-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/309f6b3d72b3fb1a46e97c1ce8f348f8.pdf
81cd9c01acaf6381c76ef5cfe770768c
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2006-0469-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidential Records
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Michael Waldman
Subseries:
OA/ID Number:
14442
FolderlD:
Folder Title:
SOTU [State of the Union] (Selected SOTU Addresses & Other Quotes) 10/22/98 [Binder] [2]
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
S
92
3
10
3
�T. Roosevelt- 1907 SOTU
�2 240
4
St. Vi-utJ: A
;
T H 1" 0 I) O K i : R 0 0 S 1- \ I:'. L T
willi tho rcrcm .siniijcn crisis in O.ihn iliusiraio at'rcsli their value to
the Nation. This readiness and efticiency wouM h.i\e l:>oen verv mucli
less had it not been tor the CNisicuce of the General Staff in the Artnv
and the (^ener.-il Board in the N a w : hotl: are essential to the proper
developmeni and use of our niiliiarv lorces afloat rmd ashore. Tlie
troops thai were sent to L u l u wore handled flawlessly. ft was the
swiftoit moljihzation aud dispatch of troops over sea ever accomplished by our Government.
The expedition landed completely
equipped and ready for immediate service, several of its organizations
hardly remaining in Havana over night before splitting up into detachmeiiis and going to their several posts. It was a fine demonstration of the value and efficiency of the General Staff. Similarly, it was
owing in large part to the General Board that the Navy was able at
the outset to meet the Cuban crisis with such instant efficiency; ship
after ship appearing on the shortest notice at any threatened point,
while the Marine Corps in particular performed indispensable service.
•The Army and Navy War Colleges are of incalculable value to the
two services, and they cooperate with constantly increasing efficiency
and importance.
The Congress has most wisely provided for a National Board for
the promotion of rifle practise. Excellent results have already come
from this law, but it does not go far enough. Our Regular Army is
so small that in any great war wo would have to trust mainly to volunteers ; and in such event these volunteers should already know how
to shoot; for if a soldier has the fighting edge, and ability to take care
of himself in the open, his efficiency on the line of battle is almost
directly proportionate to excellence in marksmanship. We should
establish shooting galleries in all the large public and military schools,
should maintain national target ranges in different parts of the country, and should in every way encourage the formation of rifle clubs
thruout all parts of the laud. The little Republic of Switzerland offers
'
•>i<»-Ui_-»n_ ->t >-' - H with building up an
Iin
tf
"SEVENTH ANNUAL MEvSSAGE.
WHITE
To thr Senate and House of
ft
HOUSE,
/Ve.
z,;,,;
Representatives:
No nation has greater resources than ours, and I think it can be
truthfully said that the citizens of no nation possess greater energy
and industrial ability. In no nation are the fundamental business conditions sounder than in ours at this very moment; and it is foolish.
iig'when such is the case, for people
l i i n sound banks; for it is such ho:
5if|of money stringency. Moreover,
_M'is conducted with honesty and pr
I f e a n d factories, to railroads and ba
Menterprises.
I n any large body of men. how.
•arc dishonest, and if the conditio)
^commit their misdeeds with impm
jlffor the community. Where these
Hity and of temperament both u
fjtiie conditions are such that the
i?|nd at first without effective ch.
l&iany innocent people into makir,
f o f business that are really tinsoui
•ftessfully dishonest men are disco
them, but upon the innocent nn
g a i n f u l awakening, whenever it
Joccur those who suffer are apt to
i t h e more painful it would be. I
I'both wise and proper to endeav
j-distress of those who have been
^possible to refrain because of s
.Je'nd to the misdeeds that arc the
|fas a means to this end. where pc
ibm. There may be honest diffi
nental policies; but surely there
feed of unflinching persevcranc
i & I n my Message to the Congrc?
| p ' " I f tlic folly of man mars th'
MgSfre innocent of the folly will ha\
» f y those who are guilty of the fol
Native folly of part of the busin.
|t'usiness community ; but such ?
!$» severe, would not be lasting
J i n the permanent prosperity of tf.
Ilicter of the average American v
. J j f l i o matter whether his work b.
m farmer or wage-worker, business
| f In our industrial and social s
losely intertwined that in the in
jekling man, who by his efficiency
mis,'himself, must also benefit oth<
^ f c t i v e capacity who becomes rici
W
�Seventh Annual Message
fresh their valueftoj
^ ^ h a v e been very n i f i t j L ,
ie General Staff in the A r m | p
h are essential to the projier
rces afloat and ashore. T)iSL
idled flawlessly. It was thefl
roops over sea ever acconifl
xpedition landed completelyf
e, several of its organizationf'
before splitting up into det^
ts. It was a fine demonstrate
neral Staff. . Similarly, it w a f ^
d that the Navy was able a | l |
1 such instant efficiency; sKm|r
tice at any threatened point|f
formed indispensable serviced
- of incalculable value to t h | |
•
onstantly increasing efficients
11
led for a National Board f < | |
:nt results have already comfl
ough. Our Regular Army 1$
i have to trust mainly to voM
:ers should already know howl
and ability to take caret
ine of battle is almostj
manship. We shouldf
?e public and military schools^
in different parts of the coun-i
e the formation of rifle clubsfS
Republic of Switzerland offersfel
connected with building up a'nT'
«
L MESSAGE.
UTE HOUSE,
/),•<•. ?. /yo
7
atives:
•n ours, and I think it can be'
nation possess greater energy <
• the fundamental business con- ;
sry moment; and it is foolish.
:
11
2241
when such is the case, for people to hoard money instead of keeping it
in sound banks; for it is such hoarding that is the immediate occasion
of money stringency. Moreover, as a rule, the business of our people
is conducted with honesty and probity, and this applies alike to farms
and factories, to railroads and banks, to all our legitimate commercial
enterprises.
In any large body of men, however, there are certain to be some who
are dishonest, and if the conditions are such that these men prosper or
commit their misdeeds with impunity, their example is a very evil thing
for the community. Where these men are business men of great sagacity and of temperament both unscrupulous and reckless, and where
the conditions are such that they act without supervision or control
and at first without effective check from public opinion, they delude
many innocent people into making investments or embarking in kinds
of business that are really unsound. When the misdeeds of these successfully dishonest men are discovered, suffering comes not only upon
them, but upon the innocent men whom they have misled. It is a
painful awakening, whenever it occurs; and naturally, when it does
occur those who suffer are apt to forget that the longer it was deferred
the more painful it would be. In the effort to punish the guilty it is
botli wise and proper to endeavor so far as possible to minimize the
distress of those who have been misled by the guilty. Yet it is not
possible to refrain because of such distress from striving to put an
end to the misdeeds that are the ultimate causes of the suffering, and,
as a means to this end, where possible to punish those responsible for
them. There may be honest differences of opinion as to many governmental policies; but surely there can be no such differences as to the
need of unflinching perseverance in the war against successful dishonesty.
;
In my Message to the Congress on December 5, 1905, I said:
" I f the folly of man mars the general well-being, then those who
are innocent of the folly will have to pay part of the penalty incurred
by those who are guilty of the folly. A panic brought on by the speculative folly of part of the business community would hurt the whole
business community; but such stoppage of welfare, though it might
be severe, would not be lasting. In the long run, the one vital factor
in the permanent prosperity of the country is the high individual-character of the average American worker, the average American citizen,
uo matter whether his work be mental or manual, whether he he
farmer or wage-worker, business man or professional man.
"In our industrial and social system the interests of all men are so
closely intertwined that in the immense majority of cases a straightdealing man, who by his efficiency, by his ingenuity and industry, benefits himself, must also benefit others. Normally, the man of great productive capacity who becomes rich by guiding the labor of many other
�2242
4
4
THEODORE
ROOSEVELT
men does so by enabling them to produce more than they could produce without his guidance; and both he and they share in the benefit,
which comes also to the public at large. The superficial fact that the
sharing may be unequal must never blind us to the underlying fact
that there is this sharing, and that the benefit comes in some degree
to each man concerned. Normally, the wageworker, the man. of small
means, and the average consumer, as well as the average producer,
are all alike helped by making conditions such that the man of exceptional business ability receives an exceptional reward for his abilitj
Something can be done by legislation to help the general prosperity;
but~ho such help of a permanently beneficial character can be given to
the less able and less fortunate save as the results of a policy which
shall inure to the advantage of all industrious and efficient people who
act decently; and this is only another way of saying that any benefit
which comes to the less able and less fortunate must of necessity come
even more to the more able and more fortunate. If, therefore, the
less fortunate man is moved by envy of his more fortunate brother to
strike at the conditions under which they have both, though unequally,
prospered, the result will assuredly be that while damage may come
to the one struck at, it will visit with an even heavier load the one who
strikes the blow. Taken as a whole, we must all go up or go down
together.
"Yet, while not merely admitting, but insisting upon this, it is also
true that where there is no governmental restraint or supervision some
of the exceptional men use their energies, not in ways that are for the
common good, but in ways which tell against this common good. The
fortunes amassed through corporate organization are now so large,
and vest such power in those that wield them, as to make it a matter of
necessity to give to the sovereign—that is, to the Government, which
represents the people as a whole—some effective power of supervision
over their corporate use. In order to insure a healthy social and industrial life, every big corporation should be held responsible by, and be
accountable to, some sovereign strong enough to control its conduct.
I am in no sense hostile to corporations. This is an age of combination, and any effort to prevent all combination will be not only useless,
but in the end vicious, because of the contempt for law which the failuure to enforce law inevitably produces. We should, moreover, recognize in cordial and ample fashion the immense good effected by corporate agencies in a country such as ours, and the wealth of intellect,
energy, and fidelity devoted to their service, and tnerciuie normahy
to the service of the public, by their officers and directors. The corporation has come to stay, just as the trade union has come to stay.
Each can do and has done great good. Each should be favored so
long as it does good. But each should be sharply checked where it
Seventh' Ai
facts against law and justice.
«* * + The makers of t
Jlspecially that the regulation <
fffwithin the sphere of the General
I f of their taking this stand were e
|$far stronger to-day, in view of
ffbusincss agencies, usually corpoi
|conclusively that it is useless to t
Supervision of these great corpor:
jmd supervision can onlybe cfTo<
Ijurisdiction is coextensive with
|^that is, by tlie National Govo
j|and supervision can be obtained
"igress. ' * * * Our steady ai
land carefully undertaken, but i
Sovereignty of the National Go^ . " T h i s is only in form an im
[frestoration: for from the earli
Activities has been recognized i
|and all that 1 propose is to meet
as" will prevent the Commonwe
|<fl|>ssessed, not only in this ar
™fsnice this country became a se;
J | ! t " I t has been a misfortune
Sh'ave hitherto been of a negath
||!ive kind, and still more that tl
lifcpuld not be effectively prohil
pons confounded what shoul
l?.alibwed. It is generally uselc:
| | | i | t i t i o n , whether this restrai
Jwliere it is not useless it is gc
•Jful prosecution of one device
Ipimother device to accomplish t
^sweeping prohibition of ever;
|Mend to restrict competition, h
j k t i o n as will prevent any rest
|pjetrimcnt of the public, as w
ifwill prevent other abuses in i
|iPetitioii."
1
Jr. I have called your attent
ftaiready said because 1 am s;^Government to embody in ac
M N o small part of the trou
Kan:; extreme the national vi
�SEVELT
Seventh Annual Message
m
than they could
' share in the bert^i'
_ Iperficial fact that.^tH^'
ind us to the underlying ^ 1
benefit comes in some degree|L
vageworker, the man of smaHllj
/ell as the average producer^
; such that the man of excep|i
tional reward for his abilit^f
• help the general prosperit^i
-ial character can be given .toil
the results of a policy w h i | ^ *
rious and efficient people who^
iy of saying that any benefit);'
unate must of necessity comet
fortunate. If, therefore, thei
lis more fortunate brother tof
have both, though unequally!
iat while damage may cornel
ven heavier load the one who!
must all go up or go down?
i
nsisting upon this, it is also
•estraint or supervision some
not in ways that are for the
ns^^k common good. The
so large,
' ^ ^ ^ make it a matter of
, to the Government, which
tective power of supervision
e a healthy social and indusheld responsible by, and be
>ugh to control its conduct.
This is an age of combinaion will be not only useless,
nipt for law which the fail\ e should, moreover, recognse good effected by corpomd the wealth of intellect,
ce, anil tneremve normaiiv
rs and directors. The corle union has come to stav.
^acli should be favored so
- sharply checked where it
•
a r e
;
7
n
o
w
1
2243
acts against law and justice.
" * * * The makers of our National Constitution provided
especially that the regulation of interstate commerce should come
within the sphere of the General Government. The arguments in favor
of their taking this stand were even then overwhelming. But they are
far stronger to-day. in view of the enormous development of great
business agencies, usuallv corporate in form. Experience has shown
conclusively that it is useless to try to get any adequate regulation and
supervision of these great corporations by State action. Such regulation
and supervision can only be effectively exercised by a sovereign whose
jurisdiction is coextensive with tlie field of work of tlie corporations
—that is, by the National Government. I believe that this regulation
and supervision can he obtained by the enactment of law by the Congress. * * * Our steady aim should be by legislation, cautiously
and carefully undertaken, but resolutely persevered in, to assert the
sovereignty of the National Government by affirmative action.
"This is onlv in form an innovation. In substance it is merely a
restoration ; for from the earliest time such regulation of industrial
activities has been recognized in the action of the lawmaking bodies;
and all that I propose is to meet the changed conditions in such manner
as will prevent the Commonwealth abdicating the power it has always
possessed, not only in this country, but also in England before and
since this country became a separate nation.
' i t has been a misfortune that the National laws on this subject
have hitherto been of a negative or prohibitive rather than an affirmative kind, and still more that they have in part sought to prohibit what
could not be effectively prohibited, and have in part in their prohibitions confounded what should, be allowed and what should not be
allowed. It is generally useless to try to prohibit all restraint on competition, whether this restraint be reasonable or unreasonable; and
where it is not useless it is generally hurtful. * * * The successful prosecution of one device to evade the law immediately develops
another device to accomplish the same purpose. What is needed is not
sweeping prohibition of every arrangement, good or bad, which may
tend to restrict competition, but such adequate supervision and regulation as will prevent any restriction of competition from being to the
detriment of the public, as well as such supervision and regulation as
will prevent other abuses in no way connected with restriction of competition."
I have called your attention in these quotations to what I have
already said because 1 am satisfied that it is the duty of the National
Government to embody in action the principles thus expressed.
No small part of the trouble that we have comes from carrying to
an extreme the national virtue of self-reliance, of independence in
�2244
4
4
THEODORE
Seventh
ROOSEVELT
initiative and action. It is wise to conserve this virtue and to provide
for its fullest exercise, compatible with seeing that liberty docs not
become a liberty to wrong others. Unfortunately, this is the kind of
liberty that the lack of all effective regulation inevitably breeds. Tlie
founders of the Constitution provided that the National Government
should have complete and sole control of interstate commerce. There
was then practically no interstate business save such as was conducted
by water, and this the National Government at once proceeded to regulate in thoroughgoing and effective fashion. Conditions have now so
wholly changed that the interstate commerce by water is insignificant
compared with the amount that goes by land, and almost all big business concerns are now engaged in interstate commerce. As a result,
it can be but partially and imperfectly controlled or regulated by the
action of any one of the several States; such action inevitably tending
to be either too drastic or else too lax, and in either case ineffective
for purposes of justice. Only the National Government can in thoroughgoing fashion exercise the needed control. This does not mean
that there should be any extension of Federal authority, for such
authority already exists under the Constitution in amplest and most
far-reaching form; but it does mean that there should be an extension
of Federal activity. This is not advocating centralization. It is merely
looking facts in the face, and realizing that centralization in business
has already come and can not be avoided or undone, and that the
public at large can only protect itself from certain evil effects of this
business centralization by providing better methods for the exercise
of control through the authority already centralized in the National
Government by the Constitution itself. There must be no halt in the
healthy constructive course of action which this Nation has elected to
pursue, and has steadily pursued, during the last six years, as shown
both in the legislation of the Congress and the administration of the
law by the Department of Justice. The most vital need is in connection with the railroads. As to these, in my judgment there should now
be either a national incorporation act or a law licensing railway companies to engage in interstate commerce upon certain conditions. The
law should be so framed as to give to the Interstate Commerce Commission power to pass upon the future issue of securities, while ample
means should be provided to enable the Commission, whenever in its
judgment it is necessary, to make a physical valuation of any railroad.
As I stated in my Message to the Congress a year ago, railroads should
be given power to enter into agreements, subject to these argreements
being made public in minute detail and to the consent of the Interstate
Commerce Commission being first obtained. Until the National Government assumes proper control of interstate commerce, in the exercise
of the authority it already possesses, it will be impossible either to give
to or to get from the railroads full justice. The railroads and all other
I'great corporations will do we!
| come; the only question is as
| wisely exercise it. The courts
the Federal authority can exerc
I work within each State for the
I f , the National Interstate Comme
with the several State commiss
£ achieve the desired end.
Moreover, in my judgment
I'looking to the proper control c
in interstate business, this contr
iand prosperity no less than for
fgeneral public. As I have re]
Igress and elsewhere, experienc
lunwisdom but the futility of i
iness combinations. Modern
^combination is not only necessa
Ijof business just as it is so in •
fdesire to put an end to all co
I'capital, as to desire to put an e
ition and labor union alike hav<
^I'aged is a source of good and
Ke.vil, it should be promptly held
|eiicouragement so long as it i
^immoral to put or keep on thcfinterest of public morality, th;
^immorality, by undertaking to
Imust be done under modern br
^provides that its own infractioi
business success. To aim at tl
Mrneans the accomplishment of t
^damage. In my Message to tl
jfthe antitrust laws, I said:
I'The actual working of our
|hibit all combination, good or
Stive. Combination of capital, 1
^element in our present industri;
feci prevent i t ; and if it were pf
fedq damage to the body politic.
Ifprevent all combination, but to
Ifetrol and supervision of the coi
*^He public, or existing in such
! | | | * - * It is unfortunate th.
|«jmbinations instead of sharp!
^nations which do evil. * *
1.
�SEVELT
v e ^ W virtue and to provfdf
ve'
s ^ ^ U a t liberty d o e s ; ^ ^
< r ^ | p K r . this is the k i n d j | | | |
ation inevitably breeds,
iat the National Government
interstate commerce. ThercM
; save such as was conducted!
nt at once proceeded to reguit
on. Conditions have now soSi
erce by water is insignificanti"
and, and almost all big busi|
tate commerce. As a result*
>ntrolled or regulated by .the]
uch action inevitably tending/
'.nd in either case ineffective
ial Government can in thpr^
mtrol. This does not meanl
Federal authority, for sucfr^
itution in amplest and most''
there should be an extension^
; centralization. It is merely^
iat centralization in business?*
•d or undone, and that the«
n certain evil effects of this']
:r method for the exercise^
:r methods
|ized
cejA|iz( in the National:,
ist
i ^ K i s be no halt in theJ
Jation has elected t o . ^
six
the last s: years, as shown.&
d the administration of the if,
:iost vital need is in connec-^
judgment there should now
law licensing railway cornion certain conditions. The
Interstate Commerce Comic of securities, while ample ji
Commission, whenever in it's
al valuation of any railroad,
a year ago, railroads should
•ubject to these argreements
die consent of the Interstate
1. Until the National Govte commerce, in the exercise
be impossible either to give
The railroads and all other
Seventh Annual
Message
2245
great corporations will do well to recognize that this control must
come; the only question is as to what governmental body can most
wisely exercise it. The courts will determine the limits within which
the Federal authority can exercise it, and there will still remain ample
work within each State for the railway commission of that State; and
the National Interstate Commerce Commission will work in harmony
with the several State commissions, each within its own province, to
achieve the desired end.
Moreover, in my judgment there should be additional legislation
looking to the proper control of the great business concerns engaged
in interstate business, this control to be exercised for their own benefit
and prosperity no less than for the protection of investors and of the
general public. As I have repeatedly said in Messages to the Congress and elsewhere, experience has definitely shown not merely the
unwisdom but the futility of endeavoring to put a slop to all business combinations. Modern industrial conditions are such that
combination is not only necessary but inevitable. It is so in the world
of business just as it is so in the world of labor, and it is as idle to
desire to put an end to all corporations, to all big combinations of
capital, as to desire to put an end to combinations of labor. Corporation and labor union alike have come to stay. Each if properly managed is a source of good and not evil. Whenever in either there is
evil, it should be promptly held to account; but it should receive hearty
encouragement so long as it is properly managed. It is profoundly
immoral to put or keep on the statute books a law, nominally in the
interest of public morality, that really puts a premium upon public
immorality, by undertaking to forbid honest men from doing what
must be done under modern business conditions, so that the lawjtself
provides that its own infraction must be the condition precedent upon
business success. To aim at the accomplishment of too much usually
means the accomplishment of too little, and often the doing of positive
damage. In my Message to the Congress a year ago, in speaking of
the antitrust laws, I said:
"The actual working of our laws has shown that the effort to prohibit all combination, good or bad, is noxious where it is not ineffective. Combination of capital, like combination of labor, is a necessary
element in our present industrial system. It is not possible completely
to prevent i t ; and if it were possible, such complete prevention would
do damage to the body politic. What we need is not vainly to try to
prevent all combination, but to secure such rigorous and adequate control and supervision of the combinations as to prevent their injuring
the public, or existing in such forms as inevitably to threaten injury.
* * * It is unfortunate that our present laws should forbid all
combinations instead of sharply discriminating between those combinations which do evil. * * * Often railroads would like to com-
�2246
4
THEODORE
Seventh Ai
ROOSEVELT
bine for the purpose of preventing a big shipper from maintaining
improper advantages at the expense of small shippers and of the general public. Such a combination, instead of being forbidden by law.
should be favored. * * * It is a public evil to have on the statute
books a law incapable of full enforcement, because both judges and
juries realize that its full enforcement would destroy the business of
the country; for the result is to make decent men violators of the law
against their will, and to put a premium on the behavior of the willful
wrongdoers. Such a result in turn tends to throw the decent man and
the willful wrongdoer into close association, and in the end to drag
down the former to the latter's level; for the man who becomes a
lawbreaker in one way unhappily tends to lose all respect for law and
to be willing to break it in many ways. No more scathing condemnation could be visited upon a law than is contained in the words of the
Interstate Commerce Commission when, in commenting upon the fact
that the numerous joint traffic associations do technically violate the
law, thev say: 'The decision of the United States Supreme Court in
the Trans-Missouri case and the Joint Traffic Association case has produced no practical effect upon the railway operations of the country.
Such associations, in fact, exist now as they did before these decisions,
and with the same general effect. In justice to alt parties, we ought
probably to add that it is difficult to see how our interstate railways
could be operated with due regard to the interest of the shipper and
the railway without concerted action of the kind afforded through
these asociations.'
"This nieans that the law as construed by the Supreme Court is
such that the business of the country can not be conducted without
breaking it."
As I have elsewhere said:
'All this is substantially what I have said over and over again.
Surely it ought not to be necessary to say that it in no shape or way
represents any hostility to corporations as such. On the contrary,
it means a frank recognition of the fact that combinations of capital,
like combinations of labor, are a natural result of modern conditions
and of our National development. As far as in my ability lies my
endeavor is and will be to prevent abuse of power by either and to
favor both so long as they do well. The aim of the National Government is quite as much to favor and protect honest corporations, honest business men of wealth, as to bring to justice those individuals
and corporations representing dishonest methods. Most certainly there
will be no relaxation by the Government authorities in the effort to
get at any great railroad wrecker—any man who by clever swindling
devices robs investors, oppresses wage-workers, and does injustice to
the general public. But any such move as this is in the interest of
honest railway operators, of honest corporations, and of those who,
|
;
when they invest their small savi
r assured that these will represent
mate business purposes. To conf
power for which I ask would be
upon the clever gamblers who 1
alcne would mean an increase in
the stocks and bonds of law-abid
would render it far easier to r
& proper publicity. There has bee
§. tions recently carried on, but
blame where it belongs—upon t
I ness and not upon the iuvestig
iiThe Administration is responsil
f not responsible for what the ligl
|given the Federal Government, i
^ tion effectually cope with the;
interstate commerce, and, whil| ; them in return full justice to oti
ity, the conditions of our imm.
; to make the Central Governn
'M: supervision and control.
"The grave abuses in indivi
lithe past represent wrongs not i
Ull, wrongs to fair-dealing ;
|Lwealth, because they excite a i
ifthe very nature of the case ten.
f merit good and bad alike. Fro.
fftoo earnestly say that as soon
^aroused by these abuses bec(
^also becomes not merely unw
f^the very ends which those fe.
fplenty of dishonest work by c
Ibe the slightest let-up in the et
, Jhonest man. But the bulk of
^ n a t u r a l indignation the people
j-that they should not lose their
fctiate raid upon all corporation
Fwell or ill. Out of any such
^not come, and never has con
Ifinvite reaction is to follow th
ifin a sweeping assault upon pr.
iwhich would work incalcula
|W'Ould produce such distrust •
jst would extend to hone
trying to remedy the evil
are
�OSEVELT
Seventh Annual
Ripper from maintainingl!
|hippers and of the geriW
eing forbidden by l a ^
ibll^Til to have on the statute
nent, because both judges and
would destroy the business o f ^
lecent men violators of the law^
1 on the behavior of the willful;
Is to throw the decent man and;;*
iation, and in the end to drag||
for the man who becomes aiti
to lose all respect for law a n d |
No more scathing condemna-l
. contained in the words of the'^
, in commenting upon the fact J
ions do technically violate the|
nited States Supreme Court in]
raflic Association case has pro-If
vay operations of the country. ^
they did before these decisions,|
•ustice to all parties, we ought I
ee how our interstate railways
he interest of the shipper and J?
of the kind afforded through %
;
the Supreme Court is
tt be conducted without
ve said over and over again,
-ay that it in no shape or way
s as such. On the contrary,
:t that combinations of capital,
al result of modern conditions
; far as in my ability lies my
ise of power by either and to
e aim of the National Govern)tect honest corporations, honig to justice those individuals
methods. Most certainly there
•nt authorities in the effort to
man who by clever swindling
workers, and does injustice to
e as this is in the interest of
rporations, and of those who,
SM.'
Message
2247
when they invest their small savings in stocks and bonds, wish to be
assured that these will represent money honestly expended for legitimate business purposes. To confer upon the National Government the
power for which I ask would be a check upon overcapitalization and
upon the clever gamblers who benefit by overcapitalization. But it
alcne would mean an increase in the value, an increase in the safety of
the stocks and bonds of law-abiding, honestly managed railroads, and
would render it far easier to market their securities. I believe in
proper publicity. There has been complaint of some of the investigations recently carried on, but those who complain should put the
blame where it belongs—upon the misdeeds which are done in darkness and not upon the investigations which brought them to light.
The Administration is responsible for turning on the light, but it is
not responsible for what the light showed. I ask for full power to be
given the Federal Government, because no single State can by legislation effectually cope with these powerful corporations engaged in
interstate commerce, and, while doing them full justice, exact from
them in return full justice to others. The conditions of railroad activity, the conditions of our immense interstate commerce, are such as
to make the Central Government alone competent to exercise full
supervision and control.
'The grave abuses in individual cases of railroad management in
the past represent wrongs not merely to the general public, but, above
all, wrongs to fair-dealing and honest corporations and men of
wealth, because they excite a popular anger and distrust which from
the very nature of the case tends to include in the sweep of its resentment good and bad alike. From the standpoint of the public I can not
too earnestly say that as soon as the natural and proper resentment
aroused by these abuses becomes indiscriminate and unthinking, it
also becomes not merely unwise and unfair, but calculated to defeat
the very ends which those feeling it have in view. There has been
plenty of dishonest work by corporations in the past. There will not
be the slightest let-up in the effort to hunt down and punish every dishonest man. But the bulk of our business is honestly done. In the
natural indignation the people feel over the dishonesty, it is essential
that they should not lose their heads and get drawn into an indiscriminate raid upon all corporations, all people of wealth, whether they do
well or ill. Out of any such wild movement good will not come, can
not come, and never has come. On the contrary, the surest way to
invite reaction is to follow the lead of either demagogue or visionary
in a sweeping assault upon property values and upon public confidence,
which would work incalculable damage in the business world and
would produce such distrust of the agitators that in the revulsion the
distrust would extend to honest men who, in sincere and same fashion,
are trying to remedy the evils."
�2248
THEODORE
Seventh :
ROOSEVELT
The antitrust law should not be repealed; but it should be made both
more efficient and more in harmony with actual conditions. It should
be so amended as to forbid only the kind of combination which does
harm to the general public, such amendment to be accompanied by, or
to be an incident of, a grant of supervisory power to the Government
over these big concerns engaged in interstate business. This should
be accompanied by provision for the compulsory publication of accounts and the subjection of books and papers to the inspection of the
Government officials. A beginning has already been made for such
supervision by the establishment of the Bureau of Corporations.
The antitrust law should not prohibit combinations that do no injustice to the public, still less those the existence of which is on the whole
of benefit to the public. But even if this feature of the law were abolished; there would remain as an equally objectionable feature the difficulty and delay now incident to its enforcement. The Government
must now submit to irksome and repeated delay before obtaining a
final decision of the courts upon proceedings instituted, and even a
favorable decree may mean an empty victory. Moreover, to attempt
to control these corporations by lawsuits means to impose upon both
the Department of Justice and the courts an impossible burden; it is
not feasible to carry on more than a limited number of such suits.
Such a law to be really effective must of course be administered by an
executive body, and not merely by means of lawsuits. The design
should be to prevent the abuses incident to the creation of unhealthy
and improper combinations, instead of waiting until they are in existence and then attempting to destroy them by civil or criminal proceedings.
A combination should not be tolerated if it abuse the power acquired
by combination to the public detriment. No corporation or association
of any kind should be permitted to engage .in foreign or interstate commerce that is formed for the purpose of, or whose operations create,
a monopoly or general control of the production, sale, or distribution
of any one or more of the prime necessities of life or articles of general
use aud necessity. Siich combinations are against public policy; they
violate the common law; the doors of. the courts are closed to those
who are parties to them, and I believe the Congress can close the channels of interstate commerce against them for its protection. The law
should make its prohibitions and permissions as clear and definite as
possible, leaving the least possible room for arbitrary action, or allegation of such action, on the part of the Executive, or of divergent interpretations by the courts. Among the points to be aimed at should be
the prohibition of unhealthy competition, such as by rendering service
at an actual loss for the purpose of crushing out competition, the prevention of inflation of capital, and the prohibition of a corporation's
making exclusive trade with itsei
itself. Reasonable agreements
tions should be permitted, provi.
by some appropriate Governmei
' The Congress has the power
interstate and foreign commen
under the provisions of which
Federal charters and new Fedc
essential provision of such a law
by some Federal board or cor
•Federal charter was an associa
j tions of the Federal law. Prov
^publicity in all matters affecting
I the investing public and the shrfporate securities. I f an incorp
license act for big interstate coi
f bination of the two might be tr
J be analogous to that now exc
?:,the antitrust act should be supi
^methods which experience has
| abling monopolistic combinatio
fowners of a corporation shoul
jfpwn name. The right to hold
fafter be denied to interstate c
iGovernment officials, and a pr
| h e listing with the Governme'
|by the corporation owning suci
|jsuch stock is owned.
| g T o confer upon the Nation
|amendment I advocate in the ;
'"big business concerns engaget
them as it has benefited the ;
^crisis it is noteworthy that th.
ttums which were not under the
l^vernment. Those which w
^ N a t i o n a l control of the kind
|oftevery well-managed railwa
fthere is need for additional tr.
£ments in the actual handling o
|possible. Ample, safe,and spec
fnecessary than cheap transport:
^estment of money which will
^samctime securing as far as is
H f t h e i r employees. Therefo:
�)S E V E L T
Seventh Annual Message
led^
it should be made bqtlif
'
conditions. It shouff
inf^^Pftmbination which do«s
ment to be accompanied by,.:.p_
sory power to the Governmenl
•erstate business. This should
compulsory publication of ac^
papers to the inspection of
- already been made for sudi
Bureau of Corporations,
combinations that do no inju
tence of which is on the whole
s feature of the law were abot^
objectionable feature the diffi^
iforcement. The Governmeii|
ated delay before obtaining
edings instituted, and even
ictory. Moreover, to attempt
s means to impose upon botK
ts an impossible burden; it is'
limited number of such suits.
t course be administered by an
ans of lawsuits. The design
t to the creation of unhealthy
waiting until they are in existiem Jur c
iern^^ civil or criminal proh
1
:
' ^ ^ ^ i s e the power acquired
No corporation or association
.e in foreign or interstate comt. or whose operations create,
reduction, sale, or distribution,
es of life or articles of generajl.
ire against public policy; theyS
:he courts are closed to those
e Congress can close the chana for its protection. The law
•sions as clear and definite as
tor arbitrary action, or allega- :!
•.-ecutive, or of divergent inter"'nts to be aimed at should be
such as by rendering service 'f£
iiing out competition, the pre- '
prohibition of a corporation's
;
2249
making exclusive trade with itself a condition of having any trade with
itself. Reasonable agreements between, or combinations of, corporations should be permitted, provided they are submitted to and approved
by some appropriate Government body.
The Congress has the power to charter corporations to engage in
interstate and foreign commerce, and a general law can be enacted
under the provisions of which existing corporations could take out
Federal charters and new Federal corporations could be created. An
essential provision of such a law should be a method of predetermining
by some Federal board or commission whether the applicant for a
Federal charter was an association or combination within the restrictions of the Federal law. Provision should also be made for complete
publicity in all matters affecting the public and complete protection to
the investing public and the shareholders in the matter of issuing corporate securities. I f an incorporation law is not deemed advisable, a
license act for big interstate corporations might be enacted; or a combination of the two might be tried. The supervision established might
be analogous to that now exercised over national banks. At least,
the antitrust act should be supplemented by specific prohibitions of the
methods which experience has shown have been of most service in enabling monopolistic combinations to crush out competition. The real
owners of a corporation should be compelled to do business in their
own name. The right to hold stock in other corporations should hereafter be denied to interstate corporations, unless on approval by the
Government officials, and a prerequisite to such approval should be
the listing with the Government of all owners and stockholders, both
by the corporation owning such stock and by the corporation in which
such stock is owned.
To confer upon the National Government, in connection with the
amendment I advocate in the antitrust law, power of supervision over
big business concerns engaged in interstate commerce, would benefit
them as it has benefited the national banks. In the recent business
crisis it is noteworthy that the institutions which failed were institutions which were not under the supervision and control of the National
Government. Those which were under National control stood the test.
National control of the kind above advocated would be to the benefit
of every well-managed railway. From the standpoint of the public
there is need for additional tracks, additional terminals, and improvements in the actual handling of the railroads, and all this as rapidly as
possible. Ample, safe,and speedy transportation facilities are even more
necessarv than cheap transportation. Therefore, there is need for the investment of money which will provide, for all these things while at the
same time securing as far as is possible better wages and shorter hours
for their employees. Therefore, while there must be just and reason-
�2250
4
THEODORE
ROOSEVELT
able regulation of rates, we should be the first to protest against any
arbitrary and unthinking movement to cut them down without the
fullest and most careful consideration of all interests concerned and of
the actual needs of the situation. Only a special body of men acting
for the National Government under authority conferred upon it by the
Congress ic competent to pass judgment on such a matter.
Those who fear, from any reason, the extension of Federal activity
will do well to study the history not only of the national banking act
but of the pure-food law, and notably the meat inspection law recently
enacted. The pure-food law was opposed so violently that its passage
was delayed for a decade; yet it has worked unmixed and immediate
good. The meat inspection law was even more violently assailed; and
the same men who now denounce the attitude of the National Government in seeking to oversee and control the workings of interstate common carriers and business concerns, then asserted that we were "discrediting and ruining a great American industry." Two years have
not elapsed, and already it has become evident that the great benefit the
law confers upon the public is accompanied by an equal benefit to the
reputable packing establishments. The latter are better off under the
law than they were without it. The benefit to interstate common carriers and business concerns from the legislation I advocate would be
equally marked.
Incidentally, in the passage of the pure-food law the action of the
various State food and dairy commissioners showed in striking fashion
how much good for the whole people results from the hearty cooperation of the Federal and State officials in securing a given reform. It is
primarily to the action of these State commissioners that we owe the
enactment of this law; for they aroused the people, first to demand the
enactment and enforcement of State laws on the subject, and then the
enactment of the Federal law, without which the State laws were
largely ineffective. There must be the closest cooperation between the
National and State governments in administering these laws.
In my Message to the Congress a year ago I spoke as follows of the
currency:
" I especially call your attention to the condition of our currency
laws. The national-bank act has ably served a great purpose in aiding
the enormous business development of the country, and within ten
years there has been an increase in circulation per capita from $21.41
to $33.08. For several years evidence has been accumulating that additional legislation is needed. The recurrence of each crop season emphasizes the defects of the present laws. There must soon be a revision of them, because to leave them as they are means to incur liability
of business disaster. Since your body adjourned there has been a
fluctuation in the interest on call money from 2 per cent to 30 per
Seventh Ar
Icent, and the fluctuation was ev
j.months. The Secretary of the '1
p action put a stop to the most vioh
J. than such fluctuation is the adva
| . certainty felt in the sufficiency of
f mercial interests suffer during ea
|lcall money in New York attract n
["speculative field. This depletes th
ijfable for commercial uses,.and coi
^abnormal rates, so that each f;i
^'interest charges, is placed on the
"The mere statement of these
lis seriously defective. There is
flhowever, many of the proposed c
jftion because they are complicated
jf tend to disturb existing rights a
tany plan which would materially
^ f a per cent bonds now pledged to
a^was made under conditions pect
mko not press any especial plan.
Mposed by expert committees of 1
Mpossibly feasible and which certa
|p'is that repeatedly brought to you
f f t h e Treasury, the essential feati
ijmany prominent bankers and b
|p(national banks should be permit
Ijtheir capital in notes of a given
ja rate as to drive the notes badilThis plan would not permit the
fftional profits, but to meet the e.
nc
#e? y£t$| "I do not say that this is th
Emphasize my belief that there
jrtem which shall be automatic v
J£avbid all possibility of discnm
llwbuld tend to prevent the spasn
Sjnow obtain in the New York m:
|i|currency at certain seasons of
| | Y o r k tempts bankers to lend it
fiwhereas at other times when the
|need for a large but temporar
Jmust never be forgotten that th
psferally quite as much as banket
^ttfirmers, and business men in t
;
1
�EVELT
Seventh Annual Message
fir^fe protest against
:ut^^^k down without
1 ^ ^ ^ f t s concerned and"
1
special body of men actiiig?
ity conferred upon it by thief
i such a matter,
xtension of Federal activityJ
of the national banking act'!
meat inspection law recently^
so violently that its passage
red unmixed and immediate
more violently assailed; and
ide of the National Govern'workings of interstate coirfj
asserted that we were
ndustry." Two years
mt that the great benefit the
d by an equal benefit to
ter are better off under the
t to interstate common car!?
cent, and the fluctuation was even greater during the preceding six
months. The Secretary of the Treasury had to step in and by wise
action put a stop to the most violent period of oscillation. Even worse
than such fluctuation is the advance in commercial rates and the uncertainty felt in the sufficiency of credit even at high rates. All commercial interests suffer during each crop period. Excessive rates for
call money in New York attract money from the interior banks into the
speculative field. This depletes the fund that would otherwise be available for commercial uses, and commercial borrowers are forced to pay
abnormal rates, so that each fall a tax, in the shape of increased
interest charges, is placed on the whole commerce of the country.
"The mere statement of these facts shows that our present system
is seriously defective. There is need of a change. Unfortunately,
however, many of the proposed changes must be ruled from consideration because they are complicated, are not easy of comprehension, and
tend to disturb existing rights and interests. We must also rule out
any plan which would materially impair the value of the United States
2 per cent bonds now pledged to secure circulation, the issue of which
was made under conditions peculiarly creditable to the Treasury. I
do not press any especial plan. Various plans have recently been proposed by expert committees of bankers. Among the plans which are
possibly feasible and which certainly should receive your consideration
is that repeatedly brought to your attention by the present Secretary of
the Treasury, the essential features of which have been approved by
many prominent bankers and business men. According to this plan
national banks should be permitted to issue a specified proportion of
their capital in notes of a given kind, the issue to be taxed at so high
a rate as to drive the notes back when not wanted in legitimate trade.
This plan would not permit the issue of currency to give banks additional profits, but to meet the emergency presented by times of stringency.
" I do not say that this is the right system. I only advance it to
emphasize my belief that there is need for the adoption of some system which shall be automatic and open to all sound banks, so as to
avoid all possibility of discrimination and favoritism.. Such a plan
would tend to prevent the spasms of high money and speculation which
now obtain in the New York market; for at present there is too much'
currency at certain seasons of the year, and its accumulation at New
York tempts bankers to lend it at low rates for speculative purposes;
whereas at other times when the crops are being moved there is urgent
need for a large but temporary increase in the currency supply. It
must never be forgotten that this question concerns business men generally quite as much as bankers; especially is this true of stockmen,
farmers, and business men in the West; for at present at certain sea-
(•;,
;lation I advocate would be
J.
food law the action of the'-; showed in striking fashion^
ts from the hearty coopera-^
uriruha given reform. It is
;rs that we owe the.&fi
first to demand the
subject, and then the,!
m tne sul
the State laws were
/hich the
est cooperation between the';
istering these laws.
, o I spoke as follows of
m
r
condition of our currencyi
d a great purpose in aiding"
e country, and within ten:
ion per capita from $21.41
;en accumulating that addi:e of each crop season emfhere must soon be a reviare means to incur liability
Ijourned there has been a
:"rom 2 per cent to 30 per
2251
�2252
4
THEODORE
ROOSEVELT
sons of the year the difference in interest rates between the East and
the West is from 6 to io per cent, whereas in Canada the corresponding difference is but 2 per cent. Any plan must, of course, guard the
interests of western and southern bankers as carefully as it guards the
interests of New York or Chicago bankers, and must be drawn from
the standpoints of the farmer and the merchant no less than from the
standpoints of the city banker and the country banker."
I again urge on the Congress the need of immediate attention to this
matter. We need a greater elasticity in our currency; provided, of
course, that we recognize the even greater need of a safe and secure
currency. There must always be the most rigid examination by the
National authorities. Provision should be made for an emergency
currency. The emergency issue should, of course, be made with an
effective guaranty, and upon conditions carefully prescribed by the
Government. Such emergency issue must be based on adequate securities approved by the Government, and must be issued under a heavy
tax. This would permit currency being issued when the demand for it
was urgent, while securing its requirement as the demand fell off.
It is worth investigating to determine whether officers and directors
of national banks should ever be allowed to loan to themselves. Trust
companies should be subject to the same supervision as banks; legislation to this effect should be enacted for the District of Columbia and
the Territories.
Yet we must also remember that even the wisest legislation on the
subject can only accomplish a certain amount. No legislation can by
any possibility guarantee the business community against the results
of speculative folly any more than it can guarantee an individual
against the results of his extravagance. When an individual mortgages
his house to buy an automobile he invites disaster; and when wealthy
men, or men who pose as such, or are unscrupulously or foolishly eager
to become such, indulge in reckless speculation—especially if it is accompanied by dishonesty—they jeopardize not only their own future
but the future of all their innocent fellow-citizens, for they expose tlie
whole business community to panic and distress.
The income account of the Nation is in a most satisfactory condition. For the six fiscal years ending with the ist of July last, the total
expenditures and revenues of the National Government, exclusive of
the postal revenues and expenditures, were, in round numbers, revenues, $3,465,000,0000, and expenditures, $3,275,000,000. The net excess
of income over expenditures, including in the latter the fifty millions
expended for the Panama Canal, was one hundred and ninety million
dollars for the six years, an average of about thirty-one millions a
year. This represents an approximation between income and outgo
which it would be hard to improve. The satisfactory working of the
Seventh A
f present tariff law has been chief
fjling. Nevertheless, there is an e
i.among our people that the time
I tern of revenue legislation must
This country is definitely coi
lany effort to uproot it could no
faster. In other words, the princ
! with wisdom be changed. But ii
^ias ours it is probably well that <
I'should be carefully scrutinized
iiproper benefits are conferred tht
land that our foreign trade is en
^minimum a tariff which will m
jjample revenue but which will at
I'df production here and abroad;
Piere and abroad, for the well-be
gpardinal point of American polic
|||ppurely from a business standpo
|the change being such as to aro
Ipfurbance in the business world,
fand factional motives. The so
|the sum total of changes repres<
|the subject can not with wisdon
^Presidential election, because a;
inclusively shown that at such a ti
jtit'ifrom the standpoint of the p;
Itime to deal with the matter is ir
fj|t/When our tax laws are revif
fe.|an inheritance tax should receiitors. In my judgment both of
tern of Federal taxation. I spe
,lcause one scheme for an incom
mthe Supreme Court; while in ac
^m'its practical working, and gr
^^ee that it was not evaded by th
W^have taxed, for if so evaded
Bjjjax at all; as the least desirat
•|heavily upon the honest as com
|||ttheless, a graduated income tax
^feature of Federal taxation, an*
j^vised which the Supreme Cou.
^eritance tax, however, is both
Ijfanmore important for the puq
l ^ b e a r in proportion to their i
v
tlPlf
�OSEVELT
Seventh Annual Message
-est^^s between the East
<r^^BCanada the correspond^
p l ^ ^ H t , of course, guard
ers as carefully as it guards
ikers, and must be drawn
merchant no less than from the
from!
country banker."
•d of immediate attention to this'
in our currency; provided, of;
:ater need of a safe and securemost rigid examination by
Id be made for an emergency;
d, of course, be made with an
ns carefully prescribed by
ust be based on adequate securi-;
must be issued under a heavy/
: issued when the demand for
ement as the demand fell off,
whether officers and directors!
:d to loan to themselves,
ie supervision as banks; legisla-':
>r the District of Columbia anda
A
en the wisest legislation on the
imount. No legislation can by
con^^nity against the results'
t ^^Kuarantee an individual
'^^^pkn individual mortgages ?
tes msaster; and when wealthy ',
nscrupulotisly or foolishly eager .'
eculation—especially if it is ac- \
dize not only their own future |
low-citizens,for they expose the^l
1 distress.
s in a most satisfactory condiith the ist of July last, the total
ional Government, exclusive of
vere, ih round numbers, reven$3,275,000,006. The net excess
. in the latter the fifty millions
)ne hundred and ninety million
of about thirty-one millions a
on between income and outgo
"he satisfactory working of the w
;
2253
present tariff law has been chiefly responsible for this excellent showing. Nevertheless, there is an evident and constantly growing feeling
among our people that the time is rapidly approaching when our system of revenue legislation must be revised.
This country is definitely committed to the protective system and
any effort to uproot it could not but cause widespread industrial disaster. In other words, the principle of the present tariff law could not
with wisdom be changed. But in a country of such phenomenal growth
as ours it is probably well that every dozen years or so the tariff laws
should be carefully scrutinized so as to see that no excessive or improper benefits are conferred thereby, that proper revenue is provided,
and that our foreign trade is encouraged. There must always be as a
minimum a tariff which will not only allow for the collection of an
ample revenue but which will at least make good the difference in cost
of production here and abroad; that is, the difference in the labor cost
here and abroad, for the well-being of the wage-worker must ever be a
cardinal point of American policy. The question should be approached
purely from'a business standpoint; both the time and the manner of
the change being such as to arouse the minimum of agitation and disturbance in the business world, and to give the least play for selfish
and factional motives. The sole consideration should be to see that
the sum total of changes represents the public good. This means that
the subject can not with wisdom be dealt with in the year preceding-a
Presidential election, because as a matter of fact experience has conclusively shown that at such a time it is impossible to get men to treat
it from- the standpoint of the public good. In my judgment the wise
time to deal with the matter is immediately after such election.
When our tax laws are revised the question of an income tax and
an inheritance tax should receive the careful attention of our legislators. In my judgment both of these taxes should be part of our system of Federal taxation. I speak diffidently about the income tax because one scheme for an income tax was declared unconstitutional by
the Supreme Court; while in addition it is a difficult tax to administer
in its practical working, and great care would have to be exercised to
see that it was not evaded by the very men whom it was most desirable
to have taxed, for if so evaded it would, of course, be worse than no
tax at all; as the least desirable of all taxes is the tax which.bears
heavily upon the honest as compared with the dishonest man. Nevertheless, a graduated income tax of the proper type would be a desirable
feature of Federal taxation, and it is to be hoped that one may be devised which the Supreme Court will declare constitutional. The inheritance tax, however, is both a far better method of taxation, and
far more important for the purpose of having the fortunes of the country bear in proportion to their increase in size a corresponding increase
�2254
4
4
THEODORE
ROOSEVELT
and burden of taxation. The Government has the. absolute right to
decide as to the terms upon which a man shall receive a bequest or
devise from another, and this point in the devolution of property is
especially appropriate for the imposition of a tax. Laws imposing
such taxes have repeatedly been placed upon the National statute books
and as repeatedly declared constitutional by the courts; and these laws
contained the progressive principle, that is, after a certain amount is
reached the bequest or gift, in life or death, is increasingly burdened
and the rate of taxation is increased in proportion to the remoteness of
blood of the man receiving the bequest. These principles are recognized already in the leadyig civilized nations of the world. In Great
Britain all the estates worth $5,000 or less are practically exempt from
death duties, while the increase is such that when an estate exceeds
five millions of dollars in value and passes to a distant kinsman or
stranger in blood the Government receives all told an amount equivalent to nearly a fifth of the whole estate. In France so much of an inheritance as exceeds $10,000,000 pays over a fifth to the State if it
passes to a distant relative. The German law is especially interesting
to us because it makes the inheritance tax an imperial measure while
allotting to the individual States of the Empire a portion of the proceeds and permitting them to impose taxes in addition to those imposed
by the Imperial Government. Small inheritances are exempt, but the
tax is so sharply progressive that when the inheritance is still not very
large, provided it is not an agricultural or a forest land, it is taxed at
the rate of 25 per cent if it goes to distant relatives. There is no reason why in the United States the National Government should not
impose inheritance taxes in addition to those imposed by the States,
and when we last had an inheritance tax about one-half of the States
levied such taxes concurrently with the National Government, making
a combined maximum rate, in some cases as high as 25 per cent. The
French law has one feature which is to be heartily commended. The
progressive principle is so applied that each higher rate is imposed only
on the excess above the amount subject to the next lower rate; so that
each increase of rate will apply only to a certain amount above a certain maximum. The tax should if possible be made to bear more
heavily upon those residing without the country than within it. A
heavy progressive tax upon a very large fortune is in no way such a
tax upon thrift or industry as a like would be on a small fortune. No
advantage comes either to the country as a whole or to the individuals
inheriting the money by permitting the transmission in their entirety
of the enormous fortunes which would be affected by such a tax; and
as an incident to its function of revenue raising, such a tax would help
to preserve a measurable equality of opportunity for the people of the
generations growing to manhood. We have not the slightest sym-
Seventh
I pathy with that socialistic idea
tlessness and inefficiency on a p
I which would strive to break uj;
*. is far more important, the horn
j civilization stands. Such a th.
| § ruin of the entire country—a r
% weakest, upon those least able
8$ for legislation such as this he
" |this class of socialistic theories,
f pointed out: The fact that th.
^obviously not equal; but also t
| o f self-respect and of mutual :
Slaw, and at least an approxima.
I'each man obtains the chance to
gpared to his fellows.
ti- A few years ago there was !
jjinvoked against wealthy offen
gjhrhe course of the Department
P'-been such as to make it eviden
ino corporation is so wealthy
f:Department of Justice has 1
Swealthiest malefactor whose <
(to proceed against the agitato
I thing that can be done under
sstate of public opinion, which
Hand juries, has been done. 1
^ing in more than one impoi
•Idefinite, so that no honest m;
|and so that the real wrongdo
al? Moreover, there must be tl
^laws themselves will be of 1
Ijiiryman undoubtedly wishes
|tb fine the corporation itsel
fproven beyond a reasonable
^member of the business con
Jare profoundly unhealthy, bi
iSriunity has grown to recogni
^condition of the law and the
|bf extreme difficulty to get
J%specially by imprisonment
^preferable to punish the prirr
Mne the corporation, with th<
M f T h e two great evils in the
l^ntimentality and technicali
r
�SEVELT
is
't...
e n t ^ ^ t h e absolute right
^
a n ^ ^ L receive a bequest '^A
t h f l ^ B u t i o n of propertyfiSl
n o f ^ ^ a x . Laws i m p o s i n g
ion the National statute booltsf
by the courts; and these laws!,
is, after a certain amount is^j
ath, is increasingly burdened^
oportion to the remoteness o f f l
These principles are recog-^
ions of the world. In Greatly
s are practically exempt f r o m f l
that when an estate exceeds'!
•ses to a distant kinsman or^f
s all told an amount eqiiiva£|
In France so much of an inM
ver a fifth to the State i f itf
' w is especially interesting^
x an imperial measure while,f
Empire a portion of the pro-'|.
' in addition to those imposedff
:ritances are exempt, but the i
e inheritance is still not very #1
a forest land, it is taxed at ;•§
t relatives. There is no rea-'.&S
'nal^overnment should not ?P
hQ^Msosed by the States, i .
f B p P i e - h a l f of the States '(..
atiotSTGovernment, making
as high as 25 per cent. The '* '
e heartily commended. The
Ii higher rate is imposed only $
the next lower rate; so that ^
certain amount above a cerible be made to bear more
country than within it. A
fortune is in no way such a
! be on a small fortune. No
1 whole or to the individuals
ansmission in their entirety
affected by such a tax; and
ising, such a tax would help
tunity for the people of the
iave not the slightest sym1
I a
a
vrsm
Scventh Annual Message
2255
pathy with that scicialistic idea which would try to put laziness, thriftlessness and inefficiency on a par with industry, thrift and efficiency;
which would strive to break up not merely private property, but what
is far more important, the home, the chief prop upon which our whole
civilization stands. Such a theory, if ever adopted, would mean the
ruin of the entire country—a ruin which would bear heaviest upon the
weakest, upon those least able to shift for themselves. But proposals
for legislation such as this herein advocated are directly opposed to
this class of socialistic theories. Our aim is to recognize what Lincoln
pointed out: The fact that there are some respects in which men are
obviously not equal; but also to insist that there should be an equality
of self-respect and of mutual respect, an equality of rights before the
law, and at least an approximate equality in the conditions under which
each man obtains the chance to show the stuff that is in him when compared to his fellows.
A few years ago there was loud complainfthat the law could not be
invoked against wealthy offenders. There is no such complaint now.
The course of the Department of Justice during the last few years has
been such as to make it evident that no man stands above the law, that
no corporation is so wealthy that it can not be held to account. The
Department of Justice has been as prompt to proceed against the
wealthiest malefactor whose crime was one of greed and cunning as
to proceed against the agitator who incites to brutal violence. Everything that can be done under the existing law, and with the existing
state of public opinion, which so profoundly influences both the courts
and juries, has been done. But the laws themselves need strengthening in more than one important point; they should be made more
definite, so that no honest man can be led unwittingly to break them,
and so that the real wrongdoer can be readily punished.
Moreover, there must be the public opinion back of the laws or the
laws themselves will be of no avail. At present, while the average
juryman undoubtedly wishes to see trusts broken up, and is quite ready
to fine the corporation itself, he is very reluctant to find the facts
proven beyond a reasonable doubt when it comes to sending to jail a
member of the business community for indulging in practices which
are profoundly unhealthy, but which, unfortunately, the business community has grown to recognize as well-nigh normal. Both the present
condition of the law and the present temper of juries render it a task
of extreme difficulty to get at the real wrongdoer in any such case,
especially by imprisonment. Yet it is from every standpoint far
preferable to punish the prime offender by imprisonment rather than to
fine the corporation, with the attendant damage to stockholders.
The two great evils in the execution of our criminal laws to-day art
sentimentality and technicality. For the latter the remedy must come
�2256
4
THEODORE
Seventh .
ROOSEVELT
from the hands of the legislatures, the courts, and the lawyers. The
other must depend for its cure upon the gradual growth of a sound
public opinion which shall insist that regard for the law and the demands of reason shall control all other influences and emotions in the
jury box. Both of these evils must be removed or public discontent
with the criminal law will continue.
Instances of abuse in the granting of injunctions in labor disputes
continue to occur, and the resentment in the minds of those who feel
that their rightsNare being invaded and their liberty of action and of
speech unwarrantably restrained continues likewise to grow. Much
of the attack oh the use of the process of injunction is wholly without
warrant; but I am constrained to express the belief that for some of it
there is warrant. This question is becoming more and more one of
prime importance, and unless the courts will themselves deal with it
in effective manner, it is certain ultimately to demand some form of
legislative action. It would be most unfortunate for our social welfare
if we should permit many honest and law-abiding citizens to feel that
they had just cause for regarding our courts with hostility. I earnestly commend to the attention of the Congress this matter, so that
some way may be devised which will limit the abuse of injunctions and
protect those rights which from time to time it unwarrantably invades.
Moreover, discontent is often expressed with the use of the process of
injunction by the courts, not only in labor disputes, but where State
laws are concerned. I refrain from discussion of this question as I
am informed that it will soon receive the consideration of the Supreme
Court.
The Federal courts must of course decide ultimately what are the
respective spheres of State and Nation in connection with any law,
State or National, and they must decide definitely and finally in matters
affecting individual citizens, not only as to the rights and wrongs of
labor but as to the rights and wrongs of capital; and the National Government must always see that the decision of the court is put into
effect. The process of injunction is an essential adjunct of the court's
doing its work well; and as preventive measures are always better than
remedial, the wise use of this process is from every standpoint commendable. But where it is recklessly or unnecessarily used, the abuse
should be censured, above all by the very men who are properly anxious to prevent any effort to shear the courts of this necessary power.
The court's decision must be final; the protest is only against the conduct of individual juudges in needlessly anticipating such final decision,
or in the tyrannical use of what is nominally a temporary injunction to
accomplish what is in fact a permanent decision.
The loss of life and limb from railroad accidents in this country has
become appalling. I t is a subject of which the National Government
'" should take supervision. It 1
for a Federal inspection of
the lines of Federal inspection
far; perhaps at first all that it
some officer whose duty would
state railroads and report in de;
should make it his business to g
: ing men so as to become thor.
I question, the idea being to wor
P I boat inspection law.
The National Government si
|deinand the highest quality of S'
-should care for all of them pro]
| | i legislation providing limited bu
| f ' a l l workmen within the scope
|; ployees of navy yards and arse
|M. ers' liability act, far-reaching
^ which should apply to all positi
I National Government has juri
If wage-workers, including those
not, has become appalling in th'
||jportation operations of the day
£ ary wage-worker and his famil
fall solely upon him; and, on th
|fe'|attorneys who exist only by in
$)been wronged to undertake sui
i.a suit for negligence is general
Ijinjured, while it often causes a
ithe employer. The law shoul
^accidents by the employer wou
fter for lawsuits. Workmen si
gpensation for all accidents in ii
feemployer is the agent of the p
|pi$/for his own profit he serves t
§|.agencies which create risks foi
and extraordinary risks involv>
|fassumes will ultimately be assi
fpublic. Only in this way can
jpinstead of falling upon the mc
|;now the case. The communit
.'.well as the benefits of indus.
iwpuld gain a desirable certoint
|tb determine it, while the wor
gfrbm a crushing load. With s
::
�SEVELT
Seventh Annual
5
.nd the lawyers. ' ' "
e
.1 growth of a'sofnj
anWDr the law and the" '*
nfluences and emotions in.iu.^
removed or public discontent
:o
1
88
injunctions in labor disputes
i the minds of those who fie.
their liberty of action andjjof;
les likewise to grow. MdcH
f injunction is wholly without
; the belief that for some o'fM
>ming more and more onelofi
; will themselves deal witK&fl
ely to demand some f o r r r i f ^ l
irtunate for our social welfartl
w-abiding citizens to feel tli'atS
ourts with hostility. I eatipF
Congress this matter, so thatl
t the abuse of injunctions an'SI
ime it unwarrantably i n v a d « l
with the use of the process o f j
jor disputes, but where Statef
Hussion of this question a s t f l
coi^eration of the Supremjf
e^^Btimately what are the
it^Wnnection with any law|
lefinitely and finally in matters;
to the rights and wrongs of,
capital; and the National GovJ
sion of the court is put into;
essential adjunct of the court's;
easures are always better thaii|
s from every standpoint com?!
unnecessarily used, the abuse!
y men who are properly anx-i
ourts of this "necessary power.
>rotest is only against the con^,.
anticipating such final decision,^
lally a temporary injunction to:
decision.
d accidents in this country has
iiich the National Government
Message
2257
should take supervision. I t might be well to begin by providing
for a Federal inspection of interstate railroads somewhat along
the lines of Federal inspection of steamboats, although not going so
far; perhaps at first all that it would be necessary to have would be
some officer whose duty would be to investigate all accidents on interstate railroads and report in detail the causes thereof. Such an officer
should make it his business to get into close touch with railroad operating men so as to become thoroughly familiar with every side of the
question, the idea being to work along the lines of the present steamboat inspection law.
The National Government should be a model employer. It should
demand the highest quality of service from each of its employees and it
should care for all of them properly in return. Congress should adopt
legislation providing limited but definite compensation for accidents to
all workmen within the scope of the Federal power, including employees of navy yards and arsenals. In other words, a model employers' liability act, far-reaching and thoroughgoing, should be enacted
which should apply to all positions, public and private, over which the
National Government has jurisdiction. The number of accidents to
wage-workers, including those that are preventable and those that are
not, has become appalling in the mechanical, manufacturing, and transportation operations of the day. It works grim hardship to the ordinary wage-worker and his family to have the effect of such an accident
fall solely upon him; and, on the other hand, there are whole classes of
attorneys who exist only by inciting men who may or may not have
been wronged to undertake suits for negligence. As a matter of fact
a suit for negligence is generally an inadequate remedy for the person
injured, while it often causes altogether disproportionate annoyance to
the employer. The law should be made such that the payment for
accidents by the employer would be automatic instead of being a matter for lawsuits. Workmen should receive certain and definite compensation for all accidents in industry irrespective of negligence. The
employer is the agent of the public and on his own responsibiHty and
for his own profit he serves the public. When he starts in motion
agencies which create risks for others, he should take all the ordinary
and extraordinary risks involved; and the risk he thus at the moment
assumes will ultimately be assumed, as it ought to be, by the general
public. Only in this way can tlie shock of the accident be diffused,
instead of falling upon the man or woman least able to bear it, as is
now the case. The community at large should share the burdens as
well as the benefits of industry. By the proposed law, employers
would gain a desirable certainty of obligation and get rid of litigation
to determine it, while the workman and his family would be relieved
from a crushing load. With such a policy would come increased care,
�2258
4
THEODORE
ROOSEVELT
and accidents would be reduced in number. The National laws providing for employers' liability on railroads engaged in interstate commerce and for safety appliances, as well as for diminishing the hours
any employee of a railroad should be permitted to work, should all be
strengthened wherever in actual practice they have shown weakness;
they should be kept on the statute books in thoroughgoing form.
The constitutionality of the employers' liability act passed by the
preceding Congress has been carried before the courts. In two jurisdictions the law has been declared unconstitutional, and in three jurisdictions its constitutionality has been affirmed. The question has been
carried to the Supreme Court, the case has been heard by that tribunal,
and a decision is expected at an early date. In the event that the
court should affirm the constitutionality of the act, I urge further legislation along the lines advocated in my Message to the preceding Congress. The practice of putting the entire burden of loss to life or limb
upon the victim or the victim's family is a form of social injustice in
which the United States stands in unenviable prominence. In both
our Federal and State legislation we have, with few exceptions,
scarcely gone farther than the repeal of the fellow-servant principle of
the old law of liability, and in some of our States even this slight modification of a completely outgrown principle has not yet been secured.
The legislation of the rest of the industrial world stands out in striking
contrast to our backwardness in this respect. Since 1895 practically
every country of Europe, together with Great Britain, New Zealand,
Australia, British Columbia, and the Cape of Good Hope has enacted
legislation embodying in one form or another the complete recognition
of the principle which places upon the employer the entire trade risk in
the various lines of industry. I urge upon the Congress the enactment
of a law which will at the same time bring Federal legislation up to
the standard already established by all the European countries, and
which will serve as a stimulus to the various States to perfect their legislation in this regard.
The Congress should consider the extension of the eight-hour law.
The constitutionality of the present law has recently been called into
question, and the Supreme Court has decided that the existing legislation is unquestionably within the powers of the Congress. The principle of the eight-hour day should as rapidly and as far as practicable
be extended to the entire work carried on by the Government; and
the present law should be amended to embrace contracts on those
public works which the present wording of the act has been construed
to exclude. The general introduction of the eight-hour day should be
the goal toward which we should steadily tend, and the Government
should set the example in this respect.
Strikes and lockouts, with their attendant loss and suffering, con-
Seventh A;
g^tinue to increase. For the five
^Hfnumber of strikes was greater tha
Iwas double the number in the
jg indicate the increasing need of p;
this class of disturbance in the ii
ployee, and the general public.
Ithat the Congress favorably con
|chinery for compulsory iuvestig.
'as. are of sufficient magnitude a
I of the country as a whole to wan
I t action.
The need for some provision fr
I'trated during the past summer.
I'ously interfered with telegraphic
| f / age to business interests and
| | public. Appeals were made to
Ifs'- from city councils, from boards
, and from labor organizations, u
fr''the strike. Everything that co
« representative of the Govemm
Ip weeks the public stood by and ;
pHad the machinery existed ar.
Hipulsory investigation of the disf
Ipn possession of the merits of th;
Improbably have brought about a
Each successive step creating
difficulties must be taken with
^make progress in this direction
p l ^ T h e provisions of the act of 1
i||state Commerce Commission ai
Ijiof mediation in controversies
pr^einployees has, for the first tim.
^the past year, and the wisdom c
festrated. The creation of a boa^
fetw'here mediation fails and arb
instep in a progressive program.
* I t is certain that for some ti
prease absolutely, and perhaps
!!Tj$f!iWho dwell in cities or towns <
JffeThis means that there will be .
(Problems inseparable from a
jSmnicnse and complex business,
fm'anufacture and transportatic
^capitalists who employ a very
�Seventh
(OSEVELT
The National laws
;aged in interstate cpifni|
r diminishing the hoursl
permitted to work, should a l l ^ |
tice they have shown w e a k n e ^ f
iks in thoroughgoing form.
vers' liability act passed by theJ
lefore the courts. In two juris-^fj
institutional, and in three j u r i s | f |
iffirmed. The question has beeii
has been heard by that triburialjf
ly date. I n the event that thjef
y of the act, T urge further legis^l
Message to the preceding Cqni?
.ire burden of loss to life or l i m b l
• is a form of social injusticelirffi
nenviable prominence. I n b o t M
ve have, with few exceptions, ^
if the fellow-servant principle o f |
our States even this slight modi-|
nciple has not yet been secured||
trial world stands out in striking^
respect. Since 1895 practically^
th Gteat Britain, New Zealand,.'^
Lape of Good Hope has enacted||
m o j ^ ^ t h e complete recognition^
1
r the entire trade risk i n |
t p ^ ^ ^ Congress the enactments
bring P'ederal legislation up tojf
dl the European countries, and^
irious States to perfect their leg-:-!*
extension of the eight-hour '.aw.|;
iw has recently been called intq'$
iecided that the existing legisla'-ll
:rs of the Congress. The prinrt
••apidlv and as far as practicable!
.'d on by the ^Government; and^
to embrace contracts on those
ig of the act has been construed
of the eight-hour day should be
idily tend, and the Government
1
endant loss and suffering, con-
Annual
Message
2259
tinue to increase. For the five years ending December 31, 1905, the
number of strikes was greater than those in any previous ten years and
was double the number in the preceding five years. These figures
indicate the increasing need of providing some machinery to deal with
this class of disturbance in the interest alike of the employer, the employee, and the general public. I renew my previous recommendation
that the Congress favorably consider the matter of creating the machinery for compulsory investigation of such industrial controversies
as are of sufficient magnitude and of sufficient concern to the people
of the country as a whole to warrant the Federal Government in taking
action.
The need for some provision fo rsuch investigation was forcibly illustrated during the past summer. A strike of telegraph operators seriously interfered with telegraphic communication, causing great damage to business interests and serious inconvenience to the general
public. Appeals were made to me from many parts of the country,
from city councils, from boards of trade, from chambers of commerce,
and from labor organizations, urging that steps be taken to terminate
the strike. Everything that could with any propriety be done by a
representative of the Government was done, without avail, and for
weeks the public stood by and suffered without recourse of any kind.
Had the machinery existed and had there been authority for compulsory investigation of the dispute, the public would have been placed
in possession of the merits of the controversy, and public opinion would
probably have brought about a prompt adjustment.
Each successive step creating machinery for the adjustment of labor
difficulties must be taken with caution, but we should endeavor to
make progress in this direction.
The provisions of the act of 1898 creating the chairman of the Interstate Commerce Commission and the Commissioner of Labor a board
of mediation in controversies between interstate railroads and their
employees has, for the first time, been subjected to serious tests within
the past year, and the wisdom of the experiment has been fully demonstrated. The creation of a board for compulsory investigation in cases
where mediation fails and arbitration is rejected is the next logical
step.in a progressive program.
It is certain that for some time to come there will be a constant increase absolutely, and perhaps relatively, of those among our citizens
who dwell in cities or towns of some size and who work for wages.
This means that there will be an ever-increasing need to consider the
problems inseparable from a great industrial civilization. Where an
immense and complex business, especially in those branches relating to
mamifacture and transportation, is transacted by a large number of
capitalists who employ a very much larger number of wage-earners,
�2 2 60
4
THEODORE
ROOSEVELT
Seventh A
-
the former tend more and more to combine into corporations and the
latter into unions. The relations of the capitalist and wage-worker
to one another, and of each to the general public, are not always easy
to adjust; and to put them and keep them on a satisfactory basis is one
of the most important and one of the most delicate tasks before our
whole civilization. Much of the work for the accomplishment of this
end must be done by the individuals concerned themselves, whether
singly or in combination; and the one fundamental fact that must never
be lost track of is that the character of the average man, whether he
be a man of means or a man who works with his hands, is the most
important factor in solving the problem aright. But it is almost
equally important to remember that without good laws it is also impossible to reach the proper solution. It is idle to hold that without
good laws cvils'such as child labor, as the over-working of women, as
the failure to protect employees from loss of life or limb, can be effectively reached, any more than the evils of rebates and stock-watering
can be reached without good laws. To fail to stop these practices by
legislation means to force honest men into them,' because otherwise the
dishonest who surely will take advantage of them will have everything
their own way. I f the States will correct these evils, well and good;
but the Nation must stand ready to aid them.
No question growing out of our rapid and complex industrial development is more important than that of the employment of women and
children. The presence of women in industry reacts with extreme
directness upon the character of the home and upon family life, and
the conditions surrounding the employment of children bear a vital
relation to our future citizenship. Our legislation in those areas under
the control of the Congress is very much behind the legislation of our
more progressive States. A thorough and comprehensive measure
should be adopted at this session of the Congress relating to the employment of women and children in the District of Columbia and the
Territories. The investigation into the condition of women and children wage-earners recently authorized and directed by the Congress is
now being carried on in the various States, and I recommend that the
appropriation made last year for beginning" this work be renewed, in
order that we may have the thorough and comprehensive investigation
which the subject demands. The National Government has as an
ultimate resort for control of child labor the use of the interstate commerce clause to prevent the products of child labor from entering into
interstate commerce. But before using this it ought certainly to enact
model laws on the subject for the Territories under its own immediate
control.
There is one fundamental proposition which can be laid down as
regards all these matters, namely: While honesty by itself will not
'^7
fsolve the problem, yet the insis
Mnical honesty, but honesty in pur
gin arriving at a right conclusion
* forms shocks everybody; but t
iopinion should be just as seve-,
^hides itself behind class or proft
pis vice if it can escape convictr
jfrepresentatives of the public, tl
for in executive or'legislative p05
ifmost dangerous criminals, so fa)
|are not those who commit the c
fpqpular conscience for centuru
pt&ndered possible by the compl.
fflife. It makes not a particle t
tcommitted by a capitalist or by ;
Macturer or railroad man, or b
liinion. Swindling in stocks, c
<
kby the inflation of securities, by
Ipetitors through rebates—these
p r e far more infamous than a
Mbrgery; yet it is a matter of <
rjment of the man most guilty of
flbusiness man who condones si
fiabor man who deliberately sup]
|whether head of a union or he.
"I&aid to have "stood by the unio;
ifnurtity, the educators, or clerg
| | r s t kind of wrongdoing, are
Itfiit are morally even worse, th.
Isecond type of wrongdoing, be
lhave no such excuse as is fm
gneed.
"'||When the Department of At
JtsiVeering as to its usefulness.
"Ilipwever, has more emphatica,
fsave the Post-Office Departnu
Jirtto touch with the people. T
^'(aggregate most vital to the w
i^the welfare of all other citizens
f i a b o r and the tiller of the soil,
£o;f labor where the work musi
litinds of labor where, under e>,
|deed is made upon the mind,
Iportion of men engaged in thi
f
�Seventh Annual Message
OOSEVELT
Dtnl^B into corporations and the
in
A i l italist and wage-work^E
n^^^Dblic, are not always easy
hem on a satisfactory basis is one'
.e most delicate tasks before omff
k for the accomplishment of this'
< concerned themselves, whethef^:
fundamental fact that must nevefl
of the average man, whether he
orks with his hands, is the mosfl
'blem aright. But it is almostl
without good laws it is also iirM
It is idle to hold that without'
; the over-working of women, as'l
loss of life or limb, can be effecf
Is of rebates and stock-watering!
o fail to stop these practices by[
into them, because otherwise the?
ige of them will have everything;
rrect these evils, well and good';'
d them.
r
)id and complex industrial devel^j
t the employment of women and|
:i industry reacts with extremi;|
home and upon family life, and^
' y m ^ k o f children bear a vitaV?'
r ^ ^ ^ K t i o n in those areas under
i ^ | H n n d the legislation of our'|i
^h and comprehensive measure
he Congress relating to the em- H
he District of Columbia and the,,
ie condition of women and chil-and directed by the Congress is
tates, and I recommend that the |$
nning this work be renewed, in
and comprehensive investigation
ational Government has as an
ir the use of Jthe interstate comf child labor from entering into
C this it ought certainly to enact
itories under its own immediate
;
on which can be laid down as
hile honesty by itself will not
2261
solve the problem, yet the insistence upon honesty—not merely technical honesty, but honesty in purpose and spirit—is an essential element
in arriving at a right conclusion. Vice in its cruder and more archaic
forms shocks everybody; but there is very urgent need that public
opinion should be just as severe in condemnation of the vice which
hides itself behind class or professional loyalty, or which denies that it
is vice if it can escape conviction in the courts. The public and the
representatives of the public, the high officials, whether on the bench
or in executive or legislative positions, need to remember that often the
most dangerous criminals, so far as the life of the Nation is concerned,
are not those who commit the crimes known to arnd condemned by the
popular conscience for centuries, but those who commit crimes only
rendered possible by the complex conditions of our modern industrial
life. It makes not a particle of difference whether these crimes are
committed by a capitalist or by a laborer, by a leading banker or manufacturer or railroad man, or by a leading representative of a labor
union. Swindling in stocks, corrupting legislatures, making fortunes
by the inflation of securities, by wrecking railroads, by destroying competitors through rebates—these forms of wrongdoing in the capitalist,
are far more infamous than any ordinary form of embezzlement or
forgery; yet it is a matter of extreme difficulty to secure the punishment of the man most guilty of them, most responsible for them. The
business man who condones such conduct stands on a level with the
labor man who deliberately supports a corrupt demagogue and agitator,
whether head of a union or head of some municipality, because he is
said to have "stood by the union." The members of the business community, the educators, or clergymen, who condone and encourage tlie
first kind of wrongdoing, are no more dangerous to the community,
but are morally even worse, than the labor men who are guilty of the
second type of wrongdoing, because less is to be pardoned those who
have no such excuse as is furnished either by ignorance or by dire
need.
When the Department of Agriculture was founded there was much
sneering as to its usefulness. No Department of the Government,
however, has more emphatically vindicated its usefulness, and none'
save the Post-Office Department comes so continually and intimately
into touch with the people. The two citizens whose welfare is in the
aggregate most vital to the welfare of the Nation, and therefore to
the welfare of all other citizens, are the wage-worker who does manual
labor and the tiller of the soil, the farmer. There are, of course, kinds
of labor where the work must be purely mental, and there are other
kinds of labor where, under existing conditions, very little demand indeed is made upon the mind, though I am glad to say that the proportion of men engaged in this kind of work is diminishing. But in
�2262
4
4
THEODORE
ROOSEVELT
any community with the solid, healthy qualities which make up a really
great nation the bulk of the people should do work which calls for the
exercise of both body and mind. Progress can not permanently exist
in the abandonment of physical labor, but in the development of
physical labor, so that it shall represent more and more the work of
the. trained mind in the trained body. Our school system is gravely
defective in so far as it puts a premium upon mere literary training
and tends therefore to train the boy away from the farm and the workshop. Nothing is more needed than the best type of industrial school,
the school for mechanical industries fn the city, the school for practically teaching agriculture in the country. The calling of the skilled
tiller of the soil, the calling of the skilled mechanic, should alike be
recognized as professions, just as emphatically as the callings of lawyer, doctor, merchant, or clerk. The schools recognize this fact and
it should equally be recognized in popular opinion. The young man
who has the farsightedness and courage to recognize it and to get over
the idea that it makes a difference whether what he earns is called
salary or wages, and who refuses to.enter the crowded field of the socalled professions, and takes to constructive industry instead, is reasonably sure of an ample reward in earnings, in health, in opportunitv to
marry early, and to establish a home with a fair amount of freedom
from worry. It should be one of our prime objects to put both the
farmer and the mechanic on a higher plane of efficiency and reward,
so as to increase tbeir effectiveness in the economic world, and therefore the dignity, the remuneration, and the power of their positions in
the social world.
No growth of cities, no growth of wealth, can make up for any loss
in either the number or the character of the farming population. We
of the United States should realize this above almost all other peoples.
We began our existence as a nation of farmers, and in every great
crisis of the past a peculiar dependence has had to be placed upon the
farming population; and this dependence has hitherto been justified.
But it can not be justified in the future if agriculture is permitted to
sink in the scale as compared with other employments. We can not
afford to lose that preeminently typical American, the farmer who owns
his own medium-sized farm. To have his place taken by either a class
of small peasant proprietors, or by a class of great landlords with
tenant-farmed estates would be a veritable calamity. The growth ot
our cities is a good thing but only in so far as it does not mean a
growth at the expense of the country farmer. We must welcome the
rise of physical sciences in their application to agricultural practices,
and we must do all we can to render country conditions more easy and
pleasant. There are forces which now tend to bring about both these
results, but they are, as yet, in their infancy. The National Govern-
'.Seventh An
H i e n t through the Department of
I j o i n i n g with the State governmcn
Woi farmers to encourage the gros
Tsuch institutional and social move,
fbest tvpe of farmers, both for the
Ithe betterment of the life itself,
f i n many places, perhaps especially
Icomplished an extraordinary amo;
Ithe farmers through their associ;
Icrease their income by managing
Ihitherto managed. The farmer
linitiative, his rugged self-relianc
Iheartiest cooperation with his tell
learned to work; and he must p.
Vantage the knowledge that can 1:
Iwhile he must insist upon a pi
iivhich his children are taught.
I h e Department of Commerce a
Shiental needs of our people m tl
Manufacture and distribution, an
l & h o produce it in the raw state
distribute it. The Department
i & n t l y been founded but has air
^Department of Agriculture yiel
Ithe practical benefits which it
fhoney expended. It must contr
p o p s as it has dealt in the pa*
Meld of usefulness hereafter by
Peaching study and treatment o
p e industrial and economic am:
Operate with one another and v
fment can best give its aid thu
fEliver to the farmer the large
,ifias been accumulated by the N
ItHe agricultural colleges and sc
M T h e grain producing industr
j p r t a n t in the United States,
viands of the Congress. Our gr
| T O . secure satisfactory results
m
fpur trade abroad, these grades
Ibf.'uniformity and certainty. 1
•si
ftiori and grading throughout
Pjjplrds, result in confusion an
tconfidence which is necessary f
ISP?
�EVELT
Seventh Annual Message
l/hkh make up a reaH|
t
i c h calls for ^
^ J ^ o t permanently ex^lt'
but in the development
more and more the work pf
^ur school system is gravel^
upon mere literary training'
from the farm and the workJcst type of industrial school^
be city, the school for pracj
• The calling of the skilledl
d mechanic, should alike bef
ically as the callings of lawjl
ools recognize this fact and!
r opinion. The young manf
recognize it and to get over],
'ler what he earns is called!
the crowded field of the so-l
- industry instead, is reason-f
11 health, in opportunity to,*
1
1 a fair amount of freedom^
ime objects to put both the 1
ie of efficiency and reward,
economic world, and there- 1
power of their positions in
m
k
c s
w h
i ^ ^ L aiak'e up for any loss
l
^ ig population. We
f most
'veaimost all other peoples,
irmers, and in every great
• had to be placed upon the
lias hitherto been justified,
agriculture is permitted to
'-•mployments. We can not
n'can. the farmer who owns
dace taken by either a class
s of great landlords with
calamity. The growth ot
far as it does' not mean a
-r. We must welcome the
:i to agricultural practices,
v conditions more easv and
• to bring about both these
y. The National Govern;
2263
ment through the Department of Agriculture should do all it can by
joining with the State governments and with independent associations
of farmers to encourage the growth in the open farming country of
such institutional and social movements as will meet the demand of the
best type of farmers, both for the improvement of their farms and for
the betterment of the life itself. The Department of Agriculture has
in many places, perhaps especially in certain districts of the South, accomplished an extraordinary amount by cooperating with and teaching
the farmers through their associations, on their own soil, how to increase their income by managing their farms better than they were
hitherto managed. The farmer must not lose his independence, his
initiative, his rugged self-reliance, yet he must learn to work in the
heartiest cooperation with his fellows, exactly as the business man has
learned to work; and he must prepare to use to constantly better advantage the knowledge that can be obtained from agricultural colleges,
while he must insist upon a practical curriculum in the schools in
which his children are taught. The Department of Agriculture and
the Department of Commerce, and Labor both deal with the fundamental needs of our people in the production of raw material and its
manufacture and distribution, and, therefore, with the welfare of those
who produce it in the raw state, and of those who manufacture and
distribute it. The Department of Commerce and Labor has but recently been founded but has already justified its existence; while the
Department of Agriculture yields to no other in the Government in
the practical benefits which it produces in proportion to the public
money expended. It must continue in the future to deal with growing
crops as it has dealt in the past, but it must still further extend its
field of usefulness hereafter by dealing with live men, through a farreaching study and treatment of the problems of farm life alike from
the industrial and economic and social standpoint. Farmers must cooperate with one another and with the Government, and the Government can best give its aid through associations of farmers, so as to
deliver to the farmer the large body of agricultural knowledge which
has been accumulated by the National and State governments and by
the agricultural colleges and schools.
The grain producing industry of the country, one of the most important in the United States, deserves special consideration at the
hands of the Congress. Our grain is sold almost exclusively by grades.
To secure satisfactory results in our home markets and to facilitate
our trade abroad, these grades should approximate the highest degree
of uniformity and certainty. The present diverse methods of inspection and grading throughout the country under different laws and
boards, result in confusion and lack of uniformity, destroying that
confidence which is necessary for healthful trade. Complaints against
�Seventh .
2264
4
4
THEODORE
ROOSEVELT
the present methods have continued for years and they are growing in
volume and intensity, not only in this country but abroad. I therefore
suggest to the Congress the advisability of a National system of inspection and grading of grain entering into interstate and foreign
commerce as a remedy for the present evils.
The conservation of our natural resources and their proper use constitute the fundamental problem which underlies almost every other
problem of our National life. We must maintain for our civilization
the adequate material basis without which that civilization can not
exist. We must show foresight, we must look ahead. As a nation we
not only enjoy a wonderful measure of present prosperity but if this
prosperity is used aright it is an earnest of future success such as no
other nation will have. The reward of foresight for fliis Nation is
great and easily foretold. But there must be the look ahead, there
must be a realization of the fact that to waste, to destroy, our natural resources, to skin and exhaust the land instead of using it so as to
increase its usefulness, will result in undermining in the days of our
children the very prosperity which we ought by right to hand down to
them amplified and developed. For the last few years, through several agencies, the Government has been endeavoring to get our people
to look ahead and to substitute a planned and orderly development of
our resources in place of a haphazard striving for immediate profit.
Our great river systems should be developed as National water highways, the Mississippi, with its tributaries, standing first in importance,
and the Columbia second, although there are many others of importance on the Pacific, the Atlantic and the Gulf slopes. The National
Government should undertake this work, and I hope a beginning will
be made in the present Congress; and the greatest of all our rivers, the
Mississippi, should receive especial attention. From the Great Lakes
to the mouth of the Mississippi there should be a deep waterway, with
deep waterways leading from it to the East and the West. Such a
waterway would practically mean the extension of our coast line into
the very heart of our country. It would be of incalculable benefit to
our people. If begun at once it can be carried through in time appreciably to relieve the congestion of our great freight-carrying lines of
railroads. The work should be systematically and continuously carried
forward in accordance with some well-conceived plan. The main
streams should be improved to the highest point of efikiency before the
improvement of the branches is attempted; and the work should be
kept free from every taint of recklessness or jobbery. The inland
waterways which lie just back of the whole eastern and southern
coasts should likewise be developed. Moreover, the development of
our waterways involves many other important water problems, all of
which should be considered as part of the same general scheme. The
I Government dams should be u
t o f horsepower as an incident fr
" value of the unused water-pow.
the annual value of the produc
creating the deep waterways •
, should build along its whole lo
i with the control of the headwat
jplete stop to all threat of flood
|The territory lying adjacem. b
i:will thereby become one of th
I'already is one of the most fe
pi have appointed an Inland W
fline a comprehensive scheme <
fcated. Later I shall lay its re!
i Irrigation should be far mor
|not only in the States of the <
|but in many others, as, for r.
fAtlantic and Gulf States, wht
^reclamation of swamp land. T
I devote itself to this task, reai
Iwater-power, forestry, irrigatiIjened with overflow, are all im
$The work of the Reclamation
jttunities of the western half o.
$.portant than almost any other
£jGovernment in connection wr
iuse. the water resources of th
Igood of the greatest number
fijermanen't home-makers, to u
Itheir children and children's cl
Isition to this work; opposition
lexhaust the land for their ow>
fwelfare of the next generatio
femeaning men who did not ful'
f£ook far enough ahead. This
four people are understanding
few individuals to exhaust
Ithe resources which ought t(
|conserved for the permanent
ifwhole.
9
; The effort of the Govemm:
abased upon the same principle
^ n d law system which was t
,l|and well-watered regions of tl
�) OSEVELT
>i^Bb a
m
and they are growing $ 1
'but abroad. I therefore^
_
National system of
•'ng into interstate and forei^M"
t evils.
'M
mrces and their proper use con-'|f
h underlies almost every otherlfL
ist maintain for our civilization^
which that civilization can notf*"
ist look ahead. As a nation w e j
f present prosperity but if this||a?
st of future success such as n o ^ g
3T foresight for this Nation \ s f '
must be the look ahead, there!
co waste, to destroy, our natu-f]
ind instead of using it so as tdij
idermim'ng in the days of o u r l
tight by right to hand down to L
e last few years, through sev- f
endeavoring to get our people
-'d and orderly development of
striving for immediate profit,
loped as National water highstandir
e standing first in importance,
are mi
e are many others of import" slopes. The National
J hope a beginning will
est of all our rivers, the
ition. From the Great Lakes
uid be a deep waterway, with
East and the West. Such a
tension of our coast line into
i be of incalculable benefit to
arried through in time apprereat freight-carrying lines of
•ally and continuously carried
-conceived plan. The main
point of efficiency before the
-'d; and the work should be
:ss or jobbery. The inland
whole eastern and southern
Jreover, the development of
•rtant water problems, all of
same general scheme. The
;
:
-^Brcst
Seventh Annual Message
2265
Government dams should be used to produce hundreds of thousands
of horsepower as an incident to improving navigation; for the annual
value of the unused water-power of the United States perhaps exceeds
the annual value of the products of all our mines. As an incident to
creating the deep waterways down the Mississippi, the Government
should build along its whole lower length levees which taken together
with the control of the headwaters, will at once and forever put a complete stop to all threat of floods in the immensely fertile Delta region.
The territory lying adjacem to the Mississippi along its lower course
will thereby become one of the most prosperous and populous, as it
already is one of the most fertile, farming regions in all the world.
1 have appointed an Inland Waterways Commission to study and outline a comprehensive scheme of development along all the lines indicated. Later I shall lay its report before the Congress.
Irrigation should be far more extensively developed than at present,
not only in the States of the Great Plains and the Rocky Mountains,
but in many others, as, for instance, in large portions of the South
Atlantic and Gulf States, where it should go hand in hand with the
reclamation of swamp land. The Federal Government should seriously
devote itself to this task, realising that utilization of waterways and
water-power, forestry, irrigation, and the reclamation of lands threatened with overflow, are all interdependent parts of the same problem.
The work of the Reclamation Service in developing the larger opportunities of the western half of our country for irrigation is more important than almost any other movement. The constant purpose of the
Government in connection with the Reclamation Service has been to
use the water resources of the public lands for the ultimate greatest
good of the greatest number; in other words, to put upon the land
permanent home-makers, to use and develop it for themselves and for
their children and children's children. There has been, of course, opposition to this work; opposition from some interested men who desire to
exhaust the land for their own immediate profit without regard to the
welfare of the next generalio.i, and opposition from honest and wellmeaning men who did not fully understand the subject or who did not
look far enough ahead. This opposition is, I think, dying away, and
our people are understanding that it would be utterly wrong to allow
n few individuals to exhaust for their own temporary personal profit
the resources which ought to be developed through use so as to be
conserved for the permanent common advantage of the people as a
whole.
The effort of the Government to deal with the public land has been
based upon the same principle as that of the Reclamation Service. The
land law system which was designed to meet the needs of the fertile
and well-watered regions of the Middle West has largely broken down
�I " I '
2266
THEODORE
when applied to the dryer regions of the Great Plains, the mountains,
and much of the Pacific slope, where a farm of 160 acres is inadequate
for self-support. In these regions the system lent itself to fraud, and
much land passed out of the hands of the Government without passing
into the hands of the home-maker. The Department of the Interior
and the Department of Justice joined in prosecutiug the offenders
against the law; and they have accomplished much, while where the
administration of the law has been defective it has been changed. But
the laws themselves are defective. Three years ago a public lands
commission was appointed to scrutinize the law, and defects, and recommend a remedy. Their examination specifically showed the existence of great fraud .upon the public domain, and their recommendations
for changes in the law were made with the design of conserving the
natural resources of jvery part of the public lands by putting it to its
best use. Especial attention was called to the prevention of settlement
by the passage of great areas of public land into the hands of a fewmen, and to the enormous waste caused by unrestricted grazing upon
the open range. The recommendations of the Public Lands Commission are sound, for they are especially in the interest of the actual homemaker; and where the small home-maker can not at present utilize the
land they provide that the Government shall keep control of it so that
it may not be monopolized by a few men. The Congress has not yet
acted upon these recommendations; but they are so just and proper,
so essential to our National welfare, that I feel confident, if the Congress will take time to consider them, that they will ultimately be
adopted.
*
in
Seven.
ROOSEVELT
Some such legislation as that proposed is essential in order to preserve the great stretches of public grazing land which are unfit for cultivation under present methods and are valuable only for the forage
which they supply. These stretches amount in all to some 300,000,000
acres, and are open to the free grazing of. cattle, sheep, horses and
goats, without restriction. Such a system, or lack of system,
means that the range is not so much used as wasted by abuse. As the
West settles the range becomes more and more over-grazed. Much of
it can not be used to advantage unless it is fenced, for fencing is the
only way by which to keep in check the owners of nomad flocks which
roam hither and thither, utterly destroying the pastures and leaving
a waste behind so that their presence is incompatible with the presence
of home-makers. The existing fences are all illegal. Some of them
represent the improper exclusion of actual settlers, actual home-makers,
from territory.which is usurped by great cattle companies. Some of
them represent what is in itself a proper effort to use the range for
those upon the land, and to prevent its use by nomadic outsiders. All
these fences, those that are hurtful and .hose that are beneficial, are
| | alike illegal and must come
I? should necessitate such acti.
% unlawful fencing of public
I but the necessity which occ
} eral Government should ha
t or lease, as local necessities
J the great benefit of legitim:
I f and promoting the settlem^'ibe that the tracts of .range
'["should be allotted to then
^grazing of their stock. El:
' serve the purpose; the leas
:of settlement, and the am.
Ipermit of the efficient and
iernment, and of the paymc
would otherwise receive ir
^will continue until some st
Ivent the fraud in the publi
'^Interior Department and
Ideavoring to prevent, the
f a sufficient appropriation
||examine certain classes o:
^Jprivate ownership. The '
Ulthe actual home-maker, 1
Imake a home.. Our prim
Interests of the small r
May for himself. It is this
imaker, who in the long
jpublic land in whatever
igpOptimism is a good •
ISecomes foolishness. W
peountry as inexhaustible
flpmntry, the coal, iron, o
p i d therefore is certain
^'dealing with it to-da}
jtaustion a generation 01
fare certain other forms
gwaste of soil by wash in
'gerous of all wastes nt
[preventable, so that thi
[unnecessary. The pres<
I n most important me:
Ijeginning in forest pres
pimbering is the fourtl
;
f.
It
�OSEVELT
' My
t
a t
a n d
th
lip
ential in order to pre" h are unfit for culti•alilable only for the forage
•nt in all to some 300.000,000
of cattle, sheep, horses and
vstem, or Jack of system,
as wasted by abuse. As the
more over-grazed. Much of
's fenced, for fencing is the
vners of nomad (locks which
'gf the pastures ami leaving
:ompatible with the presence
' nil illegal. Some of them
settlers, actual home-makers,
cattle companies. Some of
C'fort tn use the range for
hy nomadic outsiders.
All
'lose that are beneficial, are
ic
2267
P ! a i n
« . the m o u n i S
60 acres is
inadeq^,
^'lent itself to
fraud';^
he Cover
'vernmcnt without
passi3|
he Department of . the InterjaF
' m prosecuting the offende$L
Phshcd much, while where 11^5
'-tive it has been changed.
B^f
i'ree years ago a public landf*
the law, and defects, and reMg
specifically showed the exi0M
'
eir
recommendatio^
' the design of conserving
thfM.
"blic lands by putting it ^
'•o the prevention of
settlement
'and into the hands of a fe^l
by unrestricted grazing
6$F8
ot the Public Lands
Commissi
he interest of the actual
home^pL
• can not at present utilise
thelf^
hall keep control of it so tharf
The Congress has not yet^l
they are so just and proper, 1
- I feel confident, if the Con-$
that they will ultimately be t
a , n
Seventh Annual Message
alike illegal and must come down. But it is an outrage that the law
should necessitate such action on the part of the Administration. The
unlawful fencing of public lands for private grazing must be stopped,
but the necessity which occasioned it must be provided for. The Federal Government should have control of the range, whether by permit
or lease, as local necessities may determine. Such control could secure
the great benefit of legitimate fencing, while at the same time securing
and promoting the settlement of the country. In some places it may
be that the tracts of range adjacent to the homesteads of actual settlers
should be allotted to them severally or in common for the summer
grazing of their stock. Elsewhere it may be that a lease system would
serve the purpose; the leases to be temporary and subject to the rights
of settlement, and the amount charged being large enough merely to
permit of the efficient and beneficial control of the range by the Government, and of the payment to the county of the equivalent of what it
would otherwise receive in taxes. The destruction of the public range
will continue until some such laws as these are enacted. Fully to prevent the fraud in the public lands which, through the joint action of the
Interior Department and the Department of Justice, we have been endeavoring to prevent, there must be further legislation, and especially,
a sufficient appropriation to permit the Department of the Interior to
examine certain classes of entries on the ground before they pass into
private ownership. The Government should part with its title only to
die actual home-maker, not to the profit-maker who does not care to
make a home.. Our prime object is to secure the rights and guard the
interests of the small ranchman, the man who plows and pitches
hay for himself. It is this small ranchman, this actual settler and homemaker, who in the long run is most hurt by permitting thefts of the
public land in whatever form.
Optimism is a good characteristic, but if carried to an excess it
becomes foolishness. We are prone to speak of the resources of this
country as inexhaustible; this is not so. The mineral wealth of the
country, the coal, iron, oil, gas, and the like, does not reproduce itself,
and therefore is certain to be exhausted ultimately; and wastefulness
in dealing with it to-day means that our descendants will feel the exhaustion a generation or two before they otherwise would. But there
are certain other forms of waste which could be entirely stopped—the
waste of soil by washing, for instance, which is among the most dangerous of all wastes now in progress in the United States, is easily
preventable, so that this present enormous loss of fertility is entirely
unnecessary. The preservation or replacement of the forests is one of
the most important means of preventing this loss. We have made a
beginning in forest preservation, but it is only a beginning. At present
lumbering is the fourth greatest industry in the United States; and
�J
Seventh An
2268
4
4
THEODORE
ROOSEVELT
yet, so rapid has been tlie rate of exhaustion of timber in the United
States in tlie past, and so rapidly is the remainder being exhausted,
that the country is unquestionably on the verge of a timber famine
which will be felt in every household in the land. There has already
been a rise in the price of lumber, but there is certain to be a more
rapid and heavier rise in the future. The present annual consumption of lumber is certainly three times as great as the annual growth;
and if the consumption and growth continue unchanged, practically all
our lumber.will be exhausted in another generation, while long before
the limit to complete exhaustion is reached the growing scarcity will
make itself felt in many blighting ways upon our National welfare.
About 20 per cent of our forested territory is now reserved in National forests; but these do not include the most valuable timber lands,
and in any event the proportion is too small to expect that the reserves
can accomplish more than a mitigation of the trouble which is ahead
for the nation. Far more drastic action is needed. Forests can be
lumbered so as to give to the public the full use of their mercantile
timber without the slightest detriment to the forest, any more than it
is a detriment to a farm to furnish a harvest; so that there is no parallel
between forests and mines, which can only be completely used by exhaustion. But forests, if used as all our forests have been used in the
past and as most of them are still used, will be either wholly destroyed,
or so damaged that many decades have to pass before effective use can
be made of them again. All these facts are so obvious that it is
extraordinary that it should be necessary to repeat them. Every business man in the land, every writer in the newspapers, every man or
woman of an ordinary school education, ought to be able to see that
immense quantities of timber are used in the country, that the forests
which supply this timber are rapidly being exhausted, and that, if no
change takes place, exhaustion will come comparatively soon, and that
the effects of it will be felt severely in tlie every-day life of our people.
Surely, when these facts are so obvious, there should be no delay in
taking preventive measures. Yet we seem as a nation to be willing
to proceed in this matter with happy-go-lucky indifference even to the
immediate future. It is this attitude which permits the self-interest of
a very few persons to weigh for more than the ultimate interest of all
our people. There are persons who find it to their immense pecuniary
benefit to destroy the forests by lumbering. They are to be blamed
for thus sacrificing the future of the Nation as a whole to their own
self-interest of the moment; but heavier blame attaches to the people
at large for permitting such action, whether in the White Mountains,
in the southern Alleghenies, or in the Rockies and Sierras. A big
lumbering company, impatient for immediate returns and not caring
to look far enough ahead, will often deliberately destroy all the good
l i b e r in a region, hoping afterwa
shiftless man of small mew
feual
home-maker but would hk
fcantage
to take up timber land
I f m p a n y , and leave it valueless fo
fexious
only to develop his mine
the timber that he wishes wit
looking ahead to the conditio,
teausted,
any more than. he doferkedout.
Idonotblamethes.
feine public opinion, the mdiffen
M o n to go unchecked. Of coun
M m there must be on the part of
m y restriction in the lavish use .
m \ loss of this use in the uture
M i i private life who actually ach
P f tern of unchecked and wastefu
% i f a c t that to check it will of c
comfort of certain people w
T t & y ought to pay, at the expens.
fese persons actually demand
4 t f t o w n open to destruction, beca
I P e price of lumber could be put
fcrs.
Their attitude is precise
fegainst the outlay of money b y !
i t h e i r farms generally. Und.
S t e n t absolutely to ruin-his t:
P & i d spending any money on it
lout of it. But only a savage w
M k l e s s disregard of the future
of the future which the op]
ideavoring to get the people of
Itrbuble with the movement for
W a s not gone nearly far enor
i f & s a most fortunate thing, ho
I p e should acquire in the Appal:
"Ptfe forest lands that it is possibl
pHese lands, because they form
Rational as the rivers which they
fStates before they reach the oc
ISThere should be no tariff <
ftouhtry;. and, in especial, there
g o t k e of tbe change being of co
iness-'so as to enable them to a«
;
ft
�0 S £J/ E L T
l U ^ ^ k o ff ttimber in the Uhitr*'
i
inder being exhauste^^
th^^eree <of a timber fat
^rge
in the land. There has a l r e f j i y l j
it there is certain to be a r
The present annual consump^l
as great as the annual g r o w t h ^
itinue unchanged, practically a l l l
er generation, while long beforeP
'iched the growing scarcity w i l j f |
lys upon our National w e l f a r e ^ !
rritory is now reserved in
the most valuable timber lands^ff"
small to expect that the reservesl
1 of the trouble which is aheadi
ion is needed. Forests can bef
the full use of their mercantile!
to the forest, any more than it?]S
rvest; so that there is no parallel^
only be completely used by ex-^..,
ur forests have been used in the-^
. will be either wholly destroyed,
• to pass before effective use can
facts are so obvious that it is
iry^^-epeat them. Every busiry^re|
swspapers, every man or
Tit to be able to see that
country, that the forests
in the c
icing exhausted, and that, if no
me comparatively soon, and that
the every-day life of our people,
•us, there should be no delay in
seem as a nation to be willing
;o-hicky indifference even to the
vhich permits the self-interest of
than the ultimate interest of all
nd it to their immense pecuniary
bering. They are to be blamed
Nation as a whole to their own
ier blame attaches to the people
'hether in the White Mountains,
ie Rockies and Sierras. A big
unediate returns and not caring
deliberately destroy all the good
Seventh
Annual
Message
2269
timber in a region, hoping afterwards to move on to some new country.
The shiftless man of small means, who does not care to become an
actual home-maker but would like immediate profit, will find it to his
advantage to take up timber land simply to turn it over to such a big
company, and leave it valueless for future settlers. A big mine owner,
anxious only to develop his mine at the moment, will care only to cut
all the timber that he wishes without regard to the future—probably
net looking ahead to the condition of the country when the forests are
exhausted, any more than he does to the condition when the mine is
worked out. I do not blame these men nearly as much as I blame the
supine public opinion, the indifferent public opinion, which permits their
action to go unchecked. O f course to check the waste of timber means
that there must be on the part of the public the acceptance of a temporary restriction in the lavish use of the timber, in order to prevent the
total loss of this use in the future. There are plenty of men in public
and private life who actually advocate the continuance of the present
system of unchecked and wasteful extravagance, using as an argument
the fact that to check it will of course mean interference with the ease
and comfort of certain people who now get lumber at less cost than
they ought to pay, at the expense of the future generations. Some of
these persons actually demand that the present forest reserves be
thrown open to destruction, because, forsooth, they think that thereby
the price of lumber could be put down again for two or .three or more
years. Their attitude is precisely like that of an agitator protesting
against the outlay of money by farmers on manure and in taking care
of their farms generally. Undoubtedly, if the average farmer were
content absolutely to ruin his farm, he could for two or three years
avoid spending any money on it, and yet make a good deal of money
out of it. But only a savage would, in his private affairs, show such
reckless disregard of the f u t u r e ; yet it is precisely this reckless disregard of the future which the opponents of the forestry system are now
endeavoring to get the people of the United States to show. The only
trouble with the movement for the preservation of our forests is that
it has not gone nearly far enough, and was not begun soon enough.
It is a most fortunate thing, however, that we began it when we did.
We should acquire in the Appalachian and White Mountain regions all
the forest lands that it is possible to acquire for. the use of the Nation.
These lands, because they form a National asset, are as emphatically
national as the rivers which they feed, and which flow through so many
States before they reach the ocean.
There should be no tariff on any forest product grown in this
country; and, in especial, there should be no tariff on wood pulp; due
notice of the change being of course given to those engaged in the business so as to enable them to adjust themselves to the new conditions.
�22 JO
THEODORE
The repeal of the duty on wood pulp should if possible be accompanied
by an agreement with Canada that there shall be no export duty on
Canadian pulp wood.
In the eastern United States the mineral fuels have already passed
into the hands of large private owners, and those of the West are rapidly following. It is obvious that these fuels should be conserved and
not wasted, and it would be well to protect the people against unjust
and extortionate prices, so far as that can still be done. What has
been accomplished in the great oil fields of the Indian Territory by
the action of the Administration, offers a striking example of the good
results of such a policy. In my judgment the Government should have
the right to keep the fee of the coal, oil, and gas fields in its own possession and to lease the rights to develop them under proper regulations ; or else, if the Congress will not adopt this method, the coal
deposits should be sold under limitations, to conserve them as public
utilities, the right to mine cqal being .separated from the title to the
soil. The regulations should permit coal lands to be worked in sufficient quantity by the several corporations. The present limitations
have been absurd, excessive, and serve no useful purpose, and often
render it necessary that there should be either fraud or close abandonment of the work of getting out the coal.
lit
Sever
ROOSEVELT
Work on the Panama Canal is proceeding in a highly satisfactory
manner. In March last, John F. Stevens, chairman of the Commission
and chief engineer, resigned, and the Commission was reorganized and
constituted as follows: Lieut. Col. George W. Goethals, Corps, of
Engineers, U. S. Army, chairman and chief engineer; Maj. D. D. Gaillard, Corps of Engineers, U. S. Army; Maj. William L. Sibert, Corps
of Engineers, U. S. Army; Civil Engineer H. H. Rousseau, U. S.
Navy; Mr. J. C. S. Blackburn; Col. W. C. Gorgas, U. S. Army, and
Mr. Jackson Smith, Commissioners. This change of authority and direction went into effect on April I , without causing a perceptible check
to the progress of the work. In March the total excavation in the
Culebra Cut, where effort was chiefly concentrated, was 815,270 cubic
yards. In April this was increased to 879,527 cubic yards. There was
a considerable decrease in the output, for May and June owing partly
to the advent of the .rainy season and partly to temporary trouble with
the steam shovel men over th; question of wages. This trouble was
settled satisfactorily to all parties and in July the total excavation
advanced materially and in August the grand total from all points in
the canal prism by steam shovels and dredges exceeded all previous
United States records, reaching 1,274,404 cubic yards. In September
this record was eclipsed and a total of 1,517,412 cubic yards was
removed. Of this amount 1,481,307 cubic yards were from the canal
prism and 36,105 cubic yards were from accessory works.. These
^results were achieved in th.
l u . 8 9 inches and in Septet
Ithe record was again eclr
I cubic yards; a truly extra
Vheavy rainfall, which was
I last two rainy seasons der
lobstacle to progress than 1
1
Work on -the locks anc
iMarch last, has advanced
| o n the locks can be begun
t a l l doubt as to the satisf?
ilocks of the Canal, the Set
i'engineers, of special expc
MFrederic P. Stearns and .
f niake thorough personal 1.
1:went to the Isthmus in Ap
1 dug for the purpose, they
J examined the borings that
1 | retarv of War, under date
?-all of the locks, of the din
f j s u c h character that it wtll
gPequent new borings, com
C o n f i r m e d this verdict. 1
I f their-entire length. The
ptruction will be such as
fsimilar examination of tl
pPacific side are in progre:
f a width of 120 feet.
0 . . Last winter bids were
(feinal construction by cor
f a c t o r y and all were reje<
lent Commission that the
j h i o r e quickly by the GoI p O per cent of the entire
Ifchased or contracted f
^equipped for making all
t o f employees have been
Ijperfected; a recruiting ?
|nishing more labor than
f w d l sheltered and well f
J i s . not only going forwa
gfaiivance of the most sa
Iwnditions, a change in •
pfnwise and unjustifiabl'
3
!
�OSEVELT
'A
Seventh Annual Message
possible be accom^Hie,
be no export d i i t y f ^
.
neral fuel have alreadyneraHuels
and those of the West a r e ' ^ l
: fuels should be conserved a n f l
otect the people against u n j ^
can still be done. What - h l f
'Is of the Indian T e r r i t o r ^ ? ^
a striking example of the g ^ M
nt the Government should h a ' ^ p
;
gas fields in its o w n - ' ^ ^
'op them under proper r e g u l f i f
t adopt this method, the c p f l |
is, to conserve them as putffigf
eparated from the title t o - ^ l
>) lands to be worked in s u p f
ons. The present l i m i t a t i o n s
no useful purpose, and o f t ' M
either fraud or close abanddif ^
a r , d
eding in a highly satisfact%f
' chairman of the Commissiorlk
nm.ssion was reorganized a i l f l
orge W. Goethals, Corps. I f F
' e ^ r i n e e r ; Maj. D. D. G a i l ^
i^B(
L. Sibert, C o r p i i
H. Rousseau, U. s T
C. Gorgas, U . S. Army, andl
's change of authority and d i ^ ;
ut causing a perceptible checlM
h the total excavation in t h e f
ncentrated. was 815,270 cubiS
).527 cubic yards. There wrfsfgL
May and June owing p a r t l y ^
tly to temporary trouble w i t t f f P
of wages. This trouble was I
"» July the total excavation-f
rand total from all points in \
-edges exceeded all previous I
cubic yards. In September *
*-5i7.4i2 cubic yards was M
c yards were from the canal
n accessory works.. These
:
3
V
I l i a m
2271
results were achieved in the rainy season with a rainfall in August of
ir.89 inches and in September of 11.65 inches. Finally, in October,
the record was again eclipsed, the total excavation being 1,868,729
cubic yards; a truly extraordinary record, especially in view of the
heavy rainfall, which was 17.1 inches. In fact, experience during the
last two rainy seasons demonstrates that the rains are a less serious
obstacle to progress than has hitherto been supposed.
Work on the locks and dams at Gatun, which began actively in
March last, has advanced so far that it is thought that masonry work
on the locks can be begun within fifteen months. In order to remove
all doubt as to the satisfactory character of the foundations for the
locks of the Canal, the Secretary of War requested three eminent civil
engineers, of special experience in such construction, Alfred Noble,
Frederic P. Stearns and John R. Freeman, to visit the Isthmus and
make thorough personal investigations of the sites. These gentlemen
went to the Isthmus in April and by means of test pits which had been
dug for the purpose, they inspected the proposed foundations, and also
examined the borings that had been made. In their report to the Secretary of War, under date of May 2, 1907, they said: "We found that
all of the locks, of the dimensions now propesed, will rest upon rock of
such character that it will furnish a safe and stable foundation." Subsequent new borings, conducted by the present Commission, have fully
confirmed this verdict. They show that the locks will rest on rock for
their entire length. The cross section of the dam and method of construction will be such as to insure against any slip or sloughing off.
Similar examination of the foundations of the locks and dams on the
Pacific side are in progress. I believe that the locks should be made of
a width of 120 feet.
Last winter bids were requested and received for doing the work of
canal construction by contract. None of them was found to be satisfactory and all were rejected. It is the unanimous opinion of the present Commission that the work can be done better, more cheaply, and
more quickly by the Government than by private contractors. Fully
So per cent of the entire plant needed for construction has been purchased or contracted for; machine shops have been erected and
equipped for making all needed repairs to the plant; many thousands
of employees have been secured; an effective organization has been
perfected; a recruiting system is in operation which is capable of furnishing more labor than can be used advantageously; employees are
well sheltered and well fed; salaries paid are satisfactory, and the work
is not only going forward smoothly, but it is producing results far in
advance of the most sanguine anticipations. Under these favorable
conditions, a change in the method of prosecuting the work would be
unwise and unjustifiable, for it would inevitably disorganize existing
�2272
'Ji
THEODORE
Sever
ROOSEVELT
conditions, check progress, and increase the cost and lengthen tne time
of completing the Canal.
The chief engineer and all his professional associates are firmly convinced that the 85 feet level lock canal which they are constructing is
the best that could be desired. Some of them had doubts on this point
when they went to the Isthmus. As the plans have developed under
their direction their doubts have been dispelled. While they may decide upon changes in detail as construction advances they are in hearty
accord in approving the general plan. They believe that it provides a
canal not only adequate to all demands that will be made upoij it but
superior in every way to a sea level canal. I concur in this belief.
I commend to the favorable consideration of the Congress a postal
savings bank system, as recommended by the Postmaster-General.
The primary object is to encourage among our people economy and
thrift and by the use of postal savings banks to give them an opportunity to husband their resources, particularly those who have not the
facilities at hand for depositing their money in savings "banks. Viewed,
however, from the experience of the past fe\l weeks, it is evident that
the advantages of such an institution are sftill more far-reaching. Timid
depositors have withdrawn their savings for the time being from national banks, trust companies, and savings banks; individuals have
hoarded their cash and the workingmen their earnings; all of which
money has been withheld and kept in hiding or in safe deposit box to
the detriment of prosperity. Through the agency of the postal savings
banks such money would be restored to the channels of trade, to the
mutual benefit of capital and labor.
I further commend to the Congress the consideration of the Postmaster-General's recommendation for an extension of the parcel post,
especially on the rural routes. There are now 38,215 rural routes,
serving nearly 15,000,000 people who do not have the advantages of
the inhabitants of cities in obtaining their supplies. These recommendations have been drawn up to benefit the farmer and the country
storekeeper; otherwise, I should not favor them, for I believe that it is
good policy for our Government to do everything possible to aid the
small town and the country district. It is desirable that the country
merchant should not be crushed out.
The fourth-class postmasters' convention has passed a very strong
resolution in favor of placing the fourth-class postmasters under the
civil-service law. The Administration has already put into effect the
policy of refusing to remove any fourth-class postmasters save for
reasons connected with the good of the service; and it is endeavoring
so far as possible to remove them from the domain of partisan politics.
It would be a most desirable thing to put the fourth-class postmasters
in the classified service. I t is possible that this might be done without
Congressional action, but, a
mend that the Congress ei
under the civil-service law
Oklahoma has become a
elder sisters, and her futur
The duty of the National (
erty rights of the Indians
changed.
I reiterate my recomm
Some form of local selfand inexpensive as possibl.
„ the necessary time to all ti
I tion. Road building and 1
I Governor of Alaska shoul.
*' to organize a force to pr
, the natives should be ma
I changed so as to meet the
'" be attended to at once; fov
„ large areas of the public
I an immense amount of tr.
I another judicial division .
I and buoys should be- est
I and about Prince WilliaI pleted. There is need of
\ ing the southern coast an
eastern Alaska. One of
f Sound and the Columbia
Ilack of proper laws, tht?
I taken in charge, and efb
j.ernment.
* The courage and ente\their projected Alaskan-^
^should receive liberal ci
Jmental in its conception,
iAlaska and to promote
f cific States with their ne
"Vsions and the neighbor!
; asks no loan from the C
• exhibits and exhibits of
; ernment. The State o f
the characteristic wester:
"fof this exposition in wl
(lance.
&' The unfortunate faih
x
I
;
�SEVELT
Seventh Annual Message
and lengthen t i i l l
f ociates are firml^
vhich they are construcHllL..
them had doubts on t h i s ^ M
- plans have developed uiillr*
.pelted. While they mayl^gj
n advances they are in hef$f
hey believe that it p r o v i d # §
hat will be made upon i f g ^
• I concur in this belief'%|J
ion of the Congress a p M
by the Postmaster-Generall
ng our people econoiny ^||
mks to give them an o ^ f l
^ariy those who.have not>fii|
y in savings "banks. Viewed]
fe\\r weeks, it is evident
1 more far-reaching. T h £ $
1
for the time being f r o m ' j f e
:gs banks; individuals h ' ^ J
ihcir earnings; all of w h ' H
'»g or in safe deposit b o x f l
agency of the postal saving!
h^^ian
^ "hannels of trade, to tKef
;
leration of the PosiJ^,
on of the parcel p o s ^
e now 38,215 rural routesC.
'lot have the advantages o M
T supplies. These recom^
the farmer and the count'r^'
them, for I believe that it i|$
•rything possible to aid tKeLr
desirable that the c o u n t i ^
'{Ms
has passed a very strong^
lass postmasters under t h e f l
already put into effect the t f
:lass postmasters save for
vice; and it is endeavoring
lomain of partisan politics,
i'e fourth-class postmasters ™
:his might be done without , ' |
? 5
••S-J. A'-'JF'-'
2273
Congressional action, but, as the matter is debatable, I earnestly recomniend that the Congress enact a law providing that they be included
under the civil-service law and put in the classified service.
Oklahoma has become a State, standing on a full equality with her
elder sisters, and her future is assured by her great natural resources.
The duty of the National Government to guard the personal and property rights of the Indians within her borders remains of course unchanged.
I reiterate my recommendations of last year as regards Alaska.
Some form of local self-government should be provided, as simple
and inexpensive as possible; it is impossible for the Congress to devote
the necessary time to all the little details of necessarv Alaskan legislation. Road building and railway building should be encouraged. The
Governor of Alaska should begiven an ample appropriation wherewith
to organize a force to preserve the public peace. Whisky selling to
the natives should be made a felony. The coal land laws should be
changed so as to meet the pecidiar needs of the Territory. This should
be attended to at once; for the present laws permit individuals to locate
large areas of the public domain for speculative purposes; and cause
an immense amount of trouble, fraud, and litigation. There should be
another judicial division established. As early as possible lighthouses
and buoys should be. established as aids to navigation, especially in
and about Prince William Sound, and the survey of the coast completed. There is need of liberal appropriations for lighting and buoying the southern coast and improving the aids to navigation in southeastern Alaska. One of the great industries of Alaska, as of Puget
Sound and the Columbia, is salmon fishing. Gradually, by reason of
lack of proper laws, this industry is being ruined; it should now be
taken in charge, and effectively protected, by the United States Government.
The courage and enterprise of the citizens of the far Northwest in
their projected Alaskan-Yukon-Pacific Exposition, to be held in 1909,
should receive liberal encouragement. This exposition is not sentimental in its conception, but seeks to exploit the natural resources of
Alaska and to promote the commerce, trade, and industry of the Pacific States with their neighboring States and with our insular possessions and the neighboring countries of the Pacific. The exposition
asks no loan from, the Congress but seeks appropriations for National
exhibits and exhibits of the western dependencies of the General Government. The State of Washington and the city of Seattle have shown
the characteristic western enterprise in large donations for the conduct
of this exposition in which other States are lending generous assistance.
The unfortunate failure of the shipping bill at the last session or
�Scvcnt-i
2274
THEODORE
ROOSEVELT
the last Congress was followed by the taking off of certain Pacific
steamships, which has greatly hampered the movement of passengers
between Hawaii and the mainland. Unless the Congress is prepared
by positive encouragement to secure proper facilities in the way of shipping between Hawaii and the mainland, then the coastwise shipping
laws should be so far relaxed as to prevent Hawaii suffering as it is
now suffering. I again call your attention to the capital importance
from every standpoint of making Pearl Harbor available for the largest
deep water vessels, and of suitably fortifying the island.
it
The Secretary of War has gone to the Philippines. On his return
I shall submit to you his report on the islands.
I again recommend that the rights of citizenship be conferred upon
the people of Porto Rico.
A bureau of mines should be created under the control and direction
ot the Secretary of the Interior; the bureau to have power to collect
statistics and make investigations in all matters pertaining to mining
and particularly to the accidents and dangers of the industry. If
this can not now be done, at least additional appropriations should be
given the Interior Department to be used for the study of mining conditions, for the prevention of fraudulent mining schemes, for carrying
on the work of mapping the mining districts, for studying methods for
minimizing the accidents and dangers in the industry; in short, to aid
in all proper ways the development of the mining industry.
I strongly recommend to the Congress to provide funds for keeping
up the Hermitage, the home of Andrew Jackson; these funds to be
used through the existing Hermitage Association for the preservation
of a historic building which should ever be dear to Americans.
I further recommend that a naval monument be established in the
Vicksburg National Park. This national park gives a unique opportunity for commemorating the deeds of those gallant men who fought
on water, no less than of those who fought on land, in the great civil
war.
Legislation should be enacted at the present session of the Congress
for the Thirteenth Census. The establishment of the permanent Census Bureau affords the opportunity for a better census than we have
ever had, but in order to realize the full advantage of the permanent
organization, ample time must bp given for preparation.
There is a constantly growing interest in this country in the question
of the public health. At last the public mind is awake to the fact that
many diseases, notably tuberculosis, are National scourges. The work
of the State and city boards of health should be supplemented by a
constantly increasing interest on the part of the National Government.
The Congress has already provided a bureau of public health and has
provided for a hygienic laboratory. There are other valuable laws
relating to the public health
i whole branch of the
aided in every way.
I call attention to two
appointed and which have a
these has to do with the o
Government, which has grov
quence so unwisely distrtbu.
much of its effect is lost l
commission's chief object is
opment and operation m the
tive grouping and methods
not be done without leg.slat,
with so complex an admin
law I recommend that the
related lines of work am
through transfer and conso
The second committee, tl
to investigate and report u,
of the executive force ot tl
effective basis in the light
committee has made very
and bureaucratic ways ha-,
of departmental methods h
by Executive order has ah
effect in the near future.
*. several assistant committee
| the part of the great body
, | ernment work. In nearly •
B : careful self-inspection for
% . they could be made the sir
!!• viduals to a wider study o
E this study has resulted m
I ' lines of work. There are
£ t h e committee on the sub,
Varies which will require !•
effect. It is my intention
| a special message on thost
Under our form of go
! | duty, and, moreover, a fu
" 1 be a good citizen. U is
-contribute to Presidentia
provide for the publicat
JThere is, however, alwa
T
h
s
�V^-BgWg»aia!BW-l!M3ff
OSEVELT
Seventh Annual Message
t a ^ f c of certain Pacific;
off
1 ^ ^ ' v e m e n t of passengefis
^ ^ F Congress is prepare^
er facilities in the way of shij^
I, then the coastwise shipping;,
vent Hawaii suffering as it is '
'-ion to the capital importance ,
(arbor available for the largest '
tying the island.
e Philippines. On his return
ancls.
citizenship be conferred upon ?
1 , e
:
nder the control and direction
eau to have power to collect'
matters pertaining to mining
Lingers of the industry. If ,
mal appropriations should be •
for the study of mining con- ;•
mining schemes, for carrying )
cts, for studying methods for '
the industry; in short, to aid
mining industry,
to provide funds for keeping
J ^ ^ n ; these funds to be
for the preservation
' ^ ^ B t o Americans.
i ^ ^ m be established in the
park gives a unique oppor•ose gallant men who fought
ht on land, in the great civil
sent session of the Congress
'»ent of the permanent Cenbetter census than we have
advantage of the permanent
r Preparation.
i this country -in the question
nd is awake to the fact that
ational scourges. The work
iould be supplemented by a
'f the National Government,
••au of public health and has
re are other valuable laws
2275
relating to the public health connected with the various departments.
This whole branch of the Government should be strengthened and
aided in every way.
I call attention to two Government commissions which I have
appointed and which have already done excellent work. The first of
these has to do with the organization of the scientific work of the
Government, which has grown up wholly without plan and is in consequence so unwisely distributed among the Executive Departments that
much of its effect is lost for the lack of proper coordination. This
commission's chief object is to introduce a planned and orderly development and operation in the place of the ill-assorted and often ineffective grouping and methods of work which have prevailed. This can
not be done without legislation, nor would it be feasible to deal in detail
with so complex an administrative problem by specific provisions of
law. I recommend that the President be given authority to concentrate
related lines of work and reduce duplication by Executive order
through transfer and consolidation of lines of work.
The second committee, that on Department methods, was instructed
to investigate and report upon the changes needed to place the conduct
of the executive force of the Government on the most economical and
effective basis in the light of the best modern business practice. The
committee has made very satisfactory progress. Antiquated practices
and bureaucratic ways have been abolished, and a general renovation
of departmental methods has been inaugurated. All that can be done
by Executive order has already been accomplished or will be put into
effect in the near future. The work of the main committee and its
several assistant committees has produced a wholesome awakening on
the part of the great body of officers and employees engaged in Government work. In nearly every Department and office there has been a
careful self-inspection for the purpose of remedying any defects before
they could be made the subject of adverse criticism. This has led individuals to a wider study of the work on which they were engaged, and
this study has resulted in increasing their efficiency in their respective
lines of work. There are recommendations of special importance from
the committee on the subject of personnel and the classification of salaries which will require legislative action before they can be put into
effect. It is my intention to submit to the Congress in the near future
a special message on those subjects.
Under our form of government voting is not merely a right but a
duty, and, moreover, a fundamental and necessary duty if a man is to
be a good citizen. It is well to provide that corporations shall not
contribute to Presidential or National campaigns, and furthermore to
provide for the publication of both contributions and expenditures.
There is, however, always danger in laws of this kind, which from
�2276
4
THEODORE
ROOSEVELT
their very nature are difficult of enforcement; the danger being lest
they be obeyed only by the honest, and disobeyed by the unscrupulous,
so as to act only as a penalty upon honest men. Moreover, no such
law would hamper an unscrupulous man of unlimited means from
buying his own way into office. There is a very radical measure which
would, I believe, work a substantial improvement in our system of
conducting a campaign, although I am well aware that it will take
some time for people so to familiarize themselves with such a proposal as to be willing to consider its adoption. The need for collecting
large campaign funds would vanish if Congress provided an appropriation for the proper and legitimate expenses of each of the great
national parties, an appropriation ample enough to meet the necessity
for thorough organization and machinery, which requires a large expenditure of money. Then the stipulation should be made that no
party receiving campaign funds from the Treasury should accept more
than a fixed amount from any individual subscriber or donor; and the
necessary publicjty for receipts and expenditures could without difficulty be provided.
There should be a National gallery of art established in the capital
city of this country. This is important not merely to the artistic but
to the material welfare of the country; and the people are to be congratulated on the fact that the movement to establish such a gallery
is taking definite form under the guidance of the Smithsonian Institution. So far from there being a tariff on works of art brought into
the country, their importation should be encouraged in every way.
There have been no sufficient collections of objects of art by the Government, and what collections have been acquired are scattered and are
generally placed in unsuitable and imperfectly lighted galleries.
The Biological Survey is quietly working for the good of our agricultural interests, and is an excellent example of a Government bureau
which conducts original scientific research the findings of which are
of much practical utility. For more than twenty years it has studied
the food habits of birds and mammals that are injurious or beneficial
to agriculture, horticulture, and forestry; has distributed illustrated
bulletins on the subject, and has labored tb secure legislative protection for the beneficial species. The cotton boll-weevil, which has recently overspread the cotton belt of Texas and is steadily-extending
its range, is said to cause an annual loss of about $3,000,000. The
Biological Survey has ascertained and gives wide publicity to the fact
that at least 43 kinds of birds prey upon this destructive insect. It
has discovered that 57 species of birds feed upon scale-insects—
dreaded enemies of the fruit grower. It has shown that woodpeckers
as a class, by destroying the larvae of wood-boring insects, are so
essential to tree life that it is doubtful if our forests could exist with-
Seventh
out them. It has shown that
enemies of the leaf-eating cater
trees; that our quails and spam
of seeds of noxious weeds; tha
the few that kill poultry and
spending their lives in catchin
that prey upon the products of
periments for the purpose of <
for holding in check the hon
rabbits, gophers, prairie dogs,
destroy crops worth many mi!
practical directions for the de.'
stock ranges of the West, resi
mated saving of cattle and shee]
It has inaugurated a system
entry cn both Atlantic and Pac
duction of noxious mammals a
the mongoose and certain birds
previously introduced English
In the interest of game prot<
ials in every State in the Unioi
lation in the several States, ha
ing the Federal law regulatii
shown how game protection m.
the State—a revenue amountin
a single year.
The Biological Survey has e.
ica with reference to the dist
defined and mapped the natun
of prevailing climatic conditio!
occur—and has pointed out •
'
cultivation of particular crops,
not only of high educational
P|. progressive farmers of the com
the Survey, which, it may be
tf' mend to Congress that this
f. handicapped by lack of funds
I degree commensurate with the
I call your especial attentioi
foreign mail service, which, be.
lines is now largely done thn
llarly so far as South and Cent
|rnanner which constitutes a S'
^commerce.
�i EVELT
Seventh Annual Message
: m ^ W t h e danger being lest|
i s c ^ ^ A b y the unscrupulous^
; s t ^ ^ ^ Moreover, no such$
in of unlimited means from
a very radical measure which
provement in our system of
well aware that it will take .;
themselves with such a pro- .
ion. The need for collecting
ngress provided an appropri-|
»enses of each of the great!
enough to meet the necessity'^
, which requires a large ex- ;
on should be made that n o ^
Treasury should accept more |
subscriber or donor; and the
nditures could without diffi- ?
J
•J
art established in the capitaliot merely to the artistic but
;id the people are to be cont to establish such a gallery
:c of the Smithsonian Insti•n works of art brought into
encouraged in every way.
s of art by the Govire scattered and are
ted galleries,
ig for the good of our agripie of a Government bureau
1 the findings of which are
twenty years it has studied ..
t are injurious or beneficial ';
: has distributed illustrated
to secure legislative protec1 boll-weevil, which has res and is steadily-extending
of about $3,000,000. The
s wide publicity to the fact
this destructive insect. It
feed upon scale-insects—
as shown that woodpeckers
ood-boring insects, are so
ur forests could exist with-
«
2277
out them. It has shown that cuckoos and orioles are the natural
enemies of the leaf-eating caterpillars that destroy our shade and fruit
trees; that our quails and sparrows consume annually hundreds of tons
of seeds of noxious weeds; that hawks and owls as a class (excepting
the few that kill poultry and game birds) are markedly beneficial,
spending their lives in catching grasshoppers, mice, and other pests
that prey upon the products of husbandry. It has conducted field experiments for the purpose of devising and perfecting simple methods
for holding in check the hordes of destructive rodents—rats, mice,
rabbits, gophers, prairie dogs, and ground squirrels—which annually
destroy crops worth many millions of dollars; and it has published
practical directions for the destruction of wolves and coyotes on the
stock ranges of the West, resulting during the past year in an estimated saving of cattle and sheep valued at upwards of a million dollars.
It has inaugurated a system of inspection at the principal ports of
entry on both Atlantic and Pacific coasts by means of which the introduction of noxious mammals and birds is prevented, thus keeping out
the mongoose and certain birds which are as much to be dreaded as the
previously introduced English sparrow and the house rats and mice.
In the interest of game protection it has cooperated with local officials in every State in the Union, has striven to promote uniform legislation in the several States, has rendered important service in enforcing the Federal law regulating interstate traffic in game, and has
shown how game protection may be made to yield a large revenue to
the State—a revenue amounting in the case of Illinois to $128,000 in
a single year.
The Biological Survey has explored the faunas and floras of America with reference to the distribution of animals and plants; it has
defined and mapped the natural life areas—areas in which, by reason
of prevailing climatic conditions, certain kinds of animals and plants
occur—and has pointed out the adaptability of these areas to the
cultivation of particular crops. The results of these investigations are
not only of high educational value but are worth each year to the
progressive farmers of the country many times the cost of maintaining
the Survey, which, it may be added, is exceedingly small. I recommend to Congress that this bureau, whose usefulness is seriously
handicapped by lack of funds, be granted an appropriation in some
degree commensurate with the importance of the work it is doing.
I call your especial attention to the unsatisfactory condition of our
foreign mail service, which, because of the lack of American steamship
lines is now largely done through foreign lines, and which, particularly so far as South and Central America are concerned, is done in a
manner which constitutes a serious barrier to the extension of our
commerce.
�2278
4
THEODORE
• Seventh Ar
ROOSEVELT
The time has come, in my judugment, to set to work seriously to
make our ocean mail service correspond more closely with our recent
commercial and political development. A beginning was made by the
ocean mail act of March 3, 1891, but even at that time the act was
known to be inadequate in various particulars. Since that time events
have moved rapidly in our history. We have acquired Hawaii, the
Philippines, and lesser islands in the Pacific. We are steadily prosecuting the great work of uniting at the Isthmus the waters of the
Atlantic and the Pacific. To a greater extent than seemed probable
even a dozen years ago, we may look to an American future on the
sea worthy of the traditions of our past. As the first step in that
direction, and the step most feasible at the present time, I recommend
the extension of the ocean mail act of 1891. This act has stood for
some years free from successful criticism of its principle and purpose.
It was based on theories of the obligations of a great maritime nation,
undisputed in our own land and followed by other nations since the
beginning of steam navigation. Briefly those theories are, that it is
the duty of a first-class Power so far as practicable to carry its ocean
mails under its own flag;that the fast ocean steamships and their crews,
required for such mail service, are valuable auxiliaries to the sea
power of a nation. Furthermore, the construction of such steamships
insures the maintenance in an efficient condition of the shipyards in
which our battleships must be built.
The expenditure of public money for the performance of such necessary functions of government is certainly warranted, nor is it necessary
to dwell upon the incidental benefits to our foreign commerce, to the
shipbuilding industry, and to ship owning and navigation which will
accompany the discharge of these urgent public duties, though they,
too, should have weight.
The only serious question is whether at this time we can afford to
improve our ocean mail service as it should be improved. All doubt
on this subject is removed by the reports of the Post-Office Department. For the fiscal year ended June 30, 1907, that Department estimates that the postage collected on the articles exchanged with foreign
countries other than Canada and Mexico amounted to $6,579,043.48,
or $3,637,226.81 more than the net cost of the service exclusive of the
cost of transporting the articles,between the United States exchange
postoffices and the United States postoffices at which they were mailed
or delivered. In other words, the Government of the United States,
having assumed a monopoly of carrying the mails for the people, is
making a profit of over $3,600,000 by rendering a cheap and inefficient
service. That profit I believe should be devoted to strengthening our
maritime power in those directions where it will best promote our
prestige. The country is familiar with the facts of our maritime im-
potence in the harbors of the gr
America. Following the failure
onlv American line of steamers
Pacific has become a serious em!
and has wholly cut off the Sam.,
tion with the Pacific coast. Pui
half (four out of seven) of its
Orient.
We now pay under the,act of
knot American mail steamships,
able as cruisers, and manned by .
are confined exclusively to tram
steamships of 16 knots or over .
steamships of this speed and ty
quirements of mail service to
Philippines), and Australia. 1
simple amendment to the ocean ,
the Postmaster-General in his di
• transportation of mails to the 1
the Philippines, and Australia r
steamships of 16 knots speed 0
and obligations of the act of 189
been mentioned will fully cover
volved in this recommendation, ;
the lines so urgently needed. 1
ciple, but permits the efficient di;
quately performed or not perfor,
Not only there is not now, but
in the world so wholly free frThere never has been any othe
for so long a period has had rela
army as has ours. Never at a)
suffered from militarism or bet
'.from militarism. Never at am
• Army been of a size which cau
. the tax-paying citizens of the 1
^
• small in size and underpaid.
) Nation suffered in the least par
! given to the Army, too much
• spent upon it, or because it has
^ we have suffered because enoug
l i t has been too small, because tl
Tin advance for possible war.
Engaged has cost us many times
t
�EVELT
Scventh Annual Message
tO^Bto work seriousjjrl^.
Jo
l e l y with our n g ^ j l
-o—-ng was made b^ftlfef
en at that time the a c t t t w | f |
lars. Since that time e v e l ^
have acquired Hawaii,. theC
ific. We are steadily proseif
Isthmus the waters of - t j i f f
xtcnt than seemed probabjefl
an American future on.'theM• As the first step in t h a i S ,
: present time, I recommehlSj
9i- This act has stood -Mt^
of its principle and purposed
of a great maritime nation%,>
I by other nations since . t i ^
hose theories are, that it
•racticaBle to carry its o c e a f l ^
i steamships and their crew^M
table auxiliaries to the seal
struction of such steamshipsL
-ndition of the shipyards i r i l i
;
w
• performance of such neces^t
• arranted, nor is it necessary^*
i ^ A g n commerce, to t h e | ,
:^^Hiavigation which w i l l ] ^
m m duties, though they,^'
this time we can afford to'f
dd be improved. All doubtl
of the Post-Office Depart |
1907. that Department esti%
cles exchanged with foreign||
amounted to $6,579,043.48^
the service exclusive of the'^f
•he United States exchange ''"
s at which they were mailed',,
mient of the United States, 1
the mails for the people, is ,.
ering a cheap and inefficient i l
evoted to strengthening our ?|
e it will best promote our
e facts of our maritime im:
7
:
¥
2279
potence in the harbors of the great and friendly Republics of South
America. Following the failure of the shipbuilding bill we lost our
only American line of steamers to Australasia, and that loss on the
Pacific has become a serious embarrassment to the people of Hawaii,
and has wholly cut off the Samoan islands from regular communication with the Pacific coast. Puget Sound, in the year, has lost over
half (four out of seven) of its American steamers trading with the
Orient.
We now pay under tlie act of 1891 $4 a statute mile outward to 20knot American mail steamships, built according to naval plans, available as cruisers, and manned by Americans. Steamships of that speed
are confined exclusively to trans-Atlantic trade with New York. To
steamships of 16 knots or over only $2 a mile can be paid, and it is
steamships of this speed and type which are needed to meet the requirements of mail service to South America, Asia (including the
Philippines), and Australia. I strongly recommend, therefore, a
simple amendment to the ocean mail act of 1891 which shall authorize
the Postmaster-General in his discretion to enter into contracts for the
transportation of mails to the Republics of South America, to Asia,
the Philippines, and Australia at a rate not to exceed $4 a mile for
steamships of 16 knots speed or upwards, subject to the restrictions
and obligations of the act of 1891. The profit of $3,600,000 which has
been mentioned will fully cover the maximum annual expenditure involved in this recommendation, and it is believed will in time establish
the lines so urgently needed. The proposition involves no new principle, but permits the efficient discharge of public functions now inadequately performed or not performed at all.
Not only there is not now, but there never has been, any other nation
in the world so wholly free from the evils of militarism as is ours.
There never has been any other large nation, not even China, which
for so long a period has had relatively to its numbers so small a regular
army as has ours. Never at any time in our history has this Nation
suffered from militarism or been in the remotest danger of suffering
from militarism. Never at any time of our history has the Regular
Army been of a size which caused the slightest appreciable tax upon
the tax-paying citizens of the Nation. Almost always it has been too
small in size and underpaid. Never in our entire history has the
Nation suffered in the least particular because too much care has been
given to the Army, too much prominence given it, too much money
spent upon it, or because it has been too large. But again and again
we have suffered because enough care has not been given to it, because
it has been too small, because there has not been sufficient preparation
in advance for possible war. Every foreign war in which we have
engaged has cost us many times the amount which if wisely expended
[i.S<
�Seventh Ai
4
during the preceding years of peace on the Regular Army, would have
insured the war ending in but a fraction of the time and but for a
fraction of the cost that was actually the case. As a Nation we have
always been shortsighted in providing for the efficiency of the Army
in time of peace. It is nobody's especial interest to make such provision and no one looks ahead to war at any period, no matter how
remote, as being a serious possibility; while an improper economy, or
rather niggardliness, can be practiced at the expense of the Army
with the certainty that those practicing it will not be called to account
therefor, but that the price will be paid by the unfortunate persons who
happen to be in office when a war does actually come.
I think it is only lack of foresight that troubles us, not any hostility
to the Army. There are, of course, foolish people who denounce any
care of the Army or Navy as "militarism," but I do not think that
these people are numerous. This country has to contend now, and
has had to contend in the past, with many evils, and there is ample
scope for all who would work for reform. But there is not one evil
that now exists, or that ever has existed in this country, which is, or
ever has been, owing in the smallest part to militarism. Declamation
against militarism has no more serious place in an earnest and intelligent movement for righteousness in this country than declamation
against the worship of Baal or Astaroth. It is declamation against a
r.on-existent evil, one which never has existed in this country, and
which has not the slightest chance of appearing here. We are glad
to help in any movement for international peace, but this is because
we sincerely believe that it is our duty to help all such movements
provided they are sane and rational, and not because there is any tendency toward militarism on our part which needs to be cured. The
evils we have to fight are those in connection with industrialism, not
militarism. Industry is always necessary, just as war is sometimes
necessary. Each has its price, and industry in the United States now
exacts, and has always exacted, a far heavier toll of death than all our
wars put together. The statistics of the railroads of this country for
the year ended June 30, 1906, the last contained in the annual statistical
report of the Interstate Commerce Commission, show in that one year
a total of 108,324 casualties to persons, of which 10,618 represent the
number of persons killed. In that wonderful hive of human activity,
Pittsburg, the deaths due to industrial accidents in 1906 were 919, all
the result of accidents in mills, mines or on railroads. For the entire
country, therefore, it is safe to say that the deaths due to industrial
accidents aggregate in the neighborhood of twenty thousand a year.
Such a record makes the death rate in all our foreign wars utterly
trivial by comparison. The number of deaths in battle in all the foreign wars put together, for the last century and a quarter, aggregate
considerably less than one year',
mere glance at these figures is s
outcry against militarism.
But again and again in the pas'
service literally vital to the count
so in the future. Its standard <
now than ever in the past. But
officers; and it is^ impossible t
should maintain in peace, a fair:
A great and long-continued wai
teers. But months would pass ',
unteers could be put in the fiel
large enough to meet any immed
that we should possess a numbe
perform efficiently the duties uri
of war.
The Medical Corps should b
Regular Army in war. Yet at j
the service demand even in pe.
than ten years ago. The chief
among the regiments which nc\
the Nation seemed deeply imprc
I'already been forgotten, for not
t prepare a medical corps of suffi
Hhe same disaster on a much lart
.s.m a serious conflict. The trou'
Jjthe then existing officials of th
^representatives of the people as
Jyears, had declined to make th
^Unless ample provision is now :
||Corps where it should be put dis.
Mhe responsibility will not lie w
Ipepartment, but with those wh
^provision. A well organized mt
Ithe advent of war in all the imp
j$ary sanitary corps, is essential
Jahd especially of a large volunt
P^cine and surgery as is possess^
Iwill not alone suffice to make ai
P&ave, in addition, knowledge of
flarge field hospitals and camps,
jfiiyes "of men intrusted in great •
kfjeen pending before the Congre:
I a l Corps; its passage is urgentl.
�EVELT
Seventh Annual Message
2281
e
R ^ B a r Army, would
i ^ ^ k t i m e and but i q t ^ ,
^ | ^ s a Nation we
r the efficiency of the
i interest to make such
any period, no matter
ile an improper economy, o r L
: the expense of the Arniy^l
will not be called to account!
the unfortunate persons who;!
tually come.
troubles us, not any hostility!
people who denounce anyf
n," but I do not think thatt,
v has to contend now, audi
iy evils, and there is ample„
But there is not one evil I
:n this country, which is, o r l
to militarism. Declamation |
ice in an earnest and intellicountry than declamation I
It is declamation against a
xisted in this country, and 'earing here. We are glad :
1 peace, but this is because "'
^ j ^ a l l such movements
j ^ ^ K s e there.is any tend^ ^ s
to be -cured. The
tion with industrialism, not
. just as war is sometimes
y in the United States now
ier toll of death than all our
ailroads of this country for
med in the annual statistical
•sion, show in that one year
which 10,618 represent the
ful hive of human activity,
dents in 1906 were 919, all
1 railroads, f o r the entire
he deaths due to industrial
>f twenty thousand a year.
U our foreign wars utterly
ths in battle in all the for7 and a quarter, aggregate
c
;
considerably less than one year's death record for our industries. A
mere glance at these figures is sufficient to show the absurdity of the
outcry against militarism.
But again and again in the past our little Regular Army has rendered
service literally vital to the country, and it may at any time have to do
so in the future. Its standard of efficiency and instruction is higher
now than ever in the past. But it is too small. There are not enough
officers; and it is impossible to secure enough enlisted men. We
should maintain in peace a fairly complete skeleton of a large army.
A great and long-continued war would have to be fought by volunteers. But months would pass before any large body of efficient volunteers could be put in the field, and our Regular Army should be
large enough to meet any immediate need. In particular it is essential
that we should possess a number of extra officers trained in peace to
perform efficiently the duties urgently required upon the breaking out
of war.
The Medical Corps should be much larger than the needs of our
Regular Army in war. Yet at present it is smaller than the needs of
the service demand even in peace. T f e Spanish war occurred less
than ten years ago. The chief loss we suffered in it was by disease
among the regiments which never left the country. At the moment
the Nation seemed deeply impressed by this fact; yet seemingly it has
already been forgotten, for not the slightest effort has been made to
prepare a medical corps of sufficient size to prevent the repetition of
the same disaster on a much larger scale if we should ever be engaged
in a serious conflict. The trouble in the Spanish war was not with
the then existing officials of the War Department; it was with the
representatives of the people as a whole who, for the preceding thirty
years, had declined to make the necessary provision for the Army.
Unless ample provision is now made by Congress to put the Medical
Corps where it should be put disaster in the next war is inevitable, and
the responsibility will not lie with those then in charge of the War
Department, but with those who now decline to make the necessary
provision. A well organized medical corps, thoroughly trained before
the advent of war in all the important administrative duties of a military sanitary corps, is essential to the efficiency of any large armv,
and especially of a large volunteer army. Such knowledge of medicine and surgery as is possessed by the medical profession generally
will not alone suffice to make an efficient military surgeon. He must
have, in addition, knowledge of the administration and sanitation of
large field hospitals and camps, in order to safeguard the health and
lives of men intrusted in great numbers to his care. A bill has long
been pending before the Congress for the reorganization of the Medical Corps; its passage is urgently needed.
�2282
4
THEODORE
Scvcnth Ai
ROOSEVELT
But the Medical Department is not the only department for which
increased provision should be made. The rate of pay for the officers
should be greatly increased; there is no higher type of citizen than
the American regular officer, and he should have a fair reward for his
admirable work. There should be a relatively even greater increase in
the pay for the enlisted men. In especial provision should be made for
establishing grades equivalent to those of warrant officers in the Navy
which should be open to the enlisted men who serve sufficiently long
and who do their work well. Inducements should be offered sufficient
to encourage really good men to make the Army a life occupation. The
prime needs of our present Army is to secure and retain competent
noncommissioned officers. This difficulty rests fundamentally on the
question of pay. The noncommissioned officer does not correspond
with an unskilled laborer; he corresponds to the best type of skilled
workman or to the subordinate official in civil institutions. Wages
have greatly increased in outside occupations in the last forty years
and the pay of the soldier, like the pay of the officers, should be proportionately increased. The first sergeant of a company, if a good
man, must be one of such executive and administrative ability, and
such knowledge of his trade, as to be worth far more than we at
present pay him. The same is true of the regimental sergeant major.
These men should be men who had fully resolved to make the Army a
life occupation and they should be able to look forward to ample reward; while only men properly qualified should be given a chance to
secure these final rewards. The increase over the present pay need
not be great in the lower grades for the first one or two enlistments,
but the increase should be marked for the noncommissioned officers of
the upper grades who serve long enough to make it evident that they
intend to stay permanently in the Army, while additional pay should be
given for high qualifications in target practice. The position of warrant officer should be established and there should be not only an increase of pay, but an increase of privileges and allowances and dignity,
so as to make the grade open to noncommissioned officers capable of
filling them desirably from every standpoint. The rate of desertion
in our Army now in time of peace is alarming. The deserter should
be treated by public opinion as a man guilty of the greatest crime;
while on the other hand the man who serves steadily in the Army
should be treated as what he is, that is, as preeminently one of the
best citizens of this Republic. After twelve years' service in the Army
my own belief is that the man should be given a preference according
to his ability for certain types of office over all civilian applicants without examination. This should also apply, of course, to the men who
have served twelve years in the Navy- A special corps should be pro-
vided to do the manual labor now
themselves.
Among the officers there shoul.
the unfit up to the grade of ma;
ments should be solely by selecti.
. man of merely average capacity
\ of major, while every man who s.
time prior to promotion to the n<
' tion to the next grade should
I marches and field maneuvers of 1
I invaluable to the Army. They si
' f r i g i d and not a perfunctory exan.
Iprovided for the higher grade of
f a n officer has a good physique, ur.
I'and walk fairly, he is not fit for a
H a colonel. Before he has become
in the officers is almost as great ato see introduced into the Army
f f test of horsemanship for allfield<
" be a Chief of Cavalry just as the;
Perhaps the most important of
J of the Army is a law to equalize
ftieplisted men of the Army, Nav\
^Service. Such a bill has been p
f;\vith your favorable consideratio
'•is to authorize a number of extra >
Jthe Army more attractive to enli
gtreate a service corps, such as e:
.|iie world, to do the skilled and
Ipwith military administration, whi
Ifpensation, of enlisted men who
Niservice of an altogether diflferenl
iflaws necessary to so organize the
llffacilitate its rapid expansion in
.^litiost important.
It was hoped The Hague Con
Ij^bf the limitation of armaments.
|T|informal inquiries had develope
f f ' f h c only ones in which this count
•try to devise any plan for which
jsecuring the assent of the natioi
it^ivis even proposed which would
p f s t class Power outside of the
ieemcd at all feasible, that of lir
ar
�EVELT
'•••'Y^i
Seventh Annual Messagt
"%
>n^Bepai
oni
spartment f o r ' ^ i ^ l
iy for the g i ^ f
pe of c i t i z e n ^ !
hi
J have a fair reward f o r l ^ l
•ely even greater increasefin^
revision should be m a d e l f ^ " "
warrant officers in the Na|f;,
who serve sufficiently 16ng
• should be offered sufficient!'
,rmy a life occupation. 'Tht*
ecure and retain competent'
rests fundamentally o u ^
jfficer does not corresporljLa
to the best type of skin^T*'
. civil institutions. WagfstL
ons in the last forty y e a f ^ ^
the officers, should be p r 0 & ' '
of a company, if a gc
administrative ability, arid?
orth far more than we at'
regimental sergeant major^l
solved to make the Army ail
look forward to ample re^f
iould be given a chance tp^
ovei^fcp present pay needl
>'S|^^Bpr two enlistments^!
•o^^^issioned officers o f l
make it evident that they !
le additional pay should be
ice. The position of war-l
should be not only an inr?,
nd allowances and dignity"^
issioned officers capable of I
it. The rate of desertion'"
:ing. The deserter should
Ity of the greatest crime;
ves steadily in the Army
s preeminently one of the
years' service in the Army
en a preference according
ill civilian applicants with•f course, to the men who
iccial corps should be pro5
1
1
2283
vided to do the manual labor now necessarily demanded of the privates .
themselves.
Among the officers there should be severe examinations to weed out
the unfit up to the grade of major. From that position on appointments should be solely by selection and it should be understood that a
man of merely average capacity could never get beyond the position
of major, while every man who serves in any grade a certain length of
time prior to promotion to the next grade without getting the promotion to the next grade should be forthwith retired. The practice
marches and field maneuvers of the last two or three years have been
invaluable to the Army. They should be continued and extended. A
rigid and not a perfunctory examination of physical capacity has been
provided for the higher grade officers. This will work well. Unless
an officer has a good physique, unless he can stand hardship, ride well,
and walk fairly, he is not fit for any position, even after he has become
a colonel. Before he has become a colonel the need for physical fitness
in the officers is almost as great as in the enlisted man. I hope speedily
to see introduced into the Army a far more rigid and thoroughgoing
test of horsemanship for all field officers than at present. There should
be a Chief of Cavalry just as there is a Chief of Artillery.
Perhaps the most important of all legislation needed for the benefit
of the Army is a law to equalize and increase the pay of officers and
enlisted men of the Army, Navy, Marine Corps, and Revenue-Cutter
Service. Such a bill has been prepared, which it is hoped will meet
with your favorable consideration. The next most essential measure
is to authorize a number of extra officers as mentioned above. To make
the Army more attractive to enlisted men, it is absolutely essential to
create a service corps, such as exists in nearly every modern army in
the world, to do the skilled and unskilled labor, inseparably connected
with military administration, which is now exacted, without just compensation, of enlisted men who voluntarily entered the Army to do
service of an altogether different kind. There are a number of other
laws necessary to so organize the Army as to promote its efficiency and
facilitate its rapid expansion in time of war; but the above are the
most important.
It was hoped The Hague Conference might deal with the question
of the limitation of armaments. But even before it had assembled
informal inquiries had developed that as regards naval armaments,
tlie only ones in which this country had any interest, it was hopeless to
try to devise.any plan for which there was the slightest possibility of
securing the assent of the nations gathered at The Hague. No plan
was even proposed which would have had the assent of more than one
first class Power outside of the United States. The only plan that
seemed at all feasible, that of limiting the size of battleships, met with
�2284
THEODORE
ROOSEVELT
ro favor at all. It is evident, therefore, that it is folly for this Nation
to base any hope of securing peace on any international agreement as
to the limitations of armaments. Such being the fact it would be
most unwise for us to stop the upbuilding of our Navy. To build one
battleship of the best and most advanced type a year would barely keep
our fleet up to its present force. This is not enough. In my judgment, we should this year provide for four battleships. But it is idle
to build battleships unless in addition to providing the men, and the
means for thorough training, we provide the auxiliaries for them, unless
we provide docks, the coaling stations, the colliers and supply ships
that they need. We are extremely deficient in coaling stations and
docks on the Pacific, and this deficiency should not longer be permitted to exist. Plenty of torpedo boats and destroyers should be built
Both on the Atlantic and Pacific coasts, fortifications of the best type
should be provided for all our greatest harbors.
4
4
We need always to remember that in time of war the Navy is not to
be used to defend harbors and sea-coast cities; we should perfect our
system of coast fortifications. The only efficient use for the Navy is
for offense. The only way in which it can efficiently protect our own
coast against the possible action of a foreign navy is by destroying that
foreign navy. For defense against a hostile fleet which actually attacks
them, the coast cities must depend upon their forts, mines, torpedoes,
submarines, and torpedo boats and destroyers. All of these together
are efficient for defensive purposes, but they in no way supply the
place of a thoroughly efficient navy capable of acting on the offensive;
for parrying never yet won a fight. It can only be won by hard hitting, and an aggressive sea-going navy alone can do this hard hitting
of the offensive type. But the forts and the like are necessary so that
the Navy may be footloose. In time of war there is sure to be demand, under pressure, of fright, for the ships to be scattered so as to
defend all kind of ports. Under penalty of terrible disaster, this demand must be refused. The ships must be kept together, and their
objective made the enemies' fleet. I f fortifications are sufficiently
strong, no modern navy will venture to attack them, so long as the foe
has in existence a hostile navy of anything like the same size or efficiency. But unless there exists such a navy then the fortifications are
powerless by themselves to secure the victory. For of course the mere
deficiency means that any resolute enemy can at his leisure combine all
his forces upon one point with the certainty that he can take it.
Until our battle fleet is much larger than at present it should never
be split into detachments so far apart that they could not in event of
emergency be speedily united. Our coast line is on the Pacific just as
much as on the Atlantic. The interests of California, Oregon, and
Washington are as emphatically the interests of the whole Union as
Seventh An
those of Maine and New York,
fleet should now and then be m
times it should be kept in the Abuilt the transit of the battle flee
comparatively easy. Until it is
fleet will be thus shifted betweei
The marksmanship on all our shi
the last five years. ^ Until within
possible to train a battle fleet in s.
ditions, and it is only during tl
training under these conditions 1
and most necessary stride in adv
fleet is about starting by the St:
coast.. Sixteen battleships are
Admiral Evans, while eight armc
will meet him at San Francisco,
also going. No fleet of such sizi
will be of very great educationa
wav by which to teach officers an
meet every possible strain and •
them practice under similar cond:
only way to find out our actual
whatever maneuvers might be n
<
declared it is too late to find out t
This trip to the Pacific will shov,
enable us to provide for them,
his duty is at sea, and the only v
efficient is by practice at sea, \
have to be met if war existed.
' I bespeak the most liberal trea
J.- of the Navy. It is true of them,
fr men of the Army, that they form
|r to 'the heart of every good Ann
J, formance of duty should be exv
H be ample when they do their f
1 should be tolerated. It is idle
|f men in the senior grades come tc
Ji; short a time in them. Up to the
||C tion in the Navy should be as i
' such rigid tests as would elimin:
l^tenant-commander, that is, whei
frank, the unfit should be elimina
pispicuously fit would remain, and
; fitness. Those who are passi
I;-
�EVELT
Seventh Annual Message
iat^^
f
folly for this Natidnf
y j ^ ^ k itional agreement,{
l
bc^^Vie. fact it would befl
of our Navy. To build one|
• pe a year would barely keep!
not enough. In my judg-v;
ir battleships. But it is idle |
providing the men, and the I j
e auxiliaries for them, unless $
ie colliers and supply ships3|
ent in coaling stations and/-; ,
hould not longer be pemit-;jf|
1 destroyers should be b u i l t W
>rtifications of the best tyoe'^
bors.
ie of war the Navy is not to.'^
ities; we should perfect our/?
fficient use for the Navy is I ,
i efficiently protect our own ;|!
n navy is by destroying that M
e fleet which actually attacks $
heir forts, mines, torpedoes,
vers. A l l of these together
they in no way supply the
; of aeting on the offensive;
n q j f c b e won by hard hit' i ^ ^ K d o this hard hitting
' ^ ^ i r e necessary so that
war there is sure to be detips to be scattered so as to
of terrible disaster, this debe kept together, and their J
ortifications are sufficiently
ack them, so long as the foe
? like the same size or effiy then the fortifications are
ry. For of course the mere
an at his leisure combine all
y that he can take it.
a at present it should never
they could not in event of
ine is on the Pacific just as
of California, Oregon, and
•sts of the whole Union as
^1
2285
those of Maine and New York, of Louisiana and Texas. The battle
fleet should now and then be moved to the Pacific, just as at other
times it should be kept in the Atlantic. When the Isthmian Canal is
built the transit of the battle fleet from one ocean to the other will be
comparatively easy. Until it is built I earnestly hope that the battle
fleet will be thus shifted between the two oceans every year or two.
The marksmanship on all our ships has improved phenomenally during
the last five years. Until within the last two or three years it was not
possible to train a battle fleet in squadron maneuvers under service conditions, and it is only during these last two or three years that the
training under these conditions has become really effective. Another
and most necessary stride in advance is now being taken. The battle
fleet is about starting by the Straits of Magellan to visit the Pacific
coast.. Sixteen battleships are going under the command of RearAdmiral Evans, while eight armored cruisers and two other battleships
will meet him at San Francisco, whither certain torpedo destroyers are
also going. No fleet of such size has ever made such a voyage, and it
will be of very great educational use to all engaged in it.. The only
way by which to teach officers and men how to handle the fleet so as to
meet every possible strain and emergency in time of war is to have
them practice under similar conditions in time of peace. Moreover, the
only way to find out our actual needs is to perform in time of peace
whatever maneuvers might be necessary in time of war. After war is
declared it is too late to find out the needs ; that means to invite disaster.
This trip to the Pacific will show what some of our needs are and will
enable us to provide for them. The proper place for an officer to learn
his duty is at sea, and the only way in which a navy can ever be made
efficient is by practice at sea, under all the conditions which would
have to be met if war existed.
I bespeak the most liberal treatment for the officers and enlisted men
of the Navy. It is true of them, as likewise of the officers and enlisted
men of the Army, that they form a body whose interests should be close
to the heart of every good American. In return the most rigid performance of duty should be exacted from them. The reward should
be ample when they do their best; and nothing less than their best
should be tolerated. It is idle to hope for the best results when the
men in the senior grades come to those grades late in life and serve too
short a time in them. Up to the rank of lieutenant-commander promotion in the Navy should be as now, by seniority, subject, however, to
such rigid tests as would eliminate the unfit. After the grade of lieutenant-commander, that is, when we come to the grade of command
rank, the unfit should be eliminated in such manner that only the conspicuously fit would remain, and sea service should be a principal test
of fitness. Those who are passed by should, after a certain length of
�2286
Seventh
THEODORE
service in their respective grades, be retired. Of a given number of
men it may well be that almost all would make good lieutenants and
most of them good lieutenant-commanders, while only a minority be
fit to be captains, and but three or four to be admirals. Those who
object to promotion otherwise than by mere seniority should reflect
upon the elementary fact that no business in private life could be successfully managed if those who enter at the lowest rungs of the ladder
should each in turn, if he lived, become the head of the firm, its active
director, and retire after he had held the position a few months. On
its face such a scheme is an absurdity. Chances for improper favoritism can be minimized by a properly formed board; such as the board
of last June, which did such conscientious and excellent work in
elimination.
4
4
Amiual
ROOSEVELT
I f all that ought to be done can not now be done, at least let a beginning be made. In my last three annual Messages, and in a special
Message to the last Congress, the necessity for legislation that will
cause officers of the line of the Navy to reach the grades of captain and
rear-admiral at less advanced ages and which will cause them to have
more sea training and experience in the highly responsible duties of
those grades, so that they may become thoroughly skillful in handling
battleships, divisions, squadrons, and fleets in action, has been fully
explained and urgently recommended. Upon this subject the Secretary
of the Navy has submitted detailed and definite recommendations
which have received my approval, and which, if enacted into law, will
accomplish what is immediately necessary, and will, as compared with
existing law, make a saving of more than five millions of dollars during the next seven years. The navy personnel act of 1899 has accomplished all that was expected of it in providing satisfactory periods of
service in the several subordinate grades, from the grade of ensign to
the grade of lieutenant-commander, but the law is inadequate in the
upper grades and will continue to be inadequate on account of the
expansion of the personnel since its enactment. Your attention is
invited to the following quotations from the report of the personnel
board of 1906, of which the Assistant Secretary of the Navy was
president:
"Congress has authorized a considerable increase in the number of
midshipmen at the Naval Academy, and these midshipmen upon graduation are promoted to ensign and lieutenant (junior-grade). But no
provision has been made for a corresponding increase in the upper
grades, the result being that the lower grades will become so congested
that a midshipman now in one of the lowest classes at Annapolis may
possibly not be promoted to lieutenant until he is between 45 and 50
years of age. So it will continue under the present law, congesting at
the fop and congesting at the bottom. The country fails to get from
the officers of the service the best 1
opportunity for their normal develo
bdieves that this works a senous c
Navy and is a real menace to the pt
As stated in my special Message t«
of the opinion that unless the preseiy
sioned personnel is rectified by jud..
« Navy will be gravely compromised
I increase the efficiency of the Medical
" lation to this end has already been
enacted without delay.
It must be remembered that ever.v
do well in time of war must be dot
are short; they do not last the lengt
ship; and it takes longer to tram tl
battleship than it takes to build it
the Navy once war has begun, and
ants are otherwise equally matched
prepared best in time of peace. 1
guaranty the Nation has that its i
lected • and in addition it offers by
can by human ingenuity be devise
I call attention to the report of
., Naval Academy at Annapolis wh
I gress. The report contains this
'%
"Such revision should be made
\ of conducting and marking exa.
f out the average all-round ability o
J him prominence in any one partu
I i ; in mind that the Naval Academ>
#primary object of which is to edu
I I I Changes in curriculum, therefore
"I-the course of instruction less the
f tion of any future class should be
tyears' course, and under no circ
kruction be lowered. The Aca
Ms now magnificently equipped, .
I'the course of instruction less exa
M
Acting upon this suggestion
p C a p t . Richard Wainwright, Coi
PCommander Albert L . Key, all
g f ^ a t e conditions and to recomm.
^ l i n t o effect this general recomiw
iMuty promptly and intelligently
iil-
�•' M
SEVELT
D f a given number^c
good lieutenants
le only a minority $
to be admirals. Those "''
mere seniority should refledtj
s in private life could be sue-'!
he lowest rungs of the ladder;
iie head of the firm, its active.:'
: position a few months. Onl;
Chances for improper favorit-i
led board; such as the boardf
ious and excellent work
• be done, at least let a begin-'!
. Messages, and in a special Ji
sity for legislation that will f
ich the grades of captain and
hich will cause them to have'l
highly responsible duties of ^
oroughly skillful in handling
jts in action, has been fully
•"on this subject the Secretary
d definite recommendations
lich, if enacted into law, will
anj^vill. as compared with
Jllions of dollars durof 1899 has accomitfWfi^atisfactory periods of
from the grade of ensign to
he law is inadequate in the
idequate on account of the
ictment. Your attention is
the report of the personnel
iecretary of the Navy was
• increase in tlie number of
se midshipmen upon gradunt (junior-grade). But no
ding increase in the upper
es will become so congested
-t classes at Annapolis mav
il he is between 45 and 50
• present law, congesting at
i country fails to get from
m
Seventh Annual Message
2287
the officers of the service the best that is in them by not providing
opportunity for their normal development and training. The board
believes that this works a serious detriment to the efficiency of the
Navy and is a real menace to the public safety."
As stated in my special Message to the last Congress: " I am firmly
of the opinion that unless the present conditions of the higher commissioned personnel is rectified by judicious legislation the future of our
Navy will be gravely compromised." It is also urgently necessary to
increase the efficiency of the Medical Corps of the Navy. Special legislation to this end has already been proposed; .and I trust it may be
enacted without delay.
It must be remembered that everything done in the Navy to fit it to
do well in time of war must be done in time of peace. Modern wars
are short; they do not last the length of time requisite to build a battleship; and it takes longer to train the officers and men to do well on a
battleship than it takes to build it. Nothing effective can be done for
the Navy once war has begun, and the result of the war, if the combatants are otherwise equally matched, will depend upon which power has
prepared best in time of peace. The United States Navy is the best
guaranty the Nation has that its honor and interest will not be neglected ; and in addition it offers by far the best insurance for peace that
can by human ingenuity be devised.
I call attention to the report of the official Board of Visitors to the
Naval Academy at Annapolis which has been forwarded to the Congress. The report contains this paragraph:
"Such revision should be made of the courses of study and methods
of conducting and marking examinations as will develop and bring
out the average all-round ability of the midshipman rather than to give
him prominence in any one particular study. The fact should be kept
in mind that the Naval Academy is not a university but a school, the
primary object of which is to educate boys to be efficient naval officers.
Changes in curriculum, therefore, should be in the direction of making
the course of instruction less theoretical and more practical. No portion of any future class should be graduated in advance of the full four
years' course, and under no circumstances should the standard of instruction be lowered. The Academy in almost all of its departments
is now magnificently equipped, and it would be very unwise to make
the course of instruction less exacting than it is to-day."
Acting upon this suggestion I designated three seagoing officers,
Capt. Richard Wainwright, Commander Robert S. Griffin, and Lieut.
Commander Albert L. Key, all graduates of the Academy, to investigate conditions and to recommend to me the best method of carrying
into effect this general recommendation. These officers performed the
duty promptly and intelligently, and, under the personal direction of
�221
4
4
THEODORE
Seventh Am.
ROOSEVELT
Capt. Charles J. Badger, Superintendent of the Academy, such of the
proposed changes as were deemed to be at present advisable were put
into effect at the beginning of the academic year, October r, last. The
results, I am confident, will be most beneficial to the Academy, to the
midshipmen, and to the Navy.
In foreign affairs this country's steady policy is fo behave toward
other nations as a strong and self-respecting man should behave toward
the other men with whom he is brought into contact.. In other words,
onr aim is disinterestedly to help other nations w here such help can be
wisely given without the appearance of meddling with what does not
concern us; to be careful to act as a good neighbor; and at the same
time, in good-natured fashion, to make it evident that we do not intend
to be imposed upon.
The Second International Peace Conference was convened at The
Hague on the 15th of June last and remained in session until the 18th
of October. For the first time the representatives of practically all the
civilized countries of the world united in a temperate and kindly discussion of the methods by which the causes of war might be narrowed and
its injurious effects reduced.
Although the agreements reached in the Conference did not in any
direction go to the length hoped for by the more sanguine, yet in many
directions important steps were taken, and upon every subject on the
programme there was such full and considerate discussion as to justify
the belief that substantial progress has been made toward further agreements in the future. Thirteen conventions were agreed upon embodying the definite conclusions which had been reached, and resolutions
were adopted marking the progress made in matters upon which agreement was not yet sufficiently complete to make conventions practicable.
The delegates of the United States were instructed to favor an
agreement for obligatory arbitration, the establishment of a permanent
court, of arbitration to proceed judicially in the hearing and decision
of international causes, the prohibition of force for the collection of
contract debts alleged to be due from governments to citizens of other
ccAintries until after arbitration as to the justice and amount of the
debt and the time and manner of payment, the immunity of private
property at sea, the better definition of the rights of neutrals, and, in
case any measure to that end should be introduced, the limitation of
armaments.
In the field of peaceful disposal of international differences several
important advances were made. First, as to obligatory arbitration.
Although the Conference failed to secure a unanimous agreement
upon the details of a convention for obligatory arbitration, it did resolve
as follows;
" I t is unanimous: (1) In accep
I tration; (2) In declaring that o
relating to the interpretation and
tional stipulations are susceptible
tration without any restriction."
In view of the fact that as a r
the definite treaty of obligatory a
I 32 in favor to 9 against the adoj
I doubt that the great majority of tl
a point where they are now rea
thus unanimously agreed upon b;
The second advance, and a ve
p relates to the use of force for tl
|p- attention is invited to the paragrs
' of December, 1906, and to the re
ference at Rio in the summer of
I jeet adopted by the Conference s
| , ican delegates is as follows: :
"In order to avoid between
jSj^ pecuniary origin arising from co:
i f ment of one country by the gov.
Wto its nationals, the signatory P
If armed force for the collection of
i l "However, this stipulation sh;
18^' State refuses or leaves unanswer
^acceptance, makes it impossible ;
|>pr, after arbitration, fails to com]
"It is further agreed that arb
^conformity, as to procedure, wi;
jtthe Pacific Settlement of Internal
fand that it shall determine, in so
J t w e e n the parties, the justice am
|femode. of payment thereof."
l i t ? Such a provision would have \
^ n the past, and I cannot doubt t
|salutary.
A third advance has been mad
fffvention of 1899 for the voluntai
"ifand particularly the extension o:
prelate to commissions of inquir;
^enabled the Governments of Gr
Notwithstanding great public e:
||Bank incident, and the new com
Ogives practical effect to the exp
•31
�" I t is unanimous: ( I ) In accepting the principle for obligatory arbi»
tration; (2) In declaring that certain differences, and notably those
relating to the interpretation and application of international conventional stipulations are susceptible of being submitted to obligatory arbitration without any restriction."
In view of the fact that as a result of the discussion the vote upon
the definite treaty of obligatory arbitration, which was proposed, stood
32 in favor to 9 against the adoption of the treaty, there can be little
doubt that the great majority of the countries of the world have reached
a point where they are now ready to apply practically the principles
^ thus unanimously agreed upon by the Conference.
The second advance, and a very great one, is the agreement which
? relates to the use of force for the collection of contract debts. Your
V attention is invited to the paragraphs upon this subject in my Message
.
of December, 1906, and to the resolution of the Third American Conv ference at Rio in the summer of 1906. The convention upon this subject adopted by the Conference substantially as proposed by the American delegates is as follows: :
- "In order to avoid between nations armed conflicts of a purely
pecuniary origin arising from contractual debts claimed of the government of one country by the government of another country to be due
| t o its nationals, the signatory Powers agree not to have recourse to
armed force for the collection of such contractual debts.
"However, this stipulation shall not be applicable when the debtor
State refuses or leaves unanswered an offer to arbitrate, or, in case of
^acceptance, makes it impossible to formulate the terms of submission,
'•or, after arbitration, fails to comply with the award rendered.
" I t is further agreed that arbitration here contemplated shall be in
^conformity, as to procedure, with Chapter I I I of the Convention for
the Pacific Settlement of International Disputes adopted at The Hague,
and that it shall determine, in so far as there shall be no agreement between the parties, the justice and the amount of the debt, the time and
Mihode of payment thereof."
Such a provision would have prevented much injustice and extortion
in the past, and I cannot doubt that its effect in the future will be most
salutary.
A third advance has been made in amending and perfecting the convention of 1899 for the voluntary settlement of international disputes,
and particularly the extension of those oarts of that convention which
relate to commissions of inquiry. The existence of those provisions
[; enabled the Governments of Great Britain and Russia to avoid war,
hnotwithstanding great public excitement, at the time of the Dogger
Bank incident, and the new convention agreed upon by the Conference
gives practical effect to the experience gained in that inquiry.
;
f
r
5f?r*,.V- - \: '. • •
�2290
THEODORE
ROOSEVELT
Substantial progress was also made towards the creation of a|p
manent judicial tribunal for the determination of international caus^|
There was very full discussion of the proposal for, such a court &(tjj|jj|
general agreement was finally reached in favor of its creation. Tmi^
Conference recommended to the signatory Powers the adoption o f l
draft upon which it agreed for the organization of the court, leaving^
be determined only the method by which the judges should be selected.^
This remaining unsettled question is plainly one which time and
temper will solve.
A further agreement of the first importance was that for the cres
tion of an international prize court. The constitution, organization an
procedure of such a tribunal were provided for in detail. Anyqng|
who recalls the injustices under which this country suffered as a neutral'
power during the early part of the last century can not fail to see in-this
provision for an international prize court the great advance whichith'f
world is making towards the substitution of the rule of reason's'"
justice in place of simple force. Not only will the international pr
court be the means of protecting the interests of neutrals, but it is^it
itself a step towards the creation of the more general court for •tm
hearing of international controversies to which reference has just t
made. The organization and action of such a prize court can __
fail to accustom the different countries to the submission of interna-!
tional questions to the decision of an international tribunal, and we maj
confidently expect the results of such submission to bring about a
eral agreement upon the enlargement of the practice.
Numerous provisions were adopted for reducing the evil effects of
war and for defining the rights and duties of, neutrals.
The Conference also provided for the holding of a third Conferll
ence within a period similar to that which elapsed between the Firstij
and Second Conferences.
The delegates of the United States worthily represented the spirit^
of the American people and maintained with fidelity and ability the*!
policy of our Government upon all the great questions discussed in the,?
Conference.
The report of the delegation, together with>authenticated copies
the conventions signed, when received, will be laid before the Senate^
for its consideration.
When we remember how difficult it is for one of our own legislative.!
bodies, composed of citizens of the same country, speaking the same *
language, living under the same laws, and having the same customs^
to reach an agreement, or even to secure a majority upon any difficult
and important subject which is proposed for legislation, it becomes f
plain that the representatives of forty-five different countries, speaking %
many different languages, accustomed to different methods of pro-.
j
4
�Seventh Annual
Message
2291
cedure, with widely diverse interests, who discussed so many different
subjects and reached agreements upon so many, are entitled to grateful
appreciation for the wisdom, patience, and moderation with which they
have discharged their duty. The example of this temperate discussion, and the agreements and the efforts to agree, among representatives of all the nations of the earth, acting with universal recognition
of the supreme obligation to promote peace, can not fail to be a powerful influence for good in future international relations.
A year ago in consequence of a revolutionary movement in Cuba
which threatened the immediate return to chaos of the island, the
United States intervened, sending down an army and establishing a
provisional government under Governor Magoon. Absolute quiet and
prosperity have returned to the island because of this action. We are
now taking steps to provide for elections in the island and our expectation is within the coming year to be able to turn the island over again
tc a government chosen by the people thereof. Cuba is at our doors.
It is not possible that this Nation should permit Cuba again to sink
into the condition from which we rescued it. All that we ask of the
Cuban people is that they be prosperous, that they govern themselves
so as to bring content, order and progress to their island, the Queen
of the Antilles; and our only interference has been and will be to help
them achieve these results.
An invitation has been extended by Japan to the Government and
people of the United States to participate in a great national exposition
to be held at Tokyo from April 1 to October 31, 1912, and in which the
principal countries of the world are to be invited to take part. This is
an occasion of special interest to all the nations of the world, and peculiarly so to us; for it is the first instance in which such a great national
exposition has been held by a great power dwelling on the Pacific; and
all the nations of Europe and America will, I trust, join in helping to
success this first great exposition ever held by a great nation of Asia.
The geographical relations of Japan and the United States as the
possessors of such large portions of the coasts of the Pacific, the intimate trade relations already existing between the two countries, the
warm friendship which has been maintained between them without
break since the opening of Japan to intercourse with the western nations, and her increasing wealth and production, which we regard with
hearty goodwill and wish to make the occasion of mutually beneficial
commerce, all unite in making it eminently desirable that this invitation should be accepted. I heartily recommend such legislation as will
provide in generous fashion for the representation of this Government
' and its people in the proposed exposition. Action should be taken now.
; .We are apt to underestimate the time necessary for preparation in
cases. The invitation to the French Exposition of 1900 was
;
I?
�2292
4
THEODORE ROOSEVELT
brought to the attention of the Congress by President Cleveland
December, 1895; and so many are the delays necessary to such pro-'^
ceedings that the period of four years and a half which then intervened^
before the exposition proved none too long for the proper preparation
of the exhibits.
The adoption of a new tariff by Germany, accompanied by conventions for reciprocal tariff concessions between that country and most of
the other countries of continental Europe, led the German Government to give the notice necessary to terminate the reciprocal commercial agreement with this country proclaimed July 13, 1900. The.;
notice was to take effect on the ist of March, 1906, and in default of,
some other arrangements this would have left the exports from theJ
United States to Germany subject to the general German tariff duties^
from 25 to 50 per cent higher than the conventional duties imposed'
upon the goods of most of our competitors for German trade.
• ^|
Under a special agreement made between the two Governments in""'
February, 1906, the German Government postponed the operation of
their notice until the 30th of June, 1907. In the meantime, deeming!
it to be my duty to make every possible effort to prevent a tariff wari
between the United States and Germany arising from misunderstand^*
ing by either country of the conditions existing in the other, and
acting upon the invitation of the German Government, I sent to Berlin"^
a commission composed of competent experts in the operation and,J:
administration of the customs tariff, from the Departments of the'.!
Treasury and Commerce and Labor. This commission was engaged,
for several months in conference with a similar commission appointed ••
'
by the German Government, under instructions, so far as practicable;
to reach a common understanding as to all the facts regarding' the^
tariffs of the United States and Germany material and relevant to the j!
trade relations between the two countries. The commission reported;
and upon the basis of the report, a further temporary commercial,:
agreement was entered into by the two countries, pursuant to which, in ?
the exercise of the authority conferred upon the President by the third-;
section of the tariff act of July 24, 1897, I extended the reduced tariff;.;
rates provided for in that sectiflh to champagne and all other sparkling^
wines, and pursuant to which the German conventional or minimum'
tariff rates were extended to about 96^4 per cent of all the exports
from the United States to Germany. This agreement is to remain in-j
force until the 30th of June, 1908, and until six months after notice by
either party to terminate it.
The agreement and the report of the commission on which it is based
will be laid before the Congress for its information.
This careful examination into the tariff relations between the United
States and Germany involved an inquiry into certain of our methods
•
�Seventh Annual
Message
2293
.'^ of administration which had been the cause of much complaint on the
5$ part of German exporters. In this inquiry I became satisfied that certain vicious and unjustifiable practices had grown up in our customs
(^j; administration, notably the practice of determining values of imports
?;"iupon detective reports never disclosed to the persons whose interests
jwere afifected. The use of detectives, though often necessary, tends
I f towards abuse, and should be carefully guarded. Under our practice
§cas I found, it to exist in this case, the abuse had become gross and disi'creditable. Under it, instead of seeking information as to the market
Rvalue of merchandise from the well-known and respected members of
ji^the commercial community in the country of its production, secret
|!$fstatements were obtained from informers and discharged employees
|i^and~ business rivals, and upon this kind of secret evidence the values
$|of .imported goods were frequently raised and heavy penalties were
^frequently imposed upon importers who were never permitted to know
*^what the evidence was and who never had an opportunity to meet it.
| l t is quite probable that this system tended towards an increase of the
ities collected upon imported goods, but I conceive it to be a violation
law to exact more duties than the law provides, just as it is a viola|tion to admit goods upon the payment of less than the legal rate of
This practice was repugnant to the spirit of American law and
^o American sense of justice. In the judgment of the most competent
|experts of the Treasury Department and the Department of Commerce
Labor it was wholly unnecessary for the due collection of the
Ipustoms revenues, and the attempt to defend it merely illustrates the
demoralization which naturally follows from a long continued course
^ ' reliance upon such methods. I accordingly caused the regulations
governing this branch of the customs service to be modified so that
jSralues are determined upon a hearing in which all the parties interested
IJwrve an opportunity to be heard and to know the evidence against
phem. Moreover our Treasury agents are accredited to the govern|ment of the country in which they seek information, and in Germany
ceive the assistance of the quasi-official chambers of commerce in
||etermining the actual market value of goods, in accordance with
" I am advised to be the true construction of the law.
|T,hese changes of regulations were adapted to the removal of such
Sfia'nifest abuses that I have not felt that they ought to be confined to
|Our relations with Germany; and I have extended their operation to
IjUJ other countries which have expressed a desire to enter into similar
linistrativc relations,
^l.ask for authority to re-form the agreement with China under
|fiich::the indemnity of 1900 was fixed, by remitting and cancelling the
^ligation of China for the payment of all that part of the stipulated
"fedennnity which is in excess of the sum of eleven million, six hundred
�in'
4
4
4
2294
THEODORE
ROOSEVELT
and fifty-five thousand, four hundred and ninety-two dollars and si:
nine cents, and interest at four per cent. After the rescue of the
eign legations in Peking during the Boxer troubles in 1900 the Poweni|
required from China the payment of equitable indemnities to the sey&j
eral nations, and the final protocol under which the troops were with-J
drawn, signed at Peking, September 7, 1901, fixed the amount of thisj
indemnity allotted to the United States at over $20,000x00, and China;!
paid, up to and including the ist day of June last, a little over $6,7^
000,000. It was the first intention of this Government at the proper^
time, when all claims had been presented and all expenses ascertained'!
as fully as possible, to revise the estimates and account, and as a proof!
of sincere friendship for China voluntarily to release that country i
its legal liability for all payments in excess of the sum which should^
prove to be necessary for actual indemnity to the United States and it
citizens.
This Nation should help in every practicable way in the education c
the Chinese people, so that the vast and populous Empire of China
gradually adapt itseff to modern conditions. One way of doing this^||
by promoting the coming of Chinese students to this country and r
ing it attractive to them to take courses at our universities and higKe
educational institutions. Our educators should, so far as possible^
take concerted action toward this end.
On the courteous invitation of the President of Mexico, the Secr^^.
tary of State visited that country in September and October and wa8$"
received everywhere with the greatest kindness and hospitality.
He carried from the Government of the United States to our souths
ern neighbor a message of respect and good will and of desire fo""
better acquaintance and increasing friendship. The .response from th
Government and the people of Mexico was hearty and sincere. Nj
pains were spared to manifest the most friendly attitude and feelin:
toward the United States.
In view of the close neighborhood of the two countries the relation^g,
which exist between Mexico and the United States are just cause fq£
gratification. We have a common boundary of over 1,500 miles
the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific. Much of it is marked only by tfi
shifting waters of the Rio Grande. Many thousands of Mexicans'
are residing upon our side of the line and it is estimated that over;
40,000 .Americans are resident in Mexican territory and that AmericaJivS
investments in Mexico amount to over seven hundred million dollars^
The extraordinary industrial and commercial prosperity of Mexico has^
been greatly promoted by American enterprise, and Americans are
sharing largely in its results. The foreign trade oi the Republic a i |
ready exceeds $240,000,000 per annum, and of th^s two-thirds both of;
exports and imports are exchanged with the United States. UnderJ
�lars and sixtyue of the forthe Powers
'es to the sev>ps were withimount of this
00, and China
'ttle over $6,at the proper
es ascertained
d as a proof
country from
which'should
States and its
0 0
i n
edi; ^ B n ol
'd
of,
dol B ^ i s is
o ^ JMlus ,
y and mak-s and higher
as possible,
:
s
t r
0
> the Secre'her and was
itality.
our south* desire for
ise from the
>'ncere. No
and feeling
0
he relations
t cause for
miles from
only by the
' Mexicans
I that over
t American
on dollars.
Mexico has
ricai i ^ r e
n'ca
5
JsVBf
s. Under
rnder
circumstances numerous questions necessarily arise between the
itwo countries. These questions are always approached and disposed
vof in a spirit of mutual courtesy and fair dealing. Americans carrying
fjon business in Mexico testify uniformly to the kindness and considera|tion with which they are treated and their sense of the security of their
^property and enterprises under the wise administration of the great
^statesman who has so long held the office of Chief Magistrate of that
jfRepublic.
The two Governments have been uniting their efforts for a consider[able time past to aid Central America in attaining the degree of peace
land order which have made possible the prosperity of the northern
icports of the Continent. After the peace between Guatemala, Hon|duras, and Salvador, celebrated under the circumstances described in
iftny last Message, a new war broke out between the Republics of Nicarfagua, Honduras, and Salvador. The effort to compose this new diffi^culty has resulted in the acceptance of the joint suggestion of the
! Presidents of Mexico and of the United States for a general peace
? conference between all the countries of Central America. On the 17th
I day of September last a protocol was signed between the representa\ lives of the five Central American countries accredited to this Governi ment agreeing upon a conference to be held in the City of Washington
"in order to devise the means of preserving the good relations among
•said Republics and bringing about permanent peace in those countries."
f. The protocol includes the expression of a wish that the Presidents of
£ the United States and Mexico should appoint "representatives to
5 lend their good and impartial offices in a purely friendly way toward
ithe realization of the objects of the conference." The conference is
Inow in session and will have our best wishes and, where it is practic; able, our friendly assistance.
One of the results of the Pan American Conference at Rio Janeiro
"in the summer of 1906 has been a great increase in the activity and
I usefulness of the International Bureau of American Republics. That
; institution, which includes all the American Republics in its member|iship and brings all their representatives together, is doing a really
I valuable work in informing the people of the United States about the
• other Republics and in making the United States known to them. Its
action is now limited by appropriations determined when it was doing
^ a work on a much smaller scale and rendering much less valuable service. I recommend that the contribution of this Government to the expenses of the Bureau be made commensurate with its increased work.
�Wilson - 1919 SOTU
�4
W 00 D R O W
:
W 1 1. S 0 N
1^: used as a single system. I did so at the advire of the most experienced cable officials, and I hope that the resulis will justify my
hope that the news of the next few months may pass with the utmost
freedom and with the least possible delay from each side of the sea
to the other.
May I not hope, Gentlemen of the Congress, that in the delicate
tasks 1 shall have to perform on the other side of the sea, in my
efforts truly and faithfully to interpret the principles and purposes of
the country we love, I may have, the encouragement and the added
strength of your united support ? 1 realize the magnitude and difficulty of the duty I am undertaking; I am poignantly aware of its grave
responsihililies. I am the servant of the nation. 1 can have no private
thought or purpose of my own in performing such an errand. 1 go to
give the best that is in me to the common seulemems which I must
now assist in arriving at in conference with the oilier working heads
of the associated governments. I shall count upon your friendly
countenance and encouragement. I shall not be inaccessible. The
cables and the wireless will render me available for any counsel or
service you may desire of mc, and I shall be happy in (he thought that
I am constantly in touch with the weighty matters of domestic policy
with which we shall have to deal. I shall make my absence as brief
as possible and shall hope to return with the happy assurance that ithas been possible to translate into action die great ideals for which
.America lias striven.
1
1
4
SEVENTH ANNUAL MESSAGE.
[This was the first of President Wilson's nnnunl messages to Congiess lo be
read instead of delivered in person, the President heing confined to the
White House ! y illness.]
>
THE
WIIITM
MOUSK, December 2,
1
/p/p.
To T H E SENATE A N D HOUSE OF REPKESENTATIVKS:
I sincerely regret that I cannot be present at the opening of this
session of the Congress. I am thus prevented from presenting in as
direct a way as I could wish the many questions that are pressing for
solution at this time. Happily, I have had the advantage of the
advice of the heads of the several executive departments who have
kept in close touch with affairs in their detail and whose thoughtful
recommendations I earnestly second.
In the matter of the railroads and ihe readjusimem of their affairs
m
H
»- ik,
�Seventh Annual
Message
2599
growing out of Federal control, I shall take the liberty at a later
date of addressing you.
I hope that Congress will bring to a conclusion at this session legislation looking to the establishment of a budget system. That there
should be one single authority responsible for the making of all appropriations and that appropriations should be made not independently
of each other, but with reference to one single comprehensive plan of expenditure properly related to the nation's income, there can be no doubt.
I believe the burden of preparing the budget must, in the nature of
the case, if the work is to be properly done and responsibility concentrated instead of divided, rest upon the executive. The budget so
prepared should be submitted to and approved or amended by a single
committee of each House of Congress and no single appropriation
should be made by the Congress, except such as may have been included in the budget prepared by the executive or added by the particular committee of Congress charged with the budget legislation.
Another and not less important aspect of the problem is the ascertainment of the economy and efficiency with which the moneys appropriated are expended. Under existing law the only audit is for
the purpose of ascertaining whether expenditures have been lawfully
made within the appropriations. No one is authorized or equipped
to ascertain whether the money has been spent wisely, economically
and effectively. The auditors should be highly trained officials with
permanent tenure in the Treasury Department, free of obligations to
or motives of consideration for this or any subsequent administration,
and authorized and empowered to examine into and make report
upon the methods employed and the results obtained by the executive
departments of the Government. Their reports should be made to
the Congress and to the Secretary of the Treasury.
I trust that the Congress will give its immediate consideration to
the problem of future taxation. Simplification of the income and
profits taxes has become an immediate necessity. These taxes performed indispensable service during the war. They must, however,
be simplified, not only to save the taxpayer inconvenience and expense, but in order that his liability may be made certain and definite.
With reference to the details of the Revenue Law, the Secretary
of the Treasury and the Commissioner of Internal Revenue will lay
before you for your consideration certain amendments necessary or
desirable in connection with the administration of the law—recommendations which have my approval and support. It is of the utmost
importance that in dealing with this matter the present law should
not be disturbed so far as regards taxes for the calendar year 1920,
payable in the calendar year 1921. The Congress might well consider whether the higher rates of income and profits taxes can in
�2600
4
I'i
-'
!
•
A'
t'
I
WOODROW
WILSON
peace times be effectively productive of revenue, and whether they
may not, on the contrary, be destructive of business activity and productive of waste and inefficiency. There is a point at which in peace
times high rates of income and profits taxes discourage energy, remove the incentive to new enterprises, encourage extravagant expenditures and produc* industrial stagnation with consequent unemployment and other attendant evils.
The problem is not an easy one. A fundamental change has taken
place with reference to the position of America in the world's affairs.
The prejudice and passions engendered by decades of controversy
between two schools of political and economic thought,—the one believers in protection of American industries, the other believers in
tariff for revenue only,—must be subordinated to the single consideration of the public interest in the light of utterly changed conditions.
Before the war America was heavily the debtor of the rest of the
world and the interest payments she had to make to foreign countries
on American securities held abroad, the expenditures of American
travelers abroad and the ocean freight charges she had to pay to
others, about balanced the value of her pre-war favorable balance of
trade. During the war America's exports nave been greatly stimulated, and increased prices have increased their value. On the othei
hand, she has purchased a large proportion of the American securities
previously held abroad, has loaned some $9,000,000,000 to foreign
governments, and has built her own ships. Our favorable balance
of trade has thus been greatly increased and Europe has been deprived of the means of meeting it heretofore existing. Europe can
have only three ways of meeting the favorable balance of trade in
peace times: by imports into this country of gold or of goods, or by
establishing new credits. Europe is in no position at the present
time to ship gold to us nor could we contemplate large further imports of gold into this country without concern. The time has nearly
passed for international governmental loans and it will take time to
develop in this country a market for foreign securities. Anything,
therefore, which would tend to prevent foreign countries from settling for our exports by shipments of goods into this country could
only have the effect of preventing them from paying for our exports
and therefore of preventing the exports from being made. The
productivity of the country, greatly stimulated by the war, must find
an outlet by exports to foreign countries, and any measures taken to
prevent imports will inevitably curtail exports, force curtailment of
production, load the banking machinery of the country with credits
to carry unsold products and produce industrial stagnation and unemployment. I f we want to sell, we must be prepared to buy. Whatever, therefore, may have been our views during the period of growth
�Seventh Annual
Message
2601
of American business concerning tariff legislation, we must now adjust our own economic life to a changed condition growing out of
the fact that American business is full grown and that America is
the greatest capitalist in the world.
No policy of isolation will satisfy the growing needs and opportunities of America. The provincial standards and policies of the
past, which have held American business as if in a srtrait-jacket, must
yield and give way to the needs and exigencies of the new day in
which we live, a day full of hope and promise for American business, if we will but take advantage of the opportunities that are ours
for the asking. The recent war has ended our isolation and thrown
upon us a great duty and responsibility. The United States must
share the expanding world market. The United Stajes desires for
itself only equal opportunity with the other nations of the world,
and that through the process of friendly cooperation and fair competition the legitimate interests of the nations concerned may be
successfully and equitably adjusted.
There are other matters of importance upon which I urged action
at the last session of Congress which are still pressing for solution.
I am sure it is not necessary for me again to remind you that there
is one immediate and very practicable question resulting from the
war which we should meet in the most liberal spirit. It is a matter
of recognition and relief to our soldiers. I can do no better than to
quote from my last message urging this very action:
"We must see to it that our returning soldiers are assisted in every
practicable way to find the places for which they are fitted in the
daily work of the country. This can be done by developing and
maintaining upon an adequate scale the admirable organization created
by the Department of Labor for placing men seeking work; and it
can also be done, in at least one very great field, by creating new
opportunities for individual enterprise. The Secretary of the Interior has pointed out the way by which returning soldiers may be
helped to find and take up land in the hitherto undeveloped regions
of the country which the Federal Government has already prepared,
or can readily prepare, for cultivation and also on many of the cutover or neglected areas which lie within the limits of the older states;
and I once more take the liberty of recommending very urgently
that his plans shall receive the immediate and substantial support
of the Congress."
In the matter of tariff legislation, I beg to call your attention to
the statements contained in my last message urging legislation with
reference to the establishment of the chemical and dyestuffs industry
in America:
"Among the industries to which special consideration should be
�4
4
2602
WOODROW
WILSON
given is that of the manufacture of dyestuffs and related chemicals.
Our complete dependence upon German supplies before the war made
the interruption of trade a cause of exceptional economic disturbance.
The close relation between the manufacture of dyestuffs, on the one
hand, and of explosive and poisonous gases, on the other, moreover,
has gjven the industry an exceptional significance and value. A l though the United States will gladly and unhesitatingly join in the
programme of international disarmament, it will, nevertheless, be a
policy of obvious prudence to make certain of the successful maintenance of many strong and well-equipped chemical plants. The German chemical industry, with which we will be brought into competition, was and may well be again, a thoroughly knit monopoly capable .
of exercising a competition of a peculiarly insidious and dangerous ,
kind."
During the war the farmer performed a vital and willing service
to the nation. By materially increasing the production of his land,
he supplied America and the Allies with the increased amounts of
food necessary to keep their immense armies in the field. He indispensably helped to win the war. But there is now scarcely less need
of increasing the production in food and the necessaries of life. I
ask the Congress to consider nieans of encouraging effort along these
lines. The importance of doing everything possible to promote production along economical lines, to improve marketing, and to make
rural life more attractive and healthful, is obvious. I would urge
approval of the plans already proposed to the Congress by the Secretary of Agriculture, to secure the essential facts required for the
proper study of this question, through the proposed enlarged programmes for farm management studies and crop estimates. I would
urge, also, the continuance of Federal participation in the building
of good roads, under the terms of existing law and under the direction of present agencies; the need of further action on the part of
the States and the Federal Government to preserve and deyelop our
forest resources, especially through the practice of better forestry
methods on private holdings and the extension of the publicly owned
forests; better support for country schools and the more definite direction of their courses of study along lines related to rural problems;
and fuller provision for sanitation in rural districts and the building
up of needed hospital and medical facilities in these localities. Perhaps the way might be cleared for many of these desirable reforms
by a fresh, comprehensive survey made of rural conditions by a conference composed of representatives of the farmers and of the agricultural agencies responsible for leadership.
I would call your attention to the widespread condition of political
restlessness in our body politic. The causes of this unrest, while
I
�Seventh Annual Message
2603
various and complicated, are superficial rather than deep-seated.
Broadly, they arise from or are connected with the failure on the
part of our Government to arrive speedily at a just and permanent
peace permitting return to normal conditions, from the transfusion
of radical theories from seething European centers pending such delay, from heartless profiteering resulting in the increase of the cost
of living, and lastly from the machinations of passionate and malevolent agitators. With the return to normal conditions, this unrest
will rapidly disappear. In the meantime, it does much evil. It seems
to me thait in dealing with this situation Congress should not be impatient or drastic but should seek rather to remove the causes. It
should endeavor to bring our country back speedily to a peace basis,
with ameliorated living conditions under the minimum of restrictions
upon personal liberty that is consistent with our reconstruction problems. And it should arm the Federal Government with power to deal
in its criminal courts with those persons who by violent methods
would abrogate our time-tested institutions. With the free expression
of opinion and with the advocacy of orderly political change, however fundamental, there must be no interference, but towards passion
and malevolence, tending to incite crime and insurrection under guise
of political evolution there should be no leniency. Legislation to this
end has been recommended by the Attorney General and should be
enacted. In this direct connection, I would call your attention to
my recommendations on August 8th, pointing out legislative measures which would be effective in controlling and bringing down the
present cost of living, which contributes so largely to this unrest. On
only one of these recommendations has the Congress acted. I f the
Government's campaign is to be effective, it is necessary that the other
steps suggested should be acted on at once.
ill
I renew and strongly urge the necessity of the extension of the
present Food Control Act as to the period of time in which it shall
remain in operation. The Attorney General has submitted a bill
providing for an extension of this Act for a period of six months.
As it now stands, it is limited in operation to the period of the war
and becomes inoperative upon the formal proclamation of peace. It
is imperative that it should be extended at once. The Department
of Justice has built up extensive machinery for the purpose of enforcing its provisions; all of which must be abandoned upon the conclusion of peace unless the provisions of this Act are extended.
During this period the Congress will have an opportunity to make
similar permanent provisions and regulations with regard to all goods
destined for interstate commerce and to exclude them from interstate shipment, if the requirements of the law are not compiled with.
Some such regulation is imperatively necessary. The abuses that
�2604
4
-
r,
4
•
r
WOODROW
WILSON
have grown up in the manipulation of prices by the withholding of
foodstuffs and other necessaries of life cannot otherwise be effectively
prevented. There can be no doubt of either the necessity of the legitimacy of such measures.
As I pointed out in my last message, publicity can accomplish a
great deal in this campaign. The aims of the Government must be
clearly brought to the attention of the consuming public, civic organizations and state officials, who are in a position to lend their assistance to our efforts. You have made available funds with which to
carry on this campaign, but there is no provision in the law authorizing their expenditure for the purpose of making the public tully
informed about the efforts of the Government. Specific recommehdation has been made by the Attorney General in this regard. I wipuld
strongly urge upon you its immediate adoption, as it constitutes.,one
of the preliminary steps to this campaign.
I also renew my recommendation that the Congress pass a., law
regulating cold storage as it is regulated, for example, by the laws of
the State of New Jersey, which limit the time during which goods
may be kept in storage, prescribe the method of disposing of them i f
kept beyond the permitted period, and require that goods released
from storage shall in all cases bear the date of their receipt. I t would
materially add to the serviceability of the law, for the purpose we
now have in view, if it were also prescribed that all goods released
from storage for interstate shipment should have plainly marked
upon each package the selling or market price at which they went
into storage. By this means the purchaser would always be able to
learn what profits stood between him and the producer or the wholesale dealer.
I would also renew my recommendation that all goods destined for
interstate commerce should in every case, where their form or package makes it possible, be plainly marked with the price at which they
left the hands of the producer.
We should formulate a law requiring a Federal license of all corporations engaged in interstate commerce and embodying in the l i cense, or in the conditions under which it is to be issued, specific
regulations designed to secure competitive selling and prevent unconscionable profits in the method of marketing. Such a law would
afford a welcome opportunity to effect other much needed reforms in
the business of interstate shipment and in the methods of corporations which are engaged in i t ; but for the moment I confine my
recommendations to the object immediately in hand, which is to lower
the cost of living.
No one who has observed the march of events in the last year can
fail to note the absolute need of a definite programme to bring about
m
1
�Seventh Annual Message
2605
an improvement in the conditions of labor. There can be no settled
conditions leading to increased production and a reduction in the
cost of living if labor and capital are to be antagonists instead of
partners. Sound thinking and an honest desire to serve the interests
of the whole nation, as distinguished from the interests of a class,
must be applied to the solution of this great and pressing problem.
The failuve of other nations to consider this matter in a vigorous way
has produced bitterness and jealousies and antagonisms, the food of
radicalism. The only way to keep men from agitating against grievances is to remove the grievances. An unwillingness even to discuss these matters produces only dissatisfaction and gives comfort
to the extreme elements in our country which endeavor to stir up disturbances in order to provoke governments to embark upon a course
of retaliation and repression. The seed of revolution is repression.
The remedy for these things must not be negative in character. It
must be constructive. It must comprehend the general interest. The
real antidote for the unrest which manifests itself is not suppression,
but a deep consideration of the wrongs that beset our national life
and the application of a remedy.
Congress has already shown its willingness to deal with these industrial wrongs by establishing the eight-hour day as the standard
in every field of labor. It has sought to find a way to prevent child
labor. It has served the whole country by leading the way in developing the means of preserving and safeguarding lives and health in
dangerous industries. It must now help in the difficult task of finding a method that will bring about a genuine democratization of industry, based upon the full recognition of the right of those who
work, in whatever rank, to participate in some organic way in every
decision which directly affects their welfare. It is with this purpose
in mind that I called a conference to meet in Washington on December ist, to consider these problems in all their broad aspects, with the
idea of bringing about a better understanding between these two
interests.
The great unrest throughout the world, out of which has emerged
a demand for an immediate consideration of the difficulties between
capital and labor, bids us put our own house in order. Frankly, there
can be no permanent and lasting settlements between capital and
labor which do not recognize the fundamental concepts for which
labor has been struggling through the years. The whole world gave
its recognition and endorsement to these fundamental purposes in
the League of Nations. The statesmen gathered at Versailles recognized the fact that world stability could not be had by reverting to
industrial standards and conditions against which the average workman of the world had revolted. It is, therefore, the task-of the states-
�r
4
2606
WOODROW
WILSON
men of this new day of change and readjustment to recognize world
conditions and to seek to bring about, through legislation, conditions £
that will mean the ending of age-long antagonisms between capital--^
and labor and that will hopefully lead to the building up of a com- tl;
radeship which will result not only in greater contentment among '%
the mass of workmen but also bring about a greater production and
*3!
a greater prosperity to business itself.
To analyze the particulars in the demands of labor is to admit
the justice of their complaint in many matters that lie at their basis.
The workman demands an adequate wage, sufficient to permit him to
live in comfort, unhampered by the fear of poverty and want in his
old age. He demands the right to live and the right to work amidst
sanitary surroundings, both in home and in workshop, surroundings
that develop and do not retard his own health and well-being; and
the right to provide for his children's wants in the matter of health
and education. In other words, it is his desire to make the conditions of his life and the lives of those dear to him tolerable and easy
to bear.
The establishment of the principles regarding labor laid down in
the covenant of the League of Nations offers us the way to industrial
peace and conciliation. No other road lies open to us. Not to pursue
this one is longer to invite enmities, bitterness, and antagonisms which
in the end only lead to industrial and social disaster. The unwilling workman is not a profitable servant. An employee whose industrial life is hedged about by hard and unjust conditions, which he
did not create and over which he has no control, lacks that fine spirit
of enthusiasm and volunteer effort which are the necessary ingredients of a great producing entity. Let us be frank about this solemn
matter. The evidences of world-wide unrest which manifest themselves in violence throughout the world bid us pause and consider
the means to be found to stop the spread of this contagious thing
before it saps the very vitality of the nation itself. Do we gain
strength by withholding the remedy? Or is it not the business ..of
statesmen to treat these manifestations of unrest which meet us
on every hand as evidences of an economic disorder and to apply
constructive remedies wherever necessary, being sure that in the application of the remedy we touch not the vital tissues of our industrial
and economic life? There can be no recession of the tide of unrest
until constructive instrumentalities are set up to stem that tide.
Governments must recognze the right of men collectively to bargain for humane objects that have at their base the mutual protection
and welfare of those engaged in all industries. Labor must not be
longer treated as a commodity. It must be regarded as the activity
of human beings, possessed of deep yearnings and desires. The busi-
m
$1
4
4
�Seventh Annual Message
I
far
4
2607
ness man gives his best thought to the repair and replenishment of
his machinery, so that its usefulness will not be impaired and its
power to produce may always be at its height and kept in full vigor
and motion. No less regard ought to be paid to the human machine,
which after all propels the machinery of the world and is the great
dynamic force that lies back of all industry and progress. Return
to the old standards of wage and industry in employment are unthinkable. The terrible tragedy of war which has just ended and
which has brought the world to the verge of chaos and disaster would
be in vain if there should ensue a return to the conditions of the past.
Europe itself, whence has come the unrest which now holds the world
at bay, is an example of standpatism in these vital human matters
which America might well accept as an example, not to be followed
but studiously to be avoided. Europe made labor the differential,
and the price of it all is enmity and antagonism and prostrated industry. The right of labor to live in peace and comfort must be
recognized by governments and America should be the first to lay
the foundation stones upon which industrial peace shall be built.
Labor not only is entitled to an adequate wage, but capital should
receive a reasonable return upon its investment and is entitled to protection at the hands of the Government in every emergency. No
Government worthy of the name can "play" these elements against
each other, for there is a mutuality of interest between them which
the Government must seek to express and to safeguard at all cost.
The right of individuals to strike is inviolate and ought not to be
interfered-with by any process of Government, but there is a predominant right and that is the right of the Government to protect
all of its people and to assert its power and majesty against the
challenge of any class. The Government, when it asserts that right,
seeks not to antagonize a class but simply to defend the right of the
whole people as against the irreparable harm and injury that might
be done by the attempt by any class to usurp a power that only
Government itself has a right to exercise as a protection to all.
In the matter of international disputes which have led to war,
statesmen have sought to set up as a remedy arbitration for war.
Does this not point the way for the settlement of industrial disputes,
by the establishment of a. tribunal, fair and just alike to all, which
will settle industrial disputes which in the past have led to war and
disaster? America, witnessing the evil consequences which have followed out of such disputes between these contending forces, must
not admit itself impotent to deal with these matters by means of
peaceful processes. Surely, there, must be some method of bringing
together in a council of peace and amity these two great interests,
out of which will come a happier day of peace and cooperation, a
�2608
W 0ODF0W
WILSON
day that will make men more hopeful and enthusiastic in their various tasks, that will make for more comfort and happiness in living
and a more tolerable condition imong all classes of men. Certainly
human intelligence can devise some acceptable tribunal for adjusting
the differences between capital and labor.
This is the hour of test and trial for America. By her prowess
and strength, and the indomitable courage of her soldiers, she demonstrated her power to vindicate on foreign battlefields her conceptions of liberty and justice. Let not her influence as a mediator between capital and labor be weakened and her own failure to settle
matters of purely domestic concern be proclaimed to the world. There
are those in this country who threaten direct action to force their
will upon a majority. Russia today, with its blood and terror, is a
painful object lesson of the power of minorities. I t makes little difference what minority it is; whether capital or labor, or any other class;
no sort of privilege will ever be permitted to dominate this country.
We are a partnership or nothing that is worth while. We are a
democracy, where the majority are the masters, or all the hopes and
purposes of the men who founded this government have been defeated and forgotten. In America there is but one way by which
great reforms can be accomplished and the relief sought by classes
obtained, and that is through the orderly processes of representative
government. Those who would propose any other method of reform
are enemies of this country. America will not be daunted by threats
nor lose her composure or calmness in these distressing times. We
can afford, in the midst of this day of passion and unrest, to be selfcontained and sure. The instrument of all reform in America is the
ballot. The road to economic and social reform in America is the
straight road of justice to all classes and conditions of men. Men
have but to follow this road to realize the full fruition of their objects and purposes. Let those beware who would take the shorter
road of disorder and revolution. The right road is the road of justice and orderly process.
EIGHTH ANNUAL MESSAGE.
[Read Before Congress on December 7, 1980.]
GENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS:
When I addressed myself to performing the duty laid upon the
President by the Constitution to present to you an annual report on the
f
|5
I
I
r
�F- Roosevelt- 1939 SOTU
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Michael Waldman
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Michael Waldman was Assistant to the President and Director of Speechwriting from 1995-1999. His responsibilities were writing and editing nearly 2,000 speeches, which included four State of the Union speeches and two Inaugural Addresses. From 1993 -1995 he served as Special Assistant to the President for Policy Coordination.</p>
<p>The collection generally consists of copies of speeches and speech drafts, talking points, memoranda, background material, correspondence, reports, handwritten notes, articles, clippings, and presidential schedules. A large volume of this collection was for the State of the Union speeches. Many of the speech drafts are heavily annotated with additions or deletions. There are a lot of articles and clippings in this collection.</p>
<p>Due to the size of this collection it has been divided into two segments. Use links below for access to the individual segments:<br /><a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=43&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=2006-0469-F+Segment+1">Segment One</a><br /><a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=43&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=2006-0469-F+Segment+2">Segment Two</a></p>
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Michael Waldman
Office of Speechwriting
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1999
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2006-0469-F
Extent
The size or duration of the resource.
Segment One contains 1071 folders in 72 boxes.
Segment Two contains 868 folders in 66 boxes.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
SOTU [State of the Union] (Selected SOTU Addresses and Other Quotes) 10/22/98 [Binder] [2]
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 67
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36403"> Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7763296">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2006-0469-F Segment 1
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
The material or physical carrier of the resource.
Preservation-Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
6/3/2015
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
7763296
42-t-7763296-20060469F-Seg1-067-004-2015