-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/66dc4497db754ce05a92f00ce9002709.pdf
b95ffeb608da0dfd5e3998c4a4b04661
PDF Text
Text
F O I A Number:
2006-0469-F (2)
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidential Records
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Michael Waldman
Subseries:
14447
OA/ID Number:
FolderlD:
Folder Title:
[Remarks by WJC Prepared for Delivery at Democratic Leadership Council, June 4, 1998]
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
S
92
4
1
2
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. draft
Speech Draft; RE: Remarks prepared for delivery Democratic
Leadership Council (22 pages)
06/04/1998
P5
002. draft
Speech Draft; RE: Remarks prepared for delivery Democratic
Leadership Council (22 pages)
06/04/1998
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number:
14447
FOLDER TITLE:
[Remarks by WJC Prepared for Delivery at Democratic Leadership Council, June 4,
1998]
2006-0469-F
db3369
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act -144 U.S.C. 2204(a)|
Freedom of Information Act - \5 U.S.C. 552(b)|
PI National Security Classified Information |(a)(l) ofthe PRA|
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office 1(a)(2) of the PRA|
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute 1(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information 1(a)(4) ofthe PRA|
P5 Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors |a)(5) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy 1(a)(6) of the PRA|
b(l) National security classified information 1(b)(1) of Ihe FOIAj
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency |(b)(2) ofthe FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute 1(b)(3) ofthe FOIAj
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information 1(b)(4) ofthe FOIAj
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy 1(b)(6) ofthe FOIAj
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes 1(b)(7) ofthe FOIAj
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions 1(b)(8) ofthe FOIAj
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells 1(b)(9) of the FOIAj
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�......fl
PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
Remarks Prepared for Delivery
Democratic Leadership Council
June 4, 1998
Acknowledgments: Al From and Will Marshall
from the DLC. Governor Roy Romer, Gov. Tom
Carper, Lt. Gov. Kathleen Kennedy Townsend,
\*fciMpHBiiMft). And the many other state and local
elected officials in attendance.
I am pleased to be at the Democratic Leadership
Council's second annual National Conversation. Around
this room are the New Democratic leaders of the future.
C C , L<Wrc(
�You belong to a growing and new national
movement, but you are also at the same time the bearers
of the oldest and most treasured American political
tradition.
It's worth remembering thatin the 19th century our
party was known not only as the Democratic Party. It
was also called simply the Democracy, und the rtxt*ufl
:
-w3s=sd^TOlgtttHt^s because it stood for all the
people. We were the Democracy then, and we are the
Democracy now.
�We belong to the party of hope, the party of the
future, the party that empowers individuals in their own
lives and gives them a sense that they are part of great
national progress. The credo of Andrew Jackson's day
is still our credo today: Opportunity for all, special
. {uvX - uflfRTs o -/ry, fw&^y^ u- i 1 : &
.
.V . 9 A
^
privilege for none^ TodajT'New-Bemocrats are the
cutting edge of the new Democracy. In each new age,w^v^v-
we have found a way to make our bedrock principles ix- ' e^ia ^
v
modern. Being nradcm moans find^ new methods to
A
animate enduring values.
�We've called our approach the third way. It is the
path to progress for the middle class in the new
economy. It means government must be more active,
more effective and less expensive^ Our-gtt^fif^trpese
ir^Tff^pim^
—f)nr-tHliTC is individual and
mutual responsibility^ Wc JJ-C dudibulcd to the
proposition that more than ever before we must be one
America, not divided against ourselves by region or U <
religion, gender or generation.
We advocate a government that can bring us
together and move us forward, not a government that
tears us apart and sets us back.
�The American people have entrusted us to lead our
nation into the 21st cenmry^^WTfyTtrfs-nrut an iicitidcnt.
^t'g hfr.ausg WQ have^phiiogeph^^ governing-.
because,.your ideas and our valuer are transforming our
party and our nation for the better, firs-beeaus^^ftve
y
rgmnlTrnmomfUMttttH 1
1
This is a time of confidence, for ourselves as
individuals and for our nation.
Today, all around the world, governments and
leaders are looking to our movement, to the Third Way,
to our vital center, as a model for their own progress.
�We are building an American example for the new
millennium right now. We are present at the future.
Think of how far we have come. In the early
1990s, long-neglected economic and social problems had
piled up. Crime was spiraling, and nobody believed that
it could be stopped. Poverty was growing. The real
wages of working families were steadily falling. There
were deficits as far as the eye could see.
The country was told by certain deepS&inkerG that
we could not solve our problems, that government was at
best useless, and at worst a force for ill.
�Certain politicians, in the meantime, cynically
exploited social differences by turning them into "wedge
issues," dividing Americans for partisan advantage.
Various schools of thought developed about national
decline. Declinism, as it was called, became an
intellectual fad. There was a debate about the end of
history. And nobody, but nobody, believed that a
Democrat could ever be elected President.
It was in this environment that the New Democratic
movement began in earnest. At the DLC Convention in
Cleveland in 1991 we proudly proclaimed ourselves
"New Democrats", champions of "the third way."
�It was there that we adopted the themes that we've
adhered to ever since: opportunity, responsibility,
community. Our ideas were driven by our values, our
politics was driven by our policies --and not the other
way around. What we campaigned on, we intended to
govern on. We-bclicvegUkal suceess in govcrnmcflt-^
would dulnore than leveist
trusHrrgi
We had faith that if we translated our ideas into
policy we would foster a new national self-confidence;
we would begin to awaken a new sense of community.
�We came to the country with a new vision and a
strategy to make it a new reality: to widen the circle of
1
opportunity for the middle class in the new economy U-^-'^;^--Rather than empty rhetoric, we offered serious,
v
v
^'.^ / ;; \
v
N
••' ~ V •
substantive proposals. And those New Democratic v ^ * w
_
proposals have truly changed the face of our Nation.
We promised to reinvent government so it costs less
and works better. And we kept that promise. Thanks to
the hard work of Vice President Gore, we have reduced
the federal payroll by 350,000 positions - its smallest
size since John F. Kennedy was President.
v
�*
We've eliminated 16,000 pages of unnecessary
government regulations, more than 250 outdated
government programs, and 640,000 pages of internal
rules. All told, the Vice President's efforts have saved
$137 billion. Years ago, reinventing government was a
New Democrat^ Today it is an American success story.
We promised to make our streets, stores and
schoolyards safer, by funding 100,000 new police
officers in community policing programs. And we kept
that promise.
10
�Our Crime Bill, Brady Bill, assault weapon ban and
prevention efforts have helped reduce crime, saving
lives, saving neighborhoods, saving a sense of security
and community and dignity for millions of Americans.
Years ago, our tough, smart plan for reducing crime was
a New Democrat idea. Today it is an American success
story.
We promised to ease the burden of taxes, to reward
work and lift millions of working families out of
poverty. And we kept that promise.
11
�The Earned Income Tax Credit has helped make real the
American Dream that if you work full-time, and have
kids at home, you will not raise those children in
poverty. Years ago, our plan for rewarding work and
cutting taxes for working families was a New Democrat
idea. Today it is an American success story.
And so it has been on so many other fronts.
Welfare reform. Tough child support enforcement.
Family and Medical Leave. Creating jobs by expanding
trade. Empowerment Zones. National Service. HOPE
Scholarships. A balanced budget. All of them promises
made. All of them promises kept.
12
�All of them New Democrat ideas. And all of them
^
American success stories.
A S
t:!:^}..'
\
As we near the end of this decade of change, we can
look back with pride to its beginnings -and ours -and
say that our work has brought us to a new place in a new
time. We are not where we were in the early 1990s. We
have redefined our party. The Democrats are the party
of the future again. We have brought our nation into the
new era.
13
-
ai
�And yet we dare not rest. The enemies of our time
0
are complacency, contentment, self-satisfaction 1 M-4^
-attributes that run against the American grain. Our
task today is no longer to repair the damage of the past,
but to meet the challenges of the future.
Our duty is to strengthen the Nation for the 21st
Century; to stand against those who would return to the
policies of decline and drift.
We face a clear choice: leading the nation forward,
advancing our interests, our values, our national
purpose.
14
�On education, we support smaller classes, higher
standards, better teachers, improved technology ^ ^ u
v
On juvenile crime and the plague of youth violence,
we support a Youth Brady Bill, a juvenile crime bill,
funding for the Safe & Drug-Free Schools Act.
On child care, we support tax credits to help make
safe, high-quality child care affordable for working
parents.
These are pressing problems. They demand—t^ ,
l
L
dynamic solutions. We must act now.
16
�The choice is clear. Progress versus obstruction;
confidence versus doubt; positive versus negative; new
ideas that work versus old orthodoxies that don't.
We've come too far, as a party and as a people, to turn
back now.
Today, especially, we should reflect on the journey
that brought us to this moment of possibility. Thirty
years ago this week our nation wafcsfaecked and shaken
-to leai 1 ai4he-iFagic death of Robert F. Kennedy.^
1
yet his urgent, striving voice challenges us still today.
17
�RebertrKennedy was compeHed-te-enterlntDIhe
presideftteH^aee^the-Vietnaffl^
.
Here was a man in the arena attempting to redefine what
it meant, not just to be a Democrat, but to be an
American, in a new and turbulent time.
Again and again in thccauldron of that 85-day
cssgggn, he challenged us to look beyond the
here-and-now, saying, "Some people see things as they
are and ask, why? I see things that never were and ask,
why not?"
�Amid despair, he offered hope. Amid tumult, he
offered vision. Amid division, he preached unity.
Robert Kennedy spoke of the injustices of class and
race-and challenged us to seek "national
reconciliation." He spoke of the indecency of drugs
and violence, and challenged us to personal
responsibility. He spoke of the fraying of the ties that
bind, and challenged us to renew our sense of
community.
19
�He spoke powerful truths in difficult times,
declaring: "Perhaps the area of our greatest domestic
failure is in the system of welfare," and called for "an
effort which will provide jobs, not welfare dollars." He
spoke of reinventing government. "There is nothing
sacred about government procedure," he said. And he
called for a "new politics," a new politics "that is an end
to some of the cliches and stereotypes of past political
rhetoric."
20
�"In too much of our political dialogue," he said,
"'liberals' have been those who wanted to spend more
money, while 'conservatives' have been those who
wanted to pretend that all problems should solve
themselves...But the times are too difficult, our needs
are too great, for such restricted visions." And, then, he
was taken from us.
'
\
It would be-too~glib too flip Jxuiay4o-ekinrthat
f
r o
RoberTKennedy wara Nesv Democrat. Thf '
^{ULVI*fc^tojaSrH^ttf^
^
yaafS-agol5eIong to'theii^tttne. But^dlOT^^fed^^^vs^
an insistgnU-impatient veice^ for changer^S^beHi
comd~frr"Ufie=aauon.
21
�He was not bound by dogmas orHyttTSTlraHiaa an
instinctjpr innoyationr He wasin our tradition. And we
loved him then and we.mourn him^still.
f]^ One ofjLobert KcnncdyVfe^orite-iines-ofpeetry
was written by Alfred Lord Tennyson: "Come, my
friends/ 'Tis not too late to seek a newer world.
A l l n r r n w the nation, t h
p
9?
Mew-F^prnn^ratir
moygmentis-the leading cdgc-o^-th£Liuturg.
In^omnl^-and in our w ay we too seek a i^ewer
worleL-And-flo, my friends fit's not too late«^afrr-fni^ct^we've only just begun.
22
�Thank you. And God bless America.
23
�President William Jefferson Clinton
Remarks Prepared for Delivery
Democratic Leadership Council
June 4, 1998
Acknowledgments: Al From and Will Marshall from
the DLC. Governor Roy Romer, Gov. Tom Carper, Lt.
Gov. Kathleen Kennedy Townsend, Mayor Wellington
Webb. And the many other state and local elected officials
in attendance.
I am pleased to be at the Democratic Leadership
Council's second annual National Conversation. Around
this room are the New Democratic leaders of the future.
r v \XC IV&A tevjjix a
U X u ^VJICSL
v <^
C laaa
K
�This is a time of confidence, for ourselves as
individuals and for our nation.-Our faith in ouf^akilityto
carry ojilhe-world's greatest experiment in-selfgovemment is strong-and-grewing. Our progress
encourages us to believe that the path we are on is the
right one and that tho goalo we-frffj^r the nation can be
achieved. The new era that I am talking about is not sonle
vague^uturistic fantasy. It is not 5cience fiction. It is
down-to-carthrpractical and real.
We~aie already buiiding this new ^raT-jU^as-required
sacrifice and hard work and-dedication. But our faith and
�Today, all around the world, governments and leaders
are looking^to our movement, to the Third Way, to our
vital center, as a model for their own progress. We are ^ V A V
V
buildHig.an American example for the new millennium
right now. We are present at the future.
Think of how far we have come. In the early 1990s,
long-neglected economic and social problems had piled
up. Crime was spiraling, and nobody believed that it could
t
be stopped. Poverty was growing. The real wages of u
working families were steadily falling. There were
deficits as far as the eye could see.
�The country was told by certain deejHhinkers that we
could not solve our problems, that government was at best
useless, and at worst a force for ill.
Some politicians, in the meantime, cynically
exploited social differences by turning them into "wedge
issues," dividing Americans for partisan advantage.
Various schools of thought developed about national
decline. Declinism, as it was called, became an intellectual
fad. There was a debate about the end of history. And
nobody, but nobody, believed that a Democrat could ever
be elected President.
�It was in this environment that the New Democratic
movement began in earnest. At the DLC Convention in
Cleveland in 1991 we proudly proclaimed ourselves "New
Democrats", champions of "the third way." It was there
that we adopted the themes that we've adhered to ever
since: opportunity, responsibility, community. Our ideas
were driven by our values, our politics was driven by our
policies ~ and not the other way around. What we
campaigned on, we intended to govern on. WB%ttteved
tha^sueeess-in government would do more than reverse
the4ong4reftd-ofHiecliniiig Uust in government.
�We had faith that if we translated our ideas into policy we
would foster a new national self-confidence;
awaken a new sense of community.
VWexame to the country with a-new visioinand a
strategy to make it a new reality: to widen the circte-of
opportunity for the middle class in the new econemyl^ As
we near the end of this decade of change, we can look
back to its beginnings ~ and ours ~ and say that our work
has brought us to a new place in a new time. We are not
where we were in the early 1990s. We have redefined our
party. The Democrats are the party of the future again. We
have brought our nation into the new era.
10
�3
.<
We are at a new beginning, where the work we have done
has opened the door to even greater possibilities than we
had imagined. We are striving to create an American
example for the world. We are striving to secure
opportunity for an expanding middle class. We are
striving to become one nation, rising together.
And yet we dare not rest. The enemies of our time
U
are complacency! contentment, julf wkiijfj^Uun -- ~ ' ' ^
attributes that are literally un-American. Our task today is
no longer to repair the damage of the past, but to meet the
challenges of the future.
11
�Our duty is to strengthen the Nation for the 21st Century;
to stand against those who would return to the policies of
decline and drift. { \
r
0^
We-faee-a clear choice:-4eadmg the nation forward,
advancing our interests, our values, our national purpose.
Or-wexaK^Hmdo proven failure, a govcimncnt thauloes
—kss but custij mom.
12
�Since one of our New Democratic initiatives is to
require the government to use plain language, allow me to
practice what I preach - and say to you as plainly as I can,
that on so many important issues facing the lives of
working families, we Democrats choose to do the right
thing, and those who oppose us in Congress choose to do
nothing.
On health care, we say, pass a Patients' Bill of Rights.
Expand Medicare for those 55 and older who want to pay
their own way in - do the right thing. But those who
oppose us in Congress say, do nothing.
13
�On education, we say, smaller classes, higher
standards, better teachers, improved technology -- do the
right thing. But those who oppose us in Congress say, do
nothing.
On juvenile crime and the plague of youth violence,
we say, pass a Youth Brady Bill, pass our juvenile crime
bill, fund the Safe & Drug-Free Schools Act ~ do the right
thing. But those who oppose us in Congress say, do
nothing.
14
�On child care, we say, create tax credits to help make
safe, high-quality child care affordable for working
parents - do the right thing. But those who oppose us in
Congress say, do nothing.
A half a century ago, another Democrat, seeking to
forge a new future in a time of great change, was faced
with a similar situation. And Harry Truman famously
branded the 80th Congress "the Do-Nothing Congress."
But if he were alive today, Harry Truman would say the
current Congress makes his "Do-Nothing Congress" look
like a dynamo.
15
�Consider this: by June 1 of 1948, the notorious "DoNothing Congress" of Truman's era had enacted 178
public laws. But as of June 1 of 1998, the current
Congress has enacted just 21. This Congress is going to
have to get busy just to catch up to the "Do-Nothing
Congress."
But let me be fair to ourfriendsin the other party.
On some issues they have proposals ~ proposals that are
actually worse than doing nothing.
16
�Today their budget ~ their blueprint ~ comes before
the House of Representatives, and it seeks to tum back the
clock on so many areas in which our Nation has made
progress: Medicare, education, the environment, National
Service, welfare reform. And perhaps worst of all, it
would drain the surplus — a surplus I have pledged to
reserve until we come together to save Social Security.
The choice is clear. Progress versus obstruction;
confidence versus doubt; positive versus negative; new
ideas that work versus old orthodoxies that don't. We've
come too far, as a party and as a people, to tum back now.
17
�Today, especially, we should reflect on the joumey
that brought us to this moment of possibility. Thirty years
ago this week our nation was shocked-and shaken tQ-4eam
cr^te tragic death of Robert F. Kennedy. And yet his
urgent, striving voice challenges us still today.
Robert Kennedy was compelled to enter into the
presidential race by the Vietnam War and civil strife. Here
was a man in the arena attempting to redefine what it
meant, not just to be a Democrat, but to be an American,
in a new and turbulent time.
18
�Again and again in the cauldron of that 85-day
campaign, he challenged us to look beyond the here-andnow, saying, "Some people see things as they are and ask,
why? I see things that never were and ask, why not?"
Amid despair, he offered hope. Amid tumult, he
offered vision. Amid division, he preached unity. Robert
Kennedy spoke of the injustices of class and race-and
challenged us to seek "national reconciliation." He spoke
of the indecency of drugs and violence, and challenged us
to personal responsibility. He spoke of thefrayingof the
ties that bind, and challenged us to renew our sense of
community.
19
�^^e-belong to the party of hope, the paily-of the
futurerthe~party that empowers individuals in their own
lives-and gives them a sense that they arc part of great
national progress.—The credo of Andrew Jackson's-day^ is
stiil-our credo today: Opportunity fo^all, special privilege
Today, New Democrats are the cutting edge of the
new Democracy^ In oaeh-now age, ^vc have found a way to
make our bedrock principles modern^ ^uingtnudem
t^sos finding new methods to animate enduring values.
�As myfriendthe British Prime Minister Tony Blair says
about his efforts in building the New Labor Party, "This is
a movement, not a monument." In our country, in our
time, it is the New Democrats who are on the move.
11
The third way is the path to progress for the middle ^ ^
class in the new economy. It means government must be
more active, more effective and less expensive. Our
guiding purpose is equal opportunity for all. Our ethic is
individual and mutual responsibility. We are dedicated to
the proposition that more than ever before we must be one
America, not divided against ourselves by region or A^e
religion, gender or generation.
v
�He spoke powerful truths in difficult times, declaring:
"Perhaps the area of our greatest domestic failure is in the
system of welfare," and called for "an effort which will
provide jobs, not welfare dollars." He spoke of
reinventing government. "There is nothing sacred about
government procedure," he said. And he called for a "new
politics," a new politics "that is an end to some of the
cliches and stereotypes of past political rhetoric."
"In too much of our political dialogue," he said,
"'liberals' have been those who wanted to spend more
money, while 'conservatives' have been those who wanted
to pretend that all problems should solve themselves...
20
�...But the times are too difficult, our needs are too great,
for such restricted visions." And, then, he was taken from
us.
It would be too glib, too flip today to claim that
Robert Kennedy was a New Democrat. The issues of 30
years ago belong to their time. But Robert Kennedy was
an insistent, impatient voice for change. He believed we
could be one nation. He was not bound by dogmas or
myths, but had an instinct for innovation. He was in our
VV!^ kXVMA W x \VvU
21
�One of Robert Kennedy's favorite lines of poetry was
written by Alfred Lord Tennyson: "Come, my friends/
'Tis not too late to seek a newer world."
All across the nation, the New Democratic movement
is the lcading~cdgcrof thefigure.In our day and in our way
-seek^a newer worldj\ And no, myfriends,it's not
too late at all. In fact, we've only just begun.
Thank you. And God bless America.
22
�You belong to a growing and new national
movement, but you are also at the same time the bearers
of the oldest and most treasured American political
v
:
A l
;l
tradition. Vv^ -^ v Vvwc V^C^AXVVALVV; .'^vu \ --'^vo.
v
It's worth remembering that'in the 19th century our
partyAvas-known not only as thc-Bemocratic Paityrfrwas
also called simply the Democracy,
^.because it stood for all the people. We
-were the Democracy then, and we are the Democracy
n
o
w
-v,fro^^ v v^^
*
iv
r
t
�We advocate a government that can bring us together
and move us forward, not a government that tears us apart
and sets us back.
The American people have entrusted us to lead our
0
nation into the 21st century. Why T in not r .nu'.Knt.
t
m
jfebecansejvYeJiage a philosopfay^ofLgovcrning^^s
because our ideas and our values are transforming our
party and our nation for the better. ISs because we have a
record of accomplishment, c
'^l W ^
r
^ ^ V'
:v i
�t\ (4
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Michael Waldman
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Michael Waldman was Assistant to the President and Director of Speechwriting from 1995-1999. His responsibilities were writing and editing nearly 2,000 speeches, which included four State of the Union speeches and two Inaugural Addresses. From 1993 -1995 he served as Special Assistant to the President for Policy Coordination.</p>
<p>The collection generally consists of copies of speeches and speech drafts, talking points, memoranda, background material, correspondence, reports, handwritten notes, articles, clippings, and presidential schedules. A large volume of this collection was for the State of the Union speeches. Many of the speech drafts are heavily annotated with additions or deletions. There are a lot of articles and clippings in this collection.</p>
<p>Due to the size of this collection it has been divided into two segments. Use links below for access to the individual segments:<br /><a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=43&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=2006-0469-F+Segment+1">Segment One</a><br /><a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=43&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=2006-0469-F+Segment+2">Segment Two</a></p>
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Michael Waldman
Office of Speechwriting
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1999
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2006-0469-F
Extent
The size or duration of the resource.
Segment One contains 1071 folders in 72 boxes.
Segment Two contains 868 folders in 66 boxes.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
[Remarks by WJC Prepared for Delivery at Democratic Leadership Council, June 4, 1998]
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 10
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36404"> Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7763296">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2006-0469-F Segment 2
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
The material or physical carrier of the resource.
Preservation-Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
6/3/2015
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
7763296
42-t-7763296-20060469F-Seg2-010-002-2015