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SOTU [State of the Union] (Selected SOTU Addresses & Other Quotes) 10/22/98 [Binder] [3]
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�'"an. 19S!
SOTU
�-'97'
4
HARRY
S .
TRUMAN
1 0
We work for a better life for all, so that all men may
^9°^
use the great gifts with which they have been endowed ^ their
Creator. We seek to <'SUiblish thuso. muleri;,! coiiilitions ^ ' ' ^
which, without exception, men may live in dignity, porfo' useful
work, serve their communities, and worship God as they BC*
These may seem simple goals, but they are not little ori«y
are worth a great deal more than all tlic empires and c ( > i l
'
history. They are not to be achieved by military a g g ' ^
wlitical fanaticism. They arc to be achieved by hiimblei i>»«- 8
jy hard work, by a spirit of self-restniint in our dealing? "'. " 6
another, and by a deep devotion to the principles of j«i<-iHe and
equality.
I t should make us truly thankful, as we look back to the b . ^ " " " ^
of this country, that we have come so far along the road t" better
life for all. I t should make us humble to think, as we !o-' ahead,
how much farther we have to go to accomplish, at home an- abroad,
the objectives that were set out for us at the founding of tld- N'^'onAs wo approach the halfway mark in the twentieth c''" '- should ask lor continued strength and guidance from that Al'inghty
Power who has placed before us such great opportunities for 'h*' good
of mankind in the years to come.
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SIXTH ANNUAL MESSAGE.
THU
4
Mr.
WHITE
HOUSE,
Janwi/
1 ! ) 5 1
^
-
PRESIDENT, Mr. SPEAKER, MEMBERS OF THE C O N G R / ! ^
83
This Eighty-second Congress faces as grave a task as any ' 'ongre
in the history of our Republic.
The actions you take will be watched by the whole worW . T®^
actions will measure the ability of a free people, acting thrv^tjb the'r
chosen representatives and their free institutions, to meet
deadly
challenge to their way of life.
We can meet this challenge foolishly or wisely. We ca-" meet i t
timidly or bravely, shamefully or honorably.
I know that the Eighty-second Congress will meet this •••hallenge
in a way worthy of our great heritage. I know that you" debates
will be earnest, responsible, and to the point. I know •f' * from
these debates there will come the great decisions needed
' ry
forward.
At this critical time, I am glad to say that our countv.V is in a
healthy condition. Our democratic institutions are 8« *
d
strong. We have more men and women at work than ev
before.
We are able to produce more than ever before—in fact, far .""^re than
any country ever produced in the history of the world.
I am confident that we can succeea in the great task
before us.
We will succeed, but we must all do our part. We mu"d. all act
together as citizens of this great Republic.
6
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�Sixth Annual Message
2977
As we meet here today, American soldiers arefightinga bitter
campaign in Korea.
We pay tribute to their courage, devotion, and gallantry.
Our men are fighting, alongside their United Nations allies, because
they know, as we do, that the aggression in Korea is part of the attempt
of the Russian Communist dictatorship to take over the world, step
by step.
Our men arefightinga long way from home, but they are fighting
for our lives and our liberties. They arefightingto protect our right
to meet here today—our right.to govern ourselves as a free nation.
The threat of world conauest by Soviet Russia endangers our liberty
and endangers the kind of world in which the free spirit of man can
survive. This threat is aimed at all peoples who strive to win or defend
their own freedom and national independence.
Indeed, the state of our Nation is in great part tbe state of our friends
and allies throughout the world. The gun that points at tbem points
at us also.
The threat is a total threat and the danger is a common danger.
All free nations are exposed and all are in peril. Their only security
lies in banding together. No one nation canfindprotection in a selfish
search for a safe naven from the storm.
The fiee nations do not have any aggressive purpose. We want
only peace in the world—peace for all countries. No threat to the
security of any nation is concealed in our plans or programs.
We had hoped that the Soviet Union, with its security assured by
the Charter of the United Nations, would be willing to live and let
live. But, I am sorry to say, that has not been the case.
The imperialism 01 the Czars has been replaced by the even more
ambitious, more crafty, and more menacing imperialism of the rulers
of the Soviet Union.
This new imperialism has powerful military forces. It is keeping
millions of men under arms. It has a large air force and a strong
submarine force. It has complete control of the men and equipment of
its satellities. It has kept its subject peoples and its economy in a
state of perpetual mobilization.
The present rulers of the Soviet Union have shown that they are
willing to use this power to destroy the free nations and win domination over the whole world.
The Soviet imperialists have two ways of going about their destructive work. They use the method of subversion and internal revolution, and they use the method of external aggression. In preparation
for either of these methods of attack, they stir up class strife and
disorder. They encourage sabotage. Tney put out poisonous
propaganda. They deliberately try to prevent economic improvement.
If their efforts are successful, they foment a revolution, as they did
in Czechoslovakia and China, and as they tried unsuccessfullvtodo in
Greece. If their methods of subversion are blocked, and if they think
they can get away with outright warfare, thev resort to external
aggression. This is what they did when they loosed the armies of
their puppet states against the Republic of Korea, in an evil war by
proxy.
We of the free world must be ready to meet both of these methods
of Soviet action. We must not neglect one or the other.
�(.-•
4
4
2978
HARRY
S.
TRUMAN
The free world has power and resources to meet these two forms of
aggression—resources that are far greater than those of the Soviet
dictatorship. We have skilled and vigorous peoples, great industrial
strength, and abundant sources of raw materials. And, above all,
we cherish liberty. Our common ideals are a great part of our strength.
These ideals are the driving force of human progress.
The free nations believe in the dignity and worth of man.
We believe in independence for all nations.
We believe that free and independent nations can band together
into a world order based on law. We have laid the cornerstone of
such a peaceful world in the United Nations.
Wc believe that such a world order can and should spread the
benefits of modern science and industry, better health and education,
more food and rising standards of living—throughout the world.
These ideals give our cause a power and vitality that Russian communism can never command.
The free nations, however, are bound together by more than an
ideal. They are a real community bound together also by the ties
of self-interest and self-preservation. I f they should fall apart, the
results would be fatal to human freedom.
Our own national security is deeply involved with that of the other
free nations. While thev need our support, we equally need theirs.
Our national safety would be gravely prejudiced if the Soviet Union
were to succeed in harnessing to its war machine the resources and
the manpower of the free nations on the borders of its empire.
If western Europe were to fall to Soviet Russia, it would double
the Soviet supply of coal and triple the Soviet supply of steel. I f the
free countries of Asia and Africa should fall to Soviet Russia, we would
lose the sources of many of our most vital raw materials, including
uranium, which is the basis of our atomic power. And Soviet command of tlie manpower of the free nations of Europe and Asia would
confront us with military forces which we could never hope to equal.
In such a situation the Soviet Union could impose its demands on
tlie world, without resort to conflict, simply through the preponderance
of its economic and military power. The Soviet Union does not
have to attack the United States to secure domination of the world.
It can achieve its ends by isolating us and swallowing up all our allies.
Therefore, even if we were craven enough—and I do not believe that
we could be—I say even if we were craven enough to abandon our
ideals, it would be disastrous for us to withdraw from the community
of free nations.
We are the most powerful single member of this community, and
we have a special responsibility. We must take the leadership in
meeting the challenge to freedom and in helping to protect the rights
of independent nations.
This country has a practical, realistic program of action for meeting
this challenge.
First, we shall have to extend economic assistance, where it can be
efTeotive. The best way to stop subversion by the Kremlin is to strike
at the roots of social injustice and economic disorder. People who
have jobs, homes, and hopes for the future will defend themselves
against the underground agents of the Kremlin. Our programs of
economic aid have done much to turn back communism.
I n Europe the Marshall plan has had electrifying results. As
J
�Sixth Annual Message
2979
European recovery progressed, the strikes led by the Kremlin's agents
in Italy and France failed. All over western Europe the Communist
Party took worse and worse beatings at the polls.
The countries which have received Marshall plan aid have been
able, through hard work, to expand their productive strength—in
many cases, to levels higher than ever before in their history. Without this strength thev would be completely incapable of defending
themselves today. They are now ready to use this strength in helping
to build a strong combined defense against aggression.
We shall need to continue some economic aid to European countries.
This aid should now be specifically related to the building of their
defenses.
In other parts of the world, our economic assistance will need to be
more broadly directed toward economic development. In the Near
East, in Africa, in Asia, we must do what we can to help people who
are striving to advance from misery, poverty, and hunger. We must
also continue to help the economic growth of our good neighbors in
this hemisphere. These actions will bring greater strength for the
free world. They will give many people a real stake in the future and
reason to defend their freedom. They will mean increased production
of the goods they need and the materials we need.
Second, we shall need to continue our military assistance to countries which want to defend themselves.
The heart of our common defense effort is the North Atlantic
community. The defense of Europe is tlie basis for the defense of the
whole free world—ourselves included. Next to the United States,
Europe is the largest workshop of the world. It is also a homeland
of great religious beliefs shared by many of our citizens—beliefs
which are now threatened by the tide of atheistic communism.
Strategically, economically, and morally the defense of Europe is
part of our own defense.
That is why we have joined with the countries of Europe in the
North Atlantic Treaty, pledging ourselves to work with them.
There has been much discussion recently over whether the European
countries are willing to defend themselves. Their actions are answering this question.
Our North Atlantic Treaty partners have strict systems of universal military training. Several have recently increased the term
of service. All have taken measures to improve the quality of training.
Forces are being trained and expanded as rapidly as the necessary
arms and equipment can be supplied from their factories and ours.
Our North Atlantic Treaty partners, together, are building armies
bigger than our own.
None of the North Atlantic Treaty countries, including our own
country, has done enough yet. But real progress is being made.
Together, we have worked out defense plans. The military leaders
of our own country took part in working out these plans, and are
agreed that they arc sound and within our capabilities.
To put these plans into action, we sent to Europe last week one of
our greatest military commanders, Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower.
General Eisenhower went to Europe to assume command of the
united forces of the North Atlantic Treaty countries, including our
own forces in Germany.
�2980
4
•
HARRY
S.
TRUMAN
The people of Europe havo confidence in General Eisenhower.
They know his ability to put together a fighting force of allies. His
mission is vital to our security. We should all stand behind him, and
give him every bit of help we can.
Part of our job will be to reinforce the military strength of our
European partners by sending them weapons and equipment as our
military production expands.
• ••
Our program of military assistance extends to the nations of the
Near East and the Far East which are trying to defend their freedom.
Soviet communism is trying to make these nations into colonies, and
to use their people as cannon fodder in new wars of conquest. We
want their people to be free men and to enjoy peace.
Our country has always stood for freedom for the peoples of Asia.
Long, long ago we stood for the freedom of the peoples of Asia. - Our
history shows this. Wc have demonstrated it in the Philippines. We
have demonstrated it in our relations with Indonesia, India, and
China. We hope to join in restoring the people of Japan to membership in the community of free nations.
It is in the Far East that we have taken up arms, under the United
Nations, to preserve the principle of independence for free nations.
We are fighting to keep the forces of Communist aggression from
making a slave state out of Korea.
Korea has tremendous significance for the world. It means that
free nations, acting through the United Nations, are fighting together
against aggression.
We will understand the importance of this best if we look back into
history. If the democracies had stood up against the invasion of
Manchuria in 1931, or the attack on Ethiopia in 1935, or the seizure
of Austria in 1938, if they had stood together against aggression on
those occasions as the United Nations has done, the whole history of
our time would have been different.
The principles for which wc arefightingin Korea are right and just.
They are the foundations of collective security and of Uie future of
free nations. Korea is not only a country undergoing the torment of
aggression; it is also a symbol. It stands for right and justice in the
world against oppression and slavery. The free world must always
stand for these principles—and we will stand with the free world.
As the third part of our program, we will continue to work for
peaceful settlements of international disputes. We will support the
United Nations and remain loyal to the great principles of international cooperation laid down in its Charter.
We are willing, as we have always been, to negotiate honorable
settlements with the Soviet Union. But we will not engage in
appeasement.
The Soviet rulers have made it clear that we must have strength
as well as right on our side. If we build our strength—and we are
building it—the Soviet rulers may face tbe facts and lay aside their
plans to take over tlie world.
That is what we hope wiU happen, and that is what we are trying
to bring about.
That is the only realistic road to peace.
These are the main elements of the course our Nation must follow
as a member of the community of free nations. These aro the things
�Sixth Annual Message
4
2981
we must do to preserve our security and help create a peaceful world.
But they will be successful only if we increase the strength of our own
country.
Here at home we have some very big jobs to do. We are building
much stronger military forces—and we are building them fast. We
are preparing for full wartime mobilization, if that should be necessary. And we are continuing to build a strong and growing economy,
able to maintain whatever effort may be required for as long as necessary.
We are building our own Army, Navy, and Air Force to an active
strength of nearly 3K million men and women. We are stepping
up the training of the reserve forces, and establishing more training
facilities, so that we can rapidly increase our active forces far more on
short notice.
We are going to produce all the weapons and equipment that such
an armed force will need. Furthermore, we will make weapons for
our allies, and weapons for our own reserve supplies. On top of this,
we will build the capacity to turn out on short notice arms and supplies that may be needed for a full-scale war.
Fortunately, we have a good start on this because of our enormous
plant capacity and because of the equipment on hand from the last
war. For example, many combat ships are being returned to active
duty from the "mothball fleet" and many other can be put into service
on very short notice. We have large reserves of arms and ammunition
and thousands of workers skilled in arms production.
In many cases, however, our stocks of weapons are low. In other
cases, those on hand are not the most modern. We have made
remarkable teclmical advances. We have developed new types of
jet planes and powerful new tanks. We are concentrating on producing the newest types of weapons and producing them as fast as
we possibly can.
This production drive is more selective than the one we had during
World War I I , but it is just as urgent and intense. I t is a big program
and it is a costly one.
Let me give you two concrete examples: Our present program calls
for expanding the aircraft industry so that it will have the capacity
to produce 50,000 modern military planes a year. We are preparing
the capacity to produce 35,000 tanks a year. We are not now ordering
that many planes or that many tanks, and we hope that we never
have to, but we mean to be able to turn them out if we need them.
The planes wc are producing now are much bigger—and much
better—than the planes we had during the last war.
We used to think that the B-17 was a huge plane, and the blockbuster it carried a huge load. But the B-36 can carry five of those
block-busters in its belly, and it can carry them five times as far. Of
coyrse, the B-36 is much more complicated to build than the B-17,
and far more expensive. One B-17 costs about $275,000, while now
one B-36 costs about 3^ million dollars.
I ask you to remember that what we are doing is to provide the best
and most modern military equipment in the world for our fighting
forces.
This kind of defense production program has two parts.
The first part is to get our defense production going as fast as pos-
�ft
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2982
HARRY
S.
TRUMAN
sible. We have to convert plants and channel materials to defense,;
production.
.•'
This means heavy cuts in the civilian use of copper, aluminum,-^
rubber, and other essential materials. It means shortages in various ^
consumer goods.
. k
The second part is to increase our capacity to produce and to keep^^
our economy strong for the long pull. We do not know how long } |
Communist aggression will threaten the world.
Only by increasing our output can we carry the burden of prepared-*
ness for an indefinite period in the future. This means that we will
have to build more power plants, and more steel mills, grow more ^
cotton, mine more copper, and expand our capacity in many other,
ways.
The Congress will need to consider legislation, at this session, }
affecting all the aspects of our mobilization job. The main subjects^
on which legislation will be needed are—
First, appropriations for our military build-up.
Second, extension and revision of the Selective Service Act.
Third, mi'itarv and economic aid to help build up the strength|
of the free world.
^
Fourth, revision and extension of the authority to expands
production and to stabilize prices, wages, and rents.
Fifth, improvement of our agricultural laws, to help obtain the |
kinds of farm products we need for the defense effort.
^
Sixth, improvement of our labor laws to help provide stable/Vjl
labor-management relations and to make sure that we have steady . -*
production in this emergency.
Seventh, housing and training of defense workers, and the full
use of all our manpower resources.
Eighth, means for increasing the supply of doctors, nurses, and
other trained medical personnel critically needed for the defense
effort.
Ninth, aid to the States to meet the most urgent needs of our
elementary and secondary schools. Some of our plans will have
to be deferred for the time being. But we should do all we can to
make sure our children are being trained as good and useful
citizens in these critical times ahead.
Tenth, a major increase in taxes to meet the cost of the defense
effort,
^
The economic report and the budget message will discuss these'^
subjects further. In addition, I shall send to the Congress special f|
messages containing detailed recommendations on legislation needed;.!
at this session.
'f
In the months ahead, tlie Government must give priority to ac-'tivities that are urgent—like military procurement and atomic energy
and power development. I t must practice rigid economy in its nondefense activities. Many of the things we would normally do must
be curtailed or postponed.
But in a long-term defense effort like this one, we cannot neglect
the measures needed to maintain a strong economy and a healthy
democratic society.
The Congress, therefore, should give continued attention to the
measures which our country will need for the long pull. And i t
�Sixth Annual Message
*
4
2983
should act upon such legislation as promptly as circumstances permit.
To take just one example—we need to continue and complete the
work of rounding out our system of social insurance. We still need to
unprove our protection against unemployment and old age. We still
need to provide insurance against loss of earnings through sickness,
and against the high costs of modern mcdicai care.
Above all, we must remember that the fundamentals of our strength
rest upon the freedoms of our people. Wc must continue our efforts
to achieve the full realization of our democratic ideals. Wo must
uphold freedom of speech and freedom of conscience in our land. Wc
must assure equal rights and equal opportunities to nil our citizens.
As wo go forward this year in the defense of freedom, let us keep
clearly before us the nature of our present effort.
Wc arc building up our strength, in concert with other free nations,
to meet the danger of aggression that has been turned loose, on the
world. The strength of the free nations is the world's best hope of
peace.
I ask the Congress for unity in these crucial days.
Make no mistake about my meaning. I do not ask, or expect,
unanimity. I do not ask for an end to debate. Only by debate can
wc arrive at decisions which are wise, and which reflect the desires
of the American people. Wc do not have dictatorship in this country,
and wc will never have one in this country.
When I request unity, what I am really asking for is a sense of
responsibility on the part of every Member of this Congress. Let us
debate the issues, but let every man among us weigh his words and
deeds. There is a sharp difference between harmful criticism and
constructive criticism. If wc are truly responsible as individuals, I am
sure that wc will be unified as a government.
Let us keep our eyes on the issues and work for the things we all
believe in.
Let each of us put our country ahead of our party, and ahead of our
own personal interests.
I had the honor to be a Member of the Senate during World War
I I , and I know from experience that unity of purpose and of effort is
possible in tbc Congress without any lessening of the vitality of our
two-party system.
Let us all stand together as Americans. And let us stand together
with all men everywhere who believe in human liberty.
Peace is precious to us. I t is the way of life we strive for with all
the strength and wisdom we possess. But more precious than peace
are freedom and justice. Wc will fight, if fight wc must, to keep our
freedom and to prevent justice from being destroyed.
These arc the things that give meaning to our lives, and which wc
acknowledge to be greater than ourselves.
, This is our cause—^peace, freedom, justice.
We will pursue this cause with determination and humility, asking
divine guidance that in all wc do we may follow God's will.
�Eisenhower - 1959 SOTU
�"SEVENTH ANNUAL MESSAGE.
T H I WHITE HOUSE, January 9, 1959.
4
Members of the 86th Congress and friends: First I should like to
assure the delegation of our newest State, Alaska, of my satisfaction
that i t now begins its participation with all of you in the work of
Congress for tbe benefit of the United States.
May I voice the hope that before my term of office is ended I shall
have the opportunity and the great satisfaction of seeing the 50th star
in our national flag.
Members of the Congress, this is the moment when Congress and
the Executive annually oegin their cooperative work to build a better
America.
One basic purpose unites us: To promote strength and security, side
by side with liberty and opportunity.
/
* • •
As we meet today, in the 170th years of the Republic, our Nation
must continue to provide—as indeed all other free governments have
bad to do throughout time—a satisfactory answer to a question as
old as history. I t is: Can Government based upon liberty and the
God-given rights of man, permanently endure when ceaselessly
challenged by a dictatorship, hostile to our mode of life, and controlling an economic aud military strength of great and growing
power?
For us the answer has always been found, and is still found in the
devotion, the vision, tbe courage and the fortitude of our people.
Moreover, this challenge we face, not as a single powerful nation,
but as one that has in recent decades reached a position of recognized,
leadership in the free world.
,
We have arrived at this position of leadership in an era of remarkable productivity and growth. I t is also a time when man's power of
mass destruction has reached fearful proportions.
Possession of such capabilities helps create world suspicion and
tension. We, on our part, know that we seek only a just peace for all,
with aggressive designs against no one. Yet we realize that there is
uneasiness in the world because of a belief on the part of peoples that
through arrogance, miscalculation, the fear of attack, catastrophic war
could bo launched. Keeping the peace in today's world more than
ever calls for the utmost in the Nation's resolution, wisdom, steadinesp
and unremitting effort.
^- We cannot build peace through desire alone. Moreover, wc have
||
�s4
Seventh Annual Message
3087
learned the bitter lesson that international agreements, historically
considered by us as sacred, are regarded in Communist doctrine and
in practice to be mere scraps of paper. The most recent proof of their
disdain of international obligations, solemnly undertaken, is their
announced intention to abandon their responsibilities respecting Berlin.
As a consequence of these actions we can have no confidence in any
treaty to which Communists are a party except where such a treaty
rovides within itself for self-enforcing mechanisms. Indeed, the
emonstrated disregard of the Communists of their own pledges is
one of tbe greatest obstacles to world success in substituting the rule
of law for nue by force.
Yet step by step we must strengthen the institutions of peace—a
peace that rests upon justice—a peace that depends upon a deep
Knowledge and dear understanding by all peoples, induding our own,
of the consequences of failure in this great purpose.
S
To achieve this peace we seek to prevent war at any place and in
any dimension. If, despite our best efforts, a local dispute should
flare into armed hostilities, the next problem would be to keep the
conflict from spreading, and so compromising freedom. In support
of these objectives we maintain forces of great power and flexibility.
Our formidable air striking forces are a powerful deterrent to general
war. Large and growing portions of these units can depart from their
bases in a matter of minutes.
Similar forces are induded in our naval fleets.
Ground and other tactical formations can move with swiftness and
precision, when requested by friendly and responsible governments,
to help curb threatened aggression. The stabilizing influence of this
capacity has been dramatically demonstrated more than once over
the past year.
Our military and related scientific progress has been highly
gratifying.
Great strides have been made in the development of ballistic missiles. Intermediate range missiles are now being deployed in operational units. The Atlas intercontinental ballistic missile program has
been marked by rapid development as evidenced by recent successful
tests. Missile training units have been established and launching
sites are far along in construction.
New aircraft that fly at twice the speed of sound are entering
our squadrons.
We have successfully placed five satellites in orbit, which have
gathered information of scientific importance never before available.
Our latest satellite illustrates our steady advance in rocketry and
foreshadows new developments in world-wide communications.
Warning systems constantly improve.
Our atomic submarines have shattered endurance records and made
historic voyages under the North Polar Sea.
A major segment of our national scientific and engineering community is working intensively to achieve new and greater developments. Advance in military technology requires adequate financing
but, of course, even more, it requires talent and time.
All this I give only as a matter of history, as a record of our progress
in space and ballistic missilefieldsin no more than 4 years of intensive
�3088
4
DWIGHT
D.
EISENHOWER
effort. At the same time we clearly recognize that some of the recent
Soviet accomplishments in this particular technology are indeed
brilliant.
. .
Under the law enacted last year the Department of Defense is being
reorganized to give the Secretary of Defense full authority over the
Military Estabhshment. Greater efficiency, more cohesive effort, and
speedier reaction to emergencies are among the many advantages we
are already noting from these changes.
These few higUights point up our steady military gains. We are
rightfully gratified by tne achievements they represent. New and
greater developments preoccupy the major portion of the Natioi 'a
scientists. But we must remember that these imposing armaments
are purchased at great cost.
National security programs account for nearly 60 percent of the
entire Federal budget for this coiningfiscalyear.
Modem weapons are exceedingly expensive.
The overall cost of introducing Atlas into our Armed Forces will
average $35 million per missile on thefiringline.
This year we are investing an aggregate of close to $7 billion in
missile programs alone.
Other billion^ go for research, development, test, and evaluation of
new weapons systems.
Our latest atomic submarines will cost $50 million each, while some
special types will cost three times as much.
We are now orderingfighteraircraft which are priced at 50 times
as much as thefightersof World War I I .
We are buying certain bombers that cost their weight in gold,
exactly.
These sums are tremendous, even when compared with the marvelous resiliency and capacity of our economy.
Such expenditures demand both balance and perspective in our
planning for defense. At every tum, we must weigh, judge, and
select. Needless duplication of weapons and forces must be avoided.
We must guard against feverish building of vast armaments to meet
glibly predicted moments of so-called maximum peril. The threat
we face is not sporadic or dated; it is continuous. Hence we must not
be swayed in our calculations either by groundless fear or by complacency. We must avoid extremeSj for vacillation between extremes is
inefficient, costly, and destructive of morale. In these days of
unceasing technological advance, we must plan our defense expenditures systematically and with care, fully recognizing that obsolescence
compels the never-ending replacement of older weapons with new ones.
The defense budget for Uie coming year has been planned on the
basis of these principles and considerations. Over these many months
I have personally participated in its development.
The aim.is a sensible posture of defense. The secondary aim is
increased efficiency and avoidance of waste. Both are achieved by
this budgetary plan.
Working by these guidelines I believe with all my heart that
America can be as sure of the strength and efficiency of her Armed
Forces as she is of their loyalty. I am equally sure that the Nation
will thus avoid useless expenditures which, in the name of security,
might tend to undermine the economy and, therefore, the Nation's
safety.
�Seventh Annual Message
3089
Our own vast strength is only a part of that required for dependable
security. Because of this we have joined with nearly 50 other nations
in collective security arrangemento. In these common undertakings
each nation is expected to contribute what it can in sharing the heavy
load. Each supplies part of a strategic deployment to protect the
forward boundaries of freedom.
Constantly we seek new ways to make more effective our contribution to this system of collective security. Recently I have asked a
committee of eminent Americans of both parties to reappraise our
military assistance programs and the relative emphasis which should
be placed on military and economic aid.
I am hopeful that preliminary recommendations of this committee
will be available in time to assist in shaping the mutual security program for the comingfiscalyear.
Any survey of the free world's defense structure cannot fail to
impart a feeling of regret that so much of our effort and resources
must be devoted to armaments. At Geneva and elsewhere we continue to seek technical and other agreements that may help to open
up, with some promise, the issues of international disarmament.
America will never give up the hope that eventually all nations can,
with mutual confidence, drastically reduce these nonproductive
expenditures.
^
The material foundation of our national safety is a strong and
expanding economy. This we have—and this we must maintain.
Only with such an economy can we be secure and simultaneously
provide for the well-being of our people.
A year ago the Nation was experiencing a decline in employment
and in output. Today that recession is fading into history, and this
without gigantic, hastily improvised public works projects or untimely
tax reductions. A healthy and vigorous recovery has been underway
since last May. New homes are being built at the highest rate in
several years. Retail sales are at peak levels. Personal income is at
an alltime high.
The marked forward thrust of our economy reaffirms our confidence
in competitive enterprise. But—clearly—wisdom and prudence in
both the public and private sectors of the economy are always
necessary.
The outlook is this: 1960 commitments for our Armed Forces, the
Atomic Energy Commission and military assistance, exceed $47
billion. In the foreseeable future they are not likely to be significantly lower. With an annual population increase of 3 million, other
governmental costs are bound to mount.
After we have provided wisely for our military strength, we must
judge how to allocate our remaining Government resources most
effectively to promote our well-being and our economic growth.
Federal programs that will benefit all citizens are moving forward.
Next year we will be spending increased amounts on health programs—
On Federal assistance to science and education;
On the development of the Nation's water resources;
On the renewal of urban areas; and
On our vast system of Federal-aid highways.
�3090
4
DWIGHT
D.
EISENHOWER
Each of these additional outlays is being made necessary by the
surging growth of America.
Let me illustrate. Responsive to this growth, Federal grants and
long-term loans to assist 14 major types of capital improvements in
our cities will total over $2 billion in 1960, and thisfigureis double the
expenditure of 2 years ago. The major responsibility for development in thesefieldsrests in the localities, even though the Federal
Government will continue to do its proper part in meeting the genuine
needs of a burgeoning population.
But the progress of our economy can more than match the growth
of our needs. We need only to act wisely and confidently.
Here, I hope you will permit me to digress long enough to express
something that is much on my mind.
As I said in the beginning, the basic question facing ustodayis
more than mere survival—the military defense of national life and
territory. It is tbe preservation of a way of life.
We must meet the world challenge and at the same time permit no
stagnation in America.
Unless we progress, we regress.
We can successfully sustain security and remain truetoour heritage
of freedom if we clearly visualize the tasks ahead and set out to perform them with resolution and vigor. We must first define these
tasks and then understand what we must do to perform them.
.
If progress is to be steady we must have long-term guides extending
far ahead, certainly 5, possibly even 10 years. They must reflect the
knowledge that before the ena of 5 years we will have a population of
more than 190 million. They must be goals that stand high, and so
inspire every citizen to climb alwaystowardmounting levels of moral,"
intellectual, and material strength. Every advance toward them
cannot d" other than serve to stir pride in individual and national
achievements.
To define these goals, I intend to mobilize help from every available
source.
We need more than politically ordained nat'onal objectives if we
are to challenge the best efforte of free men and women. A group of
selfless, able and devoted individuals, outside of Government, could
effectively participate in making the necessary appraisal of the
potentials of our future.
The result would be the establishment of national goals that would
not only spur us on the ourfinestefforts, but also woqld meet the
stern test of practicahty.
The Committee I plan will comprise educators and representatives
of labor, management,finance,the professions, and every other kind
of useful activity.
Such a study would update and supplement, in the light of continuous changes in our society and its economy, the monumental work
of the Committee on Recent Social Trends which was appointed in
1931 by President Hoover. Its report has stood the test of time and
has had a beneficial influence on national development.
The new Committee would be concerned, among otber things, with
tbe living standards of our people, their health and education, their
better assurance offifeand liberty, and their greater opportunities.
It would also be concerned with methods to meet such goals and what
levels of government—local, State, or Federal—might or should be
particularly concerned.
�Seventh Annual Message
3091
As one example, consider our schools, operated under the authority
of local communities and States. In their capacity and in their
quality they conform to no recognizable standards. I n some places
facilities are ample, in others meager. Pay of teachers ranges between
wide limits, from the adequate to the shameful. As would be expected,
quality of teaching varies just as widely. But to our teachers we
commit the most valuable possession of the Nation and of the family—
our children.
We must have teachers of competence. To obtain and hold them
we need standards. We need a national goal. Once established I am
certain that public opinion would compel steady progress toward its
accomplishment.
Such studies would be helpful, I believe, to government at all levels
and to all individuals. The goals so established could help us see our
current problems in perspective. They will spur progress.
We do not forget, of course, that our Nation's progress and fiscal
integrity are interdependent and inseparable. We can afford everything we clearly need, but we cannot afford one cent of waste. We
must examine every item of governmental expense critically. To do
otherwise would betray our Nation's future.
Thrift is one of the characteristics that have made this Nation
great; why should we ignore it now?
We must avoid any contribution to inflationary processes which
could disrupt sound growth in our economy.
Prices have displayed a welcome stability in recent months and,
if we are wise and resolute, we will not tolerate inflation in the years
to come. But history makes clear the risks inherent in any failure
to deal firmly with the basic causes of inflation. Two of the most
important of these causes are the wage-price spiral and continued
deficit financing.
Inflation would reduce job opportunities, price us out of world
markets, shrink the value of savings, and penalize the thrift so essential to finance a growing economy.
Inflation is not a Robin Hood, taking from the rich to give to the
poor. Rather, it deals most cruelly with those who can least protect
themselves. I t strikes hardest those millions of our citizens whose
incomes do not quickly rise with the cost of living. When prices
soar, the pensioner and the widow see their security undermined, the
man of thrift sees his savings melt away; the white-collar worker, the
minister, and the teacher see their standards of living dragged down.
Inflation can be prevented. But this demands statesmanship on
the part of business and labor leaders and of government at all
levels.
We must encourage the self-discipline, the restraint necessary to
curb the wage-price spiral and, except only in critical emergencies,
we must meet current costs from current revenue.
To minimize the danger of future soaring prices and to keep our
economy sound and expanding, I shall present to the Congress certain
proposals.
¥irst, I shall submit a balanced budget for the next year, a year
expected to be the most prosperous of our entire history. I t is a
realistic budget with wholly attainable objectives.
If we cannot live within our means during such a time of rising
prosperity, the hope for fiscal integrity will fade; and if we persist in
living beyond our means we make it difficult for every family in our
�3092
4
DWIGHT
D.
EISENHOWER
land to balance its own household budget.. But to live within our
means would be a tangible demonstration to ourselves and to others of
the self-discipline needed to assure a stable dollar.
The Constitution entrusts the Executive with many functions, but
the Congress—and the Congress alone—has the power of the purse.
Ultimately upon Congress rests responsibility for determining the
scope and amount of Federal spending.
By working together, the Congress and the Executive can keep a
balance between income and outgo. If this is done there is real hope
that we can look forward to a time in the foreseeable future when
needed tax reforms can be accomplished.
In this hope, I am requesting the Secretary of the Treasury to
prepare appropriate proposals for revising, at the proper time, our
tax structure, to remove inequities and to enhance mcentives for all
Americans to work, to save, and to invest. Such recommendations
will be made as quickly as ourfiscalcondition permits. These prospects will be .brightened if 1960 expenditures do not exceed the levels
recommended.
Second, I shall recommend to the Congress that the Chief Executive
be given the responsibility either to approve or to veto specific items
of appropriations and authorization bills. I assure you gentlemen
that I know this recommendation has been made time and again by
every President that has appeared in this Hall for many years, but
I say this, it still is one of the most important corrections that could
be made in our annual expenditure program, because this would save
tax dollars.
Third, to reduce Federal operations in an area where private
enterprise can do the job, I shall recommend legislation for greater
flexibility in extending Federal credit, and in improving the procedures
under which private credits are insured or gunranteed. Present
practices have needlessly added large sums to Federal expenditures.
Fourth, action is required to make more effective use of the large •m
Federal expenditures for agriculture and to achieve greater fiscal
control in this area.
Outlays of the Department of Agriculture for the current fiscal
year, for the support of farm prices on a very few farm products, will
exceed $5 billion. That is a sum equal to approximately two-fifths
of the net income of all farm operators in the United States.
By the end of thisfiscalyear it is estimated that there will be in
Government hands surplus farm products worth about $9 billion. "
And by July 1, 1959, Government expenditures for storage, interest,,
and handling of its agricultural inventory will reach a rate of $1
billion a year.
'This level of expenditure for farm products could be made willingly
for a temporary period if it were leading to a sound solution of the
problem. But unfortunately this is not true. We need new legislation.
In the past I have sent messages to the Congress requesting greater
freedom for our farmers to manage their own farms ana greater
freedom for markets to reflect the wishes of producers and consumers.
Lemslative changes that followed were appropriate in direction but
did not go far enough.
The situation calls for prompt and forthright action. Recommendation for action will be contained in a message to be transmitted
to the Congress shortly.
1
4
�Seventh Annual Message
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Thesefiscaland related actions will help create an environment of
price stability for economic growth. However, certain additional
measures are needed.
I shall ask Congress to amend the Employment Act of 1946 to make
it clear that Government intends to use all appropriate means to
protect the buying power of the dollar.
I am establishing a continuing Cabinet group on price stability for
economic growth to study governmental and private policies affecting
costs, prices, and economic growth. It will strive also to build a
better public understanding of the conditions necessary for maintaining growth and price stability.
Studies are bemg undertaken to improve our information on prices,
wages, and productivity.
,
. r~V1 believe all citizens m all walks of life will support this program of
action to accelerate economic growth and promote price stability.
•r
Ill
I take up next certain aspects of our international situation and our
progress to strengthen it.
America's security can be assured only within a world community
of strong, stable, independent nations, in which the concepts of "
freedom, justice, and human dignity can flourish.
There can be no such thing as Fortress America. If ever we were .
reduced to the isolation implied by that term, we would occupy a
prison, not a fortress. The question whether we can afford to nelp
other nations that want to defend their freedom but cannot fully do so
from their own means, has only one answer: We can and we must, as
we have been doing so since 1947.
Our foreign policy has long been dedicated to building a permanent
and just peace.
During the past 6 years our free world security arrangements have
been bolstered and the bonds of freedom have been more closely knit.
Our friends in Western Europe are experiencing new internal vitality,
and are increasingly more able to resist external threats.
Over the years the world has come to understand clearly that it is
ourfirmpolicy not to countenance aggression. In Lebanon, Taiwan,
and Berlin our stand has been clear, right, and expressive of the determined will of a united people.
Acting with other free nations we have undertaken the solemn
obligation to defend the people of free Berlin against any effort to
destroy their freedom. In tne meantime we shall constantly seek
meaningful agreements to settle this and other problems, knowing
full well that not only the integrity of a single city but the hope of
all free peoples is at stake.
We need, likewise, to continue helping to build the economic
base so essential to the free world's stabiUty and strength.
The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank have both
fully proven their worth as instruments of international financial
cooperation. Their Executive Directors have recommended an increase in each member country's subscription. I am requesting the
Congress for immediate approval of our share of these increases.
We are now negotiating with representatives of the 20 Latin
American Republics for the creation of an inter-American financial
�4
3094
DWIGHT
D.
EISENHOWER
institution. Its purpose would be to join all the American Republics^
in a common institution which would promote andfinancedevelop^'
ment in Latin America. One great result of this would be to make :.
more effective use of capital from the World Bank, the Export-Import ;3
Bank, and private sources.
.'
Private enterprise continues to make major contributions to eeo^'v^
nomic development in all parts of the world. But we have not yet 'M
marshaled the full potential of American business for this task, particularly in countries which have recently attained their independence, .^j
I shall present to this Congress a program designed to encourage 'S,
greater participation by private enterprise in economic development''^
abroad.
> iMr
Further, all of us know that to advance the cause of freedom we
must do mucli more than help build sound economies. The spiritual;
intellectual, and physical strength of people throughout the world .,
will in the last analysis determine their willingness and their ability ^
to resist communism.
"M
To give a single illustration of our many efforts in thesefields:We
have been a participant in the effort that has been made over the past ,-1.
few years against one of the great scourges of mankind—disease. ^
Through the mutual security program public health officials are being ; ^
trained by American universitiestoserve in less developed countries.jM
We are engaged in intensive malaria eradication projects in many parts. ^
of the world in this work. America's major successes in our own
country prove the feasibility of success everywhere.
By these and otber means we shall continue and expand our cftmi'.'lp
aign against the afflictions that now bring needless suffering' and
eath to so many of the world's people. We wish to be part of a great
shared effort toward the triumph of health.
I think most of us would agree that America is best described by
one word, "freedom."
If we nope to strengthen freedom in the world we must be ever
mindful of how our own conduct reacts elsewhere. No nation has ever
been sofloodlightedby world opinion as the United States is today; |
Everything we do is carefully scrutinized by other peoples throughout "
the world. The bad is seen along with the good.
Because we are human we err. But as free men we are also responsible for correcting the errors and imperfections of our ways.
Last January I made comprehensive recommendations to the
Congress for legislation in the labor-management field. To my disappointment, Congress failed to act. The McClellan committee disr
closures of corruption, racketeering, and abuse of trust and power in
labor-management affairs have aroused America and amazed other
peoples. Its disclosures emphasize the need for improved local law
eaforcement and the enactment of effective Federal legislation to
protect the public interest and to insure the rights and economic
freedoms of millions of American workers. Halfhearted measures
will not do. I shall recommend prompt enactment of legislation
designed—
To safeguard workers' funds in union treasuries against misuse
of any kind whatsoever;
To protect the rights and freedoms of individual union members, including the basic right to free and secret elections of
officers;
To advance true and responsible collective bargaining;
:
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4
�4
4
Seventh Annual Message
3095
To protect the public and innocent third parties from unfair
and coercive practices, such as boycotting and blackmail
picketing.
The workers and the public must have these vital protections.
I n other areas of human rights—freedom from discrimination in
voting, in public education, in access to jobs, and in other respecta—
the world is likewise watching our conduct.
The image of America abroad is not improved when schoolchildren,
through closing of some of our schools and through no fault of their
own. are deprived of their opportunity for an education.
The government of a free people has no purpose more noble than
to work for the maximum realization of equality of opportunity under
law. That is the concept under which our founoing papers were
written. This is not the sole responsibility of any one branch of our
Government. The judicial arm, which has the ultimate authority for
interpreting the Constitution, has held that certain State laws and
practices discriminate upon racial grounds and are unconstitutional.
Whenever the supremacy of the Constitution of the United States is
challenged, I shall continue to take every proper action-necessary to
uphold it.
One of the fundamental concepts of our constitutional system is
that it guarantees to every individual, regardless of race, religion, or.
national origin, the equal protection of the laws. Those of us who are
privileged to hold public office have a solemn obligation to make
meaningful this inspiring objective. We can fulfill that obligation
by our leadership in teaching, persuading, demonstrating, and in
enforcing the law.
We are now making noticeable progress in the field of civil rights—
we are moving forward toward achievement of equality of opportunity
for all people everywhere in the United States. I n the interest of the
Nation and of each of its citizens, that progress must continue.
Legislative proposals of the administration in this field will be submitted to the Congress early in the session. All of us should help to
make clear that the Government is united in the common purpose of
giving support to the law and the decisions of the courts.
*
*
*
Finally, by moving steadily toward the goal of greater freedom
under law, for our own people, we shall be the better prepared to
work for the cause of freedom under law throughout the wor d.
All peoples are sorely tired of the fear, destruction, and the waste
of war. As never before, the world knows the human and material
costs of war and seeks to replace force with a genuine rule of law
among nations.
I t is my purpose to intensify efforts during the coming 2 years in
seeking ways to supplement the procedures of the United Nations and
other bodies with similar objectives, to the end that the rule of law
may replace the rule of force in the affairs of nations. Measures toward
this end will be proposed later, including a reexamination of our own
relation to the International Court of Justice.
And lastly, let us remind ourselves that Marxist scripture is not new;
it is not the gospel of the future. Its basic objective is dictatorship,
old as history. What is new is the shining prospect that man can build
a world where all can live in dignity.
We seek victory—not over any nation or people—but over the
�3096
v
4
DWIGHT
D. E I S E N H O W E R
ancient enemies of us aU; victory over ignorance, poverty, disease/
and human degradation wherever they may be found.
We march in the noblest of causes—human freedom.
I f we make ourselves worthy of America's ideals, if we do not forget
that our Nation was founded on the premise that all men are creatures
of God's making, the worid will come to know that it is free men who
carry forward the true promise of human progress and dignity.
, =
EIGHTH
A N N U A L MESSAGE.
THB
4
MR.
5;
4
WHITB
HOUSE,
Janvary
7,1960.
PRESIDENT, M R . SPEAKER, MEMBERS OF THE 86TH CONGRESS,
M T FELLOW CITIZENS:
Seven years ago I entered my present office with one long-held
resolve overriding all others. I was then, and remain now, determined
that the United States shall become an ever more potent resource for
the cause of peace—realizing that peace cannot be for ourselves alone,
but for peoples everywhere. This determination is, I know, shared by
the entire Congress—indeed, by all Americans.
M y purpose today is to discuss some features of America's position,
both at home and in her relations to others.
First, I point out that for us, annual self-examination is made a
definite necessity by the fact that we now live in a divided world of
uneasy equihbrium, with our side committed to its own protection
and against aggression by tbe other.
With both sections of this divided world in possession of unbelievably
destructive weapons, mankind approaches a state where mutual annihilation becomes a possibihty. No other fact of today's world equals
this in importance—it colors everything we say, plan, and do.
There is demanded of us vigilance, determination, and the dedication of whatever portion of our resources that will provide adequate
security, especially provide a real deterrent to aggression. These
things wc are doing.
�Richard Nixon, igJ4
Jan. 30 [25]
25 Address on the State of the Union Delivered Before a Joint
Session of the Congress. January 30, 1974
Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, my colleagues
in the Congress, our distinguished guests,
my fellow Americans:
We meet here tonight at a time of great
challenge and great opportunities for
America. We meet at a time when we face
great problems at home and abroad that
will test the strength of our fiber as a
nation. But we also meet at a time when
that fiber has been tested, and it has
proved strong.
America is a great and good land, and
we are a great and good land because we
are a strong, free, creative people and because America is the single greatest force
for peace anywhere in the world. Today,
as always in our history, we can base our
confidence in what the American people
will achieve in the future on the record
of what the American people have
achieved in the past.
Tonight, for the first time in 12 years, a
President of the United States can report
to the Congress on the state of a Union
at peace with every nation of the world.
Because of this, in the 22,000-word message on the state of the Union that I have
just handed to the Speaker of the House
and the President of the Senate, I have
been able to deal primarily with the problems of peace—with what we can do here
at home in America for the American
people—rather than with the problems
of war.
The measures I have outlined in this
message set an agenda for truly significant
progress for this Nation and the world in
1974. Before we chart where we are going, let us see how far we have come.
I t was 5 years ago on the steps of this
Capitol that I took the oath of office as
your President. In those 5 years, because
of the initiatives undertaken by this Administration, the world has changed.
America has changed. As a result of those
changes, America is safer today, more
prosperous today, with greater opportunity for more of its people than ever before in our history.
Five years ago, America was at war in
Southeast Asia. We were locked in confrontation with the Soviet Union. We
were in hostile isolation from a quarter of
the world's people who lived in Mainland
China.
Five years ago, our cities were burning
and besieged.
Five years ago, our college campuses
were a battleground.
Five years ago, crime was increasing
at a rate that struck fear across the Nation.
Five years ago, the spiraling rise in drug
addiction was threatening human and
social tragedy of massive proportion, and
there was no program to deal with i t . '
Five years ago—as young Americans
had done for a generation before that—
America's youth still lived under the
shadow of the military draft.
Five years ago, there was no national
program to preserve our environment.
Day by day, our air was getting dirtier, our
water was getting more foul.
And 5 years ago, American agriculture
was practically a depressed industry with
100,000 farm families abandoning the
farm every year.
As we look at America today, we find
ourselves challenged by new problems.
But we also find a record of progress to
confound the professional criers of doom
and prophets of despair. We met the
47
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�[25]
Jan. 30
Public
Papers
challenges we faced 5 years ago, and we
will be equally confident of meeting those
that we face today.
Let us see for a moment how we have
met them.
After more than 10 years of military
involvement, all of our troops have returned from Southeast Asia, and they
have returned with honor. And we
can be proud of the fact that our courageous prisoners of war, for whom a dinner
was held in Washington tonight, that
they came home with their heads high,
on their feet and not on their knees.
:
I n our relations with the Soviet Union,
we have turned away from a policy of
confrontation to one of negotiation. For
the first time since World War I I , the
world's two strongest powers are working
together toward peace in the world. With
the People's Republic of China after a
generation of hostile isolation, we have
begun a period of peaceful exchange and
expanding trade.
Peace has returned to our cities, to
our campuses. The 17-year rise in crime
has been stopped. We can confidently say
today that we are finally beginning to
win the war against crime. Right here in
this Nation's Capital—which a few years
ago was threatening to become the crime
capital of the world—the rate in crime
has been cut in half. A massive campaign
against drug abuse has been organized.
And the rate of new heroin addiction,
the most vicious threat of all, is decreasing
rather than increasing.
For the first time in a generation, no
young Americans are being drafted into
the armed services of the United States.
And for the first time ever, we have organized a massive national effort to protect
the environment. Our air is getting
cleaner, our water is getting purer, and
48
of the
Presidenti
our agriculture, which was depressed, is
prospering. Farm income is up 7° percent,
farm production is setting alltime records,
and the billions of dollars the taxpayers
were paying in subsidies has been cut to
nearly zero.
Overall, Americans are living more
abundantly than ever before, today. More
than 2/2 million new jobs were created
in the past year alone. That is the biggest
percentage increase in nearly 20 years.
People are earning more. What they earn
buys more, more than ever before in
history. I n the past 5 years, the average
American's real spendable income—that
is, what you really can buy with your income, even after allowing for taxes and
inflation—has increased by 16 percent.
Despite this record of achievement, as
we turn to the year ahead we hear once
again the familiar voice of the perennial
prophets of gloom telling us now that because of the need to fight inflation, because of the energy shortage, America
may be headed for a recession.
Let me speak to that issue head on.
There will be no recession in the United
States of America. Primarily due to our
energy crisis, our economy is passing
through a difficult period. But I pledge
to you tonight that the full powers of this
Government will be used to keep America's economy producing and to protect
the jobs of America's workers.
We are engaged in a long and hard
fight against inflation. There have been,
and there will be in the future, ups and
downs in that fight. But if this Congress
cooperates in our efforts to hold down
the cost of Government, we shall win our
fight to hold down the cost of living for the
American people.
As we look back over our history, the
years that stand out as the ones of signal
�Richard Nixon, 7974
achievement are those in which the A d ministration and the Congress, whether
one party or the other, working together,
had the wisdom and the foresight to select
those particular initiatives for which the
Nation was ready and the moment was
right—and in which they seized the
moment and acted.
4
Looking at the year 1974 which lies
before us, there are 10 key areas in which
landmark accomplishments are possible
this year in America. I f we make these
our national agenda, this is what we will
achieve in 1974:
We will break the back of the energy
crisis; we will lay the foundation for our
future capacity to meet America's energy
needs from America's own resources.
And we will take another giant stride
toward lasting peace in the world—not
only by continuing our policy of negotiation rather than confrontation where the
great powers are concerned but also by
helping toward the achievement of a just
and lasting settlement in the Middle East.
We will check the rise in prices without
administering the harsh medicine of recession, and we will move the economy
into a steady period of growth at a sustainable level.
We will establish a new system that
makes high-quality health care available
to every American in a dignified manner
and at a price he can afford.
We will make our States and localities
more responsive to the needs of their
own citizens.
We will make a crucial breakthrough
toward better transportation in our towns
and in our cities across America.
We will reform our system of Federal
aid to education, to provide it when it is
needed, where i l is needed, so that it will
Jan. 30
[25]
do the most for those who need it the
most.
We will make an historic beginning on
the task of defining and protecting the
right of personal privacy for every American.
And we will start on a new road toward
reform of a welfare system that bleeds the
taxpayer, corrodes the community, and
demeans those it is intended to assist.
And together with the other nations of
the world, we will establish the economic
framework within which Americans will
share more fully in an expanding worldwide trade and prosperity in the years
ahead, with more open access to both
markets and supplies.
I n all of the 186 State of the Union messages delivered from this place, in our
history this is the first in which the one
priority, the first priority, is energy. Let
me begin by reporting a new development
which I know will be welcome news to
every American. As you know, we have
committed ourselves to an active role in
helping to achieve a just and durable
peace in the Middle East, on the basis of
full implementation of Security Council
Resolutions 242 and 338. The first step in
the process is the disengagement of Egyptian and Israeli forces which is now taking
place.
Because of this hopeful development, I
can announce tonight that I have been
assured, through my personal contacts
with friendly leaders in the Middle Eastern area, that an urgent meeting will be
called in the immediate future to discuss
the lifting of the oil embargo.
This is an encouraging sign. However,
it should be clearly understood by our
friends in the Middle East that the United
States will not be coerced on this issue.
49
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Regardless of the outcome of this meeting, the cooperation of the American people in our energy conservation program
has already gone a long way towards
achieving a goal to which I am deeply
dedicated. Let us do everything we can
to avoid gasoline rationing in the United
States of America.
Last week, I sent to the Congress a
comprehensive special message setting
forth our energy situation, recommending
the legislative measures which are necessary to a program for meeting our needs.
If the embargo is lifted, this will ease the
crisis, but it will not mean an end to the
energy shortage in America. Voluntary
conservation will continue to be necessary.
And let me take this occasion to pay tribute once again to the splendid spirit of
cooperation the American people have
shown which has made possible our success in meeting this emergency up to this
time.
The new legislation I have requested
will also remain necessary. Therefore, I
urge again that the energy measures that I
have proposed be made the first priority
of this session of the Congress. These
measures will require the oil companies
and other energy producers to provide the
public with the necessary information on
their supplies. They will prevent the injustice of windfall profits for a few as a
result of the sacrifices of the millions of
Americans. And they will give us the organization, the incentives, the authorities
needed to deal with the short-term emergency and to move toward meeting our
long-term needs.
Just as 1970 was the year in which we
began a full-scale effort to protect the
environment, 1974 must be the year in
which we organize a full-scale effort to
50
provide for our energy needs, not only in
this decade but through the 21st century.
As we move toward the celebration 2
years from now of the 200th anniversary
of this Nation's independence, let us press
vigorously on toward the goal I announced
last November for Project Independence.
Let this be our national goal: At the end
of this decade, in the year 1980, the
United States will not be dependent on
any other country for the energy we need
to provide our jobs, to heat our homes,
and to keep our transportation moving.
To indicate the size of the Government
commitment, to spur energy research and
development, we plan to spend $10 billion in Federal funds over the next 5 years.
That is an enormous amount. But during
the same 5 years, private enterprise will
be investing as much as $200 billion—
and in 10 years, $500 billion—to develop
the new resources, the new technology,
the new capacity America will require for
its energy needs in the 1980's. That is
just a measure of the magnitude of the
project we are undertaking.
But America performs best when called
to its biggest tasks. I t can truly be said
that only in America could a task so tremendous be achieved so quickly, and
achieved not by regimentation, but
through the effort and ingenuity of a free
people, working in a free system.
Turning now to the rest of the agenda
for 1974, the time is at hand this year to
bring comprehensive, high quality health
care within the reach of every American.
I shall propose a sweeping new program
that will assure comprehensive health
insurance protection to millions of Americans who cannot now obtain it or afford
it, with vastly improved protection against
catastrophic illnesses. This will be a plan
�Richard Nixon, 7974
4
4
that maintains the high standards of quality in America's health care. And it will
not require additional taxes.
Now, I recognize that other plans have
been put forward that would cost $80
billion or even $100 billion and that would
put our whole health care system under
the heavy hand of the Federal Government. This is the wrong approach. This
has been tried abroad, and it has failed.
I t is not the way we do things here in
America. This kind of plan would
threaten the quality of care provided by
our whole health care system. The right
way is one that builds on the strengths of
the present system and one that does not
destroy those strengths, one based on
partnership, not paternalism. Most important of all, let us keep this as the guiding principle of our health programs.
Government has a great role to play, but
we must always make sure that our doctors will be working for their patients
and not for the Federal Government.
Many of you will recall that in my State
of the Union Address 3 years ago, I commented that "Most Americans today are
simply fed up with government at all
levels," and I recommended a sweeping
set of proposals to revitalize State and
local governments, to make them more
responsive to the people they serve. I can
report to you today that as a result of revenue sharing passed by the Congress, and
other measures, we have made progress
toward that goal. After 40 years of moving
power from the States and the communities to Washington, D . C , we have begun
moving power back from Washington to
the States and communities and, most
important, to the people of America.
I n this session of the Congress, I believe we are near the breakthrough point
on efforts which I have suggested, pro-
Jan. 30
[25]
posals to let people themselves make their
own decisions for their own communities
and, in particular, on those to provide
broad new flexibility in Federal aid for
community development, for economic
development, for education. And I look
forward to working with the Congress,
with members of both parties in resolving
whatever remaining differences we have
in this legislation so that we can make
available nearly $5/2 billion to our States
and localities to use not for what a Federal bureaucrat may want, but for what
their own people in those communities
want. The decision should be theirs.
I think all of us recognize that the
energy crisis has given new urgency to the
need to improve public transportation,
not only in our cities but in rural areas as
well. The program I have proposed this
year will give communities not only more
money but also more freedom to balance
their own transportation needs. I t will
mark the strongest Federal commitment
ever to the improvement of mass transit
as an essential element of the improvement of life in our towns and cities.
One goal on which all Americans agree
is that our children should have the very
best education this great Nation can
provide.
I n a special message last week, I recommended a number of important new measures that can make 1974 a year of truly
significant advances for our schools and
for the children they serve. I f the Congress will act on these proposals, more
flexible funding will enable each Federal
dollar to meet better the particular need
of each particular school district. Advance funding will give school authorities
a chance to make each year's plans, knowing ahead of time what Federal funds they
are going to receive. Special targeting will
5i
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Jan. 30
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Papers of the
give special help to the truly disadvantaged among our people. College students
faced with rising costs for their education
will be able to draw on an expanded program of loans and grants. These advances
are a needed investment in America's
most precious resource, our next generation. And I urge the Congress to act on
this legislation in 1974.
One measure of a truly free society is
the vigor with which it protects the
liberties of its individual citizens. As technology has advanced in America, it has
increasingly encroached on one of those
liberties—what I term the right of personal privacy. Modem information systems, data banks, credit records, mailing
list abuses, electronic snooping, the collection of personal data for one purpose
that may be used for another—all these
have left millions of Americans deeply
concerned by the privacy they cherish.
And the time has come, therefore, for
a major initiative to define the nature
and extent of the basic rights of privacy
and to erect new safeguards to ensure that
those rights are respected.
I shall launch such an effort this year
at the highest levels of the Administration,
and I look forward again to working with
this Congress in establishing a new set of
standards that respect the legitimate needs
of society, but that also recognize personal privacy as a cardinal principle of
American liberty.
Many of those in this Chamber tonight
will recall that it was 3 years ago that I
termed the Nation's welfare system "a
monstrous, consuming outrage—an outrage against the community, against the
taxpayer, and particularly against the
children that it is supposed to help."
That system is still an outrage. By improving its administration, we have been
52
Presidents
able to reduce some of the abuses. As a
result, last year, for the first time in 18
years, there has been a halt in the growth
of the welfare caseload. But as a system,
our welfare program still needs reform as
urgently today as it did when I first proposed in 1969 that we completely replace
it with a different system.
I n these final 3 years of my Administration, I urge the Congress to join me
in mounting a major new effort to replace
the discredited present welfare system
with one that works, one that is fair to
those who need help or cannot help themselves, fair to the community, and fair to
the taxpayer. And let us have as our goal
that there will be no Government program
which makes it more profitable to go on
welfare than to go to work.
I recognize that from the debates that
have taken place within the Congress over
the past 3 years on this program that we
cannot expect enactment overnight of a
new reform. But I do propose that the
Congress and the Administration together
make this the year in which we discuss, debate, and shape such a reform so that it
can be enacted as quickly as possible.
America's own prosperity in the years
ahead depends on our sharing fully and
equitably in an expanding world prosperity. Historic negotiations will take
place this year that will enable us to ensure fair treatment in international
markets for American workers, American
farmers, American investors, and American consumers.
It is vital that the authorities contained
in the trade bill I submitted to the Congress be enacted so that the United States
can negotiate flexibly and vigorously on
behalf of American interests. These negotiations can usher in a new era of international trade that not only increases the
�Richard Nixon, 1974
prosperity of all nations but also strengthens the peace among all nations.
I n the past 5 years, wc have made more
progress toward a lasting structure of
peace in the world than in any comparable time in the Nation's history. We could
not have made that progress if we had
not maintained the military strength of
America. Thomas Jefferson once observed
that the price of liberty is eternal vigilance. By the same token, and for the same
reason, in today's world the price of peace
is a strong defense as far as the United
States is concerned.
4
I n the past 5 years, we have steadily
reduced the burden of national defense as
a share of the budget, bringing it down
from 44 percent in 1969 to 29 percent i n
the current year. We have cut our military manpower over the past 5 years by
more than a third, from 3.5 million to
2.2 million.
I n the coming year, however, increased
expenditures will be needed. They will
be needed to assure the continued readiness of our military forces, to preserve
present force levels in the face of rising
costs, and to give us the military strength
we must have if our security is to be maintained and if our initiatives for peace are
to succeed.
The question is not whether we can
afford to maintain the necessary strength
of our defense, the question is whether
we can afford not to maintain it, and the
answer to that question is no. We must
never allow America to become the second
strongest nation in the world.
I do not say this with any sense of
belligerence, because I recognize the fact
that is recognized around the world.
America's military strength has always
been maintained to keep the peace, never
to break it. I t has always been used to
Jan. 30
[25]
defend freedom, never to destroy it. The
world's peace, as well as our own, depends
on our remaining as strong as we need
to be as long as we need to be.
I n this year 1974, we will be negotiating with the Soviet Union to place further limits on strategic nuclear arms. Together with our allies, we will be negotiating with the nations of the Warsaw Pact
on mutual and balanced reduction of
forces in Europe. And we will continue
our efforts to promote peaceful economic
development in Latin America, in Africa,
in Asia. We will press for full compliance
with the peace accords that brought an
end to American fighting in Indochina,
including particularly a provision that
promised the fullest possible accounting
for those Americans who are missing in
action.
And having in mind the energy crisis
to which I have referred to earlier, we
will be working with the other nations of
the world toward agreement on means by
which oil supplies can be assured at reasonable prices on a stable basis in a fair
way to the consuming and producing
nations alike.
All of these are steps toward a future in
which the world's peace and prosperity,
and ours as well as a result, are made
more secure.
Throughout the 5 years that I have
served as your President, I have had one
overriding aim, and that was to establish
a new structure of peace in the world that
can free future generations of the scourge
of war. I can understand that others may
have different priorities. This has been
and this will remain my first priority and
the chief legacy I hope to leave from the
8 years of my Presidency.
This does not mean that we shall not
have other priorities, because as we
53
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Jan. 30
Public
Papers
strengthen the peace, wc must also continue each year a steady strengthening of
our society here at home. Our conscience
requires it, our interests require it, and
we must insist upon it.
As we create more jobs, as we build a
better health care system, as we improve
our education, as we develop new sources
of energy, as we provide more abundantly
for the elderly and the poor, as we
strengthen the system of private enterprise that produces our prosperity—as wc
do all of this and even more, we solidify
those essential bonds that hold us together
as a nation.
Even more importantly, we advance
what in the final analysis government in
America is all about.
What it is all about is more freedom,
more security, a better life for each one of
the 211 million people that live in this
land.
We cannot afford to neglect progress at
home while pursuing peace abroad. But
neither can we afford to neglect peace
abroad while pursuing progress at home.
With a stable peace, all is possible, but
without peace, nothing is possible.
I n the written message that I have
just delivered to the Speaker and to the
President of the Senate, I commented that
one of the continuing challenges facing
us in the legislative process is that of the
timing and pacing of our initiatives, selecting each year among many worthy
projects those that are ripe for action at
that time.
What is true in terms of our domestic
initiatives is true also in the world. This
period we now are in, in the world—and
I say this as one who has seen so much of
the world, not only in these past 5 years
but going back over many years—we are
in a period which presents a juncture of
54
of the
Presidents
historic forces unique in this century. They
provide an opportunity we may never
have again to create a structure of peace
solid enough to last a lifetime and more,
not just peace in our time but peace in
our children's time as well. I t is on the
way we respond to this opportunity, more
than anything else, that history will judge
whether we in America have met our responsibility. And I am confident we will
meet that great historic responsibility
which is ours today.
I t was 27 years ago that John F. Kennedy and I sat in this Chamber, as freshmen Congressmen, hearing our first State
of the Union address delivered by Harry
Truman. I know from my talks with him,
as members of the Labor Committee on
which we both served, that neither of us
then even dreamed that either one or both
might eventually be standing in this place
that I now stand in now and that he once
stood in, before me. I t may well be that
one of the freshmen Members of the 93d
Congress, one of you out there, will deliver his own State of the Union message
27 years from now, in the year 2001.
Well, whichever one it is, I want you to
be able to look back with pride and to say
that your first years here were great years
and recall that you were here in this 93d
Congress when America ended its longest
war and began its longest peace.
[At this point, the President paused to acknowledge applause from the audience. He then resumed speaking.]
Mr. Speaker, and Mr. President, and my
distinguished colleagues and our guests:
I would like to add a personal word
with regard to an issue that has been of
great concern to all Americans over the
past year. I refer, of course, to the investigations of the so-called Watergate affair.
As you know, I have provided to the
�Richard Nixon, 1974
re,
4
e-
4
Special Prosecutor voluntarily a great deal
of material. I believe that I have provided
all the material that he needs to conclude
his investigations and to proceed to prosecute the guilty and to clear the innocent.
I believe the time has come to bring
that investigation and the other investigations of this matter to an end. One year
of Watergate is enough.
And the time has come, my colleagues,
for not only the Executive, the President,
but the Members of Congress, for all of us
to join together in devoting our full energies to these great issues that I have discussed tonight which involve the welfare
of all of the American people in so many
different ways, as well as the peace of the
world.
I recognize that the House Judiciary
Committee has a special responsibility in
this area, and I want to indicate on this
occasion that I will cooperate with the
Judiciary Committee in its investigation.
I will cooperate so that it can conclude its
investigation, make its decision, and I will
cooperate in any way that I consider consistent with my responsibilities to the Office of the Presidency of the United States.
There is only one limitation. I will follow the precedent that has been followed
by and defended by every President from
George Washington to Lyndon B. Johnson of never doing anything that weakens
the Office of the President of the United
States or impairs the ability of the Presidents of the future to make the great decisions that are so essential to this Nation
and the world.
Another point I should like to make
very briefly: Like every Member of the
Jan. 30
[25]
House and Senate assembled here tonight,
I was elected to the office that I hold. And
like every Member of the House and
Senate, when I was elected to that office,
I knew that I was elected for the purpose
of doing a job and doing it as well as I
possibly can. And I want you to know
that I have no intention whatever of ever
walking away from the job that the people elected me to do for the people of the
United States.
Now, needless to say, it would be understatement if I were not to admit that the
year 1973 was not a very easy year for me
personally or for my family. And as I
have already indicated, the year 1974
presents very great and serious problems,
as very great and serious opportunities
are also presented.
But my colleagues, this I believe: With
the help of God, who has blessed this land
so richly, with the cooperation of the Congress, and with the support of the American people, we can and we will make the
year 1974 a year of unprecedented progress toward our goal of building a structure of lasting peace in the world and a
new prosperity without war in the United
States of America.
NOTE: The President spoke at 9:05 p.m. in the
House Chamber of the Capitol after being introduced by Carl Albert, Speaker of the House
of Representatives. The address was broadcast
live on nationwide radio and television.
Earlier in the day, the President met at the
White House with Vice President Ford and
members of the Republican Congressional
leadership—Senators Hugh Scott and Robert P.
Griffin and Representatives John J. Rhodes and
Leslie C. Arends—to discuss the address and
message.
�Reagan - 1987 SOTU
�WpglLlX C o m p i l a t i o n of P r e s i d e n t i a l Documents
4
4
Tlie Stale of the Union
Address Delivered Before a Joint Session of
the Congress.
January 27, 1987
Mr. Speaker, Mr. President,
distinguished
Members of Congress, honored guests, and
fellow citizens: _
May I congratulate all of you who are
Members of this historic 100th Congress of
59
4
�4
4
Jan. 27 / Administration of Ronald Reagan. IQSl
the United States of America. In this 200th leaders Bob Michel and Bob Dole, this Conanniversary year of our Constitution, you gress can make history.
and I stand on the shoulders of giants—men
Six years ago I was here to ask the Conwhose words and deeds put wind in the gress to join me in America's new beginsails of freedom. However, we must always ning. Well, the results are something of
remember that our Constitution is to be which we can all be proud. Our inflation
celebrated not for being old, but for being rate is now the lowest in a quarter of a
young—young with the same energy, spirit, century. The prime interest rate has fallen
and promise that filled each eventful day in from the 21% percent the month before we
Philadelphia's statehouse. We will be took office to IVz percent today. And those
guided tonight by their acts, and we will be
rates have triggered the most housing starts
guided forever by their words.
in 8 years.
Now, forgive me, but I can't resist sharing
The unemployment rate—still too high—
a story from those historic days. Philadelphia was bursting with civic pride in the is the lowest in nearly 7 years, and our
spring of 1787, and its newspapers began people have created nearly 13 million new
embellishing the arrival of the convention jobs. Over 61 percent of everyone over the
delegates with elaborate social classifica- age of 16, male and female, is employed—
tions. Governors of States were called Ex- the highest percentage on record. Let's roll
cellency. Justices and chancellors had re- up our sleeves and go to work and put
served for them honorable with a capital America's economic engine at full throttle.
We can also be heartened by our progress
"H." For Congressmen, it was honorable
with a small "h." And all others were re- across the world. Most important, America
ferred to as "the following respectable char- is at peace tonight, and freedom is on the
acters." [Laughter]
march. And we've done much these past
Well, for this 100th Congress, I invoke years to restore our defenses, our alliances,
special executive powers to declare th?t and our leadersliip in the world. Our sons
each of you must never be tided less than and daughters in the services once again
honorable with a capital "H." Incidentally, wear their uniforms with pride.
I'm delighted you are celebrating the 100th
But though we've made much progress, I
birthday of the Congress. It's always a pleas- have one major regret: I took a risk with
ure to congratulate someone with more regard to our action in Iran. It did not
birthdays than I've had. [Laughter]
work, and for that I assume full responsibilNow, there's a new face at this place of ity. The goals were worthy. I do not bebeve
honor tonight. And please join me in warm it was wrong to try to establish contacts
congratulations to the Speaker of the with a country of strategic importance or to
House, Jim Wright. [Applause] Mr. Speaker, try to save lives. And certainly it was not
you might recall a similar situation in your
very first session of Congress 32 years ago. wrong to try to secure freedom for our citiThen, as now, the speakership had changed zens held in barbaric captivity. But we did
hands and another great son of Texas, Sam not achieve what we wished, and serious
Rayburn—"Mr. Sam"—sat in your chair. I mistakes were made in trying to do so. We
cannot find better words than those used by will get to the bottom of this, and I will
President Eisenhower that evening. He take whatever action is called for.
said, "We shall have much to do together; I
But in debating the past, we must not
am sure that we will get it done and that deny ourselves the successes of the future.
we shall do it in harmony and good will." Let it never be said of this generation of
Tonight I renew that pledge. To you, Mr. Americans that we became so obsessed with
Speaker, and to Senate Majority Leader failure that we refused to take risks that
Robert Byrd, who brings 34 years of distin- could further the cause of peace and freeguished service to the Congress, may I say: dom in the world.
Though there are changes in the Congress,
Much is at stake here, and the Nation and
America's interests remain the same. And 1 the world are watching to see if we go foram confident that, along with Republican ward together in the national interest or if
:
60
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4
Administration of Ronald Reaaan. I'JHT . Jan. 27
we let partisanship weaken us. And let
there be no mistake about American policy:
We will not sit idly by if our interests or our
friends in the Middle East are threatened
nor will we yield to terrorist blackmail.
And now, ladies and gentlemen of the
Congress, why don't we get to work?
I am pleased to report that because of our
efforts to rebuild the strength of America,
the world is a safer place. Earlier this
month I submitted a budget to defend
America and maintain our momentum to
make up for neglect in the last decade.
Well, I ask you to vote out a defense and
foreign affairs budget that says yes to protecting our country. While the world is
safer, it is not safe.
Since 1970 the Soviets have invested
$500 biUion more on their military forces
than we have. Even today, though nearly 1
in 3 Soviet families is witbout running hot
water and the average family spends 2
hours a day shopping for the basic necessities of bfe, their government still found the
resources to transfer $75 billion in weapons
to client states in the past 5 years—clients
like Syria, Vietnam, Cuba, Libya_ Angola,
Ethiopia, Afghanistan, and Nicaragua.
With 120,000 Soviet combat and military
personnel and 15,000 military advisers in
Asia, Africa, and Latin America, can anyone
still doubt their single-minded determination to expand their power? Despite this,
the Congress cut my request for critical
U.S. security assistance to free nations by 21
percent this year, and cut defense requests
by $85 billion in the last 3 years.
These assistance programs serve our national interests as well as mutual interests.
And when the programs are devastated,
American interests are harmed. My friends,
it's my duty as President to say to you again
tonight that there is no surer way to lose
freedom than to lose our resolve.
Today the brave people of Afghanistan
are showing that resolve. The Soviet Union
says it wants a peaceful settlement in Afghanistan, yet it continues a brutal war and
props up. a regime whose days are clearly
numbered. We are ready to support a political solution that guarantees the rapid withdrawal of all Soviet troops and genuine selfdetermination for the Afghan people. In
Central .America, too, the cause of freedom
is being tested. And our resolve is being
tested there as well. Here, especially, the
world is watching to see how this nation
responds.
Today over 90 percent of the people of
Latin America live in democracy. Democracy is on the march in Central and South
America. Communist Nicaragua is the odd
man out—suppressing the church, the press,
and democratic dissent and promoting subversion in the region. We support diplomatic efforts, but these efforts can never succeed if the Sandinistas win their war against
the Nicaraguan people.
Our commitment to a Western Hemisphere safe from aggression did not occur
by spontaneous generation on the day that
we took office. It began with the Monroe
Doctrine in 1823 and continues our historic
bipartisan American policy. Franklin Roosevelt said we "are determined to do everything possible to maintain peace on this
hemisphere." President Truman was very
blunt: "International communism seeks to
crush and undermine and destroy the independence of the Americans. We cannot let
that happen here." And John F. Kennedy
made clear that "Communist domination in
this hemisphere can never be negotiated."
Some in this Congress may choose to depart
from this historic commitment, but I will
not.
This year we celebrate the second century of our Constitution. The Sandinistas just
signed theirs 2 weeks ago, and then suspended it. We won't know how my words
tonight will be reported there for one
simple reason: There is no free press in
Nicaragua.
Nicaraguan freedom fighters have never
asked us to wage their battle, but I will
fight any effort to shut off their lifeblood
and consign them to death, defeat, or a life
without freedom. There must be no Soviet
beachhead in Central America.
You know, we Americans have always
preferred dialog to conflict, and so, we
always remain open to more constructive
relations with the Soviet Union. But more
responsible Soviet conduct around the
world is a key element of the U.S.-Soviet
agenda. Progress is also required on the
61
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4
4
Jan. 27 / Administration of Ronald Reagan, J9S7
other items of our agenda as well—real respect for human rights and more open contacts between our societies and, of course,
arms reduction.
In Iceland, last October, we had one
moment of opportunity that the Soviets
dashed because they sought to cripple our
Strategic Defense Initiative, SDI. I wouldn't
let them do it then; I won't let them do it
now or in the future. This is the most positive and promising defense program we
have undertaken. It's the path, for both
sides, to a safer future—a system that defends human life instead of threatening it.
SDI will go forward.
The United States has made serious, fair,
and far-reaching proposals to the Soviet
Union, and this is a moment of rare opportunity for arms reduction; But I will need,
and American negotiators in Geneva will
need, Congress' support. Enacting the
Soviet negotiating position into American
law would not be the way to win a good
agreement. So, I must tell you in this Congress I will veto any effort that undercuts
our national security and our negotiating
leverage.
Now, today, we also find ourselves engaged in expanding peaceful commerce
across the world.. We will work to expand
our opportunities in international markets
through the Uruguay round of trade negotiations and to complete an historic free
trade arrangement between the world's two
largest trading partners, Canada and the
United States. Our basic trade policy remains the same: We remain opposed as
ever to protectionism, because America's
growth and future depend on trade. But we
would insist on trade that is fair and free.
We are always willing to be trade partners
but never trade patsies.
Now, from foreign borders let us return
to our own, because America in the world is
only as strong as America at home. This
100th Congress has high responsibilities. I
begin with a gentle reminder that many of
these are simply the incomplete obligations
of the past. The American people deserve
to be impatient, because we do not yet
have the public house in order.
We've had great success in restoring our
economic integrity, and we've rescued our
nation from the worst economic mess since
the Depression. But there's more to do. For
starters, the Federal deficit is outrageous.
For years I've asked that we stop pushing
onto our children the excesses of our government. And what the Congress finally
needs to do is pass a constitutional amendment that mandates a balanced budget and
forces government to five within its means.
States, cities, and the families of America
balance their budgets. Why can't we?
Next, the budget process is a sorry spectacle. The missing of deadlines and the nightmare of monstrous continuing resolutions
packing hundreds of billions of dollars of
spending into one bill must be stopped. We
ask the Congress once again: Give us the
same tool that 43 Governors have—a lineitem veto so we can carve out the boondoggles and pork, those items that would never
survive on their own. I will send the Congress broad recommendations on the
budget, but first I'd like to see yours. Let's
go to work and get this done together.
But now let's talk about this year's
budget. Even though I have submitted it
within the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings deficit
reduction target, I have seen suggestions
that we might postpone that timetable.
Well, I think the American people are tired
of hearing the same old excuses. Together
we made a commitment to balance the
budget. Now, let's keep it.
As for those suggestions that the answer is
higher taxes, the American people have repeatedly rejected that shop-wom advice.
They know that we don't have deficits because people are taxed too little. We have
deficits because big government spends too
much.
Now, next month I'll place two additional
reforms before the Congress. We've created
a welfare monster that is a shocking indictment of our sense of priorities. Our national
welfare system consists of some 59. major
programs and over 6,000 pages of Federal
laws and regulations on which more than
$132 billion was spent in 1985. I will propose a new national welfare strategy, a program of welfare reform through State-sponsored, community-based demonstration
projects. This is the time to reform this outmoded social dinosaur and finally break the
poverty trap. Now, we will never abandon
those who, through no fault of their own,
must have our help. But let us work to see
62
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4
Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1987 / Jan. 27
how many can be freed from the depend- we will defeat that scourge all over the
ency of welfare and made self-supporting, country.
which the great majority of welfare recipiFinally, let's stop suppressing the spiritual
ents want more than anything else.
core of our national being. Our nation could
Next, let us remove a financial specter not have been conceived without divine
facing our older Americans: the fear of an help. Why is it that we can build a nation
illness so expensive that it can result in with our prayers, but we can't use a schoolhaving to make an intolerable choice be- room for voluntary prayer? The 100th Contween bankruptcy and death. I will submit gress of the United States should be rememlegislation shortly to help free the elderly bered as the one that ended the expulsion
from the fear of catastrophic illness.
of God from America's classrooms.
Now let's tum to the future. It's widely
The quest for excellence into the 21st
said that America is losing her competitive century begins in the schoolroom but must
edge. Well, that won't happen i f we act go next to the workplace. More than 20
now. How well prepared are we to enter
milbon new jobs will be created before the
the 21st century? In my lifetime, America
set the standard for the world. It is now new century unfolds, and by then, our
time to determine that we should enter the economy should be able to provide a job for
next century, having achieved a level of ex- everyone who wants to work. We must also
enable our workers to adapt to the rapidly
cellence unsurpassed in history.
We will achieve this, first, by guarantee- changing nature of the workplace. And I
ing that government does everything possi- will propose substantial, new Federal comble to promote America's ability to com- mitments keyed to retraining and job mopete. Second, we must act as individuals in bility.
Over the next few weeks, I'll be sending
a quest for excellence that will not be measured by new proposals or billions in new the Congress a complete series of these spefunding. Rather, it involves an expenditure cial messages—on budget reform, welfare
of American spirit and just plain American reform, competitiveness, including education, trade, worker training and assistance,
grit.
The Congress will soon receive my com- agriculture, and other subjects. The Conprehensive proposals to enhance our com- gress can give us these tools, but to make
petitiveness, including new science and these tools work, it really comes down to
technology centers and strong new funding just being our best. And that is the core of
for basic research. The bill will include legal American greatness.
The responsibility of freedom presses us
and regulatory reforms and weapons to
fight unfair trade practices. Competitive- towards higher knowledge and, I beheve,
ness also means giving our farmers a shot at moral and spiritual greatness. Through
participating fairly and fully in a changing lower taxes and smaller government, government has its ways of freeing people's
world market.
Preparing for the future must begin, as spirits. But only we, each of us, can let the
always, with our children. We need to set spirit soar against our own individual standfor them new and more rigorous goals. We ards. Excellence is what makes freedom
must demand more of ourselves and our ring. And isn't that what we do best?
We're entering our third century now,
children by raising literacy levels dramatically by the year 2000. Our children should but it's wrong to judge our nation by its
master the basic concepts of math and sci- years. The calendar can't measure .America
ence, and let's insist that students not leave because we were meant to be an endless
high school until they have studied and un- experiment in freedom—with no limit to
derstood the basic documents of our nation- our reaches, no boundaries to what we can
do, no end point to our hopes.
al heritage.
There's one more thing we can't let up
The United States Constitution is the imon: Let's redouble our personal efforts to passioned and inspired vehicle by which we
provide for every child a safe and drug-free travel through history. It grew out of the
earning environment. If our crusade most fundamental inspiration of our existagainst drugs succeeds with our children. ence: that we are here to serve Him by
63
�Jan 27 / Administration of Ronald Reagan. 1987
4
4
living free—that living free releases in us
the noblest of impulses and the best of our
abilities; that we would use these gifts for
good and generous purposes and would
secure them not just for ourselves, and for
our children, but for all mankind.
Over the years—I won't count if you
don't—nothing has been so heartwarming
to me as speaking to America's young, and
the little ones especially, so fresh-faced and
so eager to know. Well, from time to time
I've been with them—they will ask about
our Constitution. And I hope you Members
of Congress will not deem this a breach of
protocol if you'll permit me to share these
thoughts again with the young people who
might be listening or watching this evening.
I've read the constitutions of a number of
countries, including the Soviet Union's.
Now, some people are surprised to hear
that they have a constitution, and it even
supposedly grants a number of freedoms to
its people. Many countries have written
into their constitution provisions for freedom of speech and freedom of assembly.
Well, if this is true, why is the Constitution
of the United States so exceptional?
Well, the difference is so small that it
almost escapes you, but it's so great it tells
you the whole story in just three words: We
the people. In those other constitutions, the
Government tells the people of those countries what they're allowed to do. In our
Constitution, we the people tell the Government what it can do, and it can do only
those things listed in that document and no
others.
Virtually every other revolution in history
has just exchanged one set of rulers for another set of rulers. Our revolution is the
first to say the people are the masters and
government is their servant. And you young
people out there, don't ever forget that.
Someday you could be in this room, but
wherever you are, America is depending on
you to reach your highest and be your
best—because here in America, we the
people are in charge.
Just three words: We the people. Those
are the kids on Christmas Day looking out
from a frozen sentry post on tbe 38th parallel in Korea or aboard an aircraft carrier in
the Mediterranean. A million miles from
home, but doing their duty.
64
We the people—those are the warmhearted whose numbers we can't begin to count,
who'll begin the day with a little prayer for
hostages they will never know and MIA
families they will never meet. Why? Because that's the way we are, this unique
breed we call Americans.
We the people—they're farmers on tough
times, but who never stop feeding a hungry
world. They're the volunteers at the hospital choking back their tears for the hundredth time, caring for a baby struggling
for life because of a mother who used
drugs. And you'll forgive me a special memmory—it's a milbon mothers like Nelle
Reagan who never knew a stranger or
turned a hungry person away from her
kitchen door.
We the people—they refute last week's
television commentary downgrading our
optimism and our idealism. They are the
entrepreneurs, the builders, the pioneers,
and a lot of regular folks—the true heroes
of our land who make up the most uncommon nation of doers in history. You know
they're Americans because their spirit is as
big as the universe and their hearts are
bigger than their spirits.
We the people—starting the third century of a dream and standing up to some
cynic who's trying to tell us we're not going
to get any better. Are we at the end? Well,
I can't tell it any better than the real
thing—a story recorded by James Madison
from the final moments of the Constitutional
Convention, September 17th, 1787. As the
last few members signed the document,
Benjamin Franklin—the oldest delegate at
81 years and in frail health—looked over
toward the chair where George Washington
daily presided. At the back of the chair was
painted the picture of a Sun on the horizon.
And turning to those sitting next to him,
Franklin observed that artists found it difficult in their painting to distinguish between
a rising and a setting Sun.
Well, I know if we were there, we could
see those delegates sitting around Franklin—leaning in to listen more closely to
him. And then Dr. Franklin began to share
his deepest hopes and fears about the outcome of their efforts, and this is what he
said: "1 have often looked at that picture
behind the President without being able to
�4
Administration of Ronald Reagan, IGST 'Jan 2',
tell whether it was a rising or setting sun:
But now at length I have the happiness to
know that it is a rising and not a setting
sun."
Well, you can bet it's rising because, my
fellow citizens, .America isn't finished. Her
best days have just begun.
Thank you, God bless you, and God bless
America.
Note: The President spoke at 9:03 p.m. in
the House Chamber of the Capitol. He was
introduced by Jim Wright, Speaker of the
House of Representatives. The address was
broadcast live on nationwide radio and television.
4
4
�Quotes
�Quotes on Service/Commitment to Country
THOMAS JEFFERSON
"And for support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on Divine Providence we mutually
pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor." Thomas Jefferson, dec. Of
independence, 1776
"There is a debt of service due from every man to his country, proportioned to the bounties
which nature and fortune have measured to him." --Thomas Jefferson to Edward Rutledge, 1796.
ME 9:354
"No interests are dearer to men than those which ought to be secured to them by their form of
government, and none deserve better of them than those who contribute to the amelioration of
that form." -Thomas Jefferson to M. Ruelle,1809.
"1 never thought of questioning the free exercise of the right of my fellow citizens to marshal
those whom they call into their service according to their fitness, nor ever presumed that they
were not the best judges of that." -Thomas Jefferson to James Sullivan, 1797. ME 9:376
"Some men are born for the public. Nature by fitting them for the service of the human race on a
broad scale, has stamped them with the evidences of her destination and their duty." -Thomas
Jefferson to James Monroe, 1803. ME 10:345
"There is sometimes an eminence of character on which society have such peculiar claims as to
control the predilections of the individual for a particular walk of happiness, and restrain him to
that alone arising from the present and future benedictions of mankind." -Thomas Jefferson to
George Washington, 1792. ME 8:348
"[I have] an ardent zeal to see this government (the idol of my soul) continue in good hands." Thomas Jefferson to William Wirt, 1808. ME 11:424
"Though I... am myself duly impressed with a sense of the arduousness of government and the
obligation those are under who are able to conduct it, yet 1 am also satisfied there is an order of
geniuses above that obligation and therefore exempted from it. Nobody can conceive that nature
ever intended to throw away a Newton upon the occupations of a crown. It would have been a
prodigality for which even the conduct of Providence might have been arraigned, had he been by
birth annexed to what was so far below him. Cooperating with nature in her ordinary economy,
we should dispose of and employ the geniuses of men according to their several orders and
degrees."
—Thomas Jefferson to David Rittenhouse, 1778. Papers, 2:202
"I do not mean... to testify a disposition to render no service but what is rigorously within my
duty. I am the farthest in the world from this; it is a question I shall never ask myself; nothing
making me more happy than to render any service in my power, of whatever description. But 1
�wish only to be excused from intermeddling in business in which I have no skill, and should do
more harm than good." --Thomas Jefferson to Samuel Osgood, 1785. ME 5:163
"I profess... so much of the Roman principle as to deem it honorable for the general of yesterday
to act as a corporal today if his services can be useful to his country, holding that to be false pride
which postpones the public good to any private or personal considerations." -Thomas Jefferson
to William Duane, 1812. ME 13:186
"It will remain... to those now coming on the stage of public affairs to perfect what has been so
well begun by those going off it." -Thomas Jefferson to Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., 1787. ME
6:165
"The first of all our consolations is that of having faithfully fulfilled our duties; the next, the
approbation and good will of those who have witnessed it." -Thomas Jefferson to James
Fishback, 1809. ME 12:316
JOHN ADAMS
"Our obligations to our country never cease but with our lives." John Adams to Benjamin Rush,
Apr.. 18, 1808
"These are the times that try men's souls. The summer soldier and the sunshine patriot will, in
this crisis, shrink from service of his county; but he that stands it now, deserves the love and
thanks of man and woman." - Thomas Paine, the American Crisis, Dec. 19, 1776
"Yet, we have this consolation with us, that the harder the conflict, the more glorious the
triumph." Thomas Paine, the American Crisis, Dec. 19, 1776
BEN FRANKLIN
Upon the founding of his public library in 1731, Franklin and his colleagues decided upon the
following seal: [broken Latin:] "Communiter Bona profundere Deum est." This translates freely,
"To pour forth benefits fro the common good is divine."
Franklin to President of Congress Samuel Huntington, March 12, 1781: "To
enjoy public confidence is an Honour sufficient to satisfy any reasonable
ambition." from The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, volume 34, p. 446,
forthcoming from Yale University Press in December, 1998.
Franklin in his proposals relating to the Education of Youth in
Pennsylvania, 1749: "True Merit" consists of "an Inclination joined with
an Ability to serve Mankind, ones Country, friends, and family." from The
Papers of Benjamin Franklin (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1961), vol.
3, p. 419.
GEORGE WASHINGTON
�Reagan SOTU
�
Dublin Core
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Title
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Michael Waldman
Description
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<p>Michael Waldman was Assistant to the President and Director of Speechwriting from 1995-1999. His responsibilities were writing and editing nearly 2,000 speeches, which included four State of the Union speeches and two Inaugural Addresses. From 1993 -1995 he served as Special Assistant to the President for Policy Coordination.</p>
<p>The collection generally consists of copies of speeches and speech drafts, talking points, memoranda, background material, correspondence, reports, handwritten notes, articles, clippings, and presidential schedules. A large volume of this collection was for the State of the Union speeches. Many of the speech drafts are heavily annotated with additions or deletions. There are a lot of articles and clippings in this collection.</p>
<p>Due to the size of this collection it has been divided into two segments. Use links below for access to the individual segments:<br /><a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=43&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=2006-0469-F+Segment+1">Segment One</a><br /><a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=43&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=2006-0469-F+Segment+2">Segment Two</a></p>
Creator
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Michael Waldman
Office of Speechwriting
Date
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1993-1999
Identifier
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2006-0469-F
Extent
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Segment One contains 1071 folders in 72 boxes.
Segment Two contains 868 folders in 66 boxes.
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Still Image
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paper
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Title
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SOTU [State of the Union] (Selected SOTU Addresses and Other Quotes) 10/22/98 [Binder] [3]
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Office of Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
Is Part Of
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Box 67
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36403"> Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7763296">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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2006-0469-F Segment 1
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White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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Preservation-Reproduction-Reference
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6/3/2015
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7763296
42-t-7763296-20060469F-Seg1-067-005-2015