes than they
were getting back, said Rep. John
Spratt. the only other Democratic
congressman in South Carolina's
delegation.
Then, Clybum worked with the
chairman of the House Transportation Committee, of which
Clybum is a member, to hammer
out the details. After the bill was
passed by the House, Clybum
jumped ahead of more senior
Democrats to earn a place on the
conference committee working out
differences in the House and Senate versions of the bill.
"The person who got the
process started on the right foot
and saw it through to a successful
conclusion was Jim Clybum."
Spratt said. "It didn't take any
speeches on the House floor. The
deal was cut by the time it got to
the House floor."
Clybum also has had a knack i
for choosing whom to support. He
endorsed Al Gore in 1987. when
Gore made a bid for the Democratic presidential nomination. Last
week, now-Vice President Gore
called from overseas to congratulate Clybum on winning the caucus chairmanship, interrupting an
interview.
"You've been a great friend
over the years, buddy," Clybum
said into the receiver, then
laughed. "Emily will make sure my
head doesn't get too big."
Barring redistricting of his
majority-black congressional district — which rambles from Florence through Columbia to
Charleston — many say Clybum
can hang onto the House seat for
as long as he wants.
However, Clybum has talked
with some about making a bid for
the U.S. Senate. After all, there is
that nickname to live up to.
Senator.
1
Michelle R. Davis covers Washington issues from a South Carolina
perspective. She can be reached at
(202) 383-6023 or by e-mail at
indavis@brwashington.com.
�ji -
2. 3 — O O
:
Ei P > M ; Pi ts c
The
Hii
Wednesday.
February
15
17, 1999
HILL PROFILE
Rep. James Clyburn (D-S.C.)
Head
of Congressional
Black
Caucus
grew up in a segregated
world
By B e t s y R o t h s t e i n
•
c i m o o t h baritone voicr d n f u
k
tcadily o u t f r o m b e h i n d a closed
•
d o o r i n i u the rest o f his t h i r d t l o o r
B
Cannon Building office and a
ense o f c a l m falls over the r o o m .
O u t wallu Rep.Jamei Clyburn (DS.C.), w i t i i j a i l a n d p e p p e r hair, a c h o c o laic b r o w n suit over a m e d i u m b u i l d , n o
uc. large s q u a r e - f r a m e d g l u i e s a n d an
e x p r c a s i o n so inten5c. it is n o surprise he
h u a p o w e r f u l atory t o tell.
The nrw chairman ofthe
C o n g r r i s i o n a l Black Caucus, e l e c t e d i n a
rare u n a n i m o u s vote to replace Rep.
M a x i n c Waters ( D - C a l i f . ) , r e m e m b e r s
well what the caucus was like w h e n he arn v e d i n Congres* i n 1992 — "caustic"
a j i d " f i l l e d w i t h strange relauonships."
"It W43 real, as they say, d o w n a n d
dirty.'" the 5 8 - y e a r o l d C l y b u m » i d as he
recalled a m e e t i n g about O i n t o n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n appointees. • T h e r e are still d i f ferences w i i h i n the caucus." he said. " I t is
a very diverse g r o u p o f people. B u t I ' l l
cell y o u . a d j u s t m e n t s have b e e n m a d e
a n d the caucus is a real f a m i l y — as m u c h
o f a f a m i l y as i t ever was."
C l y b u m speak* well o f the c o n t r o v e r sial Waters — c a l l i n g her creabve a n d eff e c u v r — a n d a d m i t s h r may n o t be as articulate as she is.
" I cannot be M a x i n e Waters,"said
C l y j i u r n . the f i r s t A f r i c a n - A j n e r i c a n to
r e ^ H ^ i t S o u t h C a r o l i n a i n Congress
l i r ^ B e c o n s t r u c i i o n . "Wc can o n l y be
w h o a n d w h a t we are."
M a n y colleagues agree t h a i C l y b u m is
not as o u t s p o k e n as Waters b u l is every
b i t as q u a l i f i e d . " I m e a n , w h o can be as
fiery as M a x i n e ? " asked Rep. D a n n y K_
Davis (D-IU ) , a m e m b e r o f the caucus
a n d a g o o d f r i e n d . " B u t he's passionate,
solid, perceptive."
A n o t h e r close f r i e n d , Rep. B c n n i e
T h o m p s o n ( D - M i s i . ) . calls C l y b u m "a
goad example o f Southern m a n h o o d
t e m p e r e d w i t h a rich a p p r e c i a t i o n o f history a n d a k n o w l e d g e o f t h e f u t u r e . "
fiom a n d raised i n the small town o f
SLLTII ter. S. C.. O y b u m grew u p i n a segregated w o r l d : A f r i c a n - A m e n c a n s d r a n k
f r o m separate d r i n k i n g fountains, ate at different l u n c h counters, used separate bathrooms a n d rode in the back a f the bus.
Jbp.
Clybum
was
told
at an
early
age
" I t was a p a r t h e i d is w h a t ic was,"
C l y b u m explained.
T h e eldest o f t h r e e sons o f a f u n d a m e n t a l i s t m i n i s t e r , C l y b u m speaks o f hia
f a t h e r , w h o was f o r c e d to r e p e a t t h e seve n t h g r a d e t h r e e times because t h e r e was
n o f u r t h e r e d u c a t i o n available t o black
p e o p l e . H e also speaks o f an u p b r i n g i n g
that i n v o l v e d m a n y rules: n o s m o k i n g , n t i
d r i n k i n g , n o movies, n o d a n c i n g .
" I d i d a l l o f those things, but i t was not i n
k e e p i n g w i t h the f u n d a m e n t a l nature o f m y
c h u r c h u p b r i n g i n g . " said C l y b u m , laughi n g heartily as he r e m e m b e r e d h o w embarrassed he was by the large " N o S m o k i n g "
sign o n the family's Living r o o m wall.
C l y b u m ' s m o t h e r r a n a beauty s h o p
o u t o f t h e i r h o m e . She w a n t e d an educat i o n so b a d l y that, at 15, she m o v e d i n
w i t h a w e a l t h y b l a c k f a m i l y , washed d i s h es, c l e a n e d t h e house a n d a t t e n d e d che
Methodist Academy in Camden
As a y o u t h , C l y b u m f e l t the constant
e m o t i o n a l blows o f racism. H e t t l l t i o f
s t o p p i n g w i t h his f a t h e r at a f i l l i n g s t a t i o n
i n a t o w n he n o w represents i n Congress.
" I r e m e m b e r m y f a t h e r b e i n g chased o u t
o f this f i l l i n g s t a i i n n w i t h s o m e o f the
m o s t vile l a n g u a g e y o u c o u l d hear,"
C l y b u m said. " H e was a s k i n g d i r e c t i o n s
t o a c h u r c h ."
T o this day. C l y b u m w i l l n c i c h e i stop i n
the t o w n , n o r reveal it* n a m e .
W h e n h e was 12, C l y b u r n a t t e n d e d an
N A A C P m e e t i n g i n a c h u r c h basement m
S u m t e r a n d was e l e c t e d p r e s i d e n t o f the
local g r o u p . " I d o n ' t r e m e m b e r h o w o r
why." he said.
A i t h a i same age, C l y b u r n m a d e an ann o u n c e m e n t that he i n t e n d e d t u be a
p o l i t i c i a n a n d was chastised by n n e o f his
m o t h e r ' s clients, w h o a d m o n i s h e d h i m
n o t to speak o f s u c h d r e a m s o u t l o u d .
that
African-Americans
should
not
dream
"We knew w h a t the rules were," C l y b u m
said " I m e a n , a 12-year-old black k i d talki n g about b e i n g i n p o l i t i c s a n d governm e n t ? T h i s Lady wasn't t h r o w i n g w a t e r o n
my d r e a m s She wasjust i d l i n g i n c . "Son.
be c a r e f u l , y o u can't have those k i n d s o f
d r e a m s — y o u ' r e n o t the right c o l o r . ' "
B u t C l y b u m ' s m o t h e r reassured her son
that he WAS the n g h t color, a n d t o l d h i m to
h o l d o n to his dreams.
I n 1957, C l y b u m e n t e r e d South C a r o l i n a
State College, w h i c h is w h e n , as the lawmaker p u t it, "stuff started h a p p e n i n g . "
D
u n n g his j u n i o r year, he j o i n e d the
civil nghts m o v r i n e n t a n d began traw.
c l i n g i h r o u g h o u t t h e state H e t o o k
p a n in kneel-ins at churches, wade-ins a i
beaches, sit-ins at l u n c h counters, a n d was
arrested a n d sent cojaiJ severaJ dmes.
He met his w i f e , Emily, outside tlie
Orangeberg County Courthouse, where
he was o n e o f nearly 400 p e o p l e b e i n g
b a i l e d o u t o f j a i l . She shared h a l f h e r h a m b u r g r r w i t h h i m a n d 18 m o n t h s later they
were m a r r i e d .
U p o n g r a d u a t i o n f r o m college i n 1 962,
C l y b u m began t e a c h i n g w o r l d h i s t o r y to
h i g h s c h o o l students. H e also w o r k e d i n
fede'ral anti-poverty p r o g r a m s , o n the s u i j
o f S o u t h C a r o l i n a G o v J o h n West ( D ) .
a n d , i n 1974, b e c a m e the state's h u m a n affairs c o m m i s s i o n e r . H e r a n f o r secretary o f
>tate twice, b u t lost n a r r o w l y b o t h times.
I n 1992. h i t c h i l d h o o d d r e a m c a m e
t r u e w h e n he ran f o r Congress. H e defeated f o u r A f r i c a n - A m e r i c a n o p p o n e n t s i n
the p r i m a r y a n d w e n t o n to w i n t h r g e n e r al e l e c t i o n w i t h 65 p e r c e n t u f rhe vote
C l y b u m a n d his wife have three daughters and two g r a n d c h i l d i en, a n d he w o n d e n
w h e t h e r their lives are c h a l l e n g i n g e n o u g h .
uf running
for
Congrrs*
"1 t h i n k we were so h r l l h r n t nn ovir
k i d s n o t s u f f e r i n g d i e *amc i n d i ^ n a o u n s .
t h a t we may have O u e W l f d Lhem f r m n too
m u c h . ' said C l y b u r n . w h o b e l i r v ^ j u s i ^
s t r o n g l y that t h e r e is "some M u f f yuu
d o n ' t t e l l y o u r kids
B u t o n most m a t t e i s . C l y b u r n
i
a f r a i d t u speak hi.* m i n d .
• O n S u p r e m e C o u r t Jus net: C l a i e n c c
T h o m a s : " H e talks a l l the t i m e . i b m n hi>
g r a n d f a t h e r . W e l l . h«* d o r s n t do j u M i r r
by his g r a n d f a t h e r w i t h the i l i i i t t ^ he >.»>•>
o r t h e voces he takes. N o m a t t f r what h*says, I t h i n k he i n d u l g e s in i e l i h.iir• O n Sen.Jesse H e l m s (R-N.(.:..-: Jcvst
H e l m s to m r is j u s t a t e r r i b l e person I
d o n ' i k n o w w h a t his beliefs aie h u i 1
k n o w his a c t i t i n s . "
• O n Congress: " A lot o f miMnbeis takeso m a n y d i i n g i f o r g r a n t e d — a lot ul o u i
w h i t e m e m b e r s . T h e y have to uncii r
s t a n d l h a t t h o s e o f us w h o have n u i b e r n
i n p o s i t i o n s t o take t h i n g s tor gi anced u u
d c r s i a n d t h a t t h r o u g h the u n j u M UM- nt
p o w e r , those t h i n g s e an b r Lakt-11 ^wa^
O n e issue t h a t h i u close io h o m . ^nih
C l y b u m is a f f i r m a t i v e a c b n n
" M y o p i n i o n iswc have to u k r
Live steps t o c o r r e c t dungs, n o i pa>5>ve
steps,'' C l y b u m d e c l a r e d . " P e o p l r s.iy.
" W e l l . J i m . you've d o n e a l r i g h t Yean, b m
w h o says I've d o n e as well a* I .<.houM h.ivtI k n o w m y f a t h e r d i d n ' t do as well ai he
s h o u l d have, n o r as well as he wruued tu
L o o k i n g to the f u t u r e . C l y b u r n said he
w o u l d l i k e to r u n f o r g o v e r n o r ••orneday.
b u t i s n ' t c o n v i n c e d he lives in a stair " M M l u r e e n o u g h " to a l l o w that to h a p p e n
" I w i s h J c o u l d say at 58 years <JM 1 a/n
w h e r e I w a n t l o he." C l y b u r n l a i d m die
same low, s o o t h i n g voice that h a j >erved
h i m ao w e l l . " I ' m n o t s u r t I can .sny that
w i t h any d e g r e e o f honesty."
1
1
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Statement on the Election of Representative Jim Clyburn To Chair the Congressional Black Caucus,
November 17, 1998
I am pleased that Representative Jim Clyburn was elected by his colleagues to chair the
Congressional Black Caucus. In January Representative Clyburn will begin his fourth term
representing the people ofthe Sixth District of South Carolina. Throughout his career, he has been a
tireless advocate for his constituents and he has been a national leader on issues including rural
economic development and affirmative action.
I commend outgoing CBC Chairwoman Maxine Waters for her outstanding leadership of the caucus,
and I am confident that Representative (Ej^BurSi will be a most able successor. I look forward to
working with Chairman Clyburn and the entire Congressional Black Caucus during the 106th
Congress.
Source: United States. Executive Office of the President, Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents, Week Ending Friday, November
20, 1998 (Washington, D.C: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1998), 34:2325
UJtN
PAGE
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�Re i
-OOO
VVh\
THE ALMANAC
OF AMERICAN
POLITICS
2000
The Senators, the Representatives
and the Governors:
Their Records and Election Results,
Their States and Districts
Michael Barone and Grant Ujifusa
with Richard E. Cohen
and Charles E. Cook Jr.
Rational
journal
Washington, D.C.
�1452
SOUTH CAROLINA
SOUTH CAROLINA
ernment mandates and pledged, " I will work to get government out of our lives, out of our
schools, out of our homes, out of our businesses" and argued that "a vote for John Spratt is a
vote for Bill Clinton." As opinion continued to move away from Republicans. Spratt received
a rousing reception at a Democratic forum in Rock Hill in January 1998 for balancing the
budget. In 1998 Spratt was opposed by a 29-year-old food company owner and York County
town official who pledged to serve only three terms. This gave Spratt an opportunity to argue
that no term-limited member could accomplish the things he had. This was one of the three
districts where the House Republicans' campaign committee ran their most virulent anti-Clinton
ads in the last week of the campaign—ads that received national publicity all out of proportion
to the actual buy. Here they seem to have made little difference. Spratt won 58%-40%, carrying
every county but York, which newcomers flooding over the state line from Charlotte have made
more Republican: York County has been the fourth fastest-growing in the state since 1990.
behind only Beaufort (Hilton Head). Lexington (Columbia suburbs) and Horry (Myrtle Beach
and the Grand Strand). Speaking of his own victory and those of other South Carolina Democrats, Spratt said, "You could feel the river rising. This exceeds my wildest expectations."
This highly competent and productive member seems once again to have a safe seat.
Cook's Call. Probably Safe. This is one of those Republican trending districts that Democrats will have an excruciatingly difficult time holding on to once the popular Democrat retires.
Until then, Spratt, who survived the 1994 anti-Democratic tidal wave that swept through the
South as well as aggressive Republican challengers over the past two cycles, will be very tough
to beat.
The People: Pop. 1990: 581.174: 62.7% rural; 12.3% age 65 + : 68.3% White, 30.8% Black. 0.4%
Asian, 0.5% Amer. Indian, 0.1% Other; 0.5% Hispanic Origin. Households: 57.7% married couple families; 29.3% married couple farm. w. children; 31.9% college educ: median household income: $25,215;
per capita income: $11,009; median house value: $53,300: median gross rent: $216.
1996 Presidential Vote
Dole (R)
1992 Presidential Vote
83.273 (47%)
Clinton (I))
82.203 (46%-)
Bush (R)
Clinton (D)
86.1 18 (45%)
81.192 (42%)
Perot (I)
1 1.827
Perot (I)
23.462 (12%)
(7%)
Rep. John M . Spratt, Jr. (D)
Elected 1982: b. Nov. I . 1942. Charlotle. NC; home. York: Davidson
Col.. A B. 1964. Oxford I L M.A. 1966. Yale I L LL.B. 1969: Presbyterian: married (Jane Stacv).
Military Career: Army Operations. U.S. Dept. of Defense.
1969-71
Professional Career: Practicing atty.. 1971-82: Pres.. Bank of Ft.
Mill. 1973-82: Pres.. Spratt Insurance Agcy.. 1973-82.
DC Office: 1536 LHOB 20515. 202-225-5501: Fax: 202-2250464: Web site: www.house gov/spratt.
District Offices: Darlington. 803-393-3998; Rock Hill. 803-3271114: Sumter. 803-773-3362.
Committees: Armed Services (3d of 28 D): Military Procurement;
Military Readiness. Budget (RMM of 19 D).
Group Ratings
ADA
1998
85
1997
70
ACLU
44
—
AFS
100
75
IXV
85
—
CON
89
80
NTU
18
29
NFIB
36
—
COC
50
50
ACU
17
17
NTLC CHC
19
1
7
—
—
1453
National Journal Ratings
1997 LIB — 1997 CONS
Economic
66%
—
34%
Social
Foreign
61%
55%
—
—
39%
45%
1998 LIB
64%
60%
69%
— 1998 CONS
— 34%
— 40%
— 30%
Key Votes ofthe 105th Congress
1. Clinton Budget Deal
2. Education IRAs
3. Req. 2/3 to Raise Taxes
4. Fast-track Trade
Election Results
1998 general
1998 primary
1996 general
N
N
N
N
5. Puerto Rico Sthood. Ref.
6. End Highway Set-asides
7. School Prayer Amend.
8. Ovrd. Part. Birth Veto
John M. Spratt Jr. (D)
Mike Burkhold (R)
Others
John M. Spratt Jr. (D)
John M. Spratt Jr. (D)
Larry L. Bigham (R)
Y
N
N
Y
9. Cut $ for B-2 Bombers
10. Human Rights in China
I I . Withdraw Bosnia Troops
12. End Cuban TV-Marti
95,696
66.367
2,868
unopposed
97.174
81.360
(58%)
(40%)
(2%)
($869,632)
($494,042)
(54%)
(45%)
($855,622)
($373,117)
SIXTH DISTRICT
South Carolina was first settled by planters from Barbados, bringing with them a tropical
plantation economy, which they transferred to the not quite tropical climate of the Carolina
coastal lowlands. Here the flat Low Country and many islands are laced with sluggish-flowing
rivers and swamps, and here the planters brought thousands of slaves directly from Africa.
Colonial South Carolina was one of the richest parts of North America, with dazzling Georgian
architecture in Charleston and classic plantation gardens: the planters built great irrigation
systems and grew rice and cotton and the dye-plant indigo, all heavily in demand in Britain
and elsewhere. And of course all this wealth was built on (he slave labor of thousands of
African-Americans, many of them still speaking their ancestral languages, or a patois mixing
them with English. A majority of colonial South Carolinians were black slaves; so were most
residents of the lowlands when the Civil War started with the bombardment of Fort Sumter in
Charleston Harbor, although by that time there were also many free blacks in Charleston, some
of whom owned slaves themselves.
South Carolina's black heritage has left an imprint on American culture, and is still apparent
in the lowlands today. The special accents and dialects of lowland blacks were long retained:
Traces of Gullah and other accents still can be found on lowland islands and in the Charleston
accent, which to outsiders seems often incomprehensible (how many C-SPAN watchers click
on closed-caption text when Senator Hollings speaks?). The poverty that was the almost universal lot of lowland blacks alter the Civil War has only in the last generation been alleviated,
as developmem comes to the coast and the long cultural isolation of people here is dissipated.
Bul many blacks who grew up here have long since left, leaving after high school graduation
on the bus for New York, nicknamed "the chicken-bone special" because ofthe fried chicken
their families packed for the journey.
The 6th Congressional District, created for 1992 to have a black majority, and modified
slightly for 1994. includes very little of the coast, now mostly lined with affluent condominium
communities; but it does include most of the geographic expanse of Low Country South Carolina. Its erose boundaries are designed to include the black central city neighborhoods of
Charleston and Columbia but leave in the adjacent 1st and 2d districts their affluent white city
and suburban areas. The 6th District includes much of Orangeburg, home of the historically
black South Carolina State University, and Florence, at the center of the Pee Dee tobaccogrowing country in eastern South Carolina.
�- 1454
SOUTH CAROLINA
SOUTH CAROLINA
The congressman from the 6th is James Clyburn. a Democrat elected in 1992. Clyburn grew
up in Sumter, the son of a minister. In I960 he was one of seven who organized the state's tirst
^tt-tm. at a~Hve-and-dime store in the Orangeburg town suuaJe^-He worked as a teacher, in
government antipoverty program: and on the statt oi Governor John West. In 1974 he became
state Human Affairs Commissioner, serving 18 years under Republican and Democratic governors: criticized for working for Republican Carroll Campbell, he got him to back the state's
first fair housing act. Twice he ran for secretary of State, losing narrowly. Clyburn effectively
won the 6th District seat in the 1992 Democratic primary, with 56% of the vote against four
black opponents, all with serious claims for the nomination; the white incumbent in the old 6ih
District, Robin Tallon. at the last minute decided not to run. Each of the others had regional
strengths. But Clyburn, well known statewide, ran first or second in each major center and
piled up huge margins in others (88% in his home county of Sumter).
Clvburnjs the first black to represent South Carolina in Congresssince L82J. He lias good
working relationships with leading Businessmen and Republicans, flehas a generally liberal
voting record, but supported the BaTailc'ed budget amendment and term limits: he joined the
moderate^New Democrat Coalition at its inceptionjji_MajrjL_L9a7. the only black to do so.
With a seat on the Transportation Committee, he has worked on local projects like airport
fundingjind the South Carolina Heritage Corridor and has pushed for funds for restoring Dungings athjstorically black colleges and universities. He won a fight with Strom Thurmond to
gerTTHTnew courthouse in Columota named alter"Vlatthew Perry. South Carolina's first black
federal judge. He sponsored a bill, before the ValuJet crash, to protect whistleblowers in the
aviation industry. Against reformers in his own party, he has defended PACs as the voice of
the little guy. When cigarette tax increases have been proposed, he has urged safeguards for
tobacco farmers.
In the 105th Congress, Clyburn worked on the transportation bill, which increased South
Carolina's share nf federal n i O " ' ^
pr.vppnc m :it ir^<t QtW^ ^rpmj?rtP,i
$175 million extra per year. In addition, he and Senator Ernest Hollings worked to insure
funding for a new Cooper River hridoe in Charleston In the 1998 election he urged Democrats
not to register voters, but to energize voters: good advice, since an active Democratic organization effort resulted in the flection of Governor Jim Hodgefr and the re-election of the otuc
seemingly endangered HollingsTTrl NOvembCf 1998 Clyburn was unanimously chosen chairman
ofthe Congressional Black Caucus: while he has a reputation lorTiCtTni conciliatory and nonconfrontational, he says. "When I need to be. I can be articulate. When 1 need to. I can get in
your face. I have no problem doing that." In December 1998. he won a seat on the Appropriations Committee. His subcommittees are Energy and Water and Transportation: there he can
secure funding for South Carolina projects authorized by the transportation bill he worked on
in spring 1998.
Clyburn has been re-elected by increasing margins against the same opponent in 1994. 1996
and 1998. The district lines were challenged once again as racially gerrymandered, but ihe
lawsuit was settled by Republicans unwilling to change the status quo in August 1997. In
January 1999. Clyburn said, "I've often given thought to serving in the U.S. Senate." then
added. " I like to manage things. I certainly wouldn't rule it out. if I thought it possible, running
for governor."
Cook's Call. Safe. Clyburn sits in the only sale Democratic seat left in (he slate. He will
be able to hold onto this seat for as king as he wants to.
p
r n m
n i
The People: Pop. 1990:581,452: 50.8% rural: 12.:-% age 65 + ; 37.1% While. 62.3% Black. 0..V;
Asian. 0.2% Amer. Indian. 0.1% Other: 0.5% Hispanic Origin. Households: 47.5% manied couple families; 25.3% married couple fams. w. children: 29.7% college educ: median household income: $19,184:
per capita income: $8,631; median house value: $48,500; median gross rent: $202.
1996 Presidential Vote
113,096 (65%)
Clinton (D)
5 3
Dole (R)
Perot (I)
5
-
6 1 4
5 2 5
(31%)
(3%)
1992 Presidential Vote
Clinton (D)
Bush (R)
Perot (I)
1455
118.085 (62%)
59.970 (31%)
12.292 (6%)
James E . Clybum (D)
Elected 1992; b. July 21, 1940, Sumter; home, Columbia; SC St. U.,
B.A. 1962; African Methodist Episcopal; married (Emily).
Professional Career: Teacher, 1962-66; Dir., Charleston Neighborhood Youth Corps, 1966-68; Exec. Dir., SC Comm. for Farm Workers, 1968-71; Asst., SC Gov. West, 1971-74; SC Human Affairs
Comm., 1974-92.
DC Office: 319 CHOB 20515, 202-225-3315; Fax: 202-225-2313;
Web site: www.house.gov/clybum.
District Offices: Columbia, 803-799-1100; Florence, 803-6221212; N. Charleston, 803-965-5578.
Committees: Appropriations (21 st of 27 D): Energy & Water Development; Transportation.
Group Ratings
ADA
1998
95
1997
90
ACLU
81
—
AFS
100
100
LCV
92
_
CON
55
20
NTU NFIB
13
21
19
-
National Journal Ratings
1997 CONS
1997 LIB
66% • - 33%
Economic
24%
73%
Social
26%
72%
Foreign
Key Votes of the 105th Congress
N
1. Clinton Budget Deal
N
2. Education IRAs
N
3. Req. 2/3 to Raise Taxes
N
4. Fast-track Trade
COC
28
30
ACU NTLC CHC
4
13
0
16
-
1998 LIB — 1998 CONS
79% —
0%
—
15%
— 11%
5. Puerto Rico Sthood. Ref.
6. End Highway Set-asides
7. School Prayer Amend.
8. Ovrd. Part. Birth Veto
Y
N
N
N
9. Cut $ for B-2 Bombers
10. Human Rights in China
11. Withdraw Bosnia Troops
12. End Cuban TV-Marti
Election Results
1998 general
James E. Clybum (D)
1998 primary
N
Y
N
Y
Les E.c.yburn( ):::::::::::::::::
1996 general
116.446
(73%)
($294,243)
($25,108)
D
Mike Wilson (D)
^sRCKburU,
GaryMcLeod(R)
6
6 5 5
120,132
51.974
( 1 7 % )
(69%)
($196,440)
($39,395)
�Jeremy Derfner <der-fnerd@hotmail.com>
03/24/2000 02:53:01 PM
Record Type:
To:
Record
Lowell A. Weiss/WHO/EOP
cc:
Subject:
Hi Lowell,
Here's the quote, memorable for its double use of "daddy."
"When I was growing up, my daddy taught me that if you make a dollar, you
ought to be able to save a nickel. He taught me that every time you leave a
room, you turn the lights out. He taught me to conserve. He taught me to be
conservative. But on Sunday mornings when my daddy, who was a fundamentalist
minister, got before his congregations, he never asked them to give
conservatively. He asked for a liberal offering."
I hope you can use it. And thanks for your help last night. I'm starting at
Slate in the beginning of May.
Jeremy
Get Your Private, Free Email at http://www.hotmail.com
�Newsletters
http://www.house.gov/clybum/ccl 129.htm
Capitol Column
Weighing in on the Confederate Flag Debate
by Sixth District Congressnian James E. Clyburn
November 29,1996
The term heritage has been tossed about in the renewed debate over removing the Confederate flag from
the statehouse dome. Attorney General Charlie Condon, Senator Glenn McConnell, and even Governor
David Beasley assailed South Carolinians with personal anecdotes of their proud ancestors who fought
bravely for the Confederacy. Their version of what the Confederate flag means to them are undeniable,
because the issue is a very personal one. But let me tell you my version of what the Confederate flag means
to me.
I can not separate in my mind the civil rights movement that surrounded the initial raising of the
Confederate flag over the statehouse in 1962. At the time I was an activist high school history teacher in
Charleston fighting to gain access and equity for those who had been left out of the mainstream. It was a
slap in the face to those of us who were fighting for equal rights 100 years after the Civil War. Now the
flag is a constant reminder of that struggle and the fact that we have not overcome the hatred and
divisiveness of that period of our history.
As for my ancestors, Senator Glenn McConnell argues that 96 percent of South Carolinians didn't own
slaves at the time of the Civil War. However, if he were to ask most black South Carolinians, their
ancestors who lived here during that time were slaves. Many of their ancestors also fought in that war.
Those who fought for the South were forced to do so. Many escaped the South and fought for the Union.
So does the flag represent the proud heritage of our black ancestors?
The Confederate flag is a symbol of pride, honor, courage and history. But it is also a symbol of hatred,
divisiveness and slavery. What it represents is extremely personal to every South Carolinian. Our definition
of the flag is as diverse as our population. Toflyit together with the flag that represent our country and our
state is wrong. Those flags join us together as Americans and South Carolinians. The Confederate flag can
not join us together under one definition. Therefore it needs to be placed where it can represent what is
undeniable, that it was the flag under which South Carolinians went to battle for the Confederacy. It
belongs with other memorabilia that serves as a reminder of South Carolina's history. Whether that location
is on a Confederate monument or in a Confederate museum will have to be determined. What is most
important is that it come down from the capitol dome.
This debate was neither created by the media nor will it go away if ignored as Mr. Condon has suggested.
For too long South Carolinians have chosen to tum a blind eye to issues that divide us. The results are
growing racial tensions. It took numerous church burnings, the opening of a K-K-K shop and museum in
Laurens, and finally the racially-motivated shooting of three black teenagers in Lexington County to reopen
the dialogue about taking down the Confed- erate flag. We can no longer afford to ignore even symbolic
gestures to bridge the racial divide.
We now have a window of opportunity to resolve this debate that has brought South Carolina national
notoriety. Let us seize the day, and move forward rather than step back. The greatest legacy we can leave
our decendents is a heritage of a peaceful resolution to our state's checkered past on race relations.
###
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ofl
3/24/2000 10:11 AM
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
002. note
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
Ruled notebook paper, "Daddy evangelical minister..." [partial] (1
page)
n.d.
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Weiss, Lowell
OA/Box Number:
17198
FOLDER TITLE:
Clybum Dinner [3/29/00]
2006-0470-F
wrl74
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - |44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act - |5 U.S.C. 552(b)|
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(1) ofthe FOIAj
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) ofthe FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute 1(b)(3) of the FOIAj
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information 1(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy 1(b)(6) ofthe FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) ofthe FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) ofthe FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells 1(b)(9) of the FOIA]
National Security Classified Information 1(a)(1) ofthe PRA|
Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((aX2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute 1(a)(3) of the PRA)
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [aXS) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy 1(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�4^y-
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The Associated Press State & Local Wire March 24, 2000
The Associated Press State & Local Wire
The materials in the AP file were compiled by The Associated Press. These materials may not be
republished without the express written consent of The Associated Press.
March 24, 2000, Friday, PM cycle
1:47 AM Eastern Time
SECTION: State and Regional
LENGTH: 693 words
H E A D L I N E : Conservators say senators' flag plan could be expensive, risky
B Y L I N E : By JIM DAVENPORT, Associated Press Writer
D A T E L I N E : COLUMBIA, S.C.
BODY:
Plans to put authentic flags that flew during Civil War at sites outside the Statehouse could be
costly and risky, conservators say.
But that's what two S o u t h Carolina senators on opposite sides of the C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g debate say
should be done to resolve the issue that has cost the state hundreds of visitors and millions of
dollars.
Protecting those flags from sunlight and exposure to the elements would require structures that could
cost about $2 million for each flag, said Fonda Thomsen, one of the nation's top flag conservators.
"You're going to be breaking new ground," said Thomsen, from Textile Preservation Associates Inc. in
Sharpsburg, Md. "It's not something we do with museum objects."
Lawmakers have sparred over several proposals to remove the C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g that has flown on
the Statehouse dome since 1962. But no single plan has captured enough support to end the fight.
In January, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People launched a tourism
boycott of the state to force action on the flag. The NAACP sees the flag as a symbol of racism and
hate. Supporters say the flag represents S o u t h C a r o l i n a ' s heritage.
Flag supporter Sen. John Courson, R-Columbia, and flag opponent Sen. Darrell Jackson, D-Hopkins,
said their plan includes an element critical for flag supporters - a banner at the Confederate soldier's
monument in front o f t h e Statehouse.
An authentic regimental flag carried by black South Carolinians who volunteered for the Union Army
and an authentic Stars and Bars would be displayed on Statehouse grounds in glass cases if the state
can obtain the banners, Courson said.
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The Stars and Bars, which has two horizontal red stripes, divided by a white one and a blue field of
stars in the left corner, is the official flag of the Confederacy and not the flag atop the Statehouse.
Courson's staff is developing details of what would be needed for the outside display. "If we can raise
the Hunley, we can certainly protect those flags," he said, referring the Confederate submarine that
sank during the war and that preservationists are attempting bringing up from the bottom o f t h e
Atlantic Ocean.
Thomsen, who has preserved historical flags around the nation, including a 10th Tennessee flag, the
Battle of San Jacinto flag in Texas; and the Storm and Palmetto flags that flew at Fort Sumter in
Charleston, said cost is a major factor in preservation.
"We can do just about anything. It's a matter of how much you want to spend and what it's going to
look like," Thomsen said. Flags outside the Statehouse would require temperature-controlled
buildings that restrict sunlight.
Even in controlled conditions, flags are rotated in and out of displays to protect them. A display
outside of that setting "is not the kind of thing we want to do," Thomsen said.
Ted Monnich, chief conservator at the State Museum, said he would discourage a private collector
from donating a flag to display outside of a museum. "Anyone who did that would be foolish because
the piece is going to deteriorate," he said.
Thomsen said the debate needs to decide if the display is to educate people or display a symbol. "If
you're purely trying to preserve the symbol, a reproduction would preserve that symbol."
Monnich said a building to protect the flags would be "very expensive and it is very impractical."
"I don't think money should be a barrier because I think this is so important to the healing of our
state," Jackson said. "Let me tell you something, $2 million is a small price for peace in South
Carolina."
Gov. Jim Hodges continues to push his plan that would put a Confederate battle flag - a square
version of the flag atop the Statehouse - at a monument to Wade Hampton, a Civil War general and
former governor. However, he said could support Courson and Jackson's plan because it could be a
breakthrough, despite the cost.
"This controversy has been expensive to the state," Hodges said, adding that donors could be found
to pay for a solution.
"I don't think money is the factor here," Sen. John Land, D-Manning, said. "It's the getting the flag
down."
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Chicago Tribune, March 19, 2000
Copyright 2000 Chicago Tribune Company
Chicago Tribune
• View Related Topics
March 19, 2000 Sunday, CHICAGOLAND FINAL EDITION
SECTION: NEWS; Pg. 1 ; ZONE: C
LENGTH: 2414 words
HEADLINE: CONFEDERATE FLAG CAN STILL DRAW BLOOD;
IN A SMALL TOWN, THE STARS AND BARS OF THE CONFEDERACY PROVED IN DEADLY FASHION THE
WEIGHT IT CARRIES FOR SOME IN THE SOUTH.
BYLINE: By Robert L. Kaiser, Tribune Staff Writer.
DATELINE: GUTHRIE, Ky.
BODY:
The last Confederate hero of Todd County lies beneath a headstone etched with an image of a
pickup truck, a rebel flag flying from the toolbox in the back.
The man in the grave drove a pickup just like it.
One bright winter day on U.S. Highway 4 1 south of town--out past the BP Oil station and the railroad
tracks and Guthrie's black neighborhood, where the road straightens and unfurls past fields of wheat
and grazing horses and grain bins--history caught up with Michael Westerman, 19, and his bright-red
truck.
A carload of black teenagers, angered by the sight o f t h e C o n f e d e r a t e flag—and possibly by an
ethnic slur Westerman was said to have uttered miles back at Janie's Market—raced alongside him as
he drove south through tiny Sadlersville, Tenn. One of them, a 17-year-old from Chicago whose
mother had sent him to live with relatives in Kentucky to keep him out of trouble, fired a .32-caliber
bullet into Westerman's heart.
It was pure Southern tragedy, a defining moment that seemed to encapsulate decades of American
racial strife down here where life purports to be gentle.
Now, as the pear tree in the middle of the cemetery blooms for the sixth time since Westerman's
death, the memory of what happened out on U.S. 4 1 flares anew for those closest to the shooting.
The controversy surrounding the Confederate battle flag on S o u t h C a r o l i n a ' s Statehouse and
elsewhere has stirred old pain and a rueful awareness of the volatile emotions that can swirl around
the flag—and the curious hold it still has on the South.
"That brings it back all over again every time I watch it on the news," said Freddie Morrow, 22, the
triggerman in Westerman's shooting who is serving a life sentence for murder that will keep in him in
of 6
3/24/2000 1 .-57 PM
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prison at least until he is 45.
Perhaps not since the Civil War has the C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g flown at the center of so much fevered
conflict. Across the country this winter, battle lines have been drawn between those who see it as a
symbol of their heritage and those who think it represents racism.
The debate, which threatens to become a hot issue in the presidential campaign, has simmered close
to the boiling point on the front steps of state Capitols in S o u t h Carolina and Alabama and reignited
a long-running feud over Mississippi's state flag, which has in one corner a miniature version of the
Stars and Bars.
But before the battle in S o u t h C a r o l i n a , there was Guthrie—a town of 1,500 where half the
four-man police force can be found drinking coffee in Junior Johnson's grocery. Having endured the
most shocking and violent modern-day clash over the rebel flag—a high-speed collision of male egos
in the reddening late-afternoon light along a lonely highway on Jan. 14, 1995—this place serves as a
lens for viewing and understanding today's Dixie, which is as much a state of mind as it is a region of
the country.
Todd County—birthplace of Jefferson Davis, who was the president of the Confederacy, and Pulitzer
Prize-winning writer Robert Penn Warren, an unregenerate Southerner who would become the
nation's poet laureate—is a microcosm of the old traditions and torments that still shape much of the
rural South. In Guthrie, where everybody knows everybody else and no one is shy about shouting a
greeting across Ewing Street, the only silence is that which exists between blacks and whites at the
lunch counter in the American Cafe.
The heartbreak of Westerman's shooting, as raw as the day it happened for those close to it, lingers.
"It still (doesn't) seem real," said his mother, JoAnn Westerman, with tears in her eyes and a
C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g fluttering over her house. "I still cannot honest to God get it through my head that
something like that happened here."
But if there were any lessons to be learned, they seem to have been lost, said Morrow's mother,
Cynthia Batie.
"That flag has got to come down," Batie said of the rebel banner flying above public places such as
S o u t h C a r o l i n a ' s statehouse. "It's just not good manners. It's like fighting words.
"But you don't pay any attention until something happens like this."
In vastly different houses worlds apart, Westerman and Batie raised sons who turned out to have
more in common than either mother might care to contemplate. Michael Westerman and Freddie
Morrow were known as show-offs. Both had tattoos: Morrow's a Gangster Disciple model,
Westerman's showing the Confederate flag.
Both were introduced to that flag by the TV show "The Dukes of Hazzard."
And both had guns.
"I think about it a lot," Morrow said o f t h e shooting. "I wish I could change it. But then, I can't. It's
just something that happened. I was young and I didn't know no better."
In the end perhaps the most haunting similarity between the Morrow and Westerman families is this:
Westerman's twin babies were five weeks old when he was shot. And Morrow lost his father on a
lonely country backroad just a few days after being born. It's why his mother moved away from
Bremerton, Wash., when Freddie was young. She couldn't stand seeing those skid marks every day
on the road home from work at the shipyard.
Now Batie sits in a little, brown house in the Chicago suburb of Riverdale, lamenting her fateful
decision to send Morrow to Kentucky. Who could have foreseen anything like this?
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"I do know it's the South," she said. "But I didn't know it was the Old South."
In the Todd County town of Fairview, a few miles up the road from Guthrie, a 351-foot-high memorial
to Davis rises from adjacent parkland and towers over the rural countryside.
The obelisk, modeled after the Washington Monument but situated in a state park surrounded by
farmland, is so tall it interferes with television and cell-phone reception in the area and regularly fries
VCRs in park superintendent Mark Doss' house with the lightning it brings down on the park during
thunderstorms.
Visible miles away from the new U.S. 68/80 bypass, it's the fourth-tailest monument in the U.S. and
the tallest concrete obelisk in the world. The 83-year-old memorial, framed by scaffolding, is closed
indefinitely for a somewhat controversial $2 million restoration funded by the Kentucky state
government.
"I don't embrace Jefferson Davis or anything else the Confederacy symbolizes," said state Rep.
Gerald Neal, an African-American legislator from Louisville. "But I do recognize it is a part of the
history of this country."
Each summer, on Davis' birthday, blacks and whites gather at the park for a long day of music,
barbecue and Civil War battle re-enactments highlighted by the coronation of a new Miss
Confederacy.
"The girls dress up and the boys dress up as soldiers," said Margaret Massie, who lives with her
sister, Mary, in a house near the monument.
"And they have war," Margaret Massie said.
"And a beauty pageant," Mary Massie said.
Late on a winter afternoon, the monument's shadow runs on for hundreds of feet, falling across
parkland, the dormant stubble of a canola field, the back lot of a church and an ill-tempered German
shepherd before ending in the back yard of a white-frame house. There it points right at the door of
Feda Bass.
Bass, who used to run the elevator in the Davis monument, is a cousin of 25-year-old Hannah Rose
Westerman. Westerman's twin babies were only weeks old when their father was buried in a grave
with a Sons of Confederate Veterans marker just like the one found near the headstones of Civil War
veterans and casualties.
"They have millions of questions," Hannah Westerman said of the children.
So do others. Westerman's shooting pitted onetime schoolmates and friends against one another in a
clash over something most people in Todd County once viewed as innocuous: the mascot and symbol
of Todd County Central High School, whose teams are called the Rebels.
"I don't think anything of it," said Lolitta Warfield, a black Guthrie resident and graduate of Todd
Central, of the C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g . "We used to have it painted on the school floor."
Warfield's cousin, Damien Darden, felt differently.
Darden, who was 17 at the time of the shooting, was one of the black teenagers who chased down
Westerman's truck. Like all the others, he said he did not know who was inside the pickup because its
windows were tinted. Darden and Westerman were boyhood friends and playmates, JoAnn
Westerman said. More than once Darden had been welcomed into the Westerman's house.
Morrow's history in Guthrie was much shorter. His mother, frustrated to tears watching her son sink
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into a world of gangs and guns in suburban Chicago, had sent him South to live with aunts and
uncles in Guthrie.
"I was afraid next time he was going to disappear and they were going to come tell me to identify his
body," Batie said.
At first Morrow delighted in the differences between Chicago and Todd County. "To me, it was
straight country, it was like going to Disney World or something," he said.
But trouble soon found him in Guthrie.
After running into trouble with some youths in nearby Clarksville, Tenn., Morrow bought a gun.
In early January 1995, he was expelled from school for fighting.
On a January afternoon in 1995, Morrow went with friends to Janie's Market on the south end of
Guthrie to buy chewing gum and rolling papers for marijuana, he said in a prison interview.
Upon seeing how crowded the store was, he changed his mind.
Then he saw Westerman's pickup truck at the gas pump.
Accounts vary as to what happened next. Morrow said he became angry when he saw the flag. Then
he saw someone in the truck stick a hand out the back window and wave the flag. He thought he
heard a racial slur.
Whoever it was in the pickup, Morrow wanted to fight them, he decided. He suggested to his friends
that they follow the truck as it pulled out of the parking lot at Janie's and turned left onto U.S. 4 1 .
Several miles down the road, Hannah Westerman noticed that two carloads of black teenagers had
fallen in behind her husband's truck and were closing fast.
"Kick it," she told Michael Westerman.
Boasting that he was armed, and egged on by his friends, Morrow brought out a .32-caliber handgun.
The road straightened out.
The truck and both cars reached 85 m.p.h.
Veering into the northbound lanes, the car with Morrow in it pulled even with the pickup.
What happened next, Morrow said, happened because of "peer pressure."
"Shoot, shoot," he recalled his friends saying.
In the back seat on the driver's side, Morrow stuck his left hand out the window and fired several
shots into the air.
Then, with further encouragement from his friends, he fired a wild shot across the back seat and out
the open window on the other side of the car.
"Oh my God, they shot me," Westerman said, reaching around between his back and the seat o f t h e
truck.
Boxed in now by the two cars pursuing them, Hannah Westerman clambered over her mortally
wounded husband, took the wheel o f t h e truck and yanked it around in a gravel-crunching U-turn to
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escape their tormentors and get her husband to the hospital in Clarksville, where he died the next
day.
Morrow, who was arrested the day after the shooting, swears that he did not intend to shoot
Westerman, and didn't know that he had until he saw it on the evening news.
Tumultuous days followed, days that tested the very fabric of the town and threatened to boil over
into chaos. Westerman's shooting attracted more than a few outsiders, as Police Officer Junior
Johnson calls them--folks looking to stir up trouble in Todd County.
"I honestly believe Guthrie could have been wiped off the map," said the dead man's father, David
Westerman. "There were a lot of mad people."
Westerman said he repeatedly declined offers of help from the Ku Klux Klan.
The Klan burned a cross on the front lawn of Morrow's aunt. Batie, down from Chicago to be with her
son, received a death threat.
After the shooting, painted images of the C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g were removed from the school's gym
and trophy case, but there were those who fought vehemently against change at the school and
elsewhere and those who simply didn't care—including many blacks.
"I really don't understand why so many people were upset about it when it's been that way for so
very long," said Gene Jefferson, a black member of the City Council in the county seat of Elkton.
Everything changed with Westerman's death. The tension between blacks and whites became
palpable, climaxing with a fiery confrontation between Hannah Westerman and Cynthia Batie inside a
Springfield, Tenn., courthouse.
The three-day trial was an emotional affair. Blacks sat in one section, whites in another.
"Nobody won, you know what I'm saying?" Hannah Westerman said.
It's a quote that could serve as an epitaph in this part of the country, where the graves of
Confederate and Union soldiers dot the countryside.
"I think for a lot of people, identifying with the C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g is identifying with a lost cause
against a national power," said Ted Ownby, an associate professor of history and Southern studies at
the University of Mississippi. "It's identifying yourself as being against the federal government, taxes,
overregulation, whatever."
But, almost invariably, racial issues are at the core, Ownby said. "If one chooses to listen to these
people, they'll always say this isn't about race or racism. But, heck, it's pretty close."
In Alabama this month, a group that wants the South to secede from the Union staged a
C o n f e d e r a t e flag-waving rally the day before President Clinton was to lead marchers across a Selma
bridge to mark the 35th anniversary of "Bloody Sunday"—the late-winter day in 1965 when the
march on Selma turned violent.
In Guthrie and elsewhere some people cling to the memory of what happened out on U.S. 41 for all
the wrong reasons, exploiting the tragedy for racist purposes, Boone said. But mostly Guthrie has
moved on, Mayor Scott Marshall said.
Whites and blacks aren't any better or worse toward one another in Todd County than anywhere else,
David Westerman said.
"Yes, there's an undercurrent all the while. There always has been and there always will be. But you
live with each other," he said.
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Westerman, a soft-spoken and thoughtful man with an incongruous living room full of mounted deer
heads and delicate knick-knacks, has flown the C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g on a pole beside the driveway of
his house ever since his son's death.
"I want it on the pole for Michael," JoAnn Westerman said, her eyes red and wet.
GRAPHIC: PHOTOS 4 MAPPHOTO (color): JoAnn and David Westerman hold a picture of their son,
Michael, who was shot and killed during a fight in 1995. Tribune photo by Alex Garcia.; PHOTO
(color): Freddie Morrow is serving a life sentence for fatally shooting Michael Westerman in 1995. He
says an altercation began when he took offense to the C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g displayed on Westerman's
truck.; PHOTO (color): JoAnn Westerman cries at her son Michael's grave in Guthrie, Ky. The
Westermans fly a C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g over their home and have built a small memorial to their son
there that also features the battle flag.; PHOTO (color): Kentucky is spending $2 million to refurbish
a towering memorial to Confederate President Jefferson Davis in Todd County, his birthplace. Tribune
photos by Alex Garcia.; MAP: Guthrie, Kentucky. Chicago Tribune.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
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Terms: atl 4 (confederate flag) and south Carolina (Edit Search)
The Atlanta Journal, March 17, 2000
Copyright 2000 The Atlanta Constitution
The Atlanta Journal and Constitution
March 17, 2000, Friday, Home Edition
SECTION: News; Pg. 6A
LENGTH: 916 words
HEADLINE: Accords on S.C. flag are flapping in the wind;
State emblem: Backers, opponents struggle over the banner as Charleston mayor plans five-day
march to the Capitol.
BYLINE: Chris Burritt, Cox Washington Bureau
SOURCE: CONSTITUTION
BODY:
S o u t h Carolina legislators are talking about flying Confederate and Union battle flags together on
the Statehouse grounds, one in a flurry of possible compromises rising from pressure to end feuding
over the Rebel flag.
Charleston Mayor Joseph Riley said Thursday he is organizing next month's five-day march from
Charleston to Columbia "to put pressure on the legislature to act, and to act now" to move the flag,
the last to fly atop a state Capitol.
"We are halfway through the legislative session," Riley said. "I think there is a real frustration among
the people of our state that this matter was not dealt with, if not last year, certainly during the first
week of the session."
Charleston's longtime Democratic mayor, a vocal critic of the flag's prominent display at the Capitol,
said he will carry a S o u t h Carolina flag during the march. It will start April 2 and end April 6, when
Riley will present the flag to Gov. Jim Hodges, also a Democrat, at the Statehouse.
Meanwhile Thursday, flag supporters gathered in the Statehouse lobby to denounce the S o u t h
Carolina Chamber of Commerce for pushing for removal of the banner, but they did not call for a
counter-boycott of chamber businesses, as had been threatened. However, Heritage Coalition
Executive Director Chris Sullivan said flag supporters should "think twice" about patronizing them.
In January, Statehouse rallies by both flag supporters and opponents drew thousands of people, as
the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People launched a national tourism boycott
of South Carolina.
Some business leaders have said the boycott is, indeed, hurting commerce. The Columbia
Metropolitan Convention and Visitors Bureau released a survey Wednesday of seven large hotels and
conference centers indicating that the dispute has led to the cancellation of 54 large meetings and
the loss of 24, 100 visitors since it was announced last July.
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Columbia Mayor Bob Coble has joined Riley in recent weeks in seeking a compromise on the flag
issue.
The two mayors have proposed that a new monument be built for the flag. The monument's 4
1/2-foot-tall granite wall would be engraved with the names of more than 20,000 S o u t h Carolina
soldiers who died in the Civil War. The five flags of the Confederacy would fly on poles at the wall and
at the center would be the flag now atop the Statehouse.
Flag supporters argue that the effects o f t h e NAACP boycott are grossly overstated. Elijah Coleman of
Southern Internet News Publication, for instance, points to estimates that the Republican primary in
February brought $ 7 million in revenue into the state, and that journalists covering the event
brought another $ 4 million.
The C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g has flown over the Capitol dome since 1962, when the legislature raised it as
part of a Civil War centennial. Critics say it was also hoisted in defiance of desegregation, a charge
that has placed the flag at the center of a national debate over whether Confederate symbols
represent respect for the war dead, or hatred rooted in slavery.
Seeking to end the discord that he says threatens to tear apart S o u t h C a r o l i n a , Hodges has
proposed removing the flag from the Capitol and placing a similar Confederate banner at a
Statehouse grounds monument honoring Confederate Gen. Wade Hampton.
But Confederate heritage groups rejected the proposal, with some leaders saying the location is not
prominent enough. The NAACP rejected the location as too prominent for a flag they say belongs in a
museum.
In recent days, legislators have begun talking privately about the idea of flying the C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g
and the Union battle flag together at the Confederate soldiers' monument on the Statehouse grounds.
State Sen. Glenn McConnell, a Charleston Republican, has insisted that the Rebel banner be placed at
the soldiers' monument, if it is moved. He said Thursday he "can live with the two-flag proposal."
He said the proposal "has sparked interest on both sides. . . . The flags would salute the South
Carolinians who marched to the Confederate drum and those who marched to the Union drum."
McConnell, a Civil War buff and re-enactor, said two predominantly black S o u t h Carolina regiments
fighting for the Union carried a flag that "looks like the United States flag."
A replica of that flag would be appropriate to fly with the Confederate banner, he said.
Also generating interest among legislators, McConnell said, is a new proposal to encase an original
C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g and a flag pole in "an airtight glass box" at the Confederate soldiers' monument.
The approximately 5-foot-by-8-foot flag would hang from a 12-to-15-foot tall flag pole, McConnell
said. Glass would enclose it from the ground to the top of the pole.
"I've got to think it through," McConnell said, adding, at first glance, the proposal would satisfy
heritage groups' demand that the flag fly at the soldiers' monument, while satisfying its critics who
insist the banner belongs in a museum.
But hinting at likely opposition to these proposals, Mayor Riley said putting the C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g at
the soldiers' monument gives the Civil War too prominent a place in S o u t h C a r o l i n a ' s history. The
monument rises from the Statehouse grounds at Main and Gervasis streets, a busy intersection.
"To take the event and say it is the heritage of the state and give it a markedly prominent place at
our state Capitol is wrong," Riley said. "I do not think that will fly."
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AP Online, March 4, 2000
Copyright 2000 Associated Press
AP Online
March 4, 2000; Saturday
SECTION: Domestic, non-Washington, general news item
LENGTH: 1472 words
HEADLINE: C o n f e d e r a t e Flag Rally Held in Ala.
BYLINE: JAY REEVES
D A T E L I N E : MONTGOMERY, Ala.
BODY:
A group that still wants the South to secede from the union staged a C o n f e d e r a t e flag-waving
rally Saturday, a day before President Clinton was to lead marchers across a Selma bridge to mark
the 35th anniversary of "Bloody Sunday" in the civil rights movement.
C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g s and rebel yells rose from the steps of Alabama's Capitol at the Old South rally.
Kilt-wearing bagpipers playing "Dixie" joined Civil War re-enactors dressed in gray and butterscotch
uniforms to lead a parade to the building, where Jefferson Davis took the oath as president of the
Confederacy in 1861.
Afterward, members of the Southern nationalist organization that staged the rally signed a
"Declaration of Southern Cultural Independence," described as the first step in what they hope is a
second secession by the South.
"The national culture of the United States is violent and profane, coarse and rude, cynical and
deviant, and repugnant to the Southern people and to every people with authentic Christian
sensibilities," read the document.
"Independence Now!" chanted the virtually all-white crowd. Hundreds signed petitions demanding
that the Rebel flag with its familiar X-design be returned to the Capitol dome, where it used to fly.
"We have a cultural heritage we are proud of and we will defend it by all honorable means," said
Michael Hill, president o f t h e Tuscaloosa-based League o f t h e South, which put the event together.
Montgomery police and Hill estimated the crowd at about 2,500. Officers arrested four protesters who
tried to enter the barricaded area reserved for Confederate backers, and police removed two women
who drew jeers for carrying American flags.
"We want to stay in the Union. We don't want racism and hate," said Anne Torma of Birmingham, a
U.S. flag draped over her shoulder.
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As speakers criticized groups that claim the C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g is a symbol of racism and hate, a
congressional delegation led by Rep. John Lewis, D-Ga., toured civil rights sites in Birmingham and
Montgomery.
Lewis' group is to join Clinton on Sunday in Selma for the 35th anniversary of "Bloody Sunday," the
day scores of black voting rights demonstrators were beaten by state troopers and sheriff's officers as
they crossed the Edmund Pettus Bridge on a march to Montgomery.
Led by Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., marchers returned two weeks later and began the weeklong
Selma-to-Montgomery march, which helped spur quick passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
At the League of the South rally, a blue banner emblazoned with "No King But Jesus" provided the
backdrop for more than three hours of Civil War-era music and speeches against moral decay, the
media and the federal government.
"The South was right! Say it loud enough that they can hear you in Selma with Mr. Clinton!"
screamed Walter Kennedy, drawing cheers.
One o f t h e few blacks in the crowd, H.K. Edgerton, stood in a Confederate uniform beside 93-year-old
Alberta Martin of Elba, a Confederate widow. The southeast Alabama woman married an 81-year-old
Confederate veteran when she was 2 1 .
She wore a rebel flag as a scarf as Edgerton explained how he went from being president of the
Ashevilie, N.C., chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People to one of
the few blacks active in the Confederate separatist movement.
"I'm a Southerner. Am I supposed to walk away from that?" said Edgerton, 52, who has defended the
C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g since being suspended from the NAACP in 1998 for violating the organization's
rules.
The NAACP, which claims the rebel banner is a symbol of racism and oppression, is trying to pressure
S o u t h Carolina into removing the flag from its Capitol dome through a tourism boycott.
In Alabama, a judge ruled in 1993 that only the state and national flags were allowed to fly above
the seat of government. Then-Gov. Jim Folsom Jr. did not appeal the ruling.
As the Confederate rally began, a biracial group called One Montgomery met at the nearby Civil
Rights Memorial, with Mayor Bobby Bright on hand, to promote racial harmony.
Dan Neukomm of Adairsville, Ga., said the South should break away from the United States even if it
means another Civil War.
"If we stay, my children will be living under communism," said Neukomm, a C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g in
hand.
A group that wants the South to secede from the union staged a C o n f e d e r a t e flag-waving rally
Saturday, a day before President Clinton was to lead marchers across a Selma bridge to mark the
35th anniversary of "Bloody Sunday" in the civil rights movement.
C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g s and rebel yells rose from the steps of Alabama's Capitol at the Old South rally.
Kilt-wearing bagpipers playing "Dixie" joined Civil War re-enactors dressed in gray and butterscotch
uniforms to lead a parade to the building, where Jefferson Davis took the oath as president of the
Confederacy in 1861.
Afterward, members o f t h e Southern nationalist organization that staged the rally signed a
"Declaration of Southern Cultural Independence," described as the first step in what they hope is a
second secession by the South.
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"The national culture of the United States is violent and profane, coarse and rude, cynical and
deviant, and repugnant to the Southern people and to every people with authentic Christian
sensibilities," read the document.
"Independence Now!" chanted the virtually all-white crowd. Hundreds signed petitions demanding
that the Rebel flag with its familiar X-design be returned to the Capitol dome, where it used to fly.
"We have a cultural heritage we are proud of and we will defend it by all honorable means," said
Michael Hill, president of the Tuscaloosa-based League of the South, which put the event together.
Montgomery police and Hill estimated the crowd at about 2,500. Officers arrested four protesters who
tried to enter the barricaded area reserved for Confederate backers, and police removed two women
who drew jeers for carrying American flags.
"We want to stay in the Union. We don't want racism and hate," said Anne Torma of Birmingham, a
U.S. flag draped over her shoulder.
As speakers criticized groups that claim the C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g is a symbol of racism and hate, a
congressional delegation led by Rep. John Lewis, D-Ga., toured civil rights sites in Birmingham and
Montgomery.
Lewis' group is to join Clinton on Sunday in Selma for the 35th anniversary of "Bloody Sunday," the
day scores of black voting rights demonstrators were beaten by state troopers and sheriff's officers as
they crossed the Edmund Pettus Bridge on a march to Montgomery.
Led by Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., marchers returned two weeks later and began the weeklong
Selma-to-Montgomery march, which helped spur quick passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
" I t will be a very moving and meaningful day," Lewis said of the anniversary march. "It's a historic
site a lampost in a long journey toward equal rights."
At the League of the South rally, a blue banner emblazoned with "No King But Jesus" provided the
backdrop for more than three hours of Civil War-era music and speeches against moral decay, the
media and the federal government.
"The South was right! Say it loud enough that they can hear you in Selma with Mr. Clinton!"
screamed Walter Kennedy, drawing cheers.
One of the few blacks in the crowd, H.K. Edgerton, stood in a Confederate uniform beside 93-year-old
Alberta Martin of Elba, a Confederate widow. The southeast Alabama woman married an 81-year-old
Confederate veteran when she was 2 1 .
She wore a rebel flag as a scarf as Edgerton explained how he went from being president of the
Ashevilie, N.C., chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People to one of
the few blacks active in the Confederate separatist movement.
" I ' m a Southerner. Am I supposed to walk away from that?" said Edgerton, 52, who has defended the
C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g since being suspended from the NAACP in 1998 for violating the organization's
rules.
The NAACP, which claims the rebel banner is a symbol of racism and oppression, is trying to pressure
S o u t h Carolina into removing the flag from its Capitol dome through a tourism boycott.
In Alabama, a judge ruled in 1993 that only the state and national flags were allowed to fly above
the seat of government. Then-Gov. Jim Folsom Jr. did not appeal the ruling.
As the Confederate rally began, a biracial group called One Montgomery met at the nearby Civil
Rights Memorial, with Mayor Bobby Bright on hand, to promote racial harmony.
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Dan Neukomm of Adairsville, Ga., said the South should break away from the United States even if it
means another Civil War.
" I f we stay, my children will be living under communism," said Neukomm, a C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g in
hand.
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The Scotsman, February 19, 2000
Copyright 2000 The Scotsman Publications Ltd.
The Scotsman
February 19, 2000, Saturday
SECTION: Pg. 11
LENGTH: 1595 words
HEADLINE: FLYING A FLAG OF DISTRUST AND DIVISION
B Y L I N E : By Robert Tait In Charleston, South Carolina
BODY:
AT the top of Main Street in Columbia, at the very heart of the city and visible for miles around, sits
S o u t h C a r o l i n a ' s state legislature, an imposing granite structure whose character is unmistakably of
the American south.
High above the legislative dome that is the defining physical characteristic of the US belief in the
virtue of democratic process, three equally visible flags fly.
At the top is the star-spangled banner, a symbol of the union revered by all Americans.
Beneath it is a flag showing a white outline of a palmetto tree against a deep blue background; this
again is a symbol of unity, S o u t h C a r o l i n a ' s official ensign.
But at the bottom flies a flag whose symbolism inspires not unity, but profound, rancorous, often
hate-filled, division.
The catalyst for the schism is the south's baleful legacy of racial oppression.
The confederate battle flag, a diagonal red cross with white stars embedded on a dark blue backdrop,
is as ingrained in southern customs and folklore as the sound of drawling y'alls and strains of Dixie.
It should not, however, be confused with southern hospitality.
For this slightly odd looking emblem - similar to the St Andrews flag but much more garish - is a
statement o f t h e south's cultural apartness, a way of reminding outsiders, particularly Yankees, that
they are in alien territory.
In S o u t h C a r o l i n a , it has become a metaphor for a society's inability to reconcile a past it cannot
forget with a present it cannot avoid. Put more simply, it represents a massive failure of human
understanding and the art of compromise.
The controversy over the c o n f e d e r a t e f l a g is the biggest to hit this state since the civil rights
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upheavals in the 1960s ended segregation.
It has intruded on the campaign for today's Republican primary. The leading contenders, George W
Bush and John McCain - fearful of offending a conservative white constituency - have dealt clumsily
with the matter, declining to take definitive positions.
Last month, on Martin Luther King day - a recognised holiday in every state except S o u t h Carolina 50,000 people, most of them black, marched to the state building to demand the flag's removal. To
the marchers, the flag symbolised but one thing; oppression and the glorifying of a cause that
demanded black enslavement.
The event was organised by the National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People
(NAACP), which is co-ordinating a tourism boycott of S o u t h Carolina until the flag is taken down
and removed from the public gaze.
Despite attempts at compromise, there is little imminent sign of that. No-one can agree on where to
put it after it is removed. Its defenders want it flown above a prominent statue at the front of the
state house while the NAACP demand that be stuck indoors under a glass case.
Three blocks down from the state house, on Gervais Street, is the Longhorn restaurant. It boasts the
best steaks in South Carolina.
Sitting inside for 45 minutes, I watched a stream of guests flood in. None them were black.
All the waiting and bar staff were white.
A quick scan of the car stickers adorning the walls provided clues. One read: "I don't give a damn
how they did it up north, this is the south." Another stated: "Heritage, not hate a fly it."
That is the alternative view not only of the flag, but of southern history. It is the white man's
perspective that brooks no compromise with the culture of ethnic sensitivity that is obligatory in
21st-century America.
According to this, the flag is not a symbol of racism but of heritage. The argument is dismissed by
mainstream historians, but it dictates that the civil war was fought not to preserve slavery but to
uphold the south's honour.
At its heart lies an abiding sorrow the war was lost.
Glenn McConnell, a state senator for Charleston, is the arch exponent of such revisionism.
He accuses he NAACP of embarking on "cultural genocide".
Appease it now, he claims, and every cultural icon honouring the confederacy will eventually
disappear.
"The flag is the emblem of our ancestors," Mr McConnell says.
"These were South Carolinians who took to the field to fight for the same liberties that, three
generations previously, their ancestors had fought the British for - our independence.
"They suffered incredible casualties and fought against unbelievable odds. If the state of S o u t h
Carolina doesn't protect their memory, who in the world will ever do it? We owe the 20,000 South
Carolinians who fell a moral responsibility to honour their memory and fly the flag under which they
fought."
Racism, he says, has nothing to do with it. "The NAACP is trying to make the flag a scapegoat for
something that existed in history. There has been racism all over the United States and it took place
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without the c o n f e d e r a t e f l a g a We are not prepared to surrender the flag to shame."
A ready market for such sentiments exists all over the south, but in S o u t h C a r o l i n a they carry
special resonance. This was the state that in 1861 set in motion the events leading to the civil war by
becoming the first state to secede.
The NAACP has no difficulty agreeing the flag is about heritage. It just thinks the heritage is racist.
Lonnie Randolph, j u n , president o f t h e NAACP's Columbia branch, says: "The history of that flag isn't
one that's positive to any of our citizens, but especially those of African descent because we know
what the civil war was fought about.
"Saying the flag isn't about slavery is like saying the swastika isn't part of the holocaust.
It's a symbol of white supremacy, hatred and oppression -that's why it's used by the Ku Klux Klan
and skinhead groups."
The flag has emblematic resonance throughout the south.
But only in S o u t h Carolina -where 30 per cent of the population is black - does it fly proudly above
the state house.
"Racism exists elsewhere but it's worse in S o u t h C a r o l i n a , " Mr Randolph says. "The conflict
mentality that existed during the war is still in effect in today's mentality."
But the argument extends beyond the flag. Anachronistic customs combined with a resistance to
change are a feature of life in South Carolina.
Two weeks ago, Mr Bush walked into a major controversy when he staged a rally at Bob Jones
University in Greenville, a city near the foot of the Blue Ridge Mountains and home to a big
proportion of the state's influential Christian conservative population.
Bob Jones, an avowedly Christian institution, bans inter-racial dating. The university has become
defensive about the intrusion of 21st-century mores on its traditions.
The Bob Jones ruling might seem like a throwback, but evidence suggests it has moral support from a
wide section o f t h e population. S o u t h Carolina had a law dating from post-war reconstruction
outlawing inter-racial marriage. In a state referendum two years ago on its repeal, more than
one-third voted to retain it.
Yet the debate over the c o n f e d e r a t e f l a g is laced with ironies and contradictions. The flag was only
hoisted above the state house in 1962, to coincide with civil war centenary celebrations. The idea was
for it to fly temporarily but without a date for its removal, it has remained.
Nor is it the flag that most South Carolinians fought under.
Several c o n f e d e r a t e f l a g s existed and the one in Columbia is thought to resemble most closely that
of the Army of Northern Virginia.
And the final irony is that, when all is said and done, S o u t h Carolina really has changed.
Jack Bass, a professor of humanities at the College of Charleston, says: "The state of race relations
depends on who you ask. On this issue you have black and white sitting down together debating and
negotiating how to resolve it.
"In that sense you can argue that race relations are pretty good. The heritage crowd are pretty much
on the defensive from the white establishment over the flag."
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Polls show a majority of the population in favour of removing the flag.
It might be with a lot of kicking and screaming, but a change in S o u t h C a r o l i n a is surely coming, as
it has before.
As an outsider, your correspondent can vouch for this.
Fifteen years ago, I was a student at the College of Charleston; the flag was an emblem then as now,
but certainly more ubiquitous in those days.
But other things have altered.
Charleston in the mid-1980s was a dusty, parochial little coastal city, its colonial elegance fading into
squalor.
Today it is barely recognisable, a living homage to the global economy. A once moribund commercial
district is now alive with restaurants, bohemian cafes and gleaming fashion emporiums.
Anyone seeking evidence of galloping US economic growth should come here. Greenville, the heart of
Bob Jones country, is likewise enjoying famous good times thanks to foreign investors.
It is barely credible that a society so awash in material can continue to cling to the symbols of a
by-gone age. But to some, it is matter for regret that a people can only be persuaded to do the right
thing when the good times roll.
Summing up the feelings of an outsider, Bob Cox, the English-expatriate assistant editor of the
Charleston Post and Courier, said: "What worries me is that with all this southern chivalry, there isn't
the chivalry to say that, because of the suffering and history of black people this symbol should be
removed.
"I would like to see the chivalry extend to that point."
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�Christopher S. Bender
Record Type:
To:
03/23/2000 03:53:59 PM
Record
Lowell A. Weiss/WHO/EOP@EOP
cc:
Subject: Clyburn Travel
Lowell,
here are the spots Clyburn has traveled with POTUS:
1. Wall Street Project Conference, New York - January 13, 2000
2. University of California San Diego Commencement Ceremony, La Jolla, California - June 14, 1997
3. Pine Ridge Indian Reservation - July 7, 1999
4. Roundtable Discussion on Small Business Development in Phoenix, Arizona - July 7, 1999
5. Roundtable Discussion on Investment in the Mississippi Delta Region in Clarksdale, Mississippi - July
6. 1999
6. East St. Louis, Illinois - July 6, 1999
7. Hazard, Kentucky - July 5, 1999
�Search - 3 Results - Clybum
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Source: All Sources : News : Bv Individual Publication : S : South Carolina Business Journal
Terms: clyburn (Edit Search)
South Carolina Business Journal, November,
1999
Copyright 1999 Bell & Howell Information and Learning;
Copyright South Carolina Chamber of Commerce 1999;
Business Dateline;
South Carolina Business Journal
November, 1999
SECTION: Vol 18; No 10; pg 7
LENGTH: 923 words
HEADLINE: Urban empowerment zone bonds come to South Carolina
BYLINE: John Van Duys
DATELINE: Columbia; SC; US; South Atlantic
BODY:
Late last year, the Midlands region of South Carolina landed one o f t h e most coveted economic
development designations from the federal government. Thanks to the hard work in Washington by
U.S. Rep. Jim C l y b u r n and on the local level by Mayor Bob Coble of Columbia and Mayor Stephen
Creech of Sumter, approxjjiiately-T83qtra<e miles of the cities of Columbia and Sumter were
designated an ^jfbBTTefnpowerment zone'") under Section 1391 of the Internal Revenue Code.
The cities identified tracts of land within their jurisdictions which satisfied a laundry list of
requirements for eligibility. The areas included in the empowerment zone consist of census tracts
which demonstrate a pressing need for economic development assistance based upon poverty rates
and other persistent social and educational challenges.
The Secretary of Housing and Urban Development designated the Columbia/Sumter urban
empowerment zone, thereby entitling governments and businesses within such area to a host of
federal economic development benefits. One of those federal benefits is taxexempt empowerment
zone revenue bonds.
In the 1980s, Congress enacted a series of statutes that restricted the ability of businesses to use
tax-exempt bond financing for economic development projects.
As a result of those changes, very few facilities owned and operated by business enterprises now
qualify for taxexempt financing.
In 1993, Congress created a new category of tax-exempt bonds called "qualified enterprise zone
facility bonds," to help finance property located in empowerment zones or enterprise communities.
There were 65 urban enterprise communities and six urban empowerment zones designated by the
Secretary of Housing and Urban Development in the "first round" designations effective 1994.
The qualified enterprise zone facility bonds issuable to support the first round designations liberalized
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9
the types of facilities qualifying for tax-exempt financing. So long as 95 percent of the net proceeds
of such bonds were used to finance "qualified zone property" used by a "qualified enterprise zone
business," interest on such bonds is excluded from gross income for federal income tax purposes.
There are numerous technical rules concerning qualification and disqualification of businesses in the
zone; nevertheless, the basic thrust of the statute is that commercial, retail and service businesses
will generally qualify for tax-exempt financing if their business is located in the empowerment zone,
at least 35 percent of their employees reside in the empowerment zone and most of their income and
property is generated by or engaged in the business in the empowerment zone.
In 1997, the Internal Revenue Service adopted regulations implementing the enterprise zone bond
designation which include examples of qualifying businesses. These examples include references to
accountant's offices, retail facilities, printing businesses and other general retail trades. This section
significantly broadens the types of facilities which will qualify for tax-exempt financing in an
empowerment zone or an enterprise community.
Despite the generosity of the 1993 statute, some of its restrictions have worked to limit its
effectiveness. Qualified enterprise zone facility bonds issued for any qualified enterprise zone
business can not exceed $ 3,000,000 for each zone in which the business operates or $ 20,000,000
for all zones and communities nationwide.
Furthermore, enterprise zone bonds are subject to the limitation on the aggregate amount of private
activity bonds issued annually in each state under Section 146 o f t h e Code (the "volume cap"). The
state has been chronically short on volume cap in recent years.
Happily, both of these restrictions were eliminated for empowerment zone bonds.
Congress created a new category of taxexempt bonds called "empowerment zone bonds" under the
Taxpayer Relief Act of 1997. Bonds issued for the Columbia/Sumter Empowerment Zone would
qualify as empowerment zone bonds. Empowerment zone bonds are similar to enterprise zone facility
bonds in that they can finance commercial, retail and service establishments which meet the
qualification tests summarized above.
They differ from enterprise zone bonds in two important ways. First, they are not subject to the
state's unified volume cap. Rather, the cities of Columbia and Sumter together can designate up to $
130,000,000 of qualified empowerment zone bonds during the term of the empowerment zone
designation (basically 10 years). Empowerment zone bonds are also not subject to the limitation on
issue size imposed on enterprise zone facility bonds ($ 3,000,000 per empowerment zone and $
20,000,000 nationwide).
Finally, empowerment zone bonds might be issued in the form of loan pools or loan recycling
programs. These programs allow economies of scale in the issuance of empowerment zone bonds.
This briefly describes some of the advantages of empowerment zone bonds in the newly created
Columbia/ Sumter Urban Empowerment Zone. These bonds represent a powerful new economic
development too( available to the midlands of South Carolina.
The zone designation also brought a number of other tax incentives for businesses locating in the
empowerment zone, such as an increased deduction under Section 179 for business equipment
placed in service in an empowerment zone, environmental clean-up cost deductions for so called
"brownfields", and qualified zone academy bonds in support of public school facilities located in
empowerment zones.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
UMI-ACC-NO: 0088226
LOAD-DATE: November 10, 1999
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Congressional Press Releases, April 10, 1997
Copyright 1997 Federal Document Clearing House, Inc.
Congressional Press Releases
• View Related Topics
April 10, 1997, Thursday
SECTION: PRESS RELEASE
LENGTH: 286 words
HEADLINE: SUFFERERS
BYLINE: JAMES CLYBURN , CONGRESSMAN , HOUSE , CONGRESSMAN CLYBURN CALLS FOR
SOLUTIONS FOR GULF WAR SYNDROME
BODY:
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
April 10, 1997
C o n g r e s s m a n C l y b u r n Calls-for-Solutions for Gulf War Syndrome
Sufferers
(Washington, DC) - In light of new revelations about the CIA's failure to recognize the potential
threat of chemical agents during the Persian Gulf War, Congressman James E. Clyburn (D-SC),
ranking member oil tile Veterans' Affairs Oversight and Investigation Subcommittee, is calling for
action to provide assistance to Sufferers of Gulf War Syndrome.
Hearings are scheduled before the subcommittee on Wednesday, April 16 to receive a status report
from both the Department of Defense (DOD) and the CIA on troops' exposure to chemical agents
during the Gulf War. "Tile revelations by tile CIA confirm reports we have gleaned from other sources
that indicate our soldiers were exposed to chemical agents during the Gulf War," C o n g r e s s m a n
C l y b u r n said. "I believe tile central question for tile Oversight and Investigation Subcommittee now
will be to determine to what extent the exposure resulted in the variety of illnesses we call Gulf War
Syndrome and what we can do to help the veterans affected,"
The CIA has admitted its intelligence agents failed to identify a storage facility in Khamisiyah, Iraq as
a chemical- weapons depot. Pentagon officials believe as many as 20,000 soldiers were exposed to
low-levels of chemical agents when U.S. Army engineers blow up the depot a few days after the Gulf
War ended in March 1991. "I hope the DOD/CIA report will prompt discussions at next week's hearing
to begin addressing the concerns of veterans exposed to chemical agents in addition to seeking a
better understanding of why the exposure occurred," C o n g r e s s m a n C l y b u r n concluded.
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The Associated Press State & Local Wire January 3, 2000
The Associated Press State & Local Wire
• View Related Topics
The materials in the AP file were compiled by The Associated Press. These materials may not be
republished without the express written consent of The Associated Press.
January 3, 2000, Monday, BC cycle
SECTION: State and Regional
LENGTH: 922 words
H E A D L I N E : Clyburn balances roles as representative,Black Caucus chairman
B Y L I N E : By MICHELLE R. DAVIS, The (Columbia) State
D A T E L I N E : COLUMBIA, S.C.
BODY:
Standing outside the White House after a Black Caucus meeting with President Clinton earlier this
month, Caucus Chairman Jim Clyburn fielded reporters' questions ably.
But one query he refused was from a television reporter asking what voters in his South Carolina
congressional district should know about the meeting.
"I'm not here today to talk about my district," Clyburn said sternly. "I came here today to talk about
the Congressional Black Caucus, to talk about an agenda for the country and quite frankly I'll get
back to my district matters next January."
Throughout his first year at the helm o f t h e Congressional Black Caucus, Clyburn has been successful
at balancing his two roles in Washington, as head o f t h e group that calls attention to
African-American concerns and as congressman for the 6th District in South Carolina.
Clyburn said he has been pleasantly surprised by the way his constituents have endorsed his caucus
position.
"My problem was that the caucus is considered farther to the left than my politics are and than my
state is," he said. "But I've been embraced."
Black Caucus members say that as chairman, Clyburn has widened the impact of their organization
and spread its influence while keeping the members unified.
"The first, almost insurmountable challenge for the chairman o f t h e black caucus is to keep our group
together," said U.S. Rep. Jesse Jackson Jr., an Illinois Democrat. "He has done exceptionally well."
Clyburn, on behalf of the Black Caucus, has weighed in on an array of issues important to
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African-Americans. Some were low-key efforts that received little media attention: He spoke and
lectured to groups across the country about the importance of being counted in the upcoming U.S.
Census.
"The census is the most important thing for us in this country who represent districts that have
traditionally been undercounted," he said. "It will set the tone for the next 10 years."
Other actions got more notice: his proposed resolution decrying the Conservative Citizens Council, a
group some called racist, and his condemnation of what he called racism when it came to appointing
judges to the federal bench.
But Clyburn also has taken the caucus in a new direction, said close friend U.S. Rep. Bennie
Thompson, a Mississippi Democrat. Clyburn pushed the caucus to expand its influence, starting
discussions with groups traditionally not linked to the Black Caucus, like the manufacturing
associations, various chambers of commerce, the high-tech industry and the defense industry.
"These are any number of groups that have traditionally written the members of the Black Caucus off
as for whatever reason not friendly toward their issues," Thompson said. " C o n g r e s s m a n C l y b u r n ' s
leadership has sort of opened the door for those people to come in and talk."
But some say the caucus has been better at promoting its issues through the media than actually
producing action on them.
"From the public relations aspects of it, this year was a winner" for the caucus, said David Bositis,
senior political analyst at the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies, a black think tank.
Bositis noted the outcry following the Senate's defeat of the nomination of Missouri Supreme Court
Judge Ronnie White to the federal bench, and Clyburn's anti-Conservative Citizens Council resolution.
"Those things had the effect of making the Republicans look racist," Bositis said.
But he said the caucus has been unable to take major steps forward since it is a minority group
within the minority party in Congress.
"Did they accomplish their legislative agenda? No, but they had about as good a year as they could
expect," Bositis said.
Benedict College political scientist Glenda Suber said Clyburn has done well with what he had to work
with. Budget cuts have made it hard to operate, she said.
"It is not a highly visible organization and not particularly proactive because it doesn't have the
resources that they once had to campaign or lobby for interests in the African-American community,"
Suber said.
In an astute political move earlier this year, Clyburn agreed to step down temporarily from the
powerful House Appropriations Committee that decides which projects get federal dollars to make
room for another congressman on the committee who had changed parties.
His move solved a major problem for Democratic leaders who are sure to remember Clyburn's action
in the future. And instead of leaving his district in the lurch, Clybum ensured that a member of his
staff would remain on the committee.
"Off the committee, he's been able to do for his constituents what I have not been able to do for my
constituents on the committee," Jackson said.
The result was that Clyburn was able to garner serious money for district projects, including $4
million for the Lake Marion Regional Water System, $11 million in transportation funding for the state
and nearly $5 million in grants for Benedict College, among numerous others.
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"There are a lot of things there that some people might call pork that South Carolina did pretty well
on," he said, adding he feels no need to defend those projects. "Who gives anyone the authority to
lay out criteria by which an item is considered pork?"
Clyburn said that next year he will focus on issues such as getting environmental justice legislation
passed, continuing his focus on the federal judiciary and pursuing bills that would restore voting
rights to nonviolent drug offenders.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
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The Post and Courier (Charleston,
SC), August 5, 1999
Copyright 1999 The Post and Courier (Charleston, SC)
The Post and Courier (Charleston, SC)
August 5, 1999, Thursday, POST AND COURIER EDITION
SECTION: A, Pg. 01
LENGTH: 395 words
HEADLINE: Clyburn temporarily gives up panel for party switcher
BYLINE: STEVE PIACENTE;
BODY:
Of The Post and Courier
WASHINGTON - U.S. Rep. Jim Clyburn, D-S.C, temporarily gave up a coveted seat on the
Appropriations Committee Wednesday to make room for recent party switcher Rep. Michael Forbes,
D-N.Y.
Forbes was on the committee as a Republican, but lost his slot when he joined the Democrats,
becoming the first House Republican to j u m p ship since 1973.
Clyburn's surprise move was designed to both help his party accommodate Forbes and to help
establish Clyburn's credentials for a high leadership position should the Democrats retake the House
in 2000.
"I am not without ambition," said Clyburn, who also took over this year as chairman of the
Congressional Black Caucus.
Clyburn said several scenarios were considered by the Democratic Caucus, including one unwieldy
idea that had the 27 Democratic committee members giving up their seats for six months at a time
so that Forbes could join the panel.
That was deemed unworkable because some members would be off at unimportant times, such as
during Christmas recess, while others would be out during critical months like June and July, when
the panel that controls the federal government's purse strings is busiest.
"All o f t h e scenarios violated what I thought were good, sound management principles," Clyburn said.
So he said he volunteered to take a leave of absence. His terms were that he would retain his
seniority, reclaim his spot next Congress or as soon as a vacancy occurs, and that he would keep his
committee staffers.
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House Minority Leader Richard Gephardt, D-Mo., happily agreed.
"On behalf of our party, I very much appreciate your cooperation and ingenuity in resolving this
matter," Gephardt wrote to the 6th District congressman. "Your dedication to re-taking the majority
is well noted among our caucus and will not be forgotten in the 107th Congress."
Forbes could not be reached for comment Wednesday.
The one discordant note was sounded by Maury Lane, spokesman for U.S. Sen. Fritz Hollings, D-S.C,
South Carolina's only lawmaker on the Senate Appropriations Committee.
"He's waited 33 years to get a little help," Lane said of Hollings. "Now we're going to lose
C o n g r e s s m a n C l y b u r n , who's a very good legislator. We're looking forward to him being back on
the committee."
Replied Clyburn, "The state and my district will not lose anything."
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The Ethnic NewsWatch, December 9, 1998
Copyright 1998 SOFTLINE INFORMATION, INC.
The Ethnic NewsWatch
Sacramento Observer
December 9, 1998
SECTION: Vol. 36; No. 3 ; Pg. 1
LENGTH: 357 words
H E A D L I N E : New Black Caucus Leader: C o n g r e s s m a n Clyburn Now Chair Of Congressional Group
BODY:
NEW BLACK CAUCUS LEADER: C o n g r e s s m a n C l y b u r n Now Chair Of Congressional Group
WASHINGTON — South Carolina Congressman James E. Clyburn has been elected to head the
39-member Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) for the next two years.
He is the first Southerner to head the CBC, which was founded in 1 9 7 1 .
Rep. Clyburn, 58, a Democrat, was swept into office unanimously to succeed Calif. Rep. Maxine
Waters, whose caucus leadership has become nationally respected.
A shrewd political mind who represents South Carolina's 6th Congressional District, Clyburn serves on
the Veteran's Affairs and the Transportation and Infrastructure Committees.
He galvanized a majority coalition to win his new history-making post.
A native of Sumter, SC, and graduate of South Carolina State University, he has served in Congress
since 1993 after he was elected the first Black U. S. Representative from South Carolina since
Reconstruction.
Rep. Clyburn served as chairman o f t h e CBC Foundation's annual legislative conference, the nation's
largest gathering of Black political leaders.
He also was appointed to the Democratic Steering Committee by Minority Leader Richard Gephardt.
Clyburn takes the reins of the CBC during a period political experts predict will be crucial to the
progress of minorities in politics in America.
"I am very honored to have been elected by my colleagues to chair such a prestigious and influential
body of legislators," he told the caucus members after the secret election.
"I am excited about the possibilities of a new session in Congress," he added.
C o n g r e s s m a n C l y b u r n noted his priorities include the seating of more Black federal judges,
particularly in the South, protecting the environment in minority areas, and maintaining affirmative
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action programs.
During the recent November elections, he was praised for his organizing efforts that resulted in Black
voters upending the GOP in several Southern states.
He is married to the former Emily England of Moncks Corner, SC, and the couple has three daughters.
ETHNIC-GROUP: African American/Caribbean/African
LANGUAGE: English
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
003. note
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
Ruled notebook paper, "tribute to Jim Clybum..." (1 page)
n.d.
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Weiss, Lowell
OA/Box Number:
17198
FOLDER TITLE:
Clybum Dinner [3/29/00]
2006-0470-F
wrl74
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C 2204(a)|
Freedom of Information Act - |5 U.S.C. S52(b)|
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information |(bXl) of the FOIAJ
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency |(bX2)of the FOIA|
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information |(bX4) ofthe FOIAj
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(bX6)of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) ofthe FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions |(bX8) ofthe FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells |(bX9) ofthe FOIA]
National Security Classified Information |(a)<l) ofthe PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office 1(a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute |(aX3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information |(aX4) ofthe PRA|
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors |a)(5) ofthe PRAj
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy 1(a)(6) of the PRA]
C Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRIM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�OA
J
1
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�Search - 75 Results -james w/2 clybum and confederate flag
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The Post and Courier (Charleston,
SC), December 11, 1999
Copyright 1999 The Post and Courier (Charleston, SC)
The Post and Courier (Charleston, SC)
December 1 1 , 1999, Saturday, SATURDAY EDITION
SECTION: B, Pg. 6
LENGTH: 352 words
H E A D L I N E : Clyburn calls for moving battle flag
BODY:
BY:Associated Press
HILTON HEAD ISLAND - South Carolinians have to find common ground before the Confederate battle
flag can be removed from atop the Statehouse, said U.S. Rep. J a m e s C l y b u r n , D-S.C.
"South Carolina is well-positioned to be a leader in so many ways. It makes no sense for us to
continue fighting the Civil War or, if you wish, the War between the States, or if it suits you better,
the War of Northern Aggression," he said Friday night at the annual NAACP Freedom Fund Gala at the
Hyatt Regency on Hilton Head Island.
The flag should be moved to a place of honor, said Clyburn, who is chairman of the Congressional
Black Caucus.
The National Association of the Advancement of Colored People has called for a tourism boycott of
South Carolina until the flag comes down. The boycott begins Jan. 1.
Flag opponents say it represents racism and slavery, while supporters say it honors those who fought
and died in the Civil War. Republican legislators who support the flag have said no compromise can
be reached as long as the NAACP pushes for the boycott.
At least 80 groups have canceled plans for meetings and conventions in South Carolina since the
boycott was proposed this summer.
The battle has been heating up on both sides as some of the state's largest organizations, including
the Southern Baptist Convention, have called for the flag to come down. More recently, surviving
members of the General Assembly who hoisted the flag in 1962 called for its removal.
On Friday, the Council for Conservative Citizens said at a news conference that a Chapin man claims
he was beat up for wearing the Confederate emblem on his jacket.
Joseph James says he was attacked in a Chapin McDonald's by four black men who asked him if he
was a member of the Ku Klux Klan.
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Chapin police are looking into the incident, but because of a lack of detailed descriptions, they say
making arrests will be difficult.
South Carolina is the only state to fly the C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g atop its Statehouse, though it is
incorporated in the designs of the Mississippi and Georgia state flags.
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�Biography of Congressman James E. Clyburn>
http://www.house.gov/clybum/bio.html
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
James E . Clyburn
Congressman James E. Clyburn, a native of Sumter, South Carolina, currently resides in Columbia. He
was first elected to Congress in November, 1992, and served on the Veterans Affairs and the
Transportation and Infrastructure Committees through the 105th Congress, where he was the ranking
member on the Veterans Affairs' Oversight and Investigation Subcommittee.
After the November 1998 elections, Congressman Clyburn was elected Chairman of the Congressional
Black Caucus for the 106th Congress. His election to head this august body was by a rare unanimous
vote. He was also appointed to the Democratic Steering Committee, and elected to serve on the House
Appropriations Committee. He was appointed to the Subcommittees on Transportation and Energy and
Water Development.
Following his graduation from South Carolina State University, Congressman Clybum served as a
teacher, an employment counselor, and director of two youth and community development projects in
Charleston, South Carolina. He was appointed to the staff of Governor John C. West in January 1971,
and in October 1974 Governor West appointed him South Carolina Human Affairs Commissioner where
he served until retiring from state government in 1992 to run for Congress.
Congressman Clyburn currently serves on the governing boards of Allen University in Columbia, South
Carolina and Brookgreen Gardens in Murrells Inlet, South Carolina. He is a life member of the
N.A.A.C.P., a member of Omega Psi Phi Fraternity, Inc., and is a Mason and Shriner.
A graduate of the South Carolina Executive Institute, Congressman Clyburn has been awarded honorary
doctorate degrees by twelve Colleges and Universities; Winthrop, the Medical University of South
Carolina, the College of Charleston, Claflin, Saint Augustine in North Carolina, Voorhees, Benedict,
Bowie State in Maryland, The Citadel, the University of South Carolina, Morris College and his alma
mater South Carolina State.
Congressman Clyburn is married to the former Emily England of Moncks Corner, South Carolina. The
couple has three daughters, Mignon, Angela, and Jennifer Clyburn Reed, a son-in-law, Walter Reed, and
two grandchildren, Walter A. Clyburn Reed and Sydney Alexis Reed.
Home Page | About Jim Clyburn | Contacting Jim Clybum | Constituent Services | News and Views |
Government Links [ South Carolina Links | Democratic Caucus | Guest Book | Visiting Washington, DC
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San Antonio Express-News February 29, 2000,
Tuesday
Copyright 2000 San Antonio Express-News
San Antonio Express-News
February 29, 2000, Tuesday , METRO
SECTION: METRO / SOUTH TEXAS; Pg. 9B
LENGTH: 307 words
HEADLINE: Lawmaker stresses respecting differences
BYLINE: John Gutierrez-Mier
BODY: With the controversy surrounding the C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g stillswirling in his home state, U.S.
Rep. J a m e s C l y b u r n of SouthCarolina told soldiers and civilians Monday at Fort Sam Houstonthat
respecting each others' differences is key to making thiscountry stronger.
But Clyburn, a Democrat and chairman o f t h e Congressional BlackCaucus, didn't mention the flag flap
in his speech.
He talked about Americans' unique ability to absorb each others'ethnic traditions and holidays.
"Come March 17th, I'm going to get up and look for something greento wear. It's not going to take
anything away from me to do it,"Clyburn said. "I do these things because it gives proper respect
topeople of diverse backgrounds, so it shouldn't be a problem foranyone to participate in Black
History Month celebrations."
Clyburn was the keynote speaker at Fort Sam Houston's annual BlackHistory Month luncheon, which
drew almost 200 people.
The symbolic power of the Confederate battle flag that continues tofly over the Statehouse in
Columbia is an old issue to him, hesaid.
Denoting memories of slavery and racist resistance to the civilrights movement to some, or the
doomed sacrifice of the losing sideof the Civil War to others, the flag has caused an especiallybitter
debate in South Carolina.
"It's nothing new. I've been speaking against it since 1987," hesaid. "The majority of people in the
state would like to see theflag removed, and it looks like that might happen soon."
Earlier, Clyburn had breakfast with soldiers from his district andtoured the Army post, where he said
he saw "people being trained inhigh-tech skills and others in things that were not high-tech."
of 2
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"One thing we do have to learn is that lawyers need auto mechanicsand doctors need plumbers," he
said.
jqmiengiexpress-news.net
GRAPHIC: CLYBURN
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
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The Associated Press State & Local Wire December 10, 1999
The Associated Press State & Local Wire
• View Related Topics
The materials in the AP file were compiled by The Associated Press. These materials may not be
republished without the express written consent of The Associated Press.
December 10, 1999, Friday, BC cycle
SECTION: State and Regional
LENGTH: 345 words
HEADLINE: Congressman says common ground needed to get flag down
DATELINE: HILTON HEAD ISLAND, S.C.
BODY:
South Carolinians have to find common ground before the Confederate battle flag can be removed
from atop the Statehouse, U.S. Rep. J a m e s C l y b u r n , D-S.C, says.
"South Carolina is well- positioned to be a leader in so many ways. I t makes no sense for us to
continue fighting the Civil War or, if you wish, the War between the States, or if it suits you better,
the War of Northern Aggression," he said Friday night at the annual NAACP Freedom Fund Gala at the
Hyatt Regency on Hilton Head Island.
The flag should be moved to a place of honor, said Clyburn, who is chairman of the Congressional
Black Caucus.
The National Association of the Advancement of Colored People has called for a tourism boycott of
South Carolina until the flag comes down. The boycott begins Jan. 1.
Flag opponents say it represents racism and slavery, while supporters say it honors those who fought
and died in the Civil War. Republican legislators who support the flag have said no compromise can
be reached as long as the NAACP pushes for the boycott.
At least 80 groups have canceled plans for meetings and conventions in South Carolina since the
boycott was proposed this summer.
The battle has been heating up on both sides as some o f t h e state's largest organizations, including
the Southern Baptist Convention, have called for the flag to come down. More recently, surviving
members of the General Assembly who hoisted the flag in 1962 called for its removal.
On Friday, the Council for Conservative Citizens said at a news conference that a Chapin man claims
he was beat up for wearing the Confederate emblem on his jacket.
Joseph James says he was attacked in a Chapin McDonald's by four black men who asked him if he
lof2
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was a member of the Ku Klux Klan.
Chapin police are looking into the incident, but because of a lack of detailed descriptions, they say
making arrests will be difficult.
South Carolina is the only state to fly the C o n f e d e r a t e f l a g atop its Statehouse, though it is
incorporated in the designs of the Mississippi and Georgia state flags.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
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The Charleston Gazette, June 13, 1996
Copyright 1996 Charleston Newspapers
The Charleston Gazette
June 13, 1996, Thursday
SECTION: News; Pg. P3C
LENGTH: 634 words
HEADLINE: CLINTON TOURS REBUILT BLACK CHURCH IN S.C.
B Y L I N E : Twila Decker
BODY:
(c) KNIGHT-RIDDER NEWSPAPERS
GREELEYVILLE, S.C. - Hundreds of onlookers lined the streets
Wednesday, waving American flags and cheering as President Clinton
toured a newly rebuilt black church that was torched last summer in
this rural farm community.
One Florida couple stopped by to see Clinton after hearing about the
visit on their way to New Hampshire. Another woman, a New York
resident, was visiting her grandson in nearby Manning when she heard
about it.
"He's my man," Margaret Felder said, jumping up and down with
excitement after spotting Clinton. "I can't believe I got to see him."
But most came in hopes that Clinton would help put an end to the
arsons that have terrorized more than 33 black churches within the
past 18 months in the Southeast. Many black congregations live in fear
that their church could be next.
The event focused national media attention on the town of 500 people
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in Williamsburg County and Mount Zion AME Church. Mount Zion AME is
among two churches in the area authorities say was torched by two
members o f t h e Ku Klux Klan.
In addition to those who lined the streets, estimated to be nearly
three times the town's population of 500, more people gathered outside
the church to listen to the president's remarks.
Some cooled themselves from the sweltering heat with fans decorated
with a picture of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. A church choir sang to
the crowd, which was surrounded by fields of corn.
Clinton promised the gathering that more federal help was on the way
and vowed to do everything within his power to stop the burnings. He
said 200 federal agents have already been assigned to investigate.
He said he would get weekly updates from federal agents on the pending
cases until they are solved. And he asked all Americans to help, as
well.
"I want to ask every citizen in America, as we stand on this hallowed
ground together, to help to rebuild our churches, to restore hope, to
show the forces of hatred they can not win," Clinton said.
Clinton was invited to the new church by its minister, the Rev.
Terrance Mackey. Mackey will officially dedicate the church on
Saturday. Mackey quoted his daughter while introducing Clinton on
Wednesday to the crowd.
He said his daughter had a point when she told him: "They didn't burn
the church down - it's in our hearts. They burned down the building."
Clinton's visit to South Carolina was criticized by some Republicans,
including the House Majority Leader, Dick Armey of Texas, and S.C.
Gov. David Beasley.
U.S. Attorney General Janet Reno, Sen. Ernest "Fritz" Hollings and
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Rep. J a m e s C l y b u r n , both South Carolina Democrats, and the Rev. Jesse
Jackson also attended the ceremony.
Clinton arrived in Greeleyville by helicopter about 8:45 a.m. from
Charleston.
He was then driven past people lining the roads to the site of the
former Mount Zion AME Church destroyed last June. He stood only
briefly at the barren patch of land where the church once stood.
Clinton then was taken the few miles away to the new church, which is
scheduled to be dedicated Saturday. Clinton prayed briefly inside the
church with Mackey and AME Bishop John Hurst Adams.
Outside he greeted the crowd gathered to hear his speech. Clinton also
presented a plaque to Mackey for the church. It says: "We must come
together as one America to rebuild our churches, restore hope and show
the forces of hatred they cannot win."
Clinton also praised Congressmen Henry Hyde, R-III., and John Conyers,
D-Mich., for co-sponsoring a bill to make it easier to prosecute
people charged with burning houses of worship. Rep. Lindsey Graham,
R-S.C, is also a co-sponsor of that bill.
LOAD-DATE: June 13, 1996
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wysiwyg://279/http://www.lexis.com...5=cl8tt'd3b83d764403d80041c231c5812
lexis.com"
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Charleston Daily Mail, January 30, 1999
Copyright 1999 Charleston Newspapers
Charleston Daily Mail
January 30, 1999, Saturday
SECTION: News; Pg. P3A
LENGTH: 304 words
HEADLINE: Officials condemn group - Bill would address racism in Council of Conservative
Citizens
B Y L I N E : THE WASHINGTON POST
BODY:
WASHINGTON - Rep. Robert Wexler, D-Fla., announced that he and Rep.
J a m e s E. C l y b u r n , D-Ga., chairman o f t h e Congressional Black Caucus,
will sponsor a resolution condemning "the racism and bigotry espoused
by the Council of Conservative Citizens."
Prompted by reports describing the views of some of leaders of the
council and reports of prominent elected officials speaking at its
meetings, Wexler said that it is "more important than ever that the
Congress go on record opposed to any and all sorts of racism."
But Gordon Lee Baum, head o f t h e council, said, "It is pathetic that
such an action would be contemplated. Their views are based on
distortions half truths and lies disseminated by some in the liberal
media and a few radical, liberal columnists whose agenda is apparently
to stifle discussion of important issues that have the support of most
Americans, such as immigration reform and opposition to forced busing
and quotas."
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•4
The resolution, which is likely to face criticism from free speech
proponents, is modeled on a 1994 House resolution condemning the
"racist, anti-Catholic, and anti-Semitic speech given by Khalid Abdul
Muhammad o f t h e Nation of Islam at Kean College" in 1993. That passed
the House 361 to -34, with 29 members voting present.
"A white supremacist group isn't any less deserving of condemnation
than someone who is black or African American who voices racism,"
Wexler said. Baum said, "We dispute any comparison" between the
council and the Nation of Islam.
The council advocates preservation of the "white" race in the United
States, and some of its leaders have called for renewed racial
segregation and for efforts to prevent interracial
marriage.
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�CNN - Confederate flag must come d...says S.C. governor - Nov. 27, 1996
interactive
CNH.com.
U.S.
NEWS
S T O R Y
http://www.cnn.com/US/9611/27/rebel.tlag/
MEETING THE
challenge
P A G E
Confederateflagmust come
down, says S.C. governor
November 27. 1996
Web posted at: 9:15 a.m. EST
From Correspondent Al Hinman
CONTENTS
HELP
FEEDBACK
SEARCH
COLUMBIA, South Carolina
(CNN) - The first shots ofthe Civil
War were fired in South Carolina.
And when it comes to the
Confederate flag, they're still
fighting here.
Confederate flag supporters
(CNN/file)
RE L A T E D
PATHFINDER!
HOMEPAGE'
Republican Gov. David Beasley
SITES & STORIES
dove into the stickiest of issues
Tuesday night when he went on statewide television and urged
that Confederate battle flag be removed from the state capitol's
dome.
"A flag should be a symbol that
unites all of those standing below
it," said Beasley. "One that every
South Carolinian can look up to
with respect, and admiration."
But for decades, the flag has
divided South Carolinians. While
many view it as a emblem of
(CNN) racism, most of the legislators and
Beasley
voters in this bastion of the Old
South are dead set against removing what they regard as a
besieged symbol of their heritage.
"Do not ask us to tum our backs on our ancestors," Republican
State Sen. Glenn McConnell said in televised rebuttal to
Beasley. "For us to surrender at the dome is to eventually
surrender across South Carolina, where we will not be free to
exhibit our heritage for the fear of condemnation."
Strong feelings
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�CNN - Confederate flag must come d...says S.C. governor - Nov. 27, 1996
http://www.cnn.com/US/9611 /27/rebel. flag/
In a sign of how deeply the issue is
felt in the Palmetto State, McConnell
was reacting to a plan to remove the
flag not from the grounds of the
capitol, but only from the building's
dome. Beasley wants to move the
flag to a Confederate memorial on
the capitol's grounds.
The divisive issue ofthe battle flag's Mcconneii
official display stretches back to the
days of desegregation in the late 1950s and '60s.
(CNN)
South Carolina began flying the Confederate flag above the
capitol in 1962, ostensibly to mark the 100th anniversary of
the Civil War. Many people, however, viewed it as a gesture
opposing the end of legal segregation.
The Deep South states of Georgia and Mississippi went so far
as to incorporate the battle flag into their official state flags.
Convinced his state's flag continues to promote racial conflict,
Georgia Gov. Zell Miller, a Democrat, fought to get it
redesigned. The move failed, but Miller remains convinced
that change is needed.
"I think it was becoming more and more evident that it was
becoming increasingly offensive to a large number of our
population ~ black and white," Miller said.
Divisive symbol
Opponents to the Confederate flag
contend that it is often a rallying point
for groups like the Ku Klux Klan.
"You see, the Confederate flag flying
above the statehouse flies in a
vacuum," Beasley said in his address.
"The Klan can misuse it as a racist tool,
as it has, and others can misuse it
solely as a symbol for racism, as they
have."
(CNN)
But despite Beasley's call for change,
the flag probably won't lose its position above South
Carolina's capitol any time soon.
A non-binding referendum in the early 1990s showed
overwhelming public support to leave the flag where it is, and
a 1994 legislative effort to remove it foundered in the House
after passing the Senate.
Still, South Carolina's governor feels the flag's removal must
be inevitable.
"Do we want our children to be debating the Confederate flag
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http://www.cnn.com/US/9611/27/rebel.tlag/
in 10 years?" Beasley asked the television audience. "I don't
want that for my children, or yours."
The Associated Press and Reuters contributed to this report.
Related sites:
Note: Pages will open in a new browser window
• Information on the flags of the Confederacy
• Flags and Emblems of the Government of the
Confederate States of America
• South Carolina Home Page
• South Carolina General Assembly
• CyberState - a South Carolina newspaper
External sites are not endorsed by CNN Interactive.
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think!
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© 1996 Cable News Network, Inc.
All Rights Reserved.
Terms under which this service is provided to you.
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�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Lowell Weiss
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Lowell Weiss
Office of Speechwriting
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1997-2001
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36408">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431951">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2006-0470-F
Description
An account of the resource
This collection consists of the speechwriting files of Lowell Weiss. Lowell Weiss worked as a Special Assistant to the President, Presidential Speechwriter from June 1997 - August 2000. Weiss traveled and wrote speeches for President Clinton on domestic issues. His speeches cover a broad array of topics. Major issues he wrote on concern the environment, education, the economy, and race relations. He wrote weekly radio addresses; commencement speeches; and remarks for bill signings, events, and conferences. The records consist of speeches, drafts, memoranda, correspondence, schedules, event and travel arrangements, notes, articles, and printed email.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Extent
The size or duration of the resource.
464 folders in 36 boxes
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Clyburn Dinner [3/29/00]
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Lowell Weiss
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2006-0470-F
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 9
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36408">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/20760890">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
The material or physical carrier of the resource.
Preservation-Reproduction-Reference
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
20760890
42-t-7431951-20060470-F-009-002-2015