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PHOTOCOPY
PRESERVATION
�THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
March 11,1997
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN ADDRESS TO THE CONFERENCE ON FREE TV AND POLITICAL REFORM
The National Press Club
11:12 A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. What a gift. (Laughter.) Thank you, Walter Cronkite.
Thank you, Paul Taylor, for your passion and your commitment. Thank you, Senator McCain,
Chairman Hundt, Ann McBride, Becky Cain. And thank you, Barry Diller, for what you have
said about this important issue.
I am delighted to have the chance to come here today, and I thank the sponsors of this
event.
Again, let me say that I participated in the last election in the free television offered by
the networks, thanks to the efforts of Paul Taylor and Walter Cronkite and the members of the
Straight Talk Coalition. Senator Dole and I were given a unique opportunity to talk directly to
the voters - no gimmicks, noflashygraphics, a full minute or two at a time. And I really
enjoyed it. I put a lot of effort into those opportunities, and I'm sure that Senator Dole did as
well. I felt that they were a great gift.
And Walter and I had a talk backstage before we came out about how it might even be
done better in the next round of elections. Maybe my opinions will carry more weight on such
matters since I never expect to run again for anything. And I do believe that the free television
was a very important thing. I think if it could be done, as we were discussing, at the same time
every evening on a given network, and back to back so that the candidates can be seen in a
comparative context, I think it would be even more valuable.
We have to do some things to improve the way our political system works at election
time and the way it communicates, or its leaders communicate, to people all year round. This
should not be surprising to anyone. The Founding Fathers understood that we were an
experiment. We're still around after all of these years because we have relished the idea that we
are an experiment, that America is a work in progress, that we're constantly in the making. We
always have to change.
�A lot of good things have happened to expand participation in the political system from
the time we were a new nation, when only white male property owners could vote, and we have
to make some more changes now. But if you look at the changes which have been made in the
last 200 years, we should be hopeful.
Television has the power to expand the franchise or to shrink the franchise. Indeed, that
is true of all means of communications and all media. We know that television is a profound
and powerful force; we know that we don't fully understand all of its implications - even what
you said, Walter, we don't really know what the connection is between television and a
diminished voter turnout. It could be because there is a poll on television every night that tells
people about the election, so some people think that there's no point in their voting, because the
person they're for is going to win anyway, or the person they're for can't win anyway.
We need to think about that, and that's not the subject of this meeting, but we need to «
we really need — all of us need more information, more research, about why people vote and why
they don't vote. There was a very — I've only seen one survey, done I believe for the Democratic
Leadership Council, of the nonvoters. It's a poll that doesn't pay off. You know, it was done,
after the election, of the nonvoters. But it was very interesting, and some of the findings were
quite counterintuitive about why people did or didn't vote. But I would urge those of you who
are interested in it to get that, look at it, and think about what new work could be done
to look into that.
Today, we want to talk about whether the medium of free television could be used to
diminish the impact of excessive money in politics and about whether it could still be used,
therefore, to reform our system in a way that makes it better, and ultimately that leads to better
decisions for the American people. It is now commonplace - everybody will tell you -- that
campaigns cost too much and it takes too much time to raise the money, and the more money you
raise from a larger number of people, the more questions will be raised about that.
Major party committees spent over three times as much in this last election cycle as four
years before. And that doesn't count the third party expenditures, both the genuinely independent
third party committees and those that weren't really independent although they claim to be.
Spending in Congressional campaigns has risen six-fold in the last two decades. That's over
three times the rate of inflation.
The biggest reason for this is the rise in the cost of television. But, of course, there is
also now more money being spent on mail, on telephoning, on radio and other print advertising
as well.
In 1972, candidates spent $25 million for political ads; in 1996, $400 million.
Presidential campaigns now routinely spend two-thirds or more of their money on paid ads;
Senate candidates, 42 percent of their money on television; House races, about a third.
�Interestingly enough, that's often because there is no single television market which just overlaps
a House district and often the cost is prohibitive, particularly in the urban districts. But you
get the drift, it's the same everywhere.
We are the only major democracy in the world where candidates have to raise larger and
larger sums of money simply to communicate with voters through the medium that matters most.
Every other major democracy offers candidates or parties free air time to speak to voters, and we
can plainly do better, building on the big first step urged by this group in 1996. We have an
obligation to restore our campaign finance system to a system that has the broad confidence of
the American people but also of the American press that comments on it. In order to do that,
television has to be part of the solution. I have said before and I will say again, everybody who
has been involved in this system has to take responsibility for it and for changing it.
Those of us in public life know better than anybody else what the demands of prevailing
in the present system are, and those who control the airwaves understand it well also. First and
most fundamentally, I came here to support Senator McCain. We have to take advantage of this
year to pass campaign finance reform. The campaign finance laws are two decades out of date.
They have been overtaken by events, by dramatic changes in the nature and cost of campaigns
and the flood of money that has followed them. The money has been raised and spent in ways
that simply could not have been imagined when the people who fashioned the last campaign
finance law in Congress did it.
They did the best they could, and I will say again, I believe that they did a good thing
and that that law did improve the financing of our campaigns and restored a level of confidence
to our politics and made things better. It is simply that time has changed and we need new
changes to reflect the things that have happened in the last 20 years.
It will not be easy to do this, but the situation is far from hopeless. After all, the first
thing I want to say is, the American people do care about this, and our politics, I think, in terms
of traditional honesty, is getting better, not worse. I have asked over a dozen people just in the
last two years who have been living in Washington for the last 30 years, who have been in
politics ~ the most recent person I asked was Senator Dole — whether politics was more or less
honest today than it was 30 years ago, and all 12 or 15 ~ however many I asked — all gave the
same answer. They said it's more honest today than it was 30 years ago. I think that's where we
have to start.
It is important to put this in the proper perspective if you want people in Congress to
vote to change it. They cannot be asked to admit that they are doing something that they're not,
or that they are participating in dragging the country down the drain, because anybody who
knows what went on 30 years ago and what goes on today would have to say that the system is
still better than it was then.
On the other hand, anybody who denied that, at an exponential pace, changes are
3
�occurring which imperil the integrity of the electoral process and the financing of campaigns
would also be badly amiss.
The second thing I'd like to say is, we should be hopeful because we have seen over the
last four years in other contexts real bipartisan processes to improve the way politics works ~ not
in campaign finance reform, but there was bipartisan support for the motor voter law, for the
lobby disclosure overhaul that was the first one in 50 years, in which Congress banned meals and
gifts from lobbyists to lawmakers but also required much more disclosure. And that's the most
important thing. When you get 100 percent disclosure of an area where there hasn't been any
before, then that offers all of you in the press the opportunity to communicate to the American
people what the activities of lobbyists are and to let them and you draw your own conclusions in
terms of the results produced by decision-makers. We've required Congress to live under the
same that they impose upon the private sector.
Every single one of these things has happened in the last four years with broad,
bipartisan support. So I think it is very, very important that we recognize this will not happen
unless there is bipartisan support. But there is evidence that if the environment is right, if the
support is deep enough, if the calls are strong enough and positive enough, we can get this kind
of change.
Now, let me also say that I think it's important to make this point, because I see all these
surveys that say that campaign finance reform is important to people, but if you rank it on a list
of 10 things, it will always rank 10th behind balancing the budget, education and all this. That
can be used by politicians as an excuse, if you will, not to deal with it. They say, well, look at
all these surveys. Campaign finance reform ~ sure, people like it — but it's not as important to
them as whether we'll have national standards for reading and math, for example ~ one of my
passions.
What we have to do is to make a connection between the two for the American people.
What we have to argue is, yes, we really need to be up here doing the public's business. We need
to be balancing the budget, improving education, reforming welfare, expanding health care
coverage to children who don't have it, passing a juvenile justice reform — the kinds of things
that I'm passionately interested in.
But having the right kind of campaign finance reform system and having the right kind
of straight talk on television and having issues be more ~ elections be more issue-oriented and
having the debates of both sides heard clearly by all people and increasing voter interest and
voter turnout ~ all these things will increase the likelihood that this laundry list of good things
will be done and will be done in better fashion than would otherwise be the case. I think it is
very important that those of you who care about this make this connection because that's how to
build broad and deep support for this endeavor.
It seems to me that we do have an historic opportunity to pass campaign finance reform.
4
�And I think the public owes a lot of gratitude to Senator McCain and Senator Feingold and
Congressman Shays and Congressman Meehan and all of their supporters for the legislation they
have offered. It is real and tough. It would level the playing field and reduce the role of big
money in politics. It would set voluntary limits on campaign spending and ban soft money, all
corporate contributions, and the very large individual ones. It would restrict the role of political
action committees and lobbyists and make needed reforms within the confines of the constitution
as defined by existing Supreme Court case law.
In all these ways, it would set ceilings on money in politics and, just as important, it
would also provide a floor. And I think that is very important ~ it would also provide a floor.
You actually have some members in Congress who come from districts where there's a very low
per capita income, for example, who are very afraid of campaign finance reform because they're
afraid, among their own constituents, they'll never be able to raise enough money in their district
to compete the first time a multi-millionaire runs against them.
So the law has to give a floor. And McCain-Feingold does that by giving candidates free
air time to talk directly to the voters if they observe the spending limits of the law. And we need
to emphasize that any ceiling law should have a floor to guarantee that people have their say and
are heard. It gives candidates deeply discounted rates for the purchase of time if they observe the
limits of the law.
In all these ways, it will level the playing field, giving new voices a chance to be heard
and being fair to both parties.
I have supported the idea of free TV time for many years. When the Vice President was
in Congress, he actually introduced legislation to require it. It was first proposed by President
Kennedy in 1962. It has been around long enough. We now tried it in the last election more than
ever before, and we know that it advances the public interest.
In my State of the Union address, I asked Congress to pass the McCain-Feingold bill by
July the 4th, the day we celebrate the birth of our democracy. I pledge to you that I will continue
to work with members of both parties to do this. I will be mustering more support out in the
country, and that will be announced over the next few weeks, for this endeavor.
We have to use the present intense interest in this, as well as the controversy over
fundraising in the last election and all the publicity on it, as a spur to action. We cannot let it
become what it is in danger of becoming, which is an excuse for inaction.
And that again is something that I challenge all of you on. Do not let the controversies
become an excuse to do nothing and to wallow around in it. Use it as a spur to changing the
system, because until you change the system, you will continue to have controversies over the
amount ~ the sheer amount ~ of money that is raised in these elections.
�The second thing I'd like to discuss is what Walter talked about in some detail, and that
is how broadcasters can meet their public interest obligations in this era. Ever since the FCC
was created, broadcasters have had a compact with the public: in return for the public airwaves,
they must meet public interest obligations. The bargain has been good for the industry and good
for the public.
Now, startling new technologies are shaking and remaking the world of
telecommunications. They've opened wider opportunities for broadcasters than ever before, but
they also offer us the chance to open wider vistas for our democracy as well.
The move from analog signals to digital ones will give each broadcaster much more
signal capacity than they have today. The broadcasters asked Congress to be given this new
access to the public airwaves without charge. I believe, therefore, it is time to update the
broadcasters' public interest obligations to meet the demands of the new times and the new
technological realities. I believe broadcasters who receive digital licenses should provide free air
time for candidates, and I believe the FCC should act to require free air time for candidates.
The telecommunications revolution can help to transform our system so that once again
voters have the loudest voice in our democracy. Free time for candidates can help free our
democracy from the grip of big money. I hope all of you will support that. There are many ways
that this could be done. Many of you here have put forward innovative plans. I believe the free
time should be available to all qualified federal candidates. I believe it should give candidates a
chance to talk directly to the voters without gimmicks or intermediaries. Because campaign
finance reform is so important, I believe it should be available especially to candidates who limit
their own spending. It is clear under the Supreme Court decision that this can be done, and I
believe that is how it should be done.
Candidates should be able to talk to voters based on the strength of their ideas, not the
size of their pocketbooks, and all voters should know that no candidate is kept from running
simply because he or she cannot raise enormous amounts of funds.
Last month, the Vice President announced that we would create an independent advisory
committee of experts, industry representatives, public interest advocates, and others to
recommend what steps to take. Before I came over here today, I signed an executive order
creating that committee. The balanced panel I will appoint will advise me on ways we can move
forward and make a judgment as to what the new public interest obligations of broadcasters
might be. But today, let us simply agree on the basic premise. In 1997, for broadcasters, serving
the public should mean enhancing our democracy.
Finally, let me challenge the broadcasters as well. Broadcasters are not the problem, but
broadcasting must be the solution. The step the broadcasters took in this last election, as I have
said over and over again in other forums, with the encouragement of Straight Talk for TV, was a
real breakthrough. Now I ask broadcasters to follow up on this experiment in democracy, and
�I'm especially pleased that a leader in the industry, Barry Diller, has challenged his colleagues to
open up the airwaves to candidates. He has made clear ~ forcefully and very publicly - that he
and all of his colleagues have an obligation to society. And his presence here today makes it
clear that he is willing to assume the mantle of leadership. But surely there are others — I know
there are - who will gladly join in and take up this cause as well.
There are many questions about political reform. Many skeptics will look at all
proposed reform measures and ask whether they'll work and whether there will be unintended
consequences. The truth is that they will work and there will be unintended consequences.
But if we use that for an excuse not to change, no good change in this country would
ever have come about. There will always be something we cannot foresee — that's what makes
life interesting and keeps us all humble — but that must not be an excuse for our refusing to act in
this area. We know ~ we know ~ when we work to expand our democracy, when you give
people a greater voice and advocates of all political views a firm platform upon which to stand,
we are moving forward as a nation. By passing campaignfinancereform, by renewing the
compact between broadcasters and the public to better serve in this new era, we can do that
again.
And I will say again, I will do all I can on both these fronts - on campaign finance
reform legislation and on requiring free availability of the airwaves to public candidates. We
need your support for both, and we need broader and more intense public support. And again I
say, that has to be built by demonstrating to the public that this is not an inside-the-beltway
exercise and both parties trying to find ways to undermine each other, but a necessary way of
opening our democracy so that we can better, more quickly, and more profoundly address the
real challenges facing the American people in their everyday lives.
These two steps will help, and together I hope we can make them this year. Thank you
very much. (Applause.)
Q
Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT: Hello, Sarah.
Q
I want to know — you said that you would not have been reelected —
THE PRESIDENT: - I think -- probably I might have been, because I'm the President
and a President has unusual access to the public. And you have the presidential debates, which
are unique in terms of their viewership and their potential impact. But I believe that if you just
look at the races for Congress and the number of votes that changed just in the last five days, and
how the votes were counted when the votes changed and the movement changed, there is no
question that the amount of money deployed in an intelligent way can have a profound impact on
the outcome of these elections. And what you want to do is to make sure that everybody has the
�same fair chance at the voters and nobody has an excessive chance. And given the Supreme
Court cases, the way the McCain-Feingold bill is drawn up, plus the effort to get more free air
time, are the best responses to overcome the undue influence of excessive money.
Thank you very much. (Applause.)
END
11:35 A.M.
�THE
WHITE HOUSE
O f f i c e o f the Press S e c r e t a r y
For Immediate Release
October 5, 1994
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT RECEPTION FOR THE AFRICAN PRIZE FOR
LEADERSHIP FOR THE SUSTAINABLE END OF HUNGER
Omni Shoreham H o t e l
Washington, D. C.
6:56
P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you so v e r y much f o r t h a t warm
welcome. I've had a g r e a t two days -- I l i k e b e i n g on Nelson
Mandela's c o a t t a i l s .
(Applause.)
I was s i t t i n g t h e r e l i s t e n i n g t o the S e c r e t a r y o f
Commerce i n t r o d u c e me, and i t got more and more and more
generous. And f o r a moment, I was almost c a r r i e d away.
(Laughter.) Then I remembered what a s t e r l i n g example t h a t was
of C l i n t o n ' s T h i r d Law o f P o l i t i c s , which i s , whenever p o s s i b l e ,
be i n t r o d u c e d by someone you've a p p o i n t e d t o h i g h o f f i c e .
(Laughter and applause.)
I am d e l i g h t e d t o be here w i t h P r e s i d e n t Mandela, Her
M a j e s t y Queen Noor, Mr. S e c r e t a r y General, Mr. Kakizawa, Madame
P r e s i d e n t , Mr. Chester, Chief Anyaoku, and a l l o f you.
I want t o say a s e r i o u s word o f thanks t o Ron Brown not
o n l y f o r h i s i n t r o d u c t i o n , but f o r the work he has a l r e a d y begun
t o do w i t h h i s c o u n t e r p a r t i n South A f r i c a , w i t h t h e U.S.-South
A f r i c a Business Development Committee, w i t h the work he has done
a l l across t h e w o r l d t o promote the i n t e r e s t o f our c o u n t r y . I
t h i n k i t i s no e x a g g e r a t i o n t o say, as many businesspeople o f
b o t h p a r t i e s have s a i d t o me, t h a t he i s t h e f i n e s t S e c r e t a r y o f
Commerce i n decades; and we a p p r e c i a t e him v e r y much.
(Applause.)
S e c r e t a r y Brown and s e v e r a l o f you whom I see here, a l o n g
w i t h t h e V i c e P r e s i d e n t and Mrs. Gore and the F i r s t Lady, were
p a r t o f t h e d e l e g a t i o n t h a t r e p r e s e n t e d the U n i t e d S t a t e s and t h e
P r e s i d e n t a t t h e swearing i n o f P r e s i d e n t Mandela l a s t s p r i n g .
I t was a t r i u m p h a n t moment f o r him and f o r h i s c o u n t r y . To see
someone who had s a c r i f i c e d so much f o r so l o n g i n t h e f i g h t f o r
freedom f i n a l l y wind up i n the d r i v e r ' s seat r e a l l y made a l l o f
us b e l i e v e , as I s a i d today t o the Congressional Black Caucus,
t h a t some dreams r e a l l y do come t r u e .
(Applause.)
�I t h i n k i t i m p o r t a n t t o say, as I f e l t a g a i n today when
P r e s i d e n t Mandela and I were a t our press conference and I l o o k e d
at him t h e r e w i t h h i s d e l e g a t i o n from a l l segments of South
A f r i c a n s o c i e t y , t h a t h i s v i c t o r y was a v i c t o r y f o r a l l South
A f r i c a n s , w i t h o u t r e g a r d t o race or p o l i t i c a l p a r t y , f o r t h e y
were a l l f r e e d of the o p p r e s s i o n ; t h e y were a l l f r e e d o f t h e
d i v i s i o n ; t h e y were a l l f r e e d of a p a r t h e i d -- i t made s l a v e s o f
them a l l , and now t h e y are a l l f r e e .
(Applause.)
I'm honored t o be here w i t h you t o n i g h t because of t h i s
award you have g i v e n so d e s e r v i n g l y t o t h e P r e s i d e n t . C l e a r l y as
South A f r i c a n s go f o r w a r d , t h e y face many, many c h a l l e n g e s -- the
legacy o f over t h r e e c e n t u r i e s o f a p a r t h e i d ; t h e c h a l l e n g e o f
i l l i t e r a c y ; t h e c h a l l e n g e of homelessness; t h e c h a l l e n g e o f
j o b l e s s n e s s ; t h e c h a l l e n g e t o improve the h e a l t h care system.
But one of t h e most p r o f o u n d c h a l l e n g e s , c l e a r l y , i s t h e
c h a l l e n g e o f hunger. Perhaps America's g r e a t e s t champion o f t h i s
cause i n r e c e n t h i s t o r y was the l a t e Congressman Mickey Leland,
who was a good f r i e n d o f mine.
(Applause.) He was once asked
what a guy from Texas was d o i n g spending so much t i m e t r y i n g t o
end hunger i n A f r i c a . And he s a i d -- and I quote -- "I'm as much
a c i t i z e n of t h i s w o r l d as I am of my c o u n t r y . "
(Applause.)
C l e a r l y , t h a t a p p l i e s w i t h equal f o r c e t o many o f you who
are here t o n i g h t , e x p l a i n s why you're so devoted t o t h i s p r o j e c t
and why y o u r work i s so i m p o r t a n t . Your programs have made us
more aware of the p e r s i s t e n c e of s t a r v a t i o n i n a l l c o r n e r s o f the
g l o b e . A l r e a d y you are h e l p i n g people i n more t h a n 25 n a t i o n s t o
h e l p themselves t o end t h e i r hunger; and as you say i n y o u r p r i z e
here, "on a s u s t a i n a b l e b a s i s . " The U n i t e d S t a t e s i s i n y o u r
debt f o r y o u r work.
Now P r e s i d e n t Mandela, having won t h e v i c t o r y o f freedom,
must see t h a t i t bears f r u i t . And a l l of us must do what we can
t o see t h a t he succeeds.
(Applause.) As we work t o s u p p o r t h i s
e f f o r t s and t h e e f f o r t s of a l l South A f r i c a n s t o b u i l d a new
n a t i o n , we know t h a t d e a l i n g w i t h hunger i s an i m p o r t a n t p a r t of
t h e i r mission.
I n my meetings w i t h P r e s i d e n t Mandela t h i s week, we
o u t l i n e d t h e steps we would take t o i n c r e a s e our s t r o n g s u p p o r t
f o r South A f r i c a , i n c l u d i n g h e l p i n g t o f i g h t t h e problem of
hunger. We w i l l support South A f r i c a ' s p l a n s f o r n u t r i t i o n
programs; f o r school l u n c h programs; f o r l a n d r e f o r m s ; f o r
expansion o f c l e a n water and s a n i t a t i o n e f f o r t s ; f o r r u r a l
development. Peace Corps v o l u n t e e r s w i l l h e l p t o p r o v i d e
a s s i s t a n c e w i t h a g r i c u l t u r e and food p r o d u c t i o n p r o j e c t s .
We
know t h a t t h e people of America must a c t on t h e p r i d e and t h e
s t i r r i n g s t h a t were awakened i n us by what has o c c u r r e d i n South
A f r i c a . We know t h a t we cannot c o n f i n e our a t t e n t i o n t o South
A f r i c a a l o n e ; t h a t we have f o r t o o l o n g i n t h i s n a t i o n i g n o r e d
t h e v a s t p o t e n t i a l as w e l l as the s o l v a b l e problems o f t h e
African continent.
(Applause.)
�Our c o u n t r y has shown i t s concern by t h e a c t i o n s we took
i n Somalia; t h e work we have done so r e c e n t l y i n Rwanda; by t h e
Conference on A f r i c a , which we h e l d a t t h e White House r e c e n t l y ;
by a l l t h e t h i n g s t h a t we are t r y i n g t o do t o h e i g h t e n t h e
awareness o f t h e problems and promise o f A f r i c a here i n t h e
United States.
We are a l s o committed t o work on t r y i n g t o a v e r t some
t r a g e d i e s b e f o r e t h e y occur. Most r e c e n t l y , we have worked a l o t
on p l a n n i n g what we might do t o a v e r t what many p r e d i c t w i l l be a
t e r r i b l e c r i s i s i n the Horn o f A f r i c a . T h i s i s t h e s o r t o f t h i n g
the U n i t e d S t a t e s ought t o be d o i n g .
I t w i l l make us a b e t t e r
p a r t n e r w i t h t h e hunger p r o j e c t because we cannot approach A f r i c a
without d e a l i n g w i t h t h i s issue.
I have s a i d from the b e g i n n i n g o f my a d m i n i s t r a t i o n t h a t
our m i s s i o n i n t h e w o r l d was t o promote freedom and democracy;
t h a t t h a t would i n c r e a s e our own s e c u r i t y because f r e e people
w i t h democratic governments do not have time o r the i n c l i n a t i o n
t o go t o war w i t h each o t h e r , t o break t h e i r word, o r t o
o t h e r w i s e meddle i n t h i n g s t h a t undermine human p o t e n t i a l -- t h e y
are always t o o busy t r y i n g t o i n c r e a s e t h e human p o t e n t i a l o f
those whom t h e y r e p r e s e n t . But i t has been s a i d t h a t a hungry
man i s not a f r e e man.
So i f we seek freedom and democracy, we
must f i r s t a l s o seek t o meet the b a s i c needs t h a t God meant f o r
a l l people t o have met i n t h i s w o r l d , wherever t h e y l i v e ,
whatever t h e i r race, whatever t h e i r s t a t i o n - - e s p e c i a l l y t h e
children.
(Applause.)
Let me say t o you t h a t I have had a marvelous t i m e w i t h
P r e s i d e n t Mandela. We have t a l k e d about a l o t o f t h i n g s .
We
have t o l d s t o r i e s . One of the t h i n g s t h a t I f i n d t h a t our
c u l t u r e s have i n common i s the compulsion o f i t s p o l i t i c i a n s t o
t e l l good j o k e s , o f t e n on themselves.
(Laughter.) We've even
d i s c u s s e d t h e h i s t o r y o f b o x i n g i n the w o r l d over t h e l a s t 60
years
something t h e P r e s i d e n t knows a good d e a l more about
than I do; a l t h o u g h I knew enough t o keep up.
(Laughter.)
Let me c l o s e w i t h t h i s t h o u g h t . Nelson Mandela --perhaps
h i s most remarkable achievement was t h a t he spent 27 years as a
p r i s o n e r and came out the f r e e s t o f a l l people.
(Applause.)
And so I say t o you, Mr. P r e s i d e n t , as we p a r t f o r t h e
l a s t t i m e and I go about my business and you go about y o u r s , t h i s
morning I woke b e f o r e dawn t h i n k i n g about the meeting we would
have today. And I asked God t o f r e e me o f a l l t h e p e t t y
resentments, the n e g a t i v e t h o u g h t s , a l l the t h i n g s t h a t crowd i n
on a l l o f us who b e l i e v e from time t o time t h a t l i f e i s not
e x a c t l y as i t should be and get f r u s t r a t e d when we cannot make i t
t h a t way; because n e i t h e r I nor anyone e l s e I have ever known has
ever f a c e d the s p i r i t u a l c r i s i s you must have f a c e d so many
t i m e s . And w i t h each succeeding week and month and year, you
reached deeper and deeper and deeper i n y o u r s e l f f o r t h e u l t i m a t e
�truth.
As you have f e d your s p i r i t , l e t us feed t h e w o r l d .
C o n g r a t u l a t i o n s , s i r , and thank you.
(Applause.)
END7:09 P.M.
EDT
�For Immediate Release
October 4, 1994
REMARKS BY PRESIDENT CLINTON
AND PRESIDENT NELSON MANDELA OF SOUTH AFRICA
AT ARRIVAL CEREMONY
The South Lawn
11:15
A.M. EDT
PRESIDENT CLINTON: P r e s i d e n t Mandela, members o f t h e
South A f r i c a n d e l e g a t i o n , d i s t i n g u i s h e d g u e s t s , my f e l l o w
Americans.
We a r e here t o welcome Nelson Mandela back t o t h e
U n i t e d S t a t e s ; b u t , f i r s t , t o t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s as t h e P r e s i d e n t
of h i s n a t i o n .
(Applause.)
Now, a l l over t h e w o r l d , t h e r e a r e t h r e e words which,
spoken t o g e t h e r , express t h e t r i u m p h o f freedom, democracy and
hope f o r t h e f u t u r e . They a r e " P r e s i d e n t Nelson Mandela."
(Applause.) I n you, s i r , we see p r o o f t h a t t h e human s p i r i t can
never be crushed. For a h a l f c e n t u r y , you pursued your i d e a l s ,
k e e p i n g your promise never t o s u r r e n d e r , r i s k i n g a l l , d e s p i t e
danger.
For 27 y e a r s , we watched you from your p r i s o n c e l l
i n s p i r e m i l l i o n s o f your people w i t h your s p i r i t and y o u r words.
And when you emerged, i n s t e a d o f r e t r i b u t i o n f o r p a s t wrong, you
sought peace and freedom and e q u a l i t y f o r your people.
You a r e l i v i n g p r o o f t h a t t h e f o r c e s o f j u s t i c e and
r e c o n c i l i a t i o n can b r i d g e any d i v i d e .
(Applause.) Every day,
you t e a c h t h e w o r l d t h a t those who b u i l d t r i u m p h over those who
t e a r down; t h a t those who t e a r down, t h a t those who u n i t e can
a c t u a l l y p r e v a i l over those who would d i v i d e . Your presence here
and t h e g r o w t h o f a new South A f r i c a a r e s t e r n rebukes t o b o t h
the d e s t r o y e r s and t h e c y n i c s o f t h i s w o r l d .
The s t r u g g l e i n South A f r i c a has always had a s p e c i a l
p l a c e i n t h e h e a r t o f America.
For, a f t e r a l l , we f o u g h t o u r own
most t e r r i b l e war here i n our own l a n d over s l a v e r y . And o u r own
c i v i l r i g h t s movement has t a k e n s t r e n g t h and i n s p i r a t i o n from,
and g i v e n a i d t o your f i g h t f o r l i b e r t y . Americans t a k e g r e a t
p r i d e i n t h e r o l e we p l a y e d i n h e l p i n g t o o v e r t u r n a p a r t h e i d , and
i n s u p p o r t i n g t h e f r e e e l e c t i o n s which produced your p r e s i d e n c y .
(Applause.)
Now we a r e w o r k i n g w i t h you t o b u i l d t h e new South
Africa.
The c h a l l e n g e s you face -- p o v e r t y , j o b l e s s n e s s ,
homelessness, t h e d e s p a i r borne o f l o n g years o f d e p r i v a t i o n -are as l a r g e as t h e y a r e d i f f i c u l t .
But we know you w i l l f o r g e
�ahead, and we know t h a t we, here i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s , w i l l a l s o
be b e t t e r f o r your progress f o r a t h r i v i n g South A f r i c a , s p u r r i n g
g r e a t e r p r o s p e r i t y throughout the r e g i o n , opening new markets.
That makes us more prosperous, t o o . And a s t a b l e and democratic
South A f r i c a , w o r k i n g w i t h i t s neighbors t o r e s t o r e and m a i n t a i n
t h e peace; t h a t makes us more secure as w e l l . And perhaps most
i m p o r t a n t o f a l l , i n t h i s age of e t h n i c , r e l i g i o u s and r a c i a l
s t r i f e t h e w o r l d over, you can be our p a r t n e r and, t o g e t h e r , our
two n a t i o n s can show the w o r l d t h a t t r u e s t r e n g t h i s found when
we come t o g e t h e r d e s p i t e our d i f f e r e n c e s .
We know, and you know, t h a t d i v e r s i t y and p r o g r e s s can go
hand-in-hand. Indeed, t h a t t h e y must do so i f we are t o g i v e a l l
our people t h e chance t o f u l f i l l t h e i r God-given p o t e n t i a l .
Mr. P r e s i d e n t , you have brought f o r t h a
conceived i n l i b e r t y and d e d i c a t e d t o e q u a l i t y .
American people welcome you here, and we s a l u t e
achievement. We pledge, as you have pledged -t h a t we w i l l walk every m i l e w i t h you, and t h a t
weary on t h e way.
new n a t i o n ,
Today, t h e
your stunning
(applause) -we w i l l not grow
I say t o a l l of you here, "Nkosi, s i k e l e l e A f r i c a . "
b l e s s A f r i c a , and God b l e s s America.
(Applause.)
God
PRESIDENT MANDELA: South A f r i c a i s l o c a t e d many
thousands o f m i l e s away from the U n i t e d S t a t e s . What happens
t h e r e ought t o be no i n t e r e s t t o the people of t h i s c o u n t r y .
You
f o u g h t t h e b a t t l e s o f freedom and won your independence. But a
s t r i k i n g f e a t u r e of what i s happening today i s t h a t i n almost
every c o u n t r y men and women have emerged who w i l l r e g a r d t h e
e n t i r e w o r l d -- every p a r t of the globe - - a s the b a t t l e f i e l d f o r
t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s i n t h e f i g h t f o r t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n of human
rights.
That f i g h t i s j o i n e d by people across t h e seas i n
whatever area of the w o r l d t h e r e i s suppression of human r i g h t s .
We are t h e b e n e f i c i a r i e s of the g e n e r a t i o n s t h a t have chosen t h e
w o r l d as t h e t h e a t e r o f t h e i r o p e r a t i o n s .
The people of the U n i t e d S t a t e s , b l a c k and w h i t e , have
j o i n e d i n t h e b a t t l e t o l i b e r a t e South A f r i c a . The people o f
South A f r i c a , a f t e r many years o f p e a c e f u l s t r u g g l e , when a l l
channels o f communications were c l o s e d , decided t o r e s o r t t o
arms. We f o u g h t a g a i n s t the most b r u t a l form o f r a c i a l
o p p r e s s i o n t h e w o r l d has ever seen.
The i n t e r n a t i o n a l community j o i n e d i n t h a t b a t t l e i n
v a r i o u s ways. They a p p l i e d s a n c t i o n s , d i p l o m a t i c and o t h e r w i s e .
They p u t a l o t of p r e s s u r e on t h e South A f r i c a n regime t o abandon
a p a r t h e i d . E v e n t u a l l y , we won t h a t b a t t l e .
(Applause.)
That v i c t o r y
battle line to fight
joblessness, against
lack of e l e c t r i c i t y ,
was your v i c t o r y . We have now opened a new
a g a i n s t p o v e r t y , a g a i n s t hunger, a g a i n s t
homelessness, a g a i n s t disease,
illiteracy,
of r u n n i n g water, o f h e a l t h c a r e .
I t may
�prove t o be a more d i f f i c u l t b a t t l e than t h e one we f o u g h t w i t h
arms and o t h e r p r e s s u r e s .
I t needs, f i r s t and foremost,
resources.
I have s a i d b e f o r e , a l b e i t i n a l i g h t v e i n t h a t , here
t h e w e a l t h o f t h e e n t i r e u n i v e r s e i s c o n c e n t r a t e d , and t h a t I
w i l l n o t ask f o r d o n a t i o n s ; I ' l l ask f o r your checks so t h a t I
can w r i t e o u t t h e amount I want.
(Laughter and applause.)
But I have n o t been here and went back home w i t h empty
hands. I t m a t t e r s n o t t o us what government i s i n power i n t h e
U n i t e d S t a t e s o f America. When I came o u t , t h e f i r s t head o f
s t a t e t o telephone and welcome me back was t h e P r e s i d e n t o f t h e
U n i t e d S t a t e s o f America -- a Republican, George Bush -(applause) -- and i n v i t e d me t o come here.
I responded t o t h a t
invitation.
I t h e n met t h e p r e s e n t P r e s i d e n t , a t t h a t t i m e a common
c i t i z e n o f t h i s c o u n t r y . Every request I made t o him he
responded v e r y p o s i t i v e l y . He has done so now even w i t h more
a u t h o r i t y a f t e r h i s i n a u g u r a t i o n . I t m a t t e r s n o t what government
i s i n power i n t h i s c o u n t r y ; t h e y supported and s t i l l s u p p o r t o u r
s t r u g g l e t o ensure a b e t t e r l i f e f o r a l l o u r people.
But we never f o r g e t our f r i e n d s , o u r o l d f r i e n d s .
We
have n o t f o r g o t t e n t h a t i t was t h e masses o f t h e people o f t h e
U n i t e d S t a t e s o f America who supported us when we were a l l alone,
when none o f o u r o f f i c i a l s c o u l d be seen by any government
r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i n t h e West. The people o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s o f
America never f o r g e t .
I do n o t want on occasions l i k e t h i s t o i n t r o d u c e any
element o f an e t h n i c n a t u r e . But t h e Afro-Americans never f o r g o t
t h a t A f r i c a i s t h e i r c o n t i n e n t . (Applause.) And wherever we
went, t h e y opened t h e i r arms, t h e y opened t h e c o f f e r s , and s e t
t h e environment f o r every c i t i z e n o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s o f t h e
America t o f e e l t h a t t h i s i s a b a t t l e i n which you s h o u l d
p a r t i c i p a t e . And i n moments o f t h i s n a t u r e , we t h i n k o f a l l o f
you Afro-Americans because our v i c t o r y i s your v i c t o r y .
(Applause.)
We t h i n k o f American business, who have s u p p o r t e d t h e
democratic process i n o u r c o u n t r y , and who can p l a y a d e c i s i v e
r o l e i n e n s u r i n g t h a t t h e r e a r e enough homes, t h e r e a r e enough
j o b s , t h e r e a r e enough schools, t h e r e a r e enough h o s p i t a l s and
d o c t o r s f o r o u r c o u n t r y , t h e r e i s e l e c t r i c i t y f o r everybody.
I have come here w i t h a message -- people o f t h e U n i t e d
S t a t e s o f America, open your markets t o us. People o f t h e U n i t e d
S t a t e s o f America, come and i n v e s t i n o u r c o u n t r y . You have no
idea how y o u r involvement i n t h e a n t i - a p a r t h e i d s t r u g g l e i n o u r
c o u n t r y a c t u a l l y helped us t o f a c i l i t a t e t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n ,
because t h e message was, i f one o f t h e most p o w e r f u l s t a t e s i n
t h e w o r l d , i t s c i t i z e n s have come t o t h e a s s i s t a n c e o f t h e people
of South
A f r i c a -- i n p a r t i c u l a r , t h e democratic movement l e d by t h e
�A f r i c a n N a t i o n a l Congress -- i t s p o l i c i e s must be r i g h t t o
deserve t h a t s u p p o r t . That i s t h e r o l e t h a t you have p l a y e d -a l l o f you, w i t h o u t e x c e p t i o n . And I come here i n t h a t s p i r i t
knowing I w i l l n o t go back w i t h empty hands.
I t h i n k , speaking i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s o f America, I
s h o u l d go t o something I've been q u o t i n g i n t h e run-up t o t h e
e l e c t i o n s i n o u r c o u n t r y . An American, y o u ' l l i m m e d i a t e l y
r e c o g n i z e t h i s , has s a i d , a person who does what a l l o t h e r s can
do i s a normal person; a person who does what o n l y a few o t h e r s
can do i s e x c e p t i o n a l ; b u t a person who does what no o t h e r person
has done i s a genius, an asset, a n a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n . We want
t h e men and women who a r e g o i n g t o s t r i v e t o be geniuses i n
f i g h t i n g t o ensure a b e t t e r l i f e f o r a l l people; and t h a t t h e
people o f t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s o f America have t h e c a p a c i t y t o be
geniuses, t o be n a t i o n a l a s s e t s , t o be i n s t i t u t i o n s .
I thank you v e r y much.
(Applause.)
God b l e s s A f r i c a .
END11:33 A.M. EDT
Thank you.
�THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Youngstown, Ohio)
For Immediate Release
July 4, 1996
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT 200TH BIRTHDAY CELEBRATION
OF YOUNGSTOWN, OHIO, AND
150TH BIRTHDAY CELEBRATION OF
MAHONING COUNTY, OHIO
The Riverfront
Youngstown, Ohio
3:24 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you so much. Thank you. What a beautiful day. I am so glad
to see this great crowd here. I want to thank Clare Maluso - excuse me, I'm having a little
trouble with my voice, but I hope you can hear me back there. I want to thank Clare Maluso for
doing such a fine job with this event. I want to thank Mayor Ungaro and the other members of
the City Council who are here. I want to thank Congressman Trafficant for what he said and for
the work he does for you in Washington every day. (Applause.)
I want to thank the other officials that are here, the members of the County Commission;
especially David Engler, who's plead your case to me on so many occasions. (Applause.) I want
to thank this wonderful choir for getting us off to a good start. Weren't they great? Thank you.
(Applause.)
Reverend Powell, you are the best looking 94-year-old woman in the world. (Applause.)
I was told before we came out here that her husband was a steelworker so long ago that he started
the working at 15 cents an hour. So she's seen a lot of things happen in this community. And
hearing her optimism and her hope for the future should be encouraging to all of us.
I wish that Hillary were here with me today, but she's representing our country (applause) - thank you. She is representing our country in visiting on our day of freedom a lot
�of the countries in Central and Eastern Europe that used to be dominated by communism that
themselves are now free. And they invited her to come for this week, and I think it's a good thing
to be doing.
Somebody joked with me — I don't know if any of you have seen this new movie
"Independence Day" - (applause) - but somebody said I was coming to Youngstown because this
is the day the White House got blown away by space aliens. (Laughter.) I hope it's there when
I get back. (Laughter.) Anyway, I recommend the movie. I got a chance to see it the other
night.
The last time I came here - the Congressman referred to it -- it was in 1992, and I almost
broke up a wedding party. Our bus caravan literally ran into the wedding of Judy and Mario
Riccardi. And I was so impressed by them, and I thought she was such a beautiful bride, and he
was such a lucky fellow, that I invited them to get up on stage at our rally. And they did. And
I was just trying to sort of help the marriage get off to a good start. That was four years ago, and
since then they've had one child and another one's on the way. So I hope that our campaign made
some contribution to it. I understand they're here. Would they stand up. You all stand up. Give
them a hand. (Applause.) Thank you. Bless you.
I also had an opportunity to see a lot of folks from Youngstown last year when you
brought your national championship football team down, and I enjoyed that. And they'll be back.
(Applause.)
I wish I could stay all day and stay through the evening and see the fireworks display that
I know Bruce Zoldan's going to do. But I just want to thank you for giving me a chance to be
a small part of your bicentennial.
This is a day where all Americans put aside their business and their political
preconceptions and just celebrate the freedom of our country; a day for family and friends, for
softball and barbecue and music; a day to remember that even though we sometimes take the
blessings of liberty for granted, millions of people around the world would give anything to share
them. So I wanted to share with you my feelings about some joyous news a long way around the
world.
Yesterday the Russian people went back to the polls in a free and fair election. They had
an election, then they had a runoff. And it was the second election. That is, they had once
elected a president, and now we were going to see if democracy would take in a country that was
so long dominated by communists, and before that by the czars. With a decisive voice, the
Russian people chose democracy. (Applause.)
Yesterday, even in the runoff election almost two-thirds of them showed up to vote, to say
we want to say we want to control our destiny. They deserve enormous credit for the remarkable
progress they have made toward democracy and toward a free economy. And yesterday, they
�said, we want to keep on moving forward. We choose freedom. We choose democracy. We
choose hope. We choose the future.
Over our own 220 year history, we know it's not easy to preserve democracy, to meet its
own challenges, to keep pursuing life, liberty and happiness as our founders intended us to do.
Well, we've all got a stake in what happens in other countries that we used to be so far apart
from. And I hope that all of you today, in just a good old-fashioned American gesture, would join
me here in the heartland of America in congratulating President Yeltsin and the people of Russia
for their commitment to the freedom that we love. (Applause.)
Two centuries ago at another time of great challenge and change, a.group, of,Revolutionary^
War veteranssijyere given this piece of land in an unchartered wilderness. They were'told to^go
take the hnd^cuf the path to the west and to the American future, take responsibility to seize the
opportunities offered by our young democracy. TtteyVwere pathfinders into a new land -=
tfailblaze'r^for our new-nation. . Their work helped to buila'lis into the greatest, strongest, m'ost
prosperous nation in the world.
Throughout your history, Youngstown and the Mahoning Valley have been at the heart
of this nation and its life. When our great steel mills and factories built the world's greatest
industrial power, Youngstown led the way. When the forces of democracy joined to defeat
fascism and then to defeat communism, Youngstown led the way.
Your hard work and your enduring values have been a shining example to all America.
Now those same virtues and values will bring this region back and carry America into the 21st
century - still the world's strongest force for prosperity and peace and freedom; still a place
where the American Dream is alive for every single American who is willing to work to achieve
it. (Applause.)
Two hundred years ago, the people of Youngstown were pioneers. You were then
pioneers as you built the world's greatest industrial machine, and now again you are pioneers as
you make the great transition into a new economy and a new century.
For many years, as the steel industry was battered by a changing economy, this city was
hit hard. But instead of sinking into defeatism you stepped into the future, manufacturing
specialty steel and aluminum and liquid crystals for computer displays. You are becoming a trade
and a storage hub for the world. Youngstown is ready to take off, to move into the 21st century
more vital and prosperous than ever.
I know you've united in an effort to build a world-class air cargo facility at the
Youngstown Warren Regional Airport. We will continue to be a strong partner in that effort.
(Applause.)
Last April we announced federal assistance to help Youngstown plan for this facility and
�to move forward. Now our administration has recommended $47 million in federal funds to help
to develop the airport. And I know with the Congressman's help and work, we can work together
and get it done. (Applause.)
The challenges you have faced here are really challenges all Americans are facing, and we
have to meet them as you are working to meet them, as one community - one America reaching
out across the lines that divide us, pressing forward and never looking back.
For decades, Youngstown milled the steel that built the bridges that spanned our great
rivers and linked our great cities. Now your values must build the bridges to carry us all into a
new century. On this Independence Day let us resolve to keep our families strong and our
children healthy.
We are all saddened by the deaths yesterday of eight people from the fireworks in southern
Ohio. Let us pray for their families. And let us resolve to pull all the closer to our own families.
Let us resolve to make sure that all of our people have a chance to be winners in this new
economy.
I am very grateful that in the last three and a half years America has cut its enormous
deficit by more than half and generated 9.7 million new jobs. But I know - (applause) --1 know
there are still Americans who want to work and who could be good workers who don't have jobs.
I'm very grateful that after 10 long years the average wages in our country are beginning to rise
again. But I know there are too many people who are working harder and harder without getting
those raises. So let us resolve to increase incomes and grow together, not drift apart.
I am grateful that we are entering the fourth year in a row when the crime rate is coming
down in America; that we are putting 100,000 police on the street; that we are protecting our
people from the real problems that we can protect them from with initiatives like the Brady Bill
that has kept 60,000 fugitives, felons and stalkers from buying guns when they should not have
been able to do it. (Applause.)
But we must resolve to keep working at this until we take our streets back from crime and
gangs and drugs. We can never say we have dealt with the crime problem adequately until you
can go home at night and turn on the evening news and be genuinely surprised instead of numbed
if the lead story is a crime story. That's when we'll know we have restored America to where
it ought to be. (Applause.)
Let us resolve to give our children the world's best education. I am glad for the progress
that has been made in that, but I won't be satisfied until we have done more. By the year 2000,
every schoolroom and library in this entire country should be connected to the Internet so that
every child has access to the virtues of the computer age. (Applause.)
And I want every single person in America who needs it to be able to go on to college.
�I want the college tuition of every family to be deductible up to $10,000 a year. (Applause.) And
I want us to reach the point in America where two years of education after high school are just
as universal as those first 12 years. We need that guarantee. And that's why I've proposed a tax
credit for two years of community college for every American of any age, to go back and get the
education and training they need to make the most of their own lives. It is important. (Applause.)
I am grateful for the progress we have made in relieving tensions with Russia and reducing
the nuclear threat, and helping to make peace in places like Bosnia, the Middle East, Northern
Ireland and Haiti. But as we mourn the 19 brave young men who gave their lives for our freedom
and security in Saudi Arabia, let us resolve to keep working to be a beacon of freedom in the rest
of the world and here at home.
We know that terrorism can strike anywhere, whether it's in the World Trade Center or
Oklahoma City or Tokyo or London or the Holy Land. And we know it can strike from sources
within and without. But we know almost always it is fueled by religious or ethnic or racial
hatreds that make people look down on other human beings as less worthy than themselves. That
is not the American way. And let us resolve to continue to fight it. (Applause.)
This week, I declared officially that this month, July, would be a month of national unity,
calling on Americans of all faiths, from all walks of life, to join together to combat and speak
against the rash of burnings of African American churches and other houses of worship in this
country. Let's say on this July 4th: This is our America, here. That is not our America. We
want this America for all Americans. (Applause.)
Opportunity and responsibility, faith and family, freedom and community, respect for law
and respect for one another - these are the bridges across which we must walk to the 21st
century. These are the bridges you are building here now in 1996, in the 200th year of
Youngstown's existence. Our values and our visions are as sturdy as tempered steel. If we
remember what it means to be Americans, how blessed our great nation has been, how great we
are, and how great we can be when we come together to meet our challenges and protect our
values, then the best days of America are still ahead.
I ask you just to think of this as you wave your flags on the 4th of July. What did those
people mean in 1776 when they said, we hold these truths to be self-evident? What does it mean
to believe that we're all equal, that we all have a right, but not a guarantee to life, liberty and the
pursuit of happiness? What does it mean to say everybody should have an equal opportunity, but
everyone should provide equal responsibility? What does it mean to say that we are greater
together than we can ever be on our own? These are the things you must ask.
And think about this - with all the changes you've been through and all the troubles
you've seen, this is still the greatest country in the world. And what we have to ask ourselves (applause) - what we have to ask ourselves is, what do we want America to look like when our
children grow up to be our age, or our grandchildren. What do we want it to mean to them when
�they pledge allegiance to the flag and say, they are still pledged to the Republic for which our flag
stands - one nation - one nation - under God, with liberty and justice for all.
Think about that. (Applause.) The answer will be clear. Thank you. Good luck. God
bless you and God bless America. (Applause.)
END
3:40 P.M. EDT
�THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
November 30, 1996
RADIO ADDRESS BY THE PRESIDENT TO THE NATION
Camp David, Maryland
10:06 A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. This week, millions of American families gathered
around their dinner tables to enjoy our annual feast of Thanksgiving. Now, many of us who
travel great distances to be with loved ones are making the trip back home.
Today I want to talk about how we can extend the spirit of Thanksgiving beyond this
holiday weekend. Thanksgiving is our oldest tradition. In 1789. George Washington made
Thanksgiving his first prndamation for our new nation. Much has changed for America in the
two centuries since that first proclamation. Today we not only feed ourselves well, our bounty
helps to feed the world. The light of freedom that drew founders to our shores not only shines
here. For the first time in history, more than half the world's people who once lived in the
shadows of tyranny and depression now live under governments of their own choosing.
On this year's Thanksgiving, we are reminded that we are a nation truly blessed. Crime
and poverty are down, employment is up, we are a nation at peace. For the most part, foods and
jobs are plentiful, our children have more to look forward to than any generation of young people
in human history.
But as President Lincoln once so powerfully reminded us, this country cannot afford to be
materially rich and spiritually poor. That, perhaps, is the greatest lesson of Thanksgiving. For,
more than any other holiday, it reminds us of the importance of family and community and the
duty we owe to each other. I want to thank those across our nation who donated food or
volunteered time to provide a Thanksgiving meal for those among us who are homeless and
hungry.
Unfortunately, hunger and homelessness don't take a holiday; they are with us all year
long. So we must not wait until Thanksgiving to reach out to those in need. And we must not
pack our compassion back in the cupboard like fine china that only gets used once a year.
�The spirit of family and faith and community that shines so brilliantly on Thanksgiving
can enable us to meet every challenge before us all year long. So let us resolve to go forward
together to lift millions of people from welfare and dependency into lives of dignity and
independence. Now that we have ended welfare as we know it, let the change not be to have
even more children in more abject poverty, but to move people who can work into jobs.
Let us pledge to give our children the best education in the world, and the support they
need to build strong futures, higher standards in our schools, more choices, and the opportunity
for all Americans to go on to college.
Let us work together to keep our homes, our neighborhoods, our schools free
from the ravages of crime and drugs and violence, finishing the job of putting 100,000 police on
our streets, targeting violent teen gangs, and doing more at the grass-roots level to turn our
children from drugs and gangs and guns and violence. And let us always remember that when
America is united, we always win, but when we're divided, we defeat ourselves.
In the global economy of the 21st century, the marvelous diversity of America
will be a great blessing — if we all treat each other with dignity and respect, and remember we
don't have a person to waste.
Whenever I travel around the world, as I did last week, I always return home
with a renewed appreciation for the rich blessings so many of us take for granted. And while we
should be thankful that technology and cultural exchanges are bringing much of the world closer
together, it is also clear that people all over the globe still look to America for moral leadership.
As Hillary reminded us last weekend when she visited a project to assist young
women struggling in Thailand, we do have a responsibility to help build lives of hope and
security for suffering children not only here in America, but all over the world. That is what we
have tried to do in Bosnia, in Haiti, in working for peace in the Middle East and Northern
Ireland, in so many of our efforts all around the globe.
Let me close today with a personal note of thanks to every one of you for
affording me the opportunity to continue my service as President. For the past four years I've
worked hard to stand up for our values as a nation and to give all our citizens the tools to make
the most of their own lives. And we've come a long way together, but there is still much, much
more to do. And we know that the only way we can succeed is if we all work together.
So let us all be guided, as I try to be guided every day, by the words of the
Scripture which teaches that, "to those to whom much is given, much is required." So, as we set
our sights on a joyous holiday season, let us all pledge by our devotion to God and family and
community to keep the spirit of Thanksgiving alive all year long.
Thanks for listening.
�END
10:11 A.M. E.S.T
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Michael Waldman
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Michael Waldman was Assistant to the President and Director of Speechwriting from 1995-1999. His responsibilities were writing and editing nearly 2,000 speeches, which included four State of the Union speeches and two Inaugural Addresses. From 1993 -1995 he served as Special Assistant to the President for Policy Coordination.</p>
<p>The collection generally consists of copies of speeches and speech drafts, talking points, memoranda, background material, correspondence, reports, handwritten notes, articles, clippings, and presidential schedules. A large volume of this collection was for the State of the Union speeches. Many of the speech drafts are heavily annotated with additions or deletions. There are a lot of articles and clippings in this collection.</p>
<p>Due to the size of this collection it has been divided into two segments. Use links below for access to the individual segments:<br /><a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=43&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=2006-0469-F+Segment+1">Segment One</a><br /><a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=43&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=2006-0469-F+Segment+2">Segment Two</a></p>
Creator
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Michael Waldman
Office of Speechwriting
Date
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1993-1999
Identifier
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2006-0469-F
Extent
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Segment One contains 1071 folders in 72 boxes.
Segment Two contains 868 folders in 66 boxes.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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KS: New Nation
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 37
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36404"> Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7763296">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2006-0469-F Segment 2
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
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Preservation-Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
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6/3/2015
Source
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7763296
42-t-7763296-20060469F-Seg2-037-006-2015