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DOCUMENT NO.
AND TVPE
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. draft
Speech Draft; RE: Inaugural Address (5 pages)
01/13/1993
Personal Misfde
002a. memo
George Stephanopoulos to Governor Clinton, Hillary; RE: Inaugural
Address (I page)
01/05/1992
Personal Misfile
002b. fax
RE: Inaugural Address (5 pages)
01/04/1993
Personal Misfile
003. paper
Draft paper; RE: Inaugural Address (I page)
n.d.
P5
004. memo
Michael Waldman to George Stephanopoulos; RE: NYT editorial on
Brown (1 page)
Stan Greenberg to President-Elect Bill Clinton; RE: The Inaugural
Address (4 pages)
n.d.
P5
12/26/1992
Personal Misfile
005. memo
006a. memo
George Stephanopoulos to Governor Clinton, Hillary; RE: Inaugural
Address (1 page)
01/05/1992
Personal Misfile
006b. fax
RE: Inaugural Address (5 pages)
01/04/1993
Personal Misfile
007. fax
David Kusnet to George Stephanopoulos; RE: Inaugural Address (7
pages)
01/05/1993
Personal Misfile
008. memo
Al From to Will Marshall; RE: Thoughts for the Inaugural Address (7
pages)
01/11/1993
Personal Misfile
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number:
14457
FOLDER TITLE:
Inaugural - Drafts [2]
2006-0469-F
dbl926
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P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information 1(a)(4) ofthe PRA|
P5 Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
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P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
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2
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DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. draft
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
Speech Draft; RE: Inaugural Address (5 pages)
01/13/1993
RESTRICTION
Personal Misfile
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number:
14457
FOLDER TITLE:
Inaugural - Drafts [2]
2006-0469-F
dbl926
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Presidential Records Act -144 U.S.C. 2204(a)|
Freedom of Information Act -15 U.S.C. 552(b)|
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P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) ofthe PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) ofthe PRA|
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information 1(a)(4) ofthe PRA]
P5 Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(5) ofthe PRA|
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy 1(a)(6) ofthe PRA]
b(l) National security classified information 1(b)(1) ofthe FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency 1(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute 1(b)(3) ofthe FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
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purposes [(b)(7) ofthe FOIA|
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions 1(b)(8) ofthe FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells 1(b)(9) ofthe FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
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2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
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DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
002a. memo
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
George Stephanopoulos to Governor Clinton, Hillary; RE: Inaugural
Address (1 page)
01/05/1992
RESTRICTION
Personal Misfile
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number:
14457
FOLDER TITLE:
Inaugural - Drafts [2]
2006-0469-F
dbl926
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act -144 U.S.C. 2204(a)|
Freedom of Information Act - |S U.S.C. 552(b)]
Pl National Security Classified Information 1(a)(1) of the PRA|
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office 1(a)(2) ofthe PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute 1(a)(3) ofthe PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information 1(a)(4) ofthe PRA]
P5 Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors |a)(5) ofthe PRA|
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy 1(a)(6) ofthe PRA]
b(l) National security classified information |(b)(l) ofthe FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency 1(b)(2) ofthe FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute 1(b)(3) ofthe FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information 1(b)(4) ofthe FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy 1(b)(6) ofthe FOIAj
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes 1(b)(7) ofthe FOIAj
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions 1(b)(8) ofthe FOIAj
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells 1(b)(9) ofthe FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
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Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
002b. fax
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
01/04/1993
RE: Inaugural Address (5 pages)
RESTRICTION
Personal Misfile
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number:
14457
FOLDER TITLE:
Inaugural - Drafts [2]
2006-0469-F
dbl926
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act -144 U.S.C. 2204(a)|
Freedom of Information Act -15 U.S.C. 552(b)|
Pl National Security Classified Information 1(a)(1) ofthe PRA|
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office 1(a)(2) ofthe PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute |(a)(3) ofthe PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information 1(a)(4) ofthe PRA|
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors |a)(5) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy 1(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information 1(b)(1) ofthe FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency 1(b)(2) ofthe FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute 1(b)(3) ofthe FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information 1(b)(4) ofthe FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy 1(b)(6) ofthe FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes 1(b)(7) ofthe FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions 1(b)(8) ofthe FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells 1(b)(9) ofthe FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Today we gather not at a time of crisis, but of awakening. For too long, we have been
sleepwalking away from what makes us great as a nation.
The source of America's greatness is - has always been - that we put people, their well
being their voice their rights at the center of our system. This above all else is what we mean
when we say democracy. The American dream is
So at the outset let me pledge to you, my fellow Americans, that starting today, this
government will put people first.
This central idea - the idea of democracy - is what has been responsible for our
economic success. It is why jasdfjkl. And adfjkl;sljk.
=++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
++++++++++++++++++++++
There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with
America. For we can see our strength in how we have answered adversity.
We are still a people who believe that one man or woman can make a difference. For
all our disillusionment with politics, we still fervently believe in democracy. And on our last
1
�Election Day, we voted in historic numbers, because, for all our differences, Americans stand
united in our determination to take back our govemment and take charge of our future.
We are still a people who believe in hard work. Over the past two decades, Americans
have worked longer and harder to provide for our families in the face of national worldwide
trends that have weakened our earning power. Americans don't just preach the work ethics; we
put it to work, from dawn to dark.
And we are still a people who believe the measure of our lives is moral as well as
material.
Here in America, more people believe in God, more people go to church or temple, and
more people put religion at the center of their lives than in any other advanced society on earth.
Here in America, people whose days are hurried and whose family budgets are pinched still find
the time and money to help those less fortunate. We know that we are enriched and ennobled
when we pursue a purpose larger than ourselves.
xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
xxxxxxxxxxx
Two centuries ago, the author of our Constitution pointed to our Capitol and told a
foreign guest: "Here, Sir, the people govern."
�Two centuries later, our challenge is to keep that promise.
For too long, our govemment has listened too much to power and privilege, and listened
too little to the people. For too long, average citizens have felt that political leaders from both
parties pursue their own short term-advantage, and not the nation's long-term needs. And, for
too long, our economy has stagnated along with our political system, condemning hardworking
American families to a lifetime of struggle without reward.
But there is nothing in our history to support the fear that the American dream will die
a slow death. For every great moment in our history gives us the hope that together we can
accomplish nothing less than the renewal of democracy in America. We have seen it happen
before, in our own time, in our own lives.
Today, two sons of a New South have taken the oath to serve an america renewed
by a peaceful revolution in human rights.
With all my heart and soul, I know that we did not come here alone.
We followed in the footsteps of those who made Little Rock and Memphis, Selma
and Montgomery, and countless communities, large and small, North and South, into
milestones on freedom's trail.
m-bojlU ^M. -<to mJu AMI
fatoiuJi•
�Now the American journey leads us to another crossroads. We can choose a lesser life
for our children, or a new era of opportunity for all our people. Today, we can choose our path
and make this pledge: The era of deadlock and decline is over — and a new moment of
American renewal has begun.
Whenever Americans set our minds upon a great goal - from winning our independence
to extending the blessings of freedom to all of our people - we have the determination and the
dynamism to change the world.
Today, the commitment we call for is the sure and steady dedication to practice the
principles upon which our country was founded, to put people first in our govemment, in our
economy, and not only in our domestic priorities but in our foreign policies as well.
Today, we can begin to take our government back from the special interests and the
entrenched bureaucracies and put it back in the hands of the people. Today, we can break the
gridlock between the political parties and between the President and Congress. Today, all of
us who are sworn to serve the people must remember that the people sent us here not to play
politics but to solve problems.
Today, as we meet in America's public square, we can set a new spirit for America's
public life. Democracy demands debate. But those of us in public life can confront problems,
not people; bring our country together, not tear it apart; and shoulder the burden of
�responsibility, not point the finger of blame.
Democracy should bring out the best in all of us, for now we face a God-given
opportunity - and an historic challenge.
With the end of the Cold War, our lives and liberties are no longer threatened by a
hostile superpower. We must always be strong enough to defend ourselves and deter aggressors.
But now we have the opportunity to take some of the resources we've used to defend the world
and use them to rebuild America.
It is written that "to everything there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the
heaven." And we can make this "a time to heal," "a time to build," and "a time of peace."
That opportunity to invest in America comes just in time, for our children's future may
be determined not on some far-away battlefield but in the global marketplace. Our children's
future will be determined in a world where money and management and messages can cross a
nation's borders in a microsecond.
In such a world, America's competitive edge must be our own people, and we must help
our workers become the strongest and the smartest, the most healthy and hopeful, of any people
on this planet. We must give them the advantages of the best schools, the best health care
system, the best job training, and the best transportation and communications networks on earth.
�We have to put our people first again.
If we're going to compete in the world, we're going to have to come together in
America. We simply cannot afford to be divided race against race, region against region,
gender against gender, and generation against generation.
Now it is not only a moral but a practical necessity to bring out the best in every man,
woman, and child. For our country will not be everything God intended us to be until every
child has the chance to be everything God intended her to be.
To those who serve with me in our nation's capital, I ask you never to forget this simple
truth: Our countrymen and women call upon us to put aside our narrow concerns to serve the
common good.
So let us spend less on yesterday and invest more in tomorrow. Let us stop borrowing
from our children's future and start building it again. Let's give our people a govemment with
a lot less fat, more mind and muscle, and more heart and soul.
We know that we can build a better America because we have helped to build a better
world.
In this century, Americans have helped save the world from Nazism and Communism,
�helped rebuild the great industrial nations from Western Europe to East Asia, and helped
emerging nations on every continent build better lives for their people.
And we will continue to export not only our goods and services but our ideas.
From Eastern Europe to Southern Africa, the peoples of the world are marching toward
democracy, often carrying banners bearing sayings from Abraham Lincoln and Martin Luther
King.
Now, America must lead the world we have done so much to make. It is time to lead
a global alliance for democracy as united and as steadfast as the global alliance that contained
communism.
For democracy serves our interests as well as our values.
Democracies don't attack each other. Nations that allow for peaceful change make stable
neighbors. Nations where the people rule are less likely to poison our planet. And nations with
high standards for human rights will not compete forever in the world marketplace by offering
employers low wages.
Today, our world is more free, but not more stable or more secure. And the end of the
Cold War does not mean the end of danger in our world.
�When our vital interests are threatened, we are prepared to act, with peaceful diplomacy,
if possible, but with military force, if necessary. We will maintain the forces we need to win - and win decisively - should that necessity arise.
And we will always be prepared not only to answer aggression but to answer the cry of
a hungry child.
Today, our pride and our prayers are with our servicemen and women in Somalia who
are risking their own lives so that others may live.
When this mission of mercy is completed, America will have gained neither territory nor
treasure. But we will have advanced the idea that every human being is created in the image
of God and entitled to live in dignity.
And this we pledge to the citizens of the country and the citizens of the world:
Our actions abroad will reflect the values we hold dear at home. And we will work with
old friends and former adversaries to fight disease, ease world hunger, promote human rights,
and protect our planet.
Today, we are privileged to participate in a celebration of American reunion.
�On Election Day, we vote as individuals in the sanctity of our polling places. Today,
we are reunited as one people, dedicated to the success of the American experiment.
Tonight, in the quiet moments after the celebration is over, let us remember that today
we did not make anyone's life any better or their future any brighter, for the real work before
us begins tomorrow.
Much has been said. Now much must be done. And it cannot be done by the President
alone nor by the government alone, but only by all Americans, working together.
Let us resolve today that, starting tomorrow, we will begin a season of service inspired
by the understanding that we reach our fullness as human beings by giving of ourselves to
others.
Let each of us pledge to do our best in our jobs, to hold our families together, to extend
a hand of friendship to our neighbors, and to give something back to our communities and our
country.
And let us all do our part to make the historic increases in voter participation last year
the forerunner to an historic increase in citizen participation this year and every year. If we stay
informed and stay involved and stay in touch with our elected officials, then, together, we can
change America.
�Together, we can raise our sights and lift our spirits and bridge the gap that stands wide
today between what we are as a nation and everything that we are meant to be.
10
�the people demand action, and they demand it now. To those with whom I will serve in
Washington, I say: this should be an era of cooperation, of xx, of xxx. But only if we remain
true to the underlying principles of fasjkl;jklasf. And only if we act and act soon.
11
�Today, we celebrate the miracle of democracy.
We hold this ceremony in the depth of winter. But, by the words we speak and the faces
we show the world, we are indeed forcing the spring.
[This moment joins the briskness of winter with the quickening of spring, "pentecostal
fire in the dark time of the year."]
Americans are an irreverent, informal people. But today we stand in awe of the
inheritance we enjoy and the obligations we share.
As did every president before me, I've just taken a simple but solemn oath before
Almighty God and my countrymen and women.
The oath that I've just taken - and you've just witnessed --unites the president and the
people in a solemn covenant to "preserve, protect, and defend" our Constitution.
And the Constitution we've pledged to defend begins with three words that sum up the
American idea. And those words are "we, the people."
Those words remind us that we Americans are one people and that, in the wonderful
variety of faces here today, we see one people, bound together not by bloodlines but by beliefs.
�And we believe that we the people can govern ourselves, restraining our most selfish
impulses, respecting each others' rights, promoting the common good, and providing every one
of our sisters and brothers with the opportunity to take the gifts God gave them and build
dignified lives.
In their own time and in their own way, every generation has defined what it means to
be an American.
Within the time of those now living, Americans have saved the world from Nazism,
struggled to keep the promise of equality under law, and built an economy that is the envy of
the world.
Today, we bear witness to America's ceaseless capacity to renew herself and change the
world.
This is the first presidential inauguration since the fall of the Berlin Wall, symbolizing
the passing of a system that thought the human spirit can be confined by concrete and barbed
wire.
For the first time in the second half of this century, our lives and liberties are not
threatened by a hostile superpower. And, from Eastern Europe to southern Africa, the peoples
of the world are marching toward the freedom we celebrate today.
�Here at home, two sons of the South have just taken the oath to serve an America serve^/'
forever and for better, a nation reunited with herself and with her founding ideals.
In our heart and soul, we know that we did not come here alone. We follow in the
footsteps of all those who made Little Rock and Memphis, Birmingham and Montgomery, and /
countless communities, large and small, north and south, into milestones on freedom's trail.
^
�Today, we celebrate the miracle of democracy.
We hold this ceremony in the depth of winter. But, by the words we speak and the faces
we show the world, we are indeed forcing the spring.
[This moment joins the briskness of winter with the quickening of spring, "pentecostal
fire in the dark time of the year."]
Americans are an irreverent, informal people. But today we stand in awe of the
inheritance we enjoy and the obligations we share.
As did every president before me, I've just taken a simple but solemn oath before
Almighty God and my countrymen and women.
The oath that I've just taken -- and you've just witnessed --unites the president and the
people in a solemn covenant to "preserve, protect, and defend" our Constitution.
And the Constitution we've pledged to defend begins with three words that sum up the
American idea. And those words are "we, the people."
Those words remind us that we Americans are one people and that, in the wonderful
variety of faces here today, we see one people, bound together not by bloodlines but by beliefs.
�And we believe that we the people can govern ourselves, restraining our most selfish
impulses, respecting each others' rights, promoting the common good, and providing every one
of our sisters and brothers with the opportunity to take the gifts God gave them and build
dignified lives.
In their own time and in their own way, every generation has defined what it means to
be an American.
Within the time of those now living, Americans have saved the world from Nazism,
struggled to keep the promise of equality under law, and built an economy that is the envy of
the world.
Today, we bear witness to America's ceaseless capacity to renew herself and change the
world.
This is the first presidential inauguration since the fall of the Berlin Wall, symbolizing
the passing of a system that thought the human spirit can be confined by concrete and barbed
wire.
For the first time in the second half of this century, our lives and liberties are not
threatened by a hostile superpower. And, from Eastern Europe to southern Africa, the peoples
of the world are marching toward the freedom we celebrate today.
�Here at home, two sons of the South have just taken the oath to serve an America served
forever and for better, a nation reunited with herself and with her founding ideals.
In our heart and soul, we know that we did not come here alone. We follow in the
footsteps of all those who made Little Rock and Memphis, Birmingham and Montgomery, and
countless communities, large and small, north and south, into milestones on freedom's trail.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
s
3
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
003. paper
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
n.d.
Draft paper; RE: Inaugural Address (1 page)
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number: 14457
FOLDER TITLE:
Inaugural - Drafts [2]
2006-0469-F
dbl926
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act -144 II.S.C. 2204(a)|
Freedom of Information Act -15 II.S.C. 552(b)|
Pl
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information |(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency 1(b)(2) of the FOIA|
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute 1(b)(3) of the FOIAJ
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information 1(b)(4) of the F01A|
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy 1(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes 1(b)(7) ofthe FOIA|
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions 1(b)(8) ofthe FOIA|
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells 1(b)(9) ofthe FOIA|
National Security Classified Information 1(a)(1) ofthe PRA)
Relating to the appointment to Federal office 1(a)(2) ofthe PRA|
Release would violate a Federal statute 1(a)(3) of the PRA|
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information 1(a)(4) of the PRA|
P5 Release would disclose confidential advice between Ihe President
and his advisors, or between such advisors |a)(5) ofthe PRA|
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy 1(a)(6) of the PRA|
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2281(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Today we must reclaim that democracy.
In recent years, we have sometimes forgot what makes America special - forgotten that
we are great only when we live a dream.
America has changed, but Washington hasn't. For too long, our govemment has listened
too much to power and privilege, and listened too little to the people. For too long, average
citizens have felt that political leaders from both parties pursue their own short term-advantage,
and not the nation's long-term needs. And, for too long, our economy has stagnated along with
our political system, condemning hardworking American families to a lifetime of struggle
without reward.
It is time to change.
But there is nothing in our history to support the fear that the American dream will die
a slow death. For every great moment in our history gives us the hope that together we can
accomplish nothing less than the renewal of democracy in America. We have seen it happen
before, in our own time, in our own lives.
Democracy - putting people first in our economy.
Our foreign policy
The American people have made it clear that they demand action, and they demand it
now. They don't want more tussles and talk. They want immediate asfjljjklfas.
We
This effort will not be over in the first tjaskljklst;. It took years for our nation to get into
�this situation, and it will take years to get out of it. But a new ethic of responsiblity will
asjkl;fljkfas.
We will fail if we try and do this alone.
Americans must be responsibility. Make no mistake: our government will
- if you receive welfare, you will be put to work
- if you are a corporaiton, and you receive tax breaks, you will use them to invest and
not to squander
- if you are
I proclaim today, in short, a period of national renewal. This is not easy. But we must
have the courage to change.
Walt Whitman once said, "America is always becoming." We will
�complacency is over
greed is over
looking in
it doesn't have to be this way.
we have power to control history; we have the power to change; we must now find the courage
to change. That's something every american must do; not me alone
The great acts of courage are cooperative acts~ourrevolution
= lead up to
this is our time to grab the moment .... some call these problems; some call these challenges;
some call them xxx; i call them opportunities.
- change graf
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
004. memo
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
Michael Waldman to George Stephanopoulos; RE: NYT editorial on
Brown (I page)
n.d.
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number:
14457
FOLDER TITLE:
Inaugural - Drafts [2]
2006-0469-F
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:>--7
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cCLo CK
�CLINTON INAUGURAL - RMS DRAFT
I TAKE THIS OATH TODAY AS MORE THAN A PERSONAL PLEDGE, AND
THE PAST ELECTION AS MORE THAN THE VICTORY OF ONE PERSON.
FOR
THIS DAY WE MARK NOT JUST A CHANGE OF GOVERNMENT, BUT A CHANGE OF
GENERATIONS.
SO FIRST OF ALL, LET ME SUMMON TO OUR SIDE AND TO OUR CAUSE
ALL WHO ARE YOUNG IN SPIRIT AND NOT JUST IN YEARS; ALL WHO ARE
DEDICATED NOT TO CONSERVING THE PAST, BUT TO SHAPING THE FUTURE;
ALL WHO LOOK NOT TO THE WORLD THAT WAS, BUT TO THE WORLD THAT I S
COMING AND THE AMERICA WE CAN BECOME.
WE CARRY LIVING MEMORIES WITH US ON THE JOURNEY THAT BEGINS
HERE TODAY.
BUT THEY ARE ONLY A SOURCE OF INSPIRATION; THEY ARE
NOT OUR DESTINATION.
WE ARE CHALLENGED -- AND PRIVILEGED --TO LIVE AND LEAD IN
ONE OF THOSE RARE PERIODS IN WHICH THE COURSE OF HUMAN EVENTS HAS
BEEN TRANSFORMED, THE VERY ORDER OF THINGS HAS BEEN ALTERED, AND
SO MUCH SEEMS NEW AND POSSIBLE.
BY NECESSITY AND NOW BY CHOICE,
WE LEAVE THE BEATEN PATH -- AND EMBARK ON ROADS NOT TAKEN BEFORE.
IT I S A GRAVE AND GLORIOUS RESPONSIBILITY:
OUR NATIONAL
PURPOSE MUST BE RENEWED, AND OUR COUNTRY ITSELF MUST BE REBORN.
FOR THE COLD WAR I S OVER; THE OLD BATTLEFIELDS ARE EMPTY;
THE OLD ALARMS NO LONGER RING IN THE NIGHT.
HINGE OF FATE, HAS TURNED TOWARD FREEDOM.
HISTORY, ON THE
BUT BEFORE WE MOVE ON,
LET US HONOR THOSE WHO MADE THAT HISTORY -- LEADERS OF VISION,
WOMEN AND MEN OF BRAVERY, CITIZENS AND ALLIES, FOOT SOLDIERS AND
�PRESIDENTS.
I N PARTICULAR, ON BEHALF OF THE NATION, LET ME THANK
MY PREDECESSOR FOR A HALF CENTURY OF SERVICE, FROM THE FIGHTER
PLANES OF THE PACIFIC THEATER TO THE PEACE-MAKING OF THE MOSCOW
SUMMIT.
BECAUSE OF THE COMMITMENT AND SACRIFICE OF MANY, WE LIVE NO
MORE ON THE KNIFE'S EDGE OF NUCLEAR ANNIHILATION, AND HUNDREDS OF
MILLIONS NO LONGER LIVE I N THE IRON GRIP OF THE COMMISSARS.
A GREAT CONFRONTATION HAS BEEN RESOLVED. BUT THERE ARE
CRISES YET UNSEEN ALREADY GATHERING BEYOND THE HORIZON.
WHILE
THE WORLD I S DIFFERENT, I T I S STILL DANGEROUS AND UNCERTAIN.
AND
THIS NATION WILL NOT WITHDRAW FROM I T ; WE WILL NOT LET OUR GUARD
DOWN. WE KNOW THAT WE CANNOT STRENGTHEN AMERICAN AT HOME BY
WEAKENING AMERICA ABROAD.
OUR PURPOSE I N THE WIDER WORLD I S NOT STABILITY FOR ITS OWN
SAKE, BUT LIBERTY AS THE FUNDAMENTAL RIGHT OF ALL HUMAN BEINGS.
OUR POLICY I S NOT TO EXPAND OUR DOMINION, BUT TO WIDEN THE
DOMAIN OF FREEDOM.
OUR ENEMIES ARE NOT OTHER NATIONS, BUT HUNGER, TERROR,
OPPRESSION AND BIGOTRY.
THE FALLEN BERLIN WALL MUST NOT BE
REPLACED BY OTHER WALLS OF RACIAL OR RELIGIOUS OR ETHNIC HATRED.
THE HUMAN RACE MUST LEARN AT LAST THAT ALL WARS ARE CIVIL WARS.
THIS NATION CAN AND MUST INVEST I N THE SURVIVAL AND SUCCESS
OF DEMOCRACY ELSEWHERE -- BECAUSE I T I S RIGHT -- AND BECAUSE, I F
IT FAILS NOW, WE WILL PAY A HIGHER PRICE LATER.
THIS NATION CAN AND MUST LOWER BARRIERS TO TRADE AND OPEN
THE MARKETS OF A SINGLE GLOBAL ECONOMY —
BUT I N A WAY THAT
�RAISES OTHERS TO OUR LEVEL, NOT ONE THAT LOWERS OUR OWN STANDARD
OF L I F E .
THIS NATION CANNOT DO EVERYTHING, BUT WE WILL DO ALL THAT WE
REASONABLY CAN.
AND ACROSS THE EARTH, WE WILL SEEK TO ADVANCE
THE RULE OF LAW AND THE ROLE OF THE UNITED NATIONS.
BUT ALL THIS -- AND SO MUCH MORE -- DEPENDS FINALLY ON THE
PROSPERITY AND PROGRESS OF OUR OWN SOCIETY.
THIS I S A PRACTICAL
TRUTH -- AND A MORAL IMPERATIVE. I F WE CAN SAVE THE CHILDREN OF
SOMALIA FROM FAMINE -- AND WE SHOULD, THEN WE CAN AND MUST SAVE
THE CHILDREN OF OUR INNER C I T I E S FROM CRIME, DRUGS, AND DESPAIR.
WHAT WILL I T PROFIT US TO PROTECT HUMANITY FROM THE WORST OF
TYRANNIES, I F IN THE END, WE LOSE OUR OWN BEST HOPES?
WE CANNOT LEAD IN A NEW WORLD ORDER I F WE FALL BEHIND IN THE
NEW WORLD ECONOMY.
SO THE FIRST AND FUNDAMENTAL BUSINESS OF GOVERNMENT NOW I S
TO MAKE AMERICA WORK AGAIN.
WE HAVE PASSED THROUGH A SUCCESSION OF ENDLESS DEFICITS; I
PLEDGE TO YOU -- I PLEDGE TO THE NATION AND THE WORLD -- THAT
THIS WILL BE THE ADMINISTRATION THAT ENDS THAT DEFICIT.
NOT EASILY OR INSTANTLY -- BECAUSE THE ERRORS AND EXCESSES
OF AN ENTIRE ERA CANNOT BE REVERSED IN A SINGLE BUDGET, A SINGLE
YEAR, OR PERHAPS EVEN A SINGLE TERM.
THERE WILL BE HARD CHOICES -- BUT THEY WILL BE MADE. SOME
OF THEM WILL NOT BE POPULAR -- BUT WE WERE ELECTED NOT SIMPLY TO
PLEASE, BUT TO LEAD.
THERE WILL BE A PRICE -- AND THOSE TO W O
HM
MUCH WAS GIVEN IN THE 1980S WILL HAVE TO PAY MORE.
�N W LET US ASK WHAT WE CAN GIVE, AND NOT JUST WHAT WE CAN
O
TAKE.
LET US SET A SCALE OF VALUES THAT MEASURES OUR WORTH BY MORE
THAN OUR WEALTH.
FOR AMERICA, THE ONLY TRUE PATH TO PROSPERITY
I S TO BE FAITHFUL TO THE FOUNDING PRINCIPLE OF "LIBERTY AND
JUSTICE FOR ALL."
ON THIS JOURNEY, THERE WILL BE WINTRY PASSAGES WHERE THE
WIND WILL PUSH AGAINST US, WHEN PROBLEMS MOUNT AND PROGRESS SLOWS
-- AND THEN I T I S THAT WE WILL SHOW WHAT WE ARE MADE OF.
I F WE EACH DO OUR PART, AMERICA WILL NOT K O THE AUTUMN OF
NW
HER GREATNESS, BUT A NEW HIGH NOON.
AND I F WE DO MUCH, I T SHOULD ONLY BECKON US TO DO MORE.
N W AS THE WORDS END AND THE WORK BEGINS, LET US PRAY TO BE
O,
WORTHY OF THE MOMENT IN WHICH WE LIVE.
BE LOVE OF OUR COUNTRY.
LET THE SOUL OF OUR DEEDS
LET US SEEK GOD'S GRACE -- AND WITH I T ,
LET US MAKE THIS A TIME TO SOW -- SO THAT OUR TOO CHILDREN MAY
REAP THE GREATNESS OF AMERICA.
�BUT WHILE WE WILL NOT ACCEPT THE EXISTENCE OF THE DEFICIT AS
PERMANENT, WE ALSO REJECT THE IDEA OF THE DEFICIT AS DISABLING.
THOSE WHO YEAR AFTER YEAR UNBALANCED THE FEDERAL BUDGET NOW SEEK
TO MISUSE THEIR OWN MISCONDUCT AS AN EXCUSE FOR FEDERAL INACTION.
THEY HAVE NEGLECTED THEIR RESPONSIBILITY, BUT WE REFUSE TO
NEGLECT THE NATION'S PROBLEMS.
SO WE WILL DEAL WITH THE DEFICIT OF DOLLARS, BUT WE WILL
ALSO DEAL WITH THE DEFICIT OF JOBS, HOUSING, TRAINING, EDUCATION,
AND TRANSPORTATION.
THESE THINGS ARE THE SINEWS OF OUR COUNTRY'S
STRENGTH -- THE QUALITIES THAT ONCE MADE US THE GREAT ARSENAL OF
DEMOCRACY -- AND THAT, I N THE 21ST CENTURY, CAN TAKE US TO THE
FRONTIER OF THE WORLD'S ECONOMIC FUTURE.
BUT WE CANNOT GET THERE BY RELYING ON TRIED AND TIRED
POLICIES FROM THE PAST.
PROGRAMS ARE NOT THE SAME AS PROGRESS --
AND SPENDING DOES NOT EQUAL SOLUTIONS.
THE OLD WAYS OF THINKING
AND LEADING WILL NOT DO.
INSTEAD WHAT WE DO NOW MUST BEGIN WITH A NEW SENSE OF HONOR,
A NEW COVENANT - - I N WHICH GOVERNMENT KEEPS ITS OBLIGATIONS, BUT
THOSE I T HELPS DO THEIR PART, SO THAT BENEFITS ARE EARNED,
RESULTS ARE EXPECTED, AND PUBLIC ENDEAVOR BECOMES A MEANS TO
ANSWER PROBLEMS, NOT PERPETUATE THEM.
TO RESTORE ECONOMIC GROWTH AND CREATE JOBS, WE WILL OFFER
INCENTIVES TO BUSINESS.
BUT I N RETURN WE WILL EXPECT AMERICAN
CORPORATIONS TO RE-INVEST I N AMERICA -- TO BUILD AN ECONOMY THAT
IS FIRST I N RESEARCH, FIRST I N PRODUCTIVITY, AND FIRST I N THE
WORTH OF ITS WAGES.
�TO MAKE OUR SCHOOLS THE BEST IN THE WORLD, WE WILL OFFER
RESOURCES AND NOT JUST RHETORIC -- FOR WE ASPIRE TO DESERVE THE
TITLE OF THE EDUCATION ADMINISTRATION.
BUT IN RETURN, WE WILL
EXPECT STANDARDS TO BE RAISED, PARENTS TO BE INVOLVED, CHOICES TO
BE GIVEN —
AND A SYSTEM WITH FEWER ADMINISTRATORS READING
REPORTS AND MORE TEACHERS HELPING OUR CHILDREN LEARN TO READ.
WE
WILL RE-OPEN COLLEGE DOORS TO THE MIDDLE CLASS -- BUT IN RETURN,
WE WILL EXPECT GRADUATES TO REPAY THEIR LOANS, AND TO REPAY THEIR
COUNTRY WITH A PERIOD OF NATIONAL SERVICE.
TO SECURE IN OUR OWN LAND THE BASIC HUMAN RIGHT OF HEALTH
CARE, WE WILL OFFER THE MOST FAR-REACHING NATIONAL HEALTH PLAN IN
OUR HISTORY.
FOR AMERICA, THIS I S THE GREAT UNFINISHED BUSINESS
OF HALF A CENTURY.
WE WILL FINISH I T IN THIS ADMINISTRATION.
WE
WILL HAVE TO CHALLENGE ENTRENCHED POWER, BECAUSE WE WILL EXPECT
THOSE WHO PROVIDE CARE TO COMPETE AND TO CONTROL COSTS.
BUT BY
THE NEXT TIME THIS OATH OF OFFICE I S TAKEN, LET I T BE RECORDED
THAT AMERICAN FAMILIES NO LONGER HAVE TO WORRY WHETHER THEY CAN
AFFORD A DOCTOR FOR A SICK CHILD CRYING IN THE NIGHT.
TO MAKE ROOM IN OUR FUTURE FOR THE LEAST AMONG US, WE WILL
END TWELVE YEARS OF COLD NEGLECT AT THE CENTER OF POWER.
THE
IDEOLOGY OF INDIFFERENCE HAS MADE POVERTY WORSE, NOT BETTER.
BUT
OUR RESPONSE CANNOT BE SIMPLY TO MAKE THE CYCLE OF DEPENDENCY A
LITTLE MORE BEARABLE.
INSTEAD WE WILL END WELFARE AS A WAY OF
L I F E ; WE WILL OFFER THE CHANCE TO EARN A BETTER L I F E .
WE WILL
MOVE FROM THE WELFARE STATE TO THE WORK ETHIC -- BECAUSE WE
CANNOT AFFORD TO LOSE ANY TALENT, TO WRITE ANYONE OUT OF THE
�AMERICAN DREAM.
BUT ABOVE ALL, WE WILL CARE -- AND TO THE CYNICS
WHO SAY COMPASSION I S UNPOPULAR, LET US REPLY: A GREAT NATION
CANNOT HAVE A NARROW SPIRIT AND A CLOSED HEART.
FINALLY, WE HAVE A COVENANT NOT ONLY WITH EACH OTHER, BUT
WITH THE CHARACTER AND CONSTITUTION OF OUR COUNTRY.
WE MUST RESUME THE LONG, HISTORIC, IMPLACABLE EFFORT TO
OVERCOME THE EVILS OF DISCRIMINATION -- BECAUSE THAT STRUGGLE I S
ESSENTIAL TO THE VERY BEING OF AMERICA.
LET US CONSIDER I T AN
HONOR TO BE CRITICIZED WHEN WE STAND UP FOR THE BELIEF THAT ALL
PEOPLE ARE CREATED EQUAL.
LET US BRING THE SAME SENSE OF HONOR TO ALL OUR GREAT
ENDEAVORS -- FROM CLEANING OUR ENVIRONMENT TO CLEANING THE
POLLUTION OF MONEY FROM OUR POLITICS.
TO MY COLLEAGUES I N EVERY BRANCH OF GOVERNMENT:
LET US MAKE
PUBLIC SERVICE ONCE AGAIN AN HONORABLE PROFESSION, WITH HIGH
STANDARDS OF INTEGRITY.
AND LET US REMEMBER THAT WHAT MATTERS I S
NOT THE APPLAUSE WHEN WE ARRIVE, BUT THE JUDGEMENT WHEN WE LEAVE.
TO THE MEMBERS OF CONGRESS:
TOGETHER LET US PROVE THAT
THOSE WHO GOVERN AMERICA CAN GOVERN THEMSELVES. SOMETIMES WE
WILL DISAGREE, BUT LET US ALWAYS WALK I N THE LIGHT OF REASON.
TO YOU, THE PEOPLE, UPON W O ALL ELSE DEPENDS:
HM
I N THE
YEARS AHEAD, LET US FOLLOW OUR HOPES AND NOT OUR FEARS.
FOR TOO
LONG, WE HAVE BEEN TOLD TO ASK ONLY WHAT WE COULD DO FOR
OURSELVES -- AND AT THE END OF I T , WE HAVE FOUND NOT MORE
PROSPERITY, BUT LESS.
FOR TOO LONG, THE SUMMONS TO SELFISHNESS
HAS BEEN HEARD ACROSS THE LAND.
�start
�SCHEMA OF INAUGURAL ADDRESS
* What's America - what is great, what is special
- democracy - that means a system that values people first
- work
- family
- neighborhood
- church
- school
* What went wrong
- greed
- short-term thinking (sleepwalking into decline)
- govemment for the special interests, not the powerful
* Renewal
- America has always renewed itself
- renewal of democracy
- your president will lead and take action, and take action now
* New day
- economy that puts people first
- political system that puts power in the hands of the people
- foreign policy that values democracy
* "What you can do to help"
- responsibility
- no more something for nothing
* coda: courage to change
�.THI! G5 'S3
in:.!;-: SEMT B'I ' i f l ''.''.WJlKHtKlfz.
<jf'~.
P. 17
In short, we don't need lectures on "valSecondly, address the crisis of public edues" and "responsibilities" from the conser- ucation. The inequality of resources between
vative forces in Washington responsible for schools in rich neighborhoods and schools in
the Iran-contra, Iraq-gate. -Department of
poor ones is a national disgrace. You must
Housing and Urban Development and S&L pay the highest salaries to the best teachers
scandals (or from those media liberals who as an incentive to teach in the inner cities,
failed to expose them). Nor do we need or while funding a national scholarship to recruit
want handouts. We simply want a level play- people of color to the profession of teaching.
ing field.
Promote a multicultural curriculum to reflect
That's why I want to propose a (ew com- multicultural America and counteract the
mon sense solutions to the problems that alienation felt by so many blade youth with
haunt the majority of black Americans, poor regard to the educational process. Letting
kids stay home from school on Martin Luther
whites and people of other colors.
King Day and talkirig of Harriet Tubman durirst, socialize health care. Universal ing Black History Month are the merest tohealth care is the mark of a civilized kens of concern and scarcely begin to ad-*"
society, one concerned about the total dress the problem. As for older, students, no
well-being of its citizenry. We currently one should be denied a higher education Ijcspend more than 13 percent of GNP for cause of its cost. The abilirjji to think critically •
A.
health care whije the number of people who shouldn't be the sole province of^the priviare uninsured stands at 37 million. By com- leged. Don't write us off. ^
parison, no other industralized country
Finally and n^st importantly, dcvo'op a,
spends even 10 percent of its GNP on health comprehensive-vurban pl^n that nccjf.'sses
unemploymen(Ci and job creation. l.i'niv«:.-ii
employment is a basic\and non-negdliible
human right. The shift from a manufacturing
to a .service economy has meant the evaporation of low-skilled, high-wage job", ior
many workers, atffecling blar.t; disproportionately and causing high rates of black
employment. Revive programs such, as Li it
Neighborhood Youth Corps and CETA, programs that provide remedial education and
job training whose benefits far outweigh their
costs. And don't neglect tax incentives for
would-be lenders to minority-owned businesses in the black community. A fall employment policy that retrains vvorkc;s wciio
at last take advantage of the humsn apitni of
the inner cities now being tragiaiiy wasted.
All of this would be good busiiitss. If yon
could put back to work—perhaps tlirough a
revamped Works Prosress Adnunisrration—
the 8.8 million Americans who are unemployed, you would increase the GNP by b.l
percent. And that doesn't even count the
billions in savings on unemployment and welfare benefits.
care while providing universal coverage for
The most radical aspect of my suggestions
its citizens. Right now, imluential health care is that they are clearly achievable if you have
lobbies have protecced the profits of a bu- the will to implement them. I hope you do.
reaucracy composed of doctors, hospitals and What many of us told ourselves during your
other institutions that provide health care. campaign will now be tested: that you only
This has driven costs totally out of control. ignored black people m order C get elected.
o
Do you have the political will to oppose them, Now chac you're in there, it will take more
or will the "managed competition" you call for than appointmenrs of blacks to high places in
tum out to be yet another health care fiasco? your administration to do the right thing.
Universal health care for Americans might Help those poor blacks, whites and people of
cost an extra $50 billion, but we are already color who live in our nation's inner ones and
spending $820 billion for those already in- who for too long have been nobody's special
sured. If we distributed a progressive tax interest. Otherwise, the next generation of
burden over the wealthier half of the Amer- black youth will be writing cheir own sequeb
ican population, we could easilyfinanceuni- to "Bush Killa"—and that wil] be the least of
versal health care.
your problems.
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I 03 '93 IQ:22 SEMT BY UK 'ICWUMlCHTI'itrE. OF'.
Yo! A Rapper's Domestic Policy Plan
Haw Clinton Can Bring Hope to Alienated Black America
By Paris
LOT of people are giving Bill Clinton advice these days. Here's mine.
Although many Americans are joyfully antibpacing your inauguration, I see no
reason to celebrate yet. In one sense, I'm
glad you won. Unlike many of my generation,
who bemoan the useiessness or corruption of
the political process, 1 rejected the easy pessimism of not voting and cast a ballot for you.
Your campaign, however, placed me and
most other blacks in a painful predicament.
By claiming you were running against the
"special interests" (blacks, labor and feminists) that have supposedly kept the Democrats out of the White House for the last 12
years, you skillfully undermined honest debate about racial justice. And by dissing Sista
Souljah and distancing Jesse Jackson at a single stroke, you confirmed the bitter belief
among many of us that even well-intentioned
whites are unable to play the game of racial
politics above board.
Here's our dilemma: If we speak up, we're
special interest whiners, but it' we keep quiet,
we lose sdf-respect and reinforce our own
invisibility. I. for one. cannot remain silent.
Your actions were, in my view, calculating
and unprincipled, and they angered me—but
not enough to make me believe that you
could no* redeem yourself.
* Although I hold a degree in economics, I
am a radical rapper by profession, an artist
whose outrage pushed me to write and record "Bush Killa," which appears on my album,
"Sleeping With the Enemy." The song has
sparked controversy because it imagines the
stalking and slaying of the president, that
ready-made symbol of politics and policies
thnt have assaulted black America for nearly
half my life. I understood that the language in
this violent fantasy would be disturbing lo
many, but what I hoped to call attention to—
the renl-lite economic violence visited upon
millions of African-American people every
day of their lives—is more disturbing and
more real.
A
ting people first, and I can't see you being
worse than your predecessor.
As the old saying goes, when America
sneezes, black America catches cold. Judging
by that standard, we have double pnaumoma.
Tha black infant mortality rate is dooble the
figure for whites. The unemployment rate
for young black men has reached 40 percent,
triple that of whites. The number of black
children living in poverty now exceeds 45
percent, while overall 10 million African
Americana are officially poor. As yoti know,
there are now more black men in'prison
(over 600,000) than in college (435.000).
Though one out of our four Americans with
AIDS is black, George Bush, as Magic Johnson pointed out, dropped the ball on this issue. It is a notorious fact that homicide is the
No. 1 cause of death for young black men. It
is less often noted that suicide has climbed to
become the third leading cause of death for
this group. Recognize that there is despair m
America.
i tfV2
ger's "Total Recall" (a popular movie among
young blacks), the only black character was a
traitor with a Jhen curl and a gold tooth who
lived on Mars. Even in outer space we are
fiemunized.
.And too many of my fellow rap artists only
contribute to che problem. Their words are
taken as gospel truth, more than thoge of
parents and teachers, and yet those words
reinforce the same stereotypes offered by
Hollywood: Gee it for yourself regardless of
the consequences.
Ironically, that's the same message we get
trom black conservatives. Their arguments,
although sometimes well-intentioned, don't
S
o what is to be done? The first thing is
not to fall for the easyright-wingargument that black America has only itself
to blame for its problems. African Americans
are well aware of the work we must do ourselves to improve our lot. We know from
hard experience that we cannot rely on the
govemment to improve our mindset or morale or to nurture the black family. We iwed
to do these thinga ourselves.
And we are. In San Francisco, my hometown, the Omega Boys Club is taking hardheads off the street, teaching them about
themselves and their heritage and preparing
them to go to black colleges. So far more
than 200 young men—former hustlers, dcpe
dealers and stick-up kids—have gone on :o
make sense for most black people. They dehigher education, while maintaining cont.xt
mand that black people be less dependent on
with their roots. In your new home city.
welfare—a proposition that no one would
Washington, the Nation of Islam has nearly
eliminated drug dealing at the Mayfair Man- disagree with— while carefully avoiding dission apartment complex. Too often thougb. cussion of truths that might alienate their
these success stories are neglected by tht
corporate patrons. I don't need to tell you
pundits either out of ignorance or out of hos- thit over the last 12 years, the Reagan-Bush
tility to the message of black pride. Don't administrations raised ta*es on the poorest
confuse black pnde with black racism.
20 percent of the American people—a group
You need to know about these heroes of thac is disproportionately black—while cut1 am. nonetheless, at least slightly hopeful the black community because they are work- ting taxes for the richest 1 percent, a group
that is, safe to say. mostly white. If you think
about what you can achieve with your pres- ing daily to combat one of our most serious
idential power. I like your rhetoric about put problems: a socialization process that teaches working white people are tired of paying for
black youth a complete lack of regard for
poor black people on welfare, understand
Paris is a rap artist and owner of Scarf ace black life, a process that is reinforced by TV, how working black people feel about funding
movies, and music. In Arnold SchwarzenegRecords, based in Qakland. Calif.
welfare for rich white folks.
IS
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
005. memo
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
Stan Greenberg to President-Elect Bill Clinton; RE: The Inaugural
Address (4 pages)
12/26/1992
RESTRICTION
Personal Misfile
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number:
14457
FOLDER TITLE:
Inaugural - Drafts [2]
2006-0469-F
dbl926
RESTRICTION CODES
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Freedom of Information Act - |5 II.S.C. 552(b)|
Pl National Security Classified Information 1(a)(1) ofthe PRA|
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office 1(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute 1(a)(3) ofthe PRA|
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information 1(a)(4) ofthe PRA|
P5 Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors |a)(5) ofthe PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy 1(a)(6) ofthe PRA|
b(l) National security classified information 1(b)(1) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency 1(b)(2) ofthe FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) ofthe FOIAj
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information 1(b)(4) ofthe FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy 1(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes |(b)(7) ofthe FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions 1(b)(8) ofthe FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells 1(b)(9) ofthe FOIAj
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
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PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 II.S.C.
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�H.I.S.
1/18/93
4 REUTERS 01-17-93 09:55 AET
BC-TEXT-CLINTON/MONTICELLO
70 LINES
REMARKS BY PRESIDENT-ELECT CLINTON TO YOUNG PEOPLE
Location: Monticello, Thomas Jefferson's home i n
C h a r l o t t e s v i l l e , Va.
Time: 8:25 a.m.
January 17, 1993
+++++
The e d i t o r of the report i s Steve Ginsburg. Tim Ahmann,
E r i c Beech, Melissa Bland, Peter Ramjug and Paul Schomer also
are a v a i l a b l e t o help you. I f you have questions, please c a l l
202-898-8345. For service problems c a l l 1-800-435-0101.
+++++
+++++
This t r a n s c r i p t i s provided by News Transcripts, Inc. I f
questions of content a r i s e , c a l l 202-682-9050
+++++
PRESIDENT-ELECT CLINTON: Thank you. Thank you so
much and good moming. H i l l a r y and A l and Tipper Gore and
myself, we're a l l d e l i g h t e d t o be here along w i t h our c h i l d r e n ,
PRESS RETURN TO CONTINUE OR ENTER ANOTHER REQUEST.
rry daughter and two of A l and Tipper's children, at Thomas
Jefferson's home i n the year i n which w e ' l l celebrate the 250th
birthday of Thomas Jefferson.
We wanted t o begin here at Monticello our inaugural
week not only because Thomas Jefferson was one of our greatest
presidents, perhaps our most b r i l l i a n t president, a man who, as
Mr. Jergen (phonetic) was j u s t t e l l i n g us, read books i n seven
languages, but also because he believed i n the power of the
ideas which have made t h i s country great.
As I'm sure many of you i n t h i s audience know, Thomas
Jefferson wanted on h i s own tombstone that he was the author of
the Declaration of Independence, the s t a t u t e of r e l i g i o u s
freedom f o r the state of V i r g i n i a , something that's inportant t o
remark on on t h i s Sunday, and the founder of the U n i v e r s i t y of
V i r g i n i a j u s t a few miles from here.
(Applause)
I t h i n k i t ' s irrportant, too, t o say that Jefferson
believed t h a t a l l people were created equal w i t h the r i g h t t o
pursue l i f e , l i b e r t y and happiness, and that, as he o f t e n said,
the e a r t h belongs t o the l i v i n g , that i t was required of each of
us t h a t we would have t o change and that each generation would
have t o change t h i s country t o meet the needs of that time.
PRESS RETURN TO CONTINUE OR ENTER ANOTHER REQUEST.
He even said that p e r i o d i c a l l y we would have t o
r e v o l u t i o n i z e our country t o keep the people i n c o n t r o l .
So we wanted t o s t a r t here because we wanted one l a s t
bus t r i p before we took o f f i c e because our bus was a way of
saying t o the people of America, we want you t o be i n c o n t r o l ,
we don't want t o be out of touch w i t h you, we don't want t o be a
long way from you. We want you t o believe that t h i s i s your
government j u s t as much as i t ' s your country.
And so we're ending t h i s beginning of our inaugural
1
�H.I.S.
1/18/93
w i t h these f i n e c h i l d r e n , who wrote wonderful l e t t e r s t o the
Washington Post and were selected from a number of f i n e young
people who wrote l e t t e r s t o be here w i t h us today based on t h e i r
concerns f o r t h e i r country. They symbolize the people that
Thomas J e f f e r s o n wrote f o r so many years ago i n the Declaration
of Independence.
Thank you very much.
END TRANSCRIPT
+++++
+++++
The Reuter Transcript Report
B i l l C l i n t o n / C h a r l o t t e s v i l l e , Va.
PRESS RETURN TO CONTINUE OR ENTER ANOTHER REQUEST.
Jan. 17, 1993
REUTER
�REMARKS BY PRESIDENT-ELECT BILL CLINTON AT THE MARTIN LUTHER KING. JR.
PROGRAM , HOWARD UNIVERSITY, WASHINGTON. DC
'
BE-lS-Ol-E pagett 2
MONDAY, JANUARY 18. 1993
T'h'^mas Je f f cn-son, who l i t e r a l l y c r e a t e d f o r A m e r i c a n s i n t h e D e c l a r a t i o n o f
Independence t h e r i g h t s o f freedom and e q u a l i t y and who, t o be f a i r t o him.
t h o u g h a s l a v e o w n e r , knew s l a v e r y was wrong.
I f y o u go t o t h e J e f f e r s o n
Memorial, and you. r e a d what i t s a y s , a t t h e t o p he s a y s , " I t r e m b l e t o t h i n k
t h a t God i s j u s t , " when he t h o u g h t about s l a v e r y .
And we ended the. day a t
t h e L i n c o l n M e m o r i a l , where Dr. K i n g gave t h e " I Have a Dream" speech on
August t h e 2 8 t h , 1S&3 t o a v a s t crowd t h e r e h o n o r i n g Abraham L i n c o l n , t h e
p e r s o n who a b o l i s h e d s l a v e r y t o e x t e n d freedom and who gave h i s l i f e f o r
t h e Union t h a t made free^dom and e q u a l i t y p o s s i b l e .
But more t h a n anyone e l s e , M a r t i n L u t h e r K i n g l i v e d and d i e d i n t h e
f i g h t t o r e m i n d u s o f what i s t h e g r e a t e s t s t r u g g l e i n o u r own l i v e s t o t h e
p r e s e n t day, how t o c l o s e t h e gap between o u r w o r d s and o u r deeds.
( A p p l a u s e . ) I mean, L i n c o l n e m a n c i p a t e d t h e s l a v e s , b u t a c e n t u r y l a t e r we
had not c l o s e d t h e gap between o u r words and o u r deeds.
When Dr. K i n g r e t u r n e d f r o m O s l o a f t e r a c c e p t i n g t h e Nobel Peace P r i z e
i n 1964, t h e mood was j u b i l a n t .
Few p e o p l e , i n c l u d i n g Dr. K i n g , e x p e c t e d
t h a t an A m e r i c a n b l a c k man c o u l d a c t u a l l y w i n t h e Nobel P r i n e .
I t was a
t r i u m p h a n t and an h i s t o r i c moment. B u t he was n o t a w e s t r u c k by t h e glow o f
worldwide honors.
H i s r e s t l e s s e n e r g y b r o u g h t h i m q u i c k l y back t o t h e
U n i t e d S t a t e s and he spoke a t t h e H a r l e m Armory i n New York C i t y on
December t h e 1.7th.
I ' d l i k e t o r e a d y o u j u s t a s h o r t p a s s a g e f r o m what he
s a i d on t h a t n i g h t .
"For t h e l a s t 10 d a y s , I have been on a l i t e r a l m o u n t a i n t o p h a v i n g
t r a n s f i g u r i n g experiences.
We've had t h e p r i v i l e g e o f m e e t i n g and t a l k i n g
w i t h k i n g s and queens, m e e t i n g and t a l k i n g w i t h p r i m e m i n i s t e r s o f n a t i o n s ,
m e e t i n g and t a l k i n g w i t h t h e humble p e o p l e o f t h e l a n d .
I wish I c o u l d
s t a y on t h i s m o u n t a i n t o p .
I wish I could s t a y here t o n i g h t , but the v a l l e y
c a l l s me. T h e r e a r e t h o s e who need hope?. T h e r e a r e t h o s e who need t o f i n d
a way o u t .
As I go back t o t h i s v a l l e y , I go back w i t h a f a i t h .
I. go back
w i t h a f a i t l i t h a t t r u t h and j u s t i c e w i l l r i s e a g a i n .
I go back w i t h a
f a i t h t h a t t h e w h e e l s o f t h e gods g r i n d s l o w l y , b u t e x c e e d i n g l y f i n e .
I go
back w i t h t h e f a i t h t h a t y o u s h a l l r e a p what y o u sow.
With t h a t f a i t h , I
go back t o t h e v a l l e y . "
For t h e f i r s t t i m e i n a c e n t u r y and a h a l f , and o n l y t h e t h i r d t i m e i n
t h e h i s t o r y o f o u r r e p u b l i c , t w o sons o f t h e S o u t h a r e a b o u t t o assume t h e
m o u n t a i n t o p o f A m e r i c a n democracy, a p r e s i d e n t f r o m a s m a l l town i n
A r k a n s a s , a v i c e p r e s i d e n t f r o m t h e h i l l s o f Tennessee, b o t h b e l i e v e r s i n
t h e dream and t h e o b l i g a t i o n s t h a t M a r t i n L u t h e r K i n g spoke.
He was o u r
t e a c h e r i n many ways.
He t a u g h t us a b o u t t h e p a i n and p r o m i s e o f A m e r i c a ,
about t h e r e d e m p t i v e h e a l i n g o f f a i t h and d i s c i p l i n e , about l o v e and
c o u r a g e , and u l t i m a t e l y about s o m e t h i n g we must a l l be p r e p a r e d t o do t o
keep OUT c o u n t r y g o i n g and g r o w i n g , s a c r i f i c e .
And he p o i n t e d us t o w a r d a
day o f freedom and j u s t i c e when a l l A m e r i c a n s c o u l d walk hand i n hand.
I w i 1 1 t r y t o f o 1 1 o w t h e p o wer f u . e x a m p 1 e o f Dr. K i n g ' s c o n v i c t i o n
1
i n t o t h e s e new r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s , f o r I know t h a t God d i d n o t d r o p me f r o m a
mountaintop.
I was b o r n i n t h e v a l l e y
• ('applause) - and l i f t e d t o t h i s
o f f i c e on t h e hopes and dreams o f p e o p l e i n t h e v a l l e y s a l l a c r o s s t h i s
c o u n t r y , p e o p l e who c o u l d f a r more e a s i l y f i n d us on a b u s t h a n ever a t an
�REMARKS BY PRESIDENT-ELECT BILL CLINTON AT THE MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR.
PROGRAM / HOWARD UNIVERSITY. WASHINGTON. DC
BE- -18-01-E pagett 1
MONDAY, JANUARY 18, 1993
d e s t "-not v p o l , e l e c u s , c c a r , f n s l 2 0 & l , a f amer , dc
data
PRESIDENT-ELEC f CLINTON:
v e r y m u. c h .
T h a n k y o u..
< Cheers, applause.)
Thank you.
Ihank y o u
I w i s h I d i d n ' t have t o s a y a n y t h i n g .
I t ' s a l l d o w n h i l l from here.
(Laughter.)
L e t me s a y f i r s t what a w o n d e r f u l t i m e H i l l a r y and A l and
T i p p e r and I have had h e r e t o d a y a t t h i s o c c a s i o n .
(Applause.)
I have
been t o Howard U n i v e r s i t y b e f o r e on s e v e r a l o c c a s i o n s , b u t never have I had
a warmer o r deeper o r b e t t e r f e e l i n g .
I c o u l d l i s t e n t o H e l e n G o l d s b y ' sp)
'
s i n g a l l day.
(Applause.)
I wish I c o u l d get J i m Lucas (sp) t o d e l i ver
the i n a u g u r a l a d d r e s s I have w r i t t e n .
(Laughter, applause.)
And i f I h id
a memory h a l f as good o f me a s M i a R o b i n s o n ' s ( s p ) , we'd be i n b e t t e r sh^pe
.
e c o n o m i c a 1 1 y . (A p p . a u s e. )
1
I t h a n k you, P r e s i d e n t J e n i f e r , f o r t h e warm welcome, and a l l o f y o u
in t h i s audience.
I t h a n k y o u f o r t h e warm r e s p o n s e you. gave t o your
alumnus and t h e c h a i r m a n o f my t r a n s i t i o n , Vernon J o r d a n , and t o t w o o f t h e
f o u r A f r i c a n A m e r i c a n s t h a t w i l l be i n t h e n e x t C a b i n e t •— ( a p p l a u s e ) a l l i n what m i g h t l o o s e l y be c a l l e d n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e s .
(Laughter.'
One o f my g o a l s i n p i c k i n g t h e C a b i n e t and t h e s u b - C a b i n e t i s t o make s u r e
t h a t we do away w i t h t h i s n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e b u s i n e s s , so any t i m e
anybody e l s e g e t s e l e c t e d p r e s i d e n t , t h e y can p i c k a w h o l e C a b i n e t f u l l o f
f o l k s f r o m any r a c e o r e i t h e r gender who c a n do any j o b . T h a t ' s what I
t h i n k we o u g h t t o have i n t h i s c o u n t r y .
(Applause.)
I want t o s a y a s p e c i a l word o f t h a n k s t o your f i n e mayor and t o t h e
c o u n c i l members h e r e p r e s e n t .
So many o f them had a major r o l e i n o u r
campaign, and I'm s u r e y o u know t ! a t t h e D i s t r i c t o f C o l u m b i a was v e r y good
t o B i l l C l i n t o n and A l Gore i n November and v e r y good t o me i n t h e p r i m a r y ,
and I ' l l never f o r g e t t h a t .
(Applause.)
I'm v e r y d e l i g h t e d t o be h e r e w i t h my f r i e n d , M a r t i n L u t h e r K i n g , I I I .
M a r t i n was v e r y h e l p f u l i n o u r campaign and h a s been v e r y good t o come t o
my s t a t e o f A r k a n s a s on many o c c a s i o n s .
I t a l k e d t o your mother r i g h t
b e f o r e I came o v e r h e r e , and s h e a s k e d me t o t e l l y o u t o be good t o d a y and
t o do w e l l .
( L a u g h t e r . ) They do t h a t t o me a l l t h e t i m e .
I f anybody knew
how my mother s t i l l t a l k e d t o me, I c o u l d n ' t have been e l e c t e d , I d o n ' t
think.
(Laughter, applause.)
I t ' s t r u e , what can I t e l l you?
You. know, one o f t h e g r e a t r e g r e t s o f my l i f e i s t h a t even t h o u g h I
was a s o u t h e r n e r who p a s s i o n a t e l y b e l i e v e d i n e v e r y t h i n g M a r t i n L u t h e r K i n g
did.
I never g o t t o meet him.
Even t h o u g h he came t o my s t a t e many t i m e s
and h i s l i f e ended i n Memphis on t h e b o r d e r o f my s t a t e , I never g o t t o
meet him.
B u t , l u c k y f o r h e r , my w i f e ' s m i n i s t e r t o o k h e r t o meet M a r t i n
L u t h e r K i n g when s h e was a l i t t l e g i r l , and we have t a l k e d a b o u t t h a t over
t h e y e a r s on o c c a s i o n .
I. do b e l i e v e t h a t he was t h e most e l o q u e n t v o i c e
f o r freedom and j u s t i c e i n my l i f e t i m e .
(Applause.)
S e n a t o r Gore h a s t a l k e d a b o u t what M a r t i n L u t h e r K i n g meant t o t h e
country.
I ' d l i k e t o t a l k a l i t t l e about what he w i l l mean f o r me and f o r
our a d m i n i s t r a t i o n .
Y e s t e r d a y , we began t h e day a t M o n t i c e l l o , t h e home o f
�REMARKS BY PRESIDENT-ELECT B I L L CLINTON AT THE MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR.
PROGRAM / HOWARD UNIVERSITY, WASHINGTON, DC
3E - IP -Ol - F pa.ge# 3
MONDAY. JANUARY 18, 1993
• .•• *
airport.
(Laughter.)
Now, i n t h e s e heady days on A m e r i c a ' s m o u n t a i n t o p ,
we must remember, w i t h Dr. M a r t i n L u t h e r K i n g , t h a t we have much work t o
do, a g a i n s t s t i f f odds, w i t h n o t a day t o w a s t e .
e t us b e g i n w i t h e n e r g y and hope, w i t h f a i t h and d i s c i p l i n e , and l e t
'us n o t q u i t u n t i l o u r work i s done.
The s c r i p t u r e s a y s , " L e t u s n o t grow
weary i n d o i n g good, J. or..._.i,n due season we s h a l l r eap _ i _f w.e_^.o. n o t 1 ose
h e a r t . " ( M a r t i n L u t h e r K i n g , J r . never l o s t "heart.
L e t u s spend our s e l v e s
'i n f f i e " v a l 1 ey i n t h e q u e s t f o r w h i c h he gave h i s a l l . God b l e s s y o u a l l .
(Applause. )
_
END
�NOT FOR RELEASE
FOR INTERNAL PRESS OFFIC E USE
ONLY!
REUTERS 01-18-93 09:03 AET
REMARKS BY PRESIDENT-ELECT CLINTON TO THE DIPLOMATIC CORPS
Time: 8:33 a.m.
January 18,1993
PRESIDENT-ELECT CLINTON: Good moming. I hesitate to
read the first line of my speech. It says let me warmly
welcome you", the distinguished members of the diplomatic
corps, to my alma mater. Hillary and I and Senator and Mrs.
Gore are delighted to be here with you today and delighted that
you have agreed to be here with us.
I came to this university at a time when a fallen
president had asked my generation to give something back to our
country. I was looking for a place to prepare for that calling.
Georgetown and its School of Foreign Service have made enormous
contributions not only to my life but to public service in
general. Many of its graduates, including my classmates, are
now distinguished members of our foreign service, our armed
forces, or serving in other areas of public and private life.
Recently Georgetown has made yet another contribution
in my friend. Dr. Madeleine Albright, who's agreed to be our
nation's voice at the United Nations.
I also chose to speak to you here today because of
Georgetown's historical tradition. George Washington spoke here
at this building. Old North, in 1797 when the college was not
yet ten years old. Our republic, scarcely 20 years old, stood
not with great powers then but with great hopes. The Marquis de
Lafayette, whose friendship and cooperation with our nation was
so vital to its birth, was escorted to this campus by a troop of
light horse cavalry in 1824. And across America's generations,
presidents, dignitaries and scholars have chosen this site to
speak about our collective hopes for the future of our nation
and for the world.
In December of 1991, as I launched my campaign for the
presidency, I came back here to Georgetown to deliver three
speeches which laid out the principles and policies that would
become the heart of my candidacy. In the first of those
speeches, I recalled the lesson taught me by one of my
Georgetown professors, Carroll Quigley. I might add. Father
O'Donovan today, before we came out here, in a brief private
ceremony, gave me four tapes of Professor Quigley's lectures
dating back to the mid-'60s. I hope I won't hear the reprimands
in the voice. All, I might add, a remodeled desk from one of my
old dorms, for which I'm especially grateful and with which I
will work.
vv
1
�Carroll Quigley argued that the defining idea of
Western civilization and of the United States in particular is
what he called future of preference, the idea that the future
can be better than the present and that each of us has a
personal moral responsibility to make it so.
When we embraced that idea, it was a revolutionary
one. Now all around the world people are beginning to think
that way. That idea was the heart of my campaign for the
presidency and it is a lesson which now applies with equal force
to the community of nations.
At the end of the Cold War, while we cannot yet
discern all the contours of the new age in which we are living,
we know it is clearly an era of both peril and promise, when the
future for millions and millions of people around the globe can
be better than the present, when the dreams of freedom and
democracy and economic prosperity and human rights can become
real, but they may or not, depending on what we do.
This is a season for hope. The Berlin Wall today
exists now only in the little remnants of stone that have become
personal mementoes of an historic triumph of freedom over
tyranny. A worldwide democratic revolution has shown its
strength and tenacity, from the shipyards of Gdansk to the
streets of Moscow, from the campuses of Beijing to the villages
of El Salvador and the townships of Soweto.
The spread of freer markets has brought the
possibility of better living conditions from the factories of
the Baltics to the fertile fields of Africa and Latin America.
But the events of the last week remind us anew that this era
will not lack for dangers. We are all mindful of the tension in
Iraq and of Saddam Hussein's continuing provocations against the
international community and his own people. He must understand
that America's resolve during this transition period will not
waiver.
I support the international community's actions
designed to bring him to full compliance with all United Nations
Security Council resolutions, and I ask each of you in the
diplomatic corps to emphasize this point to your own
governments. The policy of this country will remain American
policy after January 20.
We face many immediate other perils in this new erathe rise of ethnic hatreds in the former republics of Yugosalvia
and the Soviet Union, the suffering in Somalia, the turmoil in
Haiti, the proliferation of advanced weaponry, the spread of
terrorism and drug trafficking, the AIDS epidemic and the
degradation of the global environment. And each will require
strong American leadership if we are to overcome them.
The American people have called for a new
administration, yet there is an essential continuity in our
foreign policy. Our relations and actions abroad are rooted in
enduring interests, alliances, friendships and principles. My
administration will build on the successes of my predecessors in
specific areas--in the quest for peace in the Middle East, in
the effort to secure a safe reduction in our nuclear arsenal and
stem weapons of mass destruction from prohferation, in the bold
�decision to relieve the suffering in Somalia, the assistance to
the process of reform in the former Soviet Union, in the search
for new and expanding markets around the world.
Yet the world has changed in fundamental ways and we
also must change with it. We need to clearly state how we plan
in the United States to adapt our nation's foreign policy goals
and institutions to this new era. Such a clear statement is
necessary if we are to rally support of the American people here
at home behind a policy of active international engagement,
which remains as critical to our own prosperity and security
today as at any time in this century.
And it is critical for our nation to speak clearly
about our focusses so that the nations of the world, friend and
foe alike, will understand our intentions in the months and
years to come.
We must all
remember that the final test of a foreign policy is its effect
on the lives of our citizens. The foreign policy of my
administration will be built upon three pillars. First, we will
make the economic security of our own nation a primary goal of
our foreign policy. Here in America, we cannot sustain an
active engagement abroad without a sound economy at home. And
yet we cannot prosper at home unless we are engaged abroad. We
will, therefore, seek economic strength at home through
increased productivity, even as we seek to ensure that global
commerce is rooted in principles of openness, fairness and
reciprocity.
Second, our foreign policy will be based on a
restructuring of our armed forces to meet new and continuing
threats to our security interests and the international peace.
We will continue to prudently reduce defense spending, but
potential aggressors should be clear about American resolve. We
do not relish the prospect of military force, but when necessary
we will not shrink from using it when all appropriate diplomatic
measures have been exhausted.
Third, my administration's foreign policy will be
rooted in the democratic principles and institutions which unite
our own country and of course so many now around the world
aspire. The spread of democratic values has given the hope of
freedom to millions all across the world, who have endured
decades of oppression. Whenever possible, we will support
those who share our values because it is in the interest of
America and the world at large for us to do so.
History has borne out these enduring truthsdemocracies do not wage war against one another, they make
better panners in trade and diplomacy, and despite their in
inherent problems, they offer the best guarantee for the
protection of human rights.
Finally, I want to assure all of you, the members of
the diplomatic corps, that as president, I will work closely
with the international community, through the United Nations and
other vital institutions, to resolve contentious disputes and to
meet the challenges of the next century.
�America cannot and should not bear the world's burdens
alone, but if we work together, we can make great progress in
making this a better world for all of our citizens. We can
address the global problems-environmental decay, the scourge of
AIDS, the threat to our children and our community of narcotics
trafficking and the plight of millions of refugees around the
world.
The Gulf War and the humanitarian relief operation in
Somalia demonstrate what is best about the U.N. and what the
founders had in mind over 40 years ago, confronting aggressions
by outlaw nations and restoring hope to those in need as
international partners.
Let us act in concert today to achieve those laudable
goals. I welcome the diplomatic corps' participation in this,
our great national celebration, as every American takes part in
what is perhaps the greatest strength of our democracy-the
willing and peaceful transfer of political power from one
president to his successor. It is an inherently democratic
tradition, one that has been a source of inspiration to freedomloving people since George Washington stood atop Old North
almost 200 years ago.
Thank you very much.
(Applause.)
Now I think we're going inside, where I can welcome
you warmly to Georgetown. Thank you.
�For Internal Use Only
Not for Public Distribution
REUTERS 01-18-93 11:05 AET
PRESIDENT-ELECT CLINTON REMARKS TO THE GEORGETOWN
UNIVERSITY
COMMUNITY
Location: Georgetown University, Washington, D.C.
Time: 10:20 a.m.
January 18,1993
PRESIDENT-ELECT BILL CLINTON: Thank you.
How many of you have been here since 7:00 o'clock this
morning?
Oh, look at that; it's awful.
(Cheers.)
Well, I'd like to say you're young enough to stand it,
but I can't quite remember that long ago. I'm so glad to see
you all here. How many people are here who went to Georgetown
with me?
(Cheers.)
There they are. How many here are still ashamed to
admit you're that old?
I want to say a few things, if I might. The first
thing I'd like to say is that Georgetown really did play a major
role in my path to the presidency, not only because so many of
my friends and classmates here worked so hard in so many states
raising money, raising votes, sticking up for me when I was
down, and pronounced dead by all the experts, and being there on
the comeback. But also because when I was here, my eyes were
opened to the world in a way that they never would have been
otherwise.
I met friends from around the world. I had some
magnificent teachers, I learned some lessons that I never
forgot, and as now everyone knows, I also made a group of
friends who have stayed with me for a lifetime.
That is what I wish for all of you who are students
here. I have to say a special word, by leave of Father
O'Donovan, about two past presidents of Georgetown, both named
Healy. The first, for whom the Healy building was named, was the
first African American president of a major university in the
United States.
(Cheers.)
It's a great tribute to Georgetown and the Catholic
Church that he was named. The second, Timothy Healy, passed
away just a few days ago and he was Father O'Donovan's
predecessor. He was my friend, and in his effects, when he died,
were found four pages of an outline of instructions for me for
my inaugural address.
So, Tim's buried down the hill here, and I know he's
looking down at us, and I want him to know that I have absorbed
the instructions, and I have taken some and rejected some. That
was always the case.
�One of the most remarkable things about this election
of 1992 was the incredible energy that was generated among young
people. The sense of belief and engagement and possibility that
was there again. The feelings that all of us had, my classmates
and I , when we came here in the early '60s, I think were
genuinely rekindled among millions of young Americans. And I
want you to know that as we move through the next two days, and
I begin to prepare, mentally, to become president of the United
States, one thing I will never forget is the inspiration, the
energy, the hope, the drive, that my campaign derived from those
of you who represent our future.
A few days ago, we had an economic conference in
Little Rock which a lot of people watched. Maybe you saw some of
it on the television, but one thing you couldn't have seen was a
personal conversation I had with one of the delegates who came
up to me.
And he said: Think about all those young people that
were for you. There really is a constituency for the future.
(Cheers.)
I want to say, too, that perhaps the idea that most
embodied what our campaign was all about-opportunity and
responsibility, a sense of community, was the idea that every
young American ought to be able to go to college without regard
to income.
(Cheers.)
That every American ought to be able to pay back that
college education at his or her own choice, with two years of
service to our country here at home, dealing with the problems
of America here at home.
(Cheers.)
I believe with all my heart, that a lot of the
problems of America are problems of the spirit as well as
physical. I believe they can only be solved when people are
dealing with each other one on one, and when we reconnect and we
reach across the lines that divide us. And I believe that this
national service idea can galvanize the energies of Americans,
the visions of Americans, and can put Americans in touch with
one another again in magical ways that we cannot now even
imagine.
Much of what a president has to do is to propose and
pass laws to handle big issues, to try to deal with things that
only the president can. But this is a vast, complex country, and
the reach of the govemment is limited and the reach of the
president is certainly limited.
Much of what I will do that matters rests on my
ability to inspire you to do things that you can do, that
collectively will matter more than anything any president could
ever do, ever.
(Cheers.)
And so I ask you here, at my alma mater, in front of
this building where I attended classes, across from a building
where I lived(Cheers.)
I guess you could call dorm life living. I'm not sure.
�I ask you to remember that. We ran to give you a
better future, but also to challenge you to build that future.
We'll do our part. We will never forget you, and I hope you
will seize the opportunities we'll try to lay out there. And
remember, it's your country to build. You have an obligation.
You cannot let, you cannot let yourselves be the first
generation of Americans to do worse than your parents.
You can do better than we have done in healing the
racial and other wounds of this country, and pulling this
country together. It is not foreordained that many parts of our
biggest cities will be unlivable because they're too violent. It
is not foreordained that in this country we'll have a higher
percentage of children living below the poverty line, growing up
illiterate, dropping our of school, being dysfunctional, being
in jail, than any other advanced country in the world.
We can do better than that. And you live in a world
where everybody counts, and where, if we don't fulfill the human
potential of all of our people, our country will pay for it, and
the world will pay for it forever. We can do better. I'll do my
best never to forget that you sent me down the street to the
White House, and you do your part. Thank you and God bless you
all. Thank you.
END CLINTON REMARKS
�
Dublin Core
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Title
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Michael Waldman
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Michael Waldman was Assistant to the President and Director of Speechwriting from 1995-1999. His responsibilities were writing and editing nearly 2,000 speeches, which included four State of the Union speeches and two Inaugural Addresses. From 1993 -1995 he served as Special Assistant to the President for Policy Coordination.</p>
<p>The collection generally consists of copies of speeches and speech drafts, talking points, memoranda, background material, correspondence, reports, handwritten notes, articles, clippings, and presidential schedules. A large volume of this collection was for the State of the Union speeches. Many of the speech drafts are heavily annotated with additions or deletions. There are a lot of articles and clippings in this collection.</p>
<p>Due to the size of this collection it has been divided into two segments. Use links below for access to the individual segments:<br /><a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=43&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=2006-0469-F+Segment+1">Segment One</a><br /><a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=43&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=2006-0469-F+Segment+2">Segment Two</a></p>
Creator
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Michael Waldman
Office of Speechwriting
Date
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1993-1999
Identifier
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2006-0469-F
Extent
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Segment One contains 1071 folders in 72 boxes.
Segment Two contains 868 folders in 66 boxes.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Text
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Original Format
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paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Inaugural - Drafts [2]
Creator
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Office of Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
Is Part Of
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Box 35
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36404"> Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7763296">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
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2006-0469-F Segment 2
Provenance
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White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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Preservation-Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
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6/3/2015
Source
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7763296
42-t-7763296-20060469F-Seg2-035-008-2015