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2006-0469-F (2)
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidential Records
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Michael Waldman
Subseries:
OA/ID Number:
14477
FoIderlD:
Folder Title:
POTUS Remarks
Stack:
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92
4
7
1
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. draft
Draft Presidential Statement on NAFTA, draft 3 (8 pages)
n.d.
P5
002. memo
Micheal Waldman to Bill Daley, et al.; RE: Phone number and
personal [partial] (1 page)
nd
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number:
14477
FOLDER TITLE:
POTUS Remarks
2006-0469-F
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�p a r e n t s , I am committed
t o p a s s i n g o u r c h i l d r e n a b e t t e r America.
The debate over NAFTA i s t o o i m p o r t a n t f o r bumper s t i c k e r s and oneliners.
For what's a t s t a k e i n NAFTA i s more t h a n t r a d e ; i t ' s a c h o i c e
about o u r f u t u r e .
I t ' s a c h o i c e between r e t r e a t i n g and competing
i n the world.
I t ' s a c h o i c e between t h e p o l i t i c s o f f e a r -- and t h e p o l i t i c s o f
hope.
It's
a
choice
between
diminishing horizons
-- and
expanding
markets.
I t ' s a c h o i c e between t h e o l d p o l i t i c s o f s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t -- and
a new mandate f o r change.
Some people have t o l d me t h i s w i l l be an u p h i l l b a t t l e .
I don't
mind u p h i l l
American w o r k e r s ,
fights
when what's a t s t a k e
American businesses,
So be i t .
a r e American j o b s ,
American g r o w t h ,
and American
leadership.
I n every g e n e r a t i o n , Americans have r i s e n t o t h e c h a l l e n g e o f t h e i r
time.
NAFTA embodies today's c h a l l e n g e , and we a r e g o i n g t o w i n .
�^ ^ IM^ (IM£ ymjL
o
-4 ^^^fei^tr
75" (WJWtfa'wl ^£^iL
t
^4 QtfM^^
u
^ 1
�fr/i - Poruf. ni^^ DRAFT PRESIDENTIAL STATEMENT ON NAFTA
DRAFT 3
[ i n t r o remarks t a i l o r e d t o event: b i p a r t i s a n s h i p ; supplementals?]
We are here today t o p l a c e t h e capstone on a h i s t o r i c t r a d e accord.
Perhaps more s i g n i f i c a n t l y , we a r e here t o p l a n t t h e c o r n e r s t o n e o f a
new way o f t h i n k i n g about t r a d e .
Let
t h e r e be no q u e s t i o n about where my A d m i n i s t r a t i o n stands i n
the upcoming debate over NAFTA.
The NAFTA w i l l c r e a t e 200,000 new j o b s
f o r Americans i n i t s f i r s t two y e a r s ; t e a r down t r a d e b a r r i e r s ; p r o t e c t
the
environment; and demonstrate American
War
l e a d e r s h i p i n t h e p o s t Cold
world.
For t h e n e x t f o u r months, I ' l l be f i g h t i n g t o secure t h e s e b e n e f i t s
f o r Americans.
Today I want t o t a l k about why t h i s agreement i s so
important.
Most Americans
s t a r t t h i n k i n g about NAFTA w i t h a
question - - a f a i r question:
What's i n t h i s f o r t h e U n i t e d States?
NAFTA w i l l c r e a t e a f r e e t r a d e zone s t r e t c h i n g from t h e A r c t i c t o
the T r o p i c s -- t h e l a r g e s t i n t h e w o r l d -- a $6.5 t r i l l i o n market o f 370
m i l l i o n people.
leg-up
in a
The NAFTA w i l l g i v e American businesses and workers a
market
sought
after
by
our Japanese
and European
competitors.
Here's something you p r o b a b l y d i d n ' t know:
second
l a r g e s t market
l a r g e s t market
Mexico a l r e a d y i s t h e
f o r U.S. m a n u f a c t u r i n g e x p o r t s ,
f o r U.S. a g r i c u l t u r a l
products.
and t h e t h i r d
On average
Mexicans
today buy more from us than t h e Japanese, t h e Germans, o r t h e B r i t i s h .
Dii'r ^
as* wee
�NAFTA breaks down t h e b a r r i e r s t h a t keep Americans from p r o f i t i n g
f u l l y i n t h i s i m p o r t a n t and growing market.
are
The d e t a i l s i n t h i s debate
sometimes arcane, b u t t h e bottom l i n e c o u l d n ' t be c l e a r e r .
NAFTA i s about t a r i f f s , and a t a r i f f i s n o t h i n g more than a t a x -a t a x on what you make as a worker and a t a x on what you buy as a
consumer.
I'm f o r NAFTA because i t w i l l p r o v i d e a t a x c u t f o r American
an
workers and consumers.
place
NAFTA's opponents want t o leave those taxes i n p/W**
i
-- even though most o f t h e revenues go Mexico -- n o t o u r own
country.
When NAFTA takes e f f e c t ,
h a l f o f a l l U.S. e x p o r t s t o Mexico w i l l
e n t e r w i t h o u t paying any t a r i f f s .
W i t h i n 15 y e a r s , NAFTA w i l l
abolish
a l l t a r i f f s on b o t h s i d e s o f t h e border.
You have no doubt heard t h e h o t a i r h u c k s t e r s t a l k i n g
jobs moving t o Mexico.
about U.S.
C o n t r a r y t o what you've heard, NAFTA a c t u a l l y
w i l l keep American j o b s i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s .
For
example, NAFTA w i l l a b o l i s h a Mexican law t h a t r e q u i r e s U.S.
automakers t o move t h e i r
Mexico.
Because o f t h i s
plants
t o Mexico
i f they want t o s e l l i n
law and h i g h Mexican t a r i f f s ,
t h e B i g Three
t h i s year w i l l e x p o r t o n l y 1,000 cars t o Mexico from U.S. p l a n t s .
With
NAFTA, t h e B i g Three expect t o e x p o r t 60,000 cars t o Mexico i n t h e f i r s t
year a l o n e .
When Americans t h i n k about NAFTA, no i s s u e i s more i m p o r t a n t t o
them than j o b s .
NAFTA's opponents have
launched
a campaign
t o scare
you i n t o
J
�t h i n k i n g t h a t t h e agreement w i l l
c o s t American j o b s .
workers need t o be s h i e l d e d from c o m p e t i t i o n .
can
They t h i n k our
I t h i n k America's workers
go t o e t o t o e w i t h anyone i n t h e w o r l d .
Our workers earn
more
because t h e y ' r e w o r t h more -- t h a t ' s why more f i r m s choose t o l o c a t e I oJ<i£
here.
Like
any good shopper,
they
know t h a t
cheaper
isn't
always
better.
Every c r e d i b l e study o f t h e j o b e f f e c t s o f NAFTA has come t o t h e
same c o n c l u s i o n -- NAFTA w i l l r e s u l t i n more j o b s f o r Americans -- n o t
fewer.
L a s t week, 300 l e a d i n g economists, i n c l u d i n g
winners,
came o u t s t r o n g l y i n support
o f NAFTA.
[
NAFTA w i l l
200,000 new j o b s f o r Americans i n i t s f i r s t two years
In
benefits.
t h e past
seven
I n 1986,
years,
we have
seen
] Nobel P r i z e
create
alone.
a preview
o f NAFTA's
P r e s i d e n t S a l i n a s and t h e people o f Mexico undertook
a program t o l i b e r a l i z e t h e i r economy.
P a r t o f Mexico's r e f o r m i n v o l v e d
lowering i t s trade b a r r i e r s .
What were t h e e f f e c t s o f f r e e r trade?
I t t u r n e d a $5.7 b i l l i o n
t r a d e d e f i c i t w i t h Mexico i n t o a $5.4 b i l l i o n U.S. s u r p l u s , and c r e a t e d
a h a l f m i l l i o n new U.S. j o b s i n t h e process.
are here today.
Ask
Ask them about NAFTA.
t h e workers a t t h e Quaker F a b r i c C o r p o r a t i o n
Massachusetts.
new
Some o f those Americans
i n Fall
River,
Quaker e s t i m a t e s t h a t s a l e s t o Mexico have c r e a t e d 125
jobs i n F a l l River.
Ask
Alabama.
t h e workers a t Stockham Valves and F i t t i n g s
Stockham's s t r o n g s a l e s
i n Birmingham,
t o Mexico c o n t r i b u t e d t o a r e c e n t
d e c i s i o n t o b u i l d a second m a n u f a c t u r i n g
facility
i n Birmingham.
Ask
Doug Stockham, t h e company's d i r e c t o r , why he b u i l t h i s new p l a n t i n
y
�Birmingham i n s t e a d o f [Mexico C i t y ] .
Despite examples l i k e these, many Americans remain s k e p t i c a l about
the NAFTA.
And you know, i t ' s no wonder.
When i t comes t o t a l k about
t r a d e , a l l t h a t Americans have heard f o r t h e past decade a r e t h e o l d
f a i l e d p o l i c i e s from l e f t and r i g h t .
On one extreme a r e the o l d v o i c e s and narrow i n t e r e s t s p e d d l i n g the j ^ j f
placebo o f p r o t e c t i o n . I n t h e face o f an ever more g l o b a l economy, they
would sound r e t r e a t and r a i s e w a l l s a g a i n s t a changing w o r l d .
At the
o t h e r extreme a r e t h e w e l l - h e e l e d
advocates o f market mayhem, who say
the
They
market
countrymen
solves
everything.
t o rules
ignored
would
naively
subject
by t h e r e s t o f t h e w o r l d ,
their
neglect the
environment, and do n o t h i n g t o prepare American workers t o master t h e
winds o f g l o b a l change.
I support NAFTA because I b e l i e v e t h e r e i s a t h i r d p a t h .
t h a t we should
a g g r e s s i v e l y seek t h e b e n e f i t s o f f r e e r t r a d e .
a l s o must be honest i n c o n f r o n t i n g t h e c o s t s .
people
I believe
and p r o t e c t our environment.
But we
We need t o i n v e s t i n our
We must make t r a d e
work f o r
America's workers.
For
t h e past
s e v e r a l months, my A d m i n i s t r a t i o n has been
working
hard t o make sure t h a t expanded t r a d e does n o t come a t t h e expense o f
workers o r t h e environment.
We've n e g o t i a t e d
tough new s i d e
agreements t o t h e NAFTA.
agreements w i l l ensure t h a t Mexico enforces
The
i t s laws i n areas i n c l u d i n g
h e a l t h and s a f e t y , c h i l d l a b o r and minimum wages.
Some may ask why we care about Mexico's environment.
We
care
^^Y/
�because we don't want t h e i r l a x e n v i r o n m e n t a l p r a c t i c e s t o be t h e source
of
a c o s t advantage.
a thousand
And we care because each day i n Nuevo Loredo and
places l i k e i t , raw sewage f l o w s i n t o t h e Rio Grande w i t h i n
yards o f mothers and c h i l d r e n p l a y i n g and w o r k i n g on b o t h s i d e s o f t h e
border.
W i t h t h e s i d e agreements, t h e U.S. can make sure t h a t Mexico
e n f o r c e s i t s laws.
I f t h e y do n o t , we can h i t hard -- w i t h f i n e s and
even t r a d e s a n c t i o n s .
My A d m i n i s t r a t i o n a l s o
i s tackling
t h e tough
i s s u e s o f border
p o l l u t i o n and c o n s e r v a t i o n . We a r e n e g o t i a t i n g w i t h Mexico t o e s t a b l i s h
a r e v o l u t i o n a r y new Border Environmental A u t h o r i t y t o f u n d b i l l i o n s o f
d o l l a r s w o r t h o f new cleanup
projects.
Never b e f o r e has a t r a d e agreement gone so f a r t o ensure
that
expanded commerce complements t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f t h e environment.
In
fact,
o u r work on NAFTA's s i d e agreements has p l a c e d
environmental
issues s q u a r e l y i n t h e c e n t e r o f f u t u r e t r a d e n e g o t i a t i o n s .
We a r e a l s o making sure
compete i n t h e g l o b a l economy.
that
a l l U.S. workers
a r e prepared t o
There i s no q u e s t i o n t h a t NAFTA w i l l
c r e a t e f a r more j o b s than i t c o s t s .
But l e t ' s t a l k s t r a i g h t .
Whether
or not we pursue NAFTA, changes i n t h e w o r l d economy w i l l mean t h a t some
workers
i n s e n s i t i v e i n d u s t r i e s w i l l face adjustment.
[NAFTA w i l l
be complemented by a comprehensive program t o h e l p
d i s p l a c e d workers, r e g a r d l e s s o f t h e cause o f t h e i r unemployment.
program w i l l
include t r a i n i n g
while t r a i n i n g
special
occurs.
provision
f o r new employment and income
I also w i l l
i n NAFTA's
work w i t h
implementing
The
support
Congress t o pass a
legislation
t o make t h e
b e n e f i t s o f t h i s program immediately a v a i l a b l e f o r any worker who loses
his
o r her j o b because a p l a n t moves t o Mexico.]
�All
told, the efforts
o f two A d m i n i s t r a t i o n s have r e s u l t e d i n a
NAFTA package t h a t goes f a r beyond t r a d i t i o n a l concepts o f a f r e e t r a d e
agreement.
every
I t ' s a b i p a r t i s a n agreement t h a t has won t h e endorsement o f
l i v i n g President
o f every
p o l i t i c a l persuasion:
Nixon,
Ford,
C a r t e r , Reagan and Bush.
I t ' s an agreement t h a t has won t h e s u p p o r t o f groups r a n g i n g
the
U.S.
agreement
Chamber
o f Commerce t o [ t h e Audubon
supported
by American
farmers
Society.]
and American
businesses r a n g i n g from r a n c h i n g t o r o c k e t s .
from
I t ' s an
workers,
in
I t ' s an agreement t h a t ' s
worthy o f t h e s u p p o r t o f a l l Americans.
I am w e l l aware o f o r g a n i z e d l a b o r ' s o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e NAFTA.
I am
d i s a p p o i n t e d t h a t we f i n d o u r s e l v e s on o p p o s i t e s i d e s o f t h i s debate.
But I must say t o my f r i e n d s i n l a b o r t h a t t h e t i m e has come t o speak
f r a n k l y about o u r g o a l s .
I f l a b o r ' s aim i s t o b u i l d
Administration w i l l
up w a l l s o f domestic p r o t e c t i o n ,
n o t be a p a r t y .
cannot d i v o r c e o u r a b i l i t y t o c r e a t e
this
Whether we l i k e i t o r n o t , we
new j o b s
from
our a b i l i t y t o
compete and win i n g l o b a l commerce.
But i f l a b o r ' s aim i s t o c r e a t e new jobs by b r e a k i n g down t h e w a l l s
t h a t keep U.S.-made goods from s e l l i n g abroad -- they w i l l f i n d no more
enthusiastic
partner
than
me.
Whether
i t ' s tariffs
i n Mexico o r
a n t i c o m p e t i t i v e p r a c t i c e s i n Japan - - I am committed t o b r e a k i n g down
t h e b a r r i e r s t o American goods and s e r v i c e s .
Let me a l s o speak t o my f r i e n d s i n t h e e n v i r o n m e n t a l
For
those
community.
groups t h a t have worked i n good f a i t h t o improve NAFTA, I
�pledge my c o n t i n u e d e f f o r t s .
But I cannot f i n d common cause w i t h those
groups t h a t b e l i e v e no t r a d e agreement can ever promote t h e environment,
t h a t commercial g a i n can come o n l y a t t h e expense o f t h e environment.
Having won t h e Cold War, today we face t h e more s u b t l e c h a l l e n g e o f
c o n s o l i d a t i n g our v i c t o r y .
For decades,
we have t a l k e d
markets i n L a t i n America.
t o do b o t h .
the
about p r o m o t i n g democracy and open
The NAFTA p r o v i d e s us a t a n g i b l e o p p o r t u n i t y
Passage o f NAFTA w i l l l o c k - i n a market economy t h r o u g h o u t
c o n t i n e n t , and s e t t h e tone f o r a hemisphere.
A t t h e same t i m e ,
i n c r e a s i n g t i e s between l a b o r and e n v i r o n m e n t a l groups i n Mexico and t h e
United States w i l l
f o s t e r democracy t h r o u g h f i r s t - p e r s o n exchange and
contact.
What happens i f NAFTA goes down?
our
send
R e j e c t i n g NAFTA would push away
f r i e n d s a t t h e v e r y moment they seek t o embrace o u r l e a d .
shock
Mexicans
waves t h r o u g h o u t t h e hemisphere,
t o purchase
American
goods,
reduce
stimulate
I t would
the a b i l i t y of
immigration,
undermine c o o p e r a t i o n on i s s u e s l i k e drugs and o i l .
and
That's why every
former S e c r e t a r y o f S t a t e a l i v e today s u p p o r t s NAFTA.
We have a r r i v e d a t a c r i t i c a l
doorstep
of a
new c e n t u r y ,
unprecedented change.
benefit
o f America's
we
juncture
confront
i n our h i s t o r y .
as a
nation
On t h e
an e r a o f
I am committed t o c h a n n e l i n g change f o r t h e
w o r k i n g people.
I n t h e best t r a d i t i o n
o f our
p a r e n t s , I am committed t o p a s s i n g o u r c h i l d r e n a b e t t e r America.
The debate over NAFTA i s t o o i m p o r t a n t f o r bumper s t i c k e r s and oneliners.
For what's a t s t a k e i n NAFTA i s more t h a n t r a d e ; i t ' s a choice
about our f u t u r e .
�I t ' s a c h o i c e between r e t r e a t i n g and competing i n t h e w o r l d .
I t ' s a choice between t h e p o l i t i c s o f f e a r -- and t h e p o l i t i c s o f
hope.
It's
a choice
between
diminishing
horizons
-- and expanding
markets.
I t ' s a c h o i c e between t h e o l d p o l i t i c s o f s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t
-- and
a new mandate f o r change.
Some people have t o l d me t h i s w i l l be an u p h i l l b a t t l e .
I don't mind b a t t l i n g
So be i t .
u p h i l l when what's a t s t a k e a r e American j o b s ,
American workers, American businesses, American growth, and American
leadership.
I n every g e n e r a t i o n , Americans have r i s e n t o t h e c h a l l e n g e o f t h e i r
time.
NAFTA embodies today's c h a l l e n g e , and we a r e going t o w i n .
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
002. memo
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
Micheal Waldman to Bill Daley, et al.; RE: Phone number and
personal [partial] (1 page)
nd
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number: 14477
FOLDER TITLE:
POTUS Remarks
2006-0469-F
dbl96l
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - (44 U.S.C. 2204(a)|
Freedom of Information Act - [S U.S.C. 552(b)]
PI National Security Classified Information 1(a)(1) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office 1(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA|
P5 Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(5) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy 1(a)(6) of the PRA|
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(1) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency 1(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute 1(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information |(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy 1(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes 1(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions 1(b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells 1(b)(9) of the FOIA]
C Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�To:
B i l l Daley
David Gergen
David Kusnet
David Dreyer
FR: Michael Waldman
Here's where I'm going wi
b v . f i r s t thing AM
I t ' s too long as i s .
Please l e t me know i f you have suggestions/qualms/questions.
( I t ' s not there yet, but tonally and s t r u c t u r a l l y t h i s i s where
I'm heading. I also want to steal a b i t more from Reich's
wonderful speech.)
Clinton Library Photocopy
�Waldman draft #1
SIGNING OF NAFTA SUPPLEMENTAL ACCORDS
September 14, 1993
Yesterday, we saw the sight of an old world dying, and a hopeful new one
being born. Peoples who for decades were caught in a cycle of war and frustration,
chose hope over fear.
Today we turn to face the challenge of change in our own hemisphere.
yfgjy^
In a few moments, I will sign three agreements that will complete our
negotiation with Mexico and Canada to create a North American Free Trade
Agreement, NAFTA. I n coming months, I will submit this pact to Congress for
approval. I will fight hard for its approval. And I have no doubt that i t will be
For NAFTA is necessary for American jobs, American leadership and
America's future.
We must first face frankly the world in which we live. Ours is an age in
which commerce is global and capital is mobile. As the century draws to a close,
the world is drawing closer together. Fifty years ago, an unchallenged American
economy was protected by the oceans and our technological superiority. But for
twenty years, the winds of global competition have buffeted American workers and
businesses. The world has changed. But too often, we have not.
The only way to pass prosperity on to our children is to make this new
world economy work for us -- not by pretending i t doesn't exist.
The only way to preserve American jobs i s f o r American workers to be the
/
Lined_and_jnost prodj-t€y^eJji_yie_w^rl^^^e"will never prosper by^rectmj^'
dis agairist competition. Even i f we wanted fro, we^ould not. f"We must compete,
not retreat. And we must lead the fight for open markets~alld"vigorous trade.
That is what the North American Free Trade Agreement is about. I t poses
the question of whether America's days of leadership are behind us, or ahead of
us. With NAFTA, we^iave clTOggg hope over fear.
Let me explain why I believe NAFTA is vital for the American economy,
American leadership and America's future.
Let me say at the outset: NAFTA means jobs -- good paying, American jobs.
If i t didn't, I wouldn't support it.
�NAFTA will create 200,000 new jobs for Americans over the first two years
alone. It will create 1 million new jobs in the first five years. This is many more
than might be lost to competition.
NAFTA will create jobs by fostering an export boom to Mexico. I t does this
primarily by tearing down tariff walls that keep our products out.
Mexico is a potentiallvaiassive marketfor American products. Already,
Mexican consumers buy more per capita from the United States than any other
consumers i n the world. /The average Mexican buys $450 worth of our goods -more than the average Japanese, German or even Canadian buys, / f f a f * >c^/rr
We have a taste of how NAFTA will work. I n recent years, Mexico has
already begun reducing its tarries. I n 1987, Mexico exported to the US $5.7 billion
more than we exported to them. Today, we have a $5.4 billion trade surplus.
Expanded exports to with Mexico have already created 400,000 new US jobs.
^fc^-Many Americans are worried that this agreement will increase the
movement of jobs south of the border. I believe with all my heart that i t will not.
/Businesses /io not choose where to locate based solely on wages. I f they did,
then Haiti and Bangladesh would be world export powers.
Businesses do choose where to locate based on the skills and productivity of
the workforce, the roads and railroads to deliver products, the communications
networks nearby. That is America's strength. And that will continue to be
America's strength.
Businesses choose to locate based on the skills and productivity of the
workforce, the infrastructure and transportation networks, and other factors. We
will still have an advantage in these areas.
Moreover, there are specific provisions i n the agreement that remove
current incentives to move south.
For example, today Mexican law requires U.S. automakers who want to sell
cars to Mexicans to build them in Mexico. Under NAFTA, cars made i n Detroit
can be sold in [Mexican city beginning with D]. This year, we will export only
1000 cars to Mexico. Under NAFTA, the Big Three auto makers expect to ship
60,000 cars to Mexico in the first year alone.
And in a few moments I will sign side agreements to NAFTA that will make
it harder than i t is today for businesses to relocate i n search of cheap wages or lax
environmental rules.
^
�The side agreement on the environment will, for the first time ever, apply
trade sanctions against any of these countries that fails to enforce its own
environmental laws.
The second ensures that Mexico enforces its laws i n areas that include
worker health and safety, child labor and minimum wage.
And the third agreement protects American industries against export
from one of our trading partners.
| ^ f e ^ >q ^ e ^ f - j ^
surges
p ^ ^ J i
Together.^efforts of two administrations have/created a trade agreement
IjL
that moves beyond traditional notions of free trade.\We have sought to ensure
(J
that trade pulls everybody up, not down. We have put the environment at the
center of this, and future, agreements. And we have sought to avoid a debilitating
contest for business where countries seek to lure businesses by slashing wages or
despoiling the environment.
NAFTA will create jobs thanks to trade with our neighbors, and that is
reason enough for Americans to support it.
But there are other reasons, too, that cut to the core of our national
interest.
NAFTA is -au-essential ©lenreftt in America's competitiveness with Europe
and Japan. This pact will create a free trade zone stretching from the Arctic to
the tropics -- the largest i n the world, a $6.5 million market of 370 million people.
This large market will let American businesses be more efficient, better to
compete with our rivals around the world.
And NAFTA is an essential element of American leadership i n the
hemisphere and world.
Having won the Cold War, today we face the more subtle challenge of
consolidating our victory.
For decades, we have preached greater democracy and open markets in
Latin America. NAFTA offers and opportunity to extend and cement these trends.
Passage of NAFTA will lock in a market economy throughout the continent, and
set our hemisphere on a path to growth.
NAFTA will reaffirm American leadership. That's why all five former
Presidents -- three of whom are here with me today -- support it.
N A I TA will be an engine of economic development. That's why forty one
governors - the officials who day i n and day out have to worry about providing
jobs for th dr citizens -- support it.
�NAFTA will improve our environment and that of Mexico. That's why
environmental organizations ranging from the Audobon Society to the Natural
Resources Defense Council support it.
NAFTA will expand jobs. That's why 285 leading economists, liberals and
conservatives, support i t -- including twelve Nobel Prize winners.
This is a new path, for a new era. So i t is not surprising that many
working Americans are worried about this agreement. Economic change has often
been cruel to the middle class over the past two decades. NAFTA imposes an
obligation on the government to ensure that American workers are the best
prepared i n the world, that any citizen who loses their job due to trade is given
assistance and training. We will propose a comprehensive worker training
program to serve as a platform of opportunity for those who need it.
'
Now, it is no secret that the Democratic party and the Republican party are
divided on this issue. But that is what happens in a time of change. Old alliances
give way, new forces take shape. When the new path is uncertain, people seek to
cling to the old way. Demagogues peddle fear -- and.NAFTA has already created a
boom among defeated politicians and demagogues. ////af'Pwg/r7~~
But leadership requires us to cut through the fog and to boldly move
forward.
The fight over NAFTA is not a contest between left and right, Democrats
and Republicans. I t is fundamentally a choice between hope and fear -- between
an America confidently facing the world, and an America past its prime, grimly
clinging to the old way in the hope that things will turn out all right.
I f our nation fails to rise to this occasion, i f we listen to the voices of the
past and spurn the promise of tomorrow, we will turn inward at the very moment
that the world looks to us for leadership.
If NAFTA is defeated, we risk destabilization, authoritarianism and a turn
from market reforms in Latin America.
We risk a world trading system where nations slam shut markets and build
walls of protectionism, leading to less trade and low growth. That's what
happened i n the 1930s.
And we will assuredly lose the opportunity to create jobs here at home.
America is an optimistic nation. We have been at our best when we
grappled with the day's challenges. The fight over NAFTA is fundamental this: i n
the face of change, will America flinch, or will i t compete and win.
�I believe that America will have the courage to make change our friend. I
believe that we will not turn away. Together, we will fight for NAFTA -- and we
will win. (OR SOME SUCH CODA)
��Waldman draft Monday PM
STATEMENT BY PRESIDENT CLINTON
ON SIGNING OF NAFTA SUPPLEMENTAL ACCORDS
September 14, 1993
I t is a distinct honor for me to be joined by my predecessor, President
George Bush, who took the major steps i n negotiating this agreement; President
Jimmy Carter, whose vision of hemispheric development inspires our efforts; and
President Gerald Ford, who has argued cogently for free trade and whose counsel I
value. We stand together because we all recognize the stakes for our nation.
Yesterday, we saw one mroe sign of the hopeful changes that are remaking
our world. Peoples who for decades were caught i n a cycle of war and frustration,
are choosing hope over fear.
Today we turn to face the challenge of change i n our own hemisphere.
In a few moments, I will sign three agreements that will complete our
negotiation with Mexico and Canada to create a North American Free Trade
Agreement, NAFTA. As soon as possible, I will submit this pact to Congress for
approval. I t will be a difficult fight, but I will be there every step of the way. We
will make our case as forcefully and compellingly as we can. And we will win.
Let me say at the outset: NAFTA means jobs -- good paying, American jobs.
If i t didn't, I wouldn't support i t .
alone.
NAFTA will create 200,000 new jobs for Americans over the first two years
This is many more than might be lost to competition.
There have been nineteen serious economic studies of NAFTA, by liberals
and conservatives alike. Eighteen of these concluded that NAFTA will not lead to
job loss. That's why twelve Nobel Prize winning economists say that NAFTA will
create jobs.
That is reason enough for Americans to support this agreement.
But there are other reasons, too, that cut to the core of our national
interest.
NAFTA is an essential element i n America's competitiveness with Europe
and Japan.
�Across the globe, our competitors are consolidating, creating huge trading
blocs.
This pact will create a free trade zone stretching from the Arctic to the
tropics -- the largest i n the world, a $6.5 million market of 370 million people.
This large market will let American businesses be more efficient, better to
compete with our rivals around the world.
And NAFTA is essential to American leadership i n the hemisphere and
world.
In the past, great Presidents knew that we faced the burden of hemispheric
leadership. Franklin Roosevelt built the Good Neighbor policy; John Kennedy
organized the Alliance for Progress.
Having won the Cold War, today we face the more subtle challenge of
consolidating our victory.
For decades, we have preached greater democracy and open markets in
Latin America. NAFTA offers and opportunity to extend and cement these trends.
Passage of NAFTA will encourage a market economy throughout the continent,
and set our hemisphere on a path to growth. I t is a historic opportunity to open
the gateway to Latin America.
This explains why the five living former president have come together in an
extraordinary display of unity to support NAFTA. Our philosophies are diverse,
and our points of views may differ. But we love our country. And we know that
America is at its best when America leads.
Fifty years ago, visionary statesmen built a new world economy out of the
rubble of World War I I . An America unrivaled as an economic power chose to
create a new world of free trade. As a result, global trade exploded -- $8.3 trillion
in 1960 to $20 trillion i n 1990 i n inflation-adjusted dollars. On this platform, the
prosperity and secuirit of the great American middle class was built.
Ours is now an era in which commerce is global and capital is mobile.
Investment or information can flash across the world in the flicker of a computer
screen. For two decades, the winds of global competition have buffeted American
workers and businesses. The world has changed. But i n too many ways, America
has not.
The only way to pass prosperity on to our children is to make this new
world economy work for us -- not to pretend i t doesn't exist.
�We will never thrive by erecting walls against competition. Even i f we
wanted to, we could not. The only way to preserve and create American jobs is for
American workers to be the best trained and most productive i n the world. We
must compete, not retreat. And we must lead the fight for open markets and
vigorous trade.
America has an opportunity -- and an obligation -- to once again create
prosperity at home by expanding trade abroad.
We are a trading nation. I n recent years, exports have been a rare bright
spot i n our economy. Over the past half decade, more than a third of our growth
was due to exports of goods and services. And trade-related jobs pay more than
other jobs.
NAFTA will generate export-related jobs by fostering an export boom to
Mexico. I t does this primarily by tearing down tariff walls that keep our products
out.
Mexico is a potentially massive market for American products. Already,
Mexican consumers buy more per capita from the United States than any other
consumers i n the world. The average Mexican buys $450 worth of our goods every
year -- more than the average Japanese, German or even Canadian buys [or, i f we
could say it: more than the average German, Swiss and Italian put together].
We have a taste of how NAFTA will work. Several years ago, Mexico
partially reduced its tariffs. I n 1987, Mexico exported to the US $5.7 billion more
than we exported to them. Today, we have a $5.4 billion trade surplus.
Expanded exports to with Mexico have already created 400,000 new US jobs.
Forty-eight out of fifty states boosted exports to Mexico over the past half
decade. Sales to Mexico of electronics and telecommunications equipment made in
California tripled. So did sales to Mexico of refined petroleum products made i n
Louisiana. And sales to Mexico of industrial machinery and computer equipment
made i n Illinois quadrupled during that time. These export explosions mean real
jobs for real workers. That is one reason why so many governors support the
trade pact.
Many Americans are worried that this agreement will increase the
movement of jobs south of the border. Demagogues have sought to exploit this
fear, but they prey on legitimate concerns.
After all, economic change has often been cruel to the middle class over the
past two decades. Hard working families worry that their jobs will leave, and that
they will bear the inevitable cost of progress without ever reaping the benefits.
�Friends and foes of NAFTA agree that the status quo is not satisfactory.
But they believe we can make things better by doing nothing. We believe that the
right kind of pact can make trade work for everyone.
We have negotiated side agreements that will make i t harder than i t is
today for businesses to relocate i n search of cheap wages or lax environmental
rules.
The side agreement on the environment will, for the first time ever, apply
trade sanctions against any of these countries that fails to enforce its own
environmental laws. This ecological breakthrough explains why NAFTA is
supported by environmental groups ranging from the Audubon Society to the
Natural Resources Defense Council.
The second side agreement ensures that Mexico enforces its laws i n areas
that include worker health and safety, child labor and minimum wage.
And the third agreement protects American industries against export surges
from one of our trading partners.
Even with these side agreements, we must do more. I n the global economy,
our country must ensure that oru people are the best educated, the best trained,
and the healthiest i n the world. NAFTA underscores the urgency of investing in
the American people and preparing them for the high-skill, high-wage jobs taht
this agreement will create. That is one more reason why we are proposing a
comprehensive worker training program to empower every working man and
woman to compete and win in the new marketplace.
Together, efforts of the last two administrations have created a trade
agreement that moves beyond traditional notions of free trade. We have sought to
ensure that trade pulls everybody up, instead of dragging anybody down. We have
put the environment at the center of this, and future, agreements. And we have
sought to avoid a debilitating contest for business where countries seek to lure
businesses by slashing wages or despoiling the environment.
I am well aware that this trade pact is controversial.
It is no secret that both the Democratic party and the Republican party are
divided on this issue. But that is what happens i n a time of change. Old alliances
give way; new forces take shape; long-familiar terrain takes on a new aspect.
When the new path is uncertain, people seek to cling to the old way.
�But leadership forces us to cut through the fog, to boldly embrace the
national interest. We must put aside labels of party and pull together for our
country.
That is what the North American Free Trade Agreement is about. The
debate over NAFTA poses the question of whether America's days of leadership
are behind us, or ahead of us -- whether we will confidently compete, or grimly
retreat.. By choosing NAFTA, we will choose hope over fear.
This may be an uphill fight. So be it. I don't mind an uphill fight when
what's at stake are American jobs, American workers, American businesses,
American growth, and American leadership.
In every generation, Americans have risen to the challenge of their time.
NAFTA emobdies today's challenge. And I am confident that we will prevail.
�MEMORANDUM FOR: CIRCULATION
FROM:
MICHAEL WALDMAN
SUBJECT:
NAFTA REMARKS
Here is the latest iteration of NAFTA remarks.
It's too long . . .
We need to incisively define the opposition (as yesterday's men, or
whatever) . . .
There are some facts that need to be checked . . .
I can be reached at x7151 or in NAFTAland.
That is what the North American Free Trade Agreement is about. The debate
over NAFTA poses the question of whether America's days of leadership are
behind us, or ahead of us. By choosing NAFTA, we will choose hope over fear.
�
Dublin Core
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Title
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Michael Waldman
Description
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<p>Michael Waldman was Assistant to the President and Director of Speechwriting from 1995-1999. His responsibilities were writing and editing nearly 2,000 speeches, which included four State of the Union speeches and two Inaugural Addresses. From 1993 -1995 he served as Special Assistant to the President for Policy Coordination.</p>
<p>The collection generally consists of copies of speeches and speech drafts, talking points, memoranda, background material, correspondence, reports, handwritten notes, articles, clippings, and presidential schedules. A large volume of this collection was for the State of the Union speeches. Many of the speech drafts are heavily annotated with additions or deletions. There are a lot of articles and clippings in this collection.</p>
<p>Due to the size of this collection it has been divided into two segments. Use links below for access to the individual segments:<br /><a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=43&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=2006-0469-F+Segment+1">Segment One</a><br /><a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=43&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=2006-0469-F+Segment+2">Segment Two</a></p>
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Michael Waldman
Office of Speechwriting
Date
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1993-1999
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2006-0469-F
Extent
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Segment One contains 1071 folders in 72 boxes.
Segment Two contains 868 folders in 66 boxes.
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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paper
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POTUS Remarks
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Office of Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
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Box 51
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36404"> Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7763296">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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2006-0469-F Segment 2
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White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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Preservation-Reproduction-Reference
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6/3/2015
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7763296
42-t-7763296-20060469F-Seg2-051-005-2015