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�Georgia - 5th District
5 John Lewis (D)
Of Atlanta — Elected 1986; 4th Term
B o m Feb. 21, 1940, Troy, Ala.
Education: American Baptist Theological Seminary,
B.A. 1961; Fisk U., B.A. 1963.
Occupation: Civil rights activist.
Family: Wife, Lillian Miles; one child. •Religion: Baptist.
Political Careen Sought Democratic nomination for
U.S. House (special election), 1977; Atlanta City
Council, 1982-86.
Capitol Office: 329 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-3801.
In Washington: Lewis comes across as a
perfectly unexceptional man when he speaks in
committee or on the House floor. But the deep
respect he has engendered among his colleagues
has won him an important place in the Democratic leadership. In that role, Lewis' quiet,
behind-the-scenes efforts to promote the party
line and serve as a conciliator complement the
work of other members who are more adept at
raising public awareness of an issue or at negotiating the minutiae of complex legislation.
From his first day in Congress in 1987, Lewis
enjoyed a special status because of his exceptional
role in the front lines of the civil rights movement.
Many House members vividly recall the news
photo of a young Lewis being beaten by state
troopers as he and other civil rights leaders
crossed the Edmund Pettus bridge in Selma, Ala.,
during a 1965 march. It was a seminal event in the
civil rights movement. Yet the violence Lewis
faced did not alter his strong commitment to nonviolent change. As a politician Lewis has sought
biracial support and managed to win it. Lewis'
early backing of Bill Clinton's 1992 presidential
campaign undoubtedly helped the Democrat
carry Georgia.
Lewis' appeal has won him two coveted
assignments. In mid-1991, after William H. Gray
III of Pennsylvania resigned from the House, the
Democratic leadership decided it needed some
diversity. Then an assembly of liberal, white
males, the hierarchy sought to add a black, a
woman and a conservative as chief deputy whips.
Lewis campaigned for the job and got it.
Then, with the retirement of Georgian Ed
Jenkins at the end of the 102nd Congress, a
vacancy developed on the Ways and Means
Committee. Lewis was the early and prohibitive
favorite to succeed Jenkins on the panel.
Lewis opposed the use of force against Iraq
in January 1991, and his deep commitment to
peaceful change is well-known. But even about
this Lewis is not ideological or rigid. His capacity to be flexible was evident at the end of 1992,.
when he led a House delegation to strife-torn
Somalia. Lewis was so moved by the plight of
402
starving Somali people and angered by the
actions of heavily armed factions and street
thugs who were keeping food from reaching the
needy that,he embraced sending U.S. troops to
protect food shipments and, if necessary, disarm the warlords.
• " I t would seem somewhat out of the ordinary for me to support a military effort,," he
said in December. But the denial of "human
decency," Lewis said, led him to conclude that
"there are no other affirmative means to alleviate the situation except for the use of necessary
military power to see that food and medical
assistance be available to the people there."
A glimpse of the esteem Lewis commands
came in the 1987 debate on imposing sanctions
on the apartheid government of South Africa.
All seven other Georgia House Democrats made
a surprise last-minute decision to vote for the
sanctions as a tribute to Lewis, who had let
them know that passage of the bill was important to him.
A small gesture, perhaps, but those seven
Democrats had strayed from the party line on
several other key votes, leaving Lewis as the
lone liberal vote in the traditionally conservative Georgia House delegation. Until 1991,
Lewis consistently earned 100 percent ratings
from the Americans for Democratic Action and
AFL-CIO. (That his 1992 scores slipped to 85
percent and 92 percent, respectively, was offset
by his perfect 0 rating from the American
Conservative Union.)
Thanks to 1992 redistricting, Lewis now
has more ideological company in his state delegation. The map for Georgia created two more
black-majority districts, which elected black
Democrats Sanford D. Bishop Jr. and Cynthia
A. McKinney.
Lewis' liberalism — and his closeness to
the leadership — caused him some difficult
moments in the 102nd Congress. His record of
support for environmentalists is about as strong
as it is for labor. So when those two camps
clashed over protecting "old growth" forests
and their threatened animal inhabitants in the
-if.
."rl-'j.fT
lip'
m
.••V:
•V
�John Lewis, D-Ga.
Georgia 5
The obvious symbol of the 5th is Atlanta's alluring skyline, with the state Capitol, the steel-and-glass office skyscrapers
and the towering hotels that make the city
the commercial center of the Southeast and
the symbolic capital of the New South.
However, in the shadows of those
buildings is another Atlanta, a mostly black
city struggling with typical urban social
problems — unemployment, crime and
drugs. While Atlanta's business boom
spurred continued suburban sprawl through
the 1980s, the city's population dropped
slightly, to just over 394,000.
But as host city for the 1996 Summer
Olympics, Atlanta is on the cusp of another
building boom: Construction of Olympic
venues could total $500 million. One of the
largest Olympic construction projecte is a
new stadium that will be home to the Atlanta Falcons and the 1994 Super Bowl.
The 5th takes in most of Atlanta and
surrounding Fulton County, as well as some
suburban territory in neighboring counties,
including the southern half of De Kalb
County and fragments of northwest Clayton
and southern Cobb counties. Blacks account for 62 percent of the district's population and 54 percent of its registered voters,
and they help make the 5th a Democratic
bastion. In the 1992 presidential contest,
Bill Clinton took just over two-thirds of the
vote in the 5th, his best showing in all of
Georgia's 11 districts. Rep. Lewis topped 70
percent in winning re-election.'
Fulton is reliable Democratic territory,
though there are pockets of GOP strength in
its northern suburbs. One of those communities is Sandy Springs, a booming area
Pacific Northwest, or over saving timber jobs,
Lewis found himself in the middle.
'~\
As a member of the Interior (now Natural
Resources) Committee, Lewis was the swing
vote when the National Parks and Public Lands
Subcommittee voted to approve a controversial
bill that would have placed millions of acres of
forest off-limits to logging. When the subcommittee met to debate the bill in May 1992,
Lewis first was opposed, and the measure was
going to die on a 17-17 tie. During a half-hour
break in the deliberations, full committee
Chairman George Miller of California and subcommittee Chairman Bruce F. Vento of Minnesota leaned hard on Lewis. When the panel
reconvened, Lewis asked for a new vote and
supported the measure, sending it on to full
committee, 18-16. " I want to see the process
Parts of
Atlanta
of white-collar, middle-level managers.
The heart of the district is Atlanta
itself. Its downtown has enjoyed new attention with the recent opening of Underground Atlanta, a tourist shopping complex,
and the nearby Coca-Cola museum. Tourists also can pay homage to late civil rights
leader the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.
here; his birthplace, the church where he
preached and his Center for Non-Violent
Change are all in Atlanta.
South of Atlanta, the district takes in
East Point, a lower-middle-class community.
Many of its residents work at Hartsfield
Atlanta International Airport, which is divided between the 5th and 3rd districts. The
1991 closure of Eastern Airlines took a bite
out of aviation employment, costing 10,000
people their jobs. But TWA recently made
Atlanta a mini-hub, and other job opportunities in the metropolitan area should mitigate
the loss of Eastern.
Among the 5th's largest employers are
Delta Airlines, the Fort McPherson Army
Forces Command, Coca-Cola, Cable News
Network, Bell South and timber giant
Georgia Pacific.
More than 90 percent of the district's
vote comes out of Fulton County. Of the
rest, the biggest share (about 4 percent)
comes from northwest Clayton County,
home to many blue-collar, white middleclass airport workers and a growing Asian
population.
1990 Population: 586,485. White 209,026 (36%).
Black 365,206 (62%), Other 12,253 (2%). Hispanic
origin 10,502 (2%). 18 and over 440,910 (75%), 62
and over 72,304 (12%). Median age: 31.
continue," he said after switching.
The full committee never acted on the bill,
however. Heavy lobbying against it by Speaker
Thomas S. Foley changed enough votes that
Miller decided not to risk a defeat. Lewis did
not commit to support it in full committee.
Lewis' interests are often close to home; he
watches out for Atlanta's rapid transit system
and airport. He has worked to designate as a
National Historic Trail the route he marched
from Selma to Montgomery, and he supports
construction of a National African American
Museum as part of the Smithsonian Institution
on the Mall in Washington. He has also sought
to clean up and limit construction of billboards
on highways built with federal aid.
At Home: Lewis' 1986 victory in the 5th
symbolized the rise of Southern blacks into the
403
�Georgia - 5th District
halls of political power. But to get to Congress,
Lewis had to weather a bitter contest with a
longtime ally, state Sen. Julian Bond.
The relationship between the civil rights
leaders dated back to the early 1960s. Lewis,
son of an Alabama sharecropper, was director of
the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC); Bond, from a middle-class Philadelphia background, was the group's spokesman.
Lewis spoke at the 1963 March on Washington. His fearlessness in the face of arrests
and beatings was legendary. But when radical
elements took over SNCC, Lewis moved on to
head the Atlanta-based Voter Education
Project.
Lewis lost his first political bid, a 1977
House primary, to Wyche Fowler Jr. In 1981, he
won the first of two terms on the Atlanta City
Council; he gained a following among blacks as
well as whites in north Atlanta who appreciated
his attention to neighborhood matters.
Bond, meanwhile, served 20 years in the
Georgia legislature, where he pushed through a
redistricting plan that transformed the 5th District from nearly half white to almost two-thirds
black. When Fowler announced his 1986 challenge to Republican Sen. Mack Mattingly, Bond
became the favorite to succeed him in the 5th.
Bond did finish ahead in the primary. But
Lewis, whose biracial appeal brought him a
sizable white vote, forced Bond into a runoff.
The campaign became nasty. Bond belittled
Lewis' command of issues. But Lewis delivered
sharper blows, implying that Bond had held a
desk job in the civil rights revolution and calling on Bond to join him in taking drug tests.
Though he never accused Bond outright of
using drugs, the implication was there for those
who already saw Bond as a jet-setter.
Winning more than 80 percent of the vote
in majority-white precincts and cutting into
Bond's margin among blacks, Lewis won nomination with 52 percent. The Democratic rift had
little effect on Lewis in the general election; he
prevailed by a 3-to-l margin. By his first reelection, Lewis was a settled incumbent, running without primary opposition and winning
with ease in the general election. That pattern
was repeated in 1990.
In 1992, redistricting deprived the 5th of
some black voters, but the map kept the black
majority in Lewis' turf well over 60 percent.
Lewis drew both primary and general-election
opponents, but neither offered a vigorous challenge, and he won both races with ease.
Committees
i
Chief Deputy Whip
District of Columbia (6th of 8 Democrats)
Government Operations & Metropolitan Affairs; Judiciary &
Education
'
Ways & Means (16th of 24 Democrats)
Health; Oversight
Elections
1992 General
John Lewis (D)
Paul R. Stabler (R)
1992 Primary
John Lewis (D)
"Able" Mable Thomas (D)
1990 General
John Lewis (D)
J.W. TibbS(R)
Previous Winning Percentages:
147,445
56,960
(72%
(28%
43,971
13,686
76%)
24%)
86,037
27,781
Campaign Finance
Year
ADA
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
1987
95
85
100
100
100
96
1992
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
404
$300,865 $225,195 (75%)
$8,000 (14%)
$58,966
N
N
N
Y
Y
Y
N
Conservative
Coalition
5
0
6 83
3 89
6 94
0 100
5 92
12 88
Party
Unity
S
0
95
96
95
98
93
93
Interest Group Ratings
Expenditures
1992
Lewis (D)
Stabler (R)
1990
Lewis (D)
Tibbs (R)
N
Y
Y
Y
Y
Voting Studies
Presidential
Support
S
O
11 81
22 71
16 84
28 72
13 82
13 85
District Vote for President
D 140,270(68%)
R 52,087(25%)
I 15,214 (7%)
ri
Key Votes
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
Approve economic stimulus plan
1992
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
Close down space station program
Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
Allow shifting funds from defense to domestic programs
1991
Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf
(76%)
24%)
(78%) 1986 (75%)
•Si
1993
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
1987
1988
r.-J
$246,913
$58,612
$271,450 $175,510 (65%) $108,118
$1,992
0
$7,755
AFL-CIO
CCUS
92
92
100
100
100
100
13
0
21
40
17
20
ACU
•'i
1
�Virginia - 5th District
5 Lewis F. Payne Jr. (D)
m
1
Of Nellysford — Elected 1988; 3rd Full Term
Born: July 9, 1945, Amherst, Va.
Education: Virginia Military Institute, B.S. 1967; U. of
Virginia, M.B.A. 1973.
Military Service: Army, 1968-70.
Occupation: Real estate developer; businessman.
Family: Wife, Susan King; four children.
Religion: Presbyterian.
Political Careen No previous office.
Capitol Office: 1119 Longworth Bldg. 20515; 225-4711.
:
seat on the Budget Committee at the start of
In Washington: Payne labeled himself a
the 102nd Congress.
"progressive conservative" when he entered
Payne has consistently championed a conCongress after a 1988 special election, and he
stitutional amendment to require a balanced
spent his first several years in the House quietly
federal budget. In 1992, he joined with five
establishing just that kind of record. His assignother moderate-to-conservative Democrats to
ment to the Ways and Means Committee at the
urge Speaker Thomas S. Foley of Washington
start of the 103rd Congress gives him ample
to permit a balanced-budget amendment to
opportunity to solidify his position.
A former businessman and developer, - reach the House floor.
Payne sits on the Trade Subcommittee, where
On Public Works in the 102nd Congress,
he is a sentinel for foreign practices that hurt
Payne and North Carolina Democrat Tim Valhis district's textile industry.
. entine fought for more funds for so-called donor
states (those that get back less in highway
Payne introduced legislation in the 102nd.
funds than they pay in highway taxes) during
and 103rd Congresses that would deny dutyconsideration of the 1991 highway authorizafree status to goods from the U.S. protectorate
tion bill. The massive bill included several
of Saipan, one of the Northern Mariana Islands
projects in the 5th District.
in the west Pacific Ocean. Payne complained
Payne was an engineer and businessman who
that Saipan "has been exploiting its status as a
spent 15 years building the Wintergreen resort in
United States territory by exporting goods
Nelson County and never ran for office before
duty-free and tagged with the 'made in USA'
1988. He first won the 5th in a June special
label while [its] . . . industries circumvent fedelection to fill the unexpired term of 19-ye8j
eral labor standards."
veteran Dan Daniel, who had died in January.
Payne effectively balances a conservative
Payne was around for only a few months of
stance on defense and fiscal matters with a
the 100th Congress. He did little to attract
more liberal approach on certain high-profile
attention in Washington, concentrating instead
social issues.
on. getting better acquainted with his district.
He has bolstered his conservative image
He was assigned to the Public Works Commitwith votes to support using force against Iraq
tee and to the Veterans' Affairs Committee,
and by backing a constitutional ban on flag
both solid opportunities to help constituents
desecration.
and both panels on which Virginia had not been
And his support of President Bush's vetoes
represented.
of a minimum wage increase and the family and
At Home: Republicans targeted the 5th
medical leave bill endeared him to the business
when Daniel in January 1988 announced plans
community.
to retire. (He died four days later.)
But Payne complemented those stands
Daniel was a product of the old Harry Byrd
with his consistent support of abortion rights
machine and a one-time advocate of "massive
and with his backing of Democratic efforts to
resistance" to desegregation. Although Daniel
pass a civil rights bill, important to the minorstayed in the Democratic Party, he usually
ities in his district.
voted with Republicans in the House.
Payne's balancing act is evident in the
ratings he earned in 1991 from the Chamber of
The leading Republican candidate was
Commerce (70 percent favorable) and the AFLLinda Arey, an attorney who had been a public
CIO (58 percent).
liaison aide in the Reagan White House. She
Payne also voted for the controversial 1990
successfully organized local and county caubudget-summit agreement that raised taxes and
cuses leading to the district convention, where
cut spending, following the Democratic leadershe defeated a GOP state senator from Danship line. Perhaps not coincidentally, he got a
ville.
1584
If
I
/; ;
�Lewis F. Payne Jr., D-Va.
South — Danville;
Charlottesville
Virginia 5
Virginia's leading cash crop is tobacco,
and the 5th is in the heart of tobacco
country. Agriculture and textiles are the
main industries in the 5th, which is in
Virginia's rural "Southside," a region of
farms, small towns and isolated factory cities along the state's southern tier that resembles the Deep South more closely than
any other part of the state does. It is
relatively poor and has a substantial black
population. Tobacco and soybeans are major crops, but this region lacks the rich soil
of the Tidewater region.
..
Charlottesville, home to the University
of Virginia and its 17,600 students, is new to
the 5th for the 1990s. I t is an incongruity:
an upscale, liberal enclave in an otherwise
conservative, rural district. Charlottesville
was the only jurisdiction in the 5th to vote
Democratic in the 1988 presidential race,
giving Michael S. Dukakis 56 percent of the
vote. Bill Clinton did even better in 1992,
despite competing against two major candidates; he captured 58 percent in Charlottesville. :
. ,
i^-j^f)?' '.'
Rep. Payne has quickly established a,•
grip on the 5th, but the district has long
refused to swallow more liberal Democratic,
candidates at the state and national levels.'
Barry Goldwater won many of the 5th's
counties in 1964, as did George C. Wallace
in 1968. George Bush carried the 5th by
more than 20 percentage points in 1988.
But certain Democrats can make inroads in the 5th. Districtwide in 1992, Bush
beat Clinton by only 6 percentage points.
Former Attorney General Mary Sue Terry,
a politically centrist Democrat, received 64
percent of the vote in her 1989 re-election
1
Payne, meanwhile, got a late start but quietly organized key Democrats. The son of a state
trooper and a teacher, he had become wealthy
enough in his development business tofinance40
percent of his special-election campaign's
$500,000 cost out of his own deep pockets.
At the Democrats' district meeting in
March, he was declared the nominee by acclamation. He was not an accomplished public
speaker, but as a self-made success, Army veteran and family man, he seemed to embody
many of the virtues Southside Virginians value.
He campaigned as a fiscal conservative and
managed to alienate neither the blacks who
constitute a quarter of the district nor the
bedrock Dixiecrats whose votes decide elections
in the 5th.
.' • •
The national GOP had hopes of prevailing
campaign.
The district's two most famous landmarks are Thomas Jefferson's home, Monticello, just south of Charlottesville, and
Appomattox Court House, where Robert E.
Lee surrendered to Ulysses S. Grant to end
the Civil War.
About 60 miles south of Appomattox is
the district's largest city, Danville, a tobacco and textile center on the North Carolina border. Alone among counties and independent cities along the southern tier,
Danville saw its population rise during the
1980s. The textile industry employs an estimated 45,000 people in the district. The
largest company, Dan River, employs about
4,700 at its Danville plant.
Just to the west is Henry County,
which surrounds the textile and furniture
town of Martinsville. Henry is the most
populous county in the district, and outside
of Charlottesville, it is the best area in the
5th for Democrats. Clinton carried Henry
and Martinsville.
_ The rest of the people are scattered
through farming areas and a few factory
towns.
Campbell and Bedford counties originally were Lynchburg bedroom communities, but both engaged in aggressive economic recruitment in the 1980s and
succeeded in attracting numerous small
businesses. Bedford's population grew by
more than 30 percent in the 1980s.
1990 Population: 562,268. White 418,171 (74%),
Black 139,344 (25%), Other 4,753 (1%). Hispanic
origin 3,226 (1%). 18 and over 433,192 (77%), 62 and
over 97,446 (17%). Median age: 35.
in the district for the first time in a century. In
June, Arey broadcast a radio endorsement from
President Ronald Reagan, and she got a campaign visit from Vice President George Bush.
But her advertising reach was shortened by
dwindling campaign funds. Payne prevailed
with a solid 59 percent of the vote, and Arey
decided against making another bid that November.
In her place, Republicans nominated state
Rep. Charles Hawkins. He did not become the
party's official nominee until September and
could not raise much money. Yet he benefited
from the 5th's strong preference for GOP presidential nominee Bush and held Payne to 54
percent of the vote.
But by 1990, Republican interest in the 5th
had dissipated. Payne was unopposed for re1585
�f
Virginia - 5th District
election.
"
In 1992, redistricting did nothing to improve GOP chances in the 5th; the Republican
challenger was a little-known health-care administrator. Payne breezed to a 69 percent
victory.
Committee
, Key Votes
1993
Ways & Means (17th of 24 Democrats)
Select Revenue Measures; Trade
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
1992 General
Approve economic stimulus plan
Lewis F. Payne Jr. (D)
133,031
(69%) 1992
M . 60,030
(31%)
W.A. "Bill" Hurlburt (R)
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
1990 General
Close down space station program
Lewis F. Payne Jr. (D)
66,532 (100%) Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
Allow shifting funds from defense to domestic programs
Previous Winning Percentages: 1988 (54%) 1988* (59%) ... . ,
1991
.- . .
' Special election.
Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
District Vote for President
Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf
Elections
1992
• .•.,' / i Voting Studies •
f
D 90.769(41%)
R 104,236(47%)
I 26,978(12%)
r
Presidential
, Party
Conservative
Support
Unity
Coalition
Year '
S
O *
S
O
S
O
1992
'44'' 56 '
.76 23
75 23
1991 - • • 47 -50
66 30
'84 14
1990
42 58
^75 25 . 83 17
1989
56 43 . , 67 29
88 10
1988
. 41.t 59t
..77t, 211
93t
7t
t Not eligible for all recorded votes.
:
Campaign Finance
1992
Payne (D)
Hurlburt (R)
1990
Payne (D)
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
:
Expenditures
$418,643 $219,044 (52%)
$56,215
$2,971 (5%)
$414,696
$54,705
$317,828 $187,650 (59%)
$317,271
Interest Group Ratings
Year
'-"
ADA
1992
' , .65 '
1991
• 35
1990 .
33
1989
35 .
1988
r
1586
AFL-CIO
CCUS
• 50
63
58
70
50
: 64
36
90
83
56
:
ACU
' 32
50
33
50
50
N
N
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
N
Y
N
Y
�Massachusetts • 2nd District
2 Richard E. Neal (D)
Of Springfield — Elected 1988; 3rd Term
Born: Feb. 14, 1949, Worcester, Mass.
Education: American International College, B.A. 1972;
U. of Hartford, M.P.A. 1976.
Occupation: Public official; college lecturer.
Family: Wife, Maureen Conway; four children.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Careen Springfield City Council, 1978-84;
mayor of Springfield, 1984-89.
Capitol Office: 131 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-5601.
In Washington: It is not always the case
that a member's personality and modus operandi mesh well with the specific culture of the
committee where he spends his time. But in
landing a seat on the Ways and Means Committee in the 103rd Congress, Neal has found just
such a fit.
Ways and Means is very different from the
Banking Committee, in whose uneasy venue
Neal spent two relatively quiet terms. Where
Banking can be a quicksand of shifting alliances
and uncertain politics, the relative terra firma
of Ways and Means is the perfect platform from
which a member from a secure district can
confidently build a career.
It is also a serious place, where Neal's
academic and lengthy professional background
in public administration will be seen as an
asset. And Neal's reluctance to seek the spotlight puts him in the mold of typical Ways and
Means members, who do much of their work in
private conversations with Chairman Dan Rostenkowski of Illinois or in head-knocking markups behind closed doors.
While learning the ropes on Banking, Neal
tried to impress colleagues with a sober approach to legislating. He took a seat on the
Financial Institutions Subcommittee, which
was charged with, among other things, drafting
legislation to bail out the deposit insurance
fund for savings and loan institutions and restructure the industry's deposit insurance system.
In 1989, Neal voted to stiffen capital standards for savings and loans and supported the
original thrift bailout bill. But since then he has
voted consistently against putting additional
taxpayer funds into the bailout.
In 1991, as the committee prepared to
embark on an overhaul of banking law, Neal
expressed doubts about some proposals in the
Bush administration's package of reforms,
which many feared would lead to even more
concentration of financial markets.
"I've watched decision-making move from
Springfield to Boston; I'm concerned about it
moving on to New York, then to London and
720
Tokyo," he told one administration witness.
Neal was particularly troubled about the
seeming lack of available credit in New England
- during 'the early 1990s recession and the possibility that lenders were discriminating in their
allocation of loans. His amendment to the big
banking bill to require reports on lending prac
tices regarding small businesses, small farms
and minority-owned companies was adopted
28-23. Critics said it would add costly paperwork to banks that were struggling. But Neal
convinced his colleagues that that sort of public
information would give Congress insight into
whether further action was needed. It was one
of the few consumer-oriented measures enacted
as part of the 1991 bill.
Neal generally has voted the Democratic
line, but on several high-profile votes, he
strayed from the leadership's position.
As an abortion opponent from a heavily
Catholic district, he voted against federal funding for abortions in cases of rape or incest,
though he twice voted to overturn an administration ban on abortion counseling in federally
financed family planning clinics. He also opposed the 1989 pay raise and ethics reform
package, the 1990 budget summit agreement
and the 1992 aid bill to former Soviet Union.
In 1990, Neal backed constitutional
amendments to ban flag desecration and to
require a balanced federal budget. But in 1992
he switched at the last minute to oppose the
balanced-budget amendment in the face of the
Democratic leadership's stiff lobbying against
the measure. Neal had even told President
Bush, who telephoned from Air Force One the
morning of the vote, that he was planning to
vote yes.
Neal has been a unwavering supporter of
Democratic tax proposals. In 1989, for instance,
he opposed Bush's proposed cut in the capital
gains tax, preferring a Democratic alternative
to restore the tax deductibility of contributions
to Individual Retirement Accounts. Neal introduced bills in the 102nd and 103rd Congresses
to restore IRA deductibility.
Neal also advocated reregulating the cable
-
•
fr
.: i v .
if.'
j
�Richard E. Neal, D-Mass.
Massachusetts 2
The city of Springfield dwarfs all other
communities in the 2nd in size, population
and economic importance. Located on the
banks of the Connecticut River, Springfield
was named in 1636 by fur trader William
Pynchon after his hometown in England.
Since then, Springfield has laid claim
to a string of "firsts," including the first
federal armory (approved by Congress in.
1794), the first gasoline-powered car, the
first Pullman rail car and the first basketball game.
Many of the city's successes of the
1990s are tied to that rich history. Companies such as Spalding Sports Worldwide
and Smith & Wesson guns have kept the
economy going as heavy manufacturing has
fallen off. And attractions such as the Basketball Hall of Fame and the Springfield
Armory National Historic Site have helped
lure tourists.
Ultimately, the region's future rests
with the insurance and financial services
industries. Despite staff reductions in late
1992, Massachusetts Mutual Life Insurance
Co. remains a major employer. Some small .
manufacturers remain, although others
(such as the R. E. Phelon machine parts
company) are moving to Southern locales
where the cost of doing business is lower.
Residents in the district also worry
about defense spending cutbacks, specifically those affecting United Technologies,
the largest private employer in neighboring
Connecticut and an important source of
jobs for the 2nd as well.
A sizable Hispanic population moved
into the 2nd in the 1950s to work in tobacco
fields. Although the business has'dwihdled^
TV industry, sponsoring a sense of Congress
resolution in 1989 and backing reregulation
bills in the 101st and 102nd Congresses. In
1990, he introduced a bill aimed at creating jobs
for federal prison inmates to try to quell disciplinary problems stemming from idleness.
At Home: Redistricting, anti-incumbent
fever, 87 overdrafts at the House bank and a
close shave in the primary contributed to Neal's
lowest congressional margin ever in 1992. His
appointment to Ways and Meana should enable
him to fortify his wobbly base before the 1994
election when he won't have Bill Clinton at the
top of the ticket.
For Neal, part of the challenge always has
been smoothing over tensions created when
former Rep. Edward P. Boland all but handed
him the seat. As the only Democrat told about
West Central — Northampton;
Springfield; Sturbridge
West Springfield and Hadley still have
many laborers picking leaves that form cigar wrappers. The minority population in
the 2nd now tops 10 percent.
Springfield and Chicopee, the secondlargest city in the district, together offer a
reliable base of votes for any Democratic
candidate. Democratic voter registration in
the 2nd is four times that of the GOP. Bill
Clinton surpassed 60 percent here in 1992
presidential voting. Neal's anti-aborition
stance sits well with this heavily Catholic
city.
A drive through the rest of the 2nd is a
glimpse of New England at its quaintest. In
towns such as Longmeadow, Hadley,
Palmer and Ware, village life is still focused
on a town green. Two of the "Seven Sisters"
schools — Mount Holyoke College and
Smith College — add to the traditional New
England look. Northampton has a more
modem claim to fame: A couple of artists
there created an icon of child culture: the
Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles.
Although not as well-known as the
nearby Berkshire Hills or Cape Cod along
the coast, the 2nd is a popular recreational
area. Boating and cross-country skiing are
popular, and the brilliant fall foliage always
draws a crowd. Virtually every town capitalizes on the scenery with a variety of special
events, from Chicopee's World Kielbasa
Festival to cider-making at Sturbridge Village.
1990 Population: 601.642. White 539,107 (90%),
Black 33,960 (6%), Other 28,575 (5%). Hispanic origin
36,181 (6%). 18 and over 454,404 (76%), 62 and over
101,193 (17%). Median age: 33. .
..
Boland's pending retirement after 36 years
representing the 2nd, Neal had plenty of time
to cull signatures and dollars for his first congressional bid.
. For more than a year, he had been touring
the district's 38 towns and cities and had
amassed a $200,000 campaign treasury before
Boland stepped down in April. Neal won the
Democratic nomination unopposed and crushed
a weak GOP foe. Although he won, Neal is still
deflecting resentment from fellow Democrats
and some voters who believe that he inherited
the seat rather than earned it.
Neal began his political career in 1972, as
co-chairman of George McGovern's presidential
campaign in western Massachusetts. After a
five-year stint working as an aide to Springfield
Mayor William C. Sullivan, Neal in 1977 was
721
5v
�Massachusetts
- 2nd District
iikt
35 •
elected to the first of the three terms on the " troubled Bank of New England, causing the
City Council.
institution's stock to plunge.
In 1983, his preparations to challenge
Threatened with lawsuits and criminal
Springfield's Democratic mayor helped perprosecution and unable to verify his claim,
suade the incumbent, Theodore E. Dimauro, to
Dimauro retracted his statement, apologized,
retire. Neal then won the office with a landslide
and blamed and fired his campaign manager.
margin that he matched in 1985 and 1987. With
But his credibility was shot. Neal pulverized
about 40 percent of the 2nd District's voters
Dimauro in the primary, winning all but one
living in Springfield and its suburbs, these
community. In January 1991, federal regulators
electoral successes gave Neal a solid base from
took over the Bank of New England.
which to run for the House. During his tenure
In 1992 Neal was painted with the same
as mayor, public criticism of Neal was rare, and
brush as other Massachusetts Democratic incumusually mild; Springfield's newspaper is very
bents. Relatively speaking though, he was not
supportive of Neal.
nearly as threatened as Rep. Nicholas Mavroules,
Heading into 1990, one local politician was
who was under indictment on 17 criminal counts,
grumbling that Neal had an unfair advantage in
or Rep. Joseph D. Early, who lost much of his
1988 — former Mayor Dimauro. He challenged
former district in redistricting and was humiliNeal in the Democratic primary, running an
ated during the bank scandal. Both men lost.
angry, bitter campaign that criticized Neal's
' Nevertheless, Neal's problems at the
tenure as mayor and battered the freshman as a
House bank prompted two local Democrats to
Washington insider. But any progress Dimauro
challenge him in the primary, and he finished
made evaporated at the end of August when he
with a mediocre 48 percent. The Democratic
admitted spreading a false rumor about one of
leanings of the 2nd and the power of incumthe region's largest banjcs. Dimauro said federal
bency enabled Neal to hang on in 1992 and
regulators had recommended liquidating the
should continue to bolster his electoral position.
;
si--.
if' '
Committee
J<ri
i Key Votes
1993-
Ways & Means (18th of 24 Democrats)
Select Revenue Measures; Trade
Elections
1992 General
Richard E. Neal (D)
Anthony W. Ravosa JMR)
Thomas R. Sheehan (FTP)
1992 Primary
Richard E. Neal (D)
Kateri Walsh (D)
Charles Platten (D)
1990 General
Richard E. Neal (D)
Previous Winning Percentage:
131,215
76,795
38,963
(53%)
31%)
(16%)
30,370
21,709
11,513
(48%)
(34%)
(18%)
134,152
(100%)
'
1988 (80%)
District Vote for President
1
'it '
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
1992
D 121,750(46%)
R 76,244(29%)
I 65,924 (25%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts
1%
1992
Neal (D)
Ravosa(R)
1990
Neal (D)
in
t.
J:J
722
Receipts
from PACs
$384,741 $208,395 (54%)
$108,758 $7,550 (7%)
.
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
Approve economic stimulus plan
.
1992
fr.;.,.nrt
• .. .-.
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
Close down space station program
Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
A low shifting funds from defense to domestic programs
1991
Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf
Expenditures
$355,367
$102,179
$462,672 $248,878 (54%) $534,345
N
N
N
Y
Y
Y
N
Voting Studies
, Presidential
Support
S O
14 85
26 71
19 72
30 64
Party
Unity
S
0
90
5
89
6
85
6
88
6
Conservative
Coalition
S
0
15 83
19 81
19 72
15 83
Interest Group Ratings
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
N
Y
Y
Y
Y
:
ADA
90
90
83
85
AFL-CIO
92
.. 100
92
100
CCUS
13
20
29
30
ACU
0
5
18
11
I
�Wisconsin - 4th District
4 Gerald D. Kleczka (D)
Of Milwaukee — Elected 1984; 5th Full Term
Born: Nov. 26, 1943, Milwaukee, Wis.
Education: U. of Wisconsin, 1961-62,1967, 1970.
Military Service: Air National Guard, 1963-69.
Occupation: Accountant.
Family: Wife, Bonnie L. Scott.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Careen Wis. Assembly, 1969-73; Wis. Senate,
1975-84.
Capitol Office: 2301 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-4572.
I n Washington: Perseverance and determination finally landed Kleczka on the Ways
and Means Committee in 1993, delivering the
position he had spent nearly a decade pursuing.
Along the way, Kleczka had labored on the
Banking Committee, learned the personalities
and institutional workings of the House and
proved himself an increasingly dependable vote
for the leadership on difficult issues.
Perhaps most of all, Kleczka in the 1980s
displayed patience, an attribute not often associated with street-smart, combative urban populists. Kleczka had long believed himself more
than qualified for the tax-writing job, having
been chairman of the powerful Joint Finance
Committee during his years in the state Legislature. But forbearance was forced on him by the
presence on Ways and Means of another Milwaukee Democrat, Jim Moody, who had preceded Kleczka in Congress by less than one full
term.
Kleczka compared his wait to the gestation
period of an elephant. But if he had to bide his
time, he resolved to use the time well. He was a
familiar face on the House floor, where he made
friends, internalized the chamber's customs and
learned about how issues affected votes.
His patience was sorely tried when, in
1988, Moody announced that he would vacate
his seat to run for the Senate and then changed
his mind. Kleczka had to wait another four
years for Moody to retire.
It was also in 1992 that Kleczka demonstrated his greatest party solidarity to date. He
was, for example, a cosponsor in 1992 of a joint
resolution to amend the Constitution to require a
balanced federal budget. Yet when that measure
reached the House floor and the Democratic
leadership needed every vote it could muster to
deny the measure the two-thirds majority it
needed, Kleczka provided one. He denies that the
vote was related in any way to his bid for Ways
and Means, but his vote in that pressure-packed
situation is remembered by those who idealize a
place on that committee in the future.
Kleczka had already been given a token of
approval in the 102nd Congress when he was
given a seat on House Administration, an insider panel where Kleczka could engender even
greater good will by taking an assignment on a
task force developing proposals for overhauling
campaign finance laws. In early 1993 he was
paying even more dues by serving as chairman
of the panel's task force on contested elections.
Kleckza (pronounced Kletch-kuh), has a
quick and sharp tongue to rival those of Charles E.
Schumer and Barney Frank, two fellow activist
liberals with whom he often allied during eight
years on the Banking Committee. When former
Banking subcommittee Chairman Frank Annunzio butchered Kleckza's name once too often
(calling him "Congressman Klee-zak"), he fired
back, "Thank you, Chairman Annunciation."
He has an independent streak that allows
him to challenge authority publicly and privately,
and he sometimes has to work to keep his temper
under control: Early in his state legislative career,
Kleczka actually came to blows with a lobbyist for
a brewery. Some of that pugnaciousness followed
him to Washington. In 1988, the American Bankers Association said that Kleczka, Schumer and
others would "pay a heavy price" for introducing
a bill to broaden bank powers that did not meet
the industry's demands. Kleczka immediately
took to the floor, labeling the broadside "legislative terrorism" and calling for an investigation
into the ABA's lobbying tactics.
Like many Banking Committee Democrats,
Kleczka chafed under the leadership of Chairman
Henry B. Gonzalez of Texas. Along with Georgia
Democrat Doug Barnard Jr., Kleczka led an
abortive move early in the 102nd to reallocate
some of the committee staff to members who do
not have subcommittee chairs. And he showed his
annoyance when Gonzalez allied with then-ranking Republican Chalmers P. Wylie of Ohio to
block amendments to a bill in early 1991 that
would have added $30 billion to the thrift bailout.
When Wylie suggested — only partly in jest —
that the committee approve the bill on a voice
vote, Kleczka retorted: "Turn out the lights, too."
But Kleczka's more lasting legacy on
Banking will probably highlight his mastery of
finance issues and his populist's disinclination
1669
�Gerald D. Kleczka, D-Wis.
Wisconsin 4
Southern Milwaukee and Milwaukee
County suburbs; southeast Waukesha County
The heart of Milwaukee has long been its
South Side bungalow belt. The plain but
sturdy houses evoke a feeling from the 1950s.
Television viewers still associate the city as
the setting for "Laverne and Shirley." Milwaukee has worked hard to promote itself as
cosmopolitan, but many residents still value
bowling, bratwurst and beer. This is home to
conservative Democrats.
Since the turn of the century, the city's
huge Polish community has been based on its
South Side, and the area remains predominately Polish and German. Neighborhoods
are conspicuously tidy; residents regularly
sweep the gutters and scrub the sidewalks.
The mix of ethnics has made Serb Hall a
traditional meeting place for Friday fish fries
as well as for candidates seeking workingclass votes. The city's strong ethnic heritage is
celebrated nearly every summer weekend
during a series of lakefront festivals, immediately southeast of downtown.
The migration of some white ethnics to
nearby southern suburbs has made room for
a wider mix on the South Side. A Hispanic
community is growing on the Near South
Side, populated mainly by Mexicans and
Puerto Ricans. A large population of Vietnamese and Laotians is also located here.
For years, manufacturing was the dominant occupation on the South Side. Although service-industry jobs have increased, many in the 4th still make
machinery for mining and construction, and
electronic equipment. Johnson Controls
Inc., Delco Electronics and Harnischfeger
Corp. all have a strong presence in the
district. Allen-Bradley Co. is known both
for its increasingly automated plant and for
to trust big money. He consistently favored
consumers and was circumspect about proposals to relax regulatory reins on banks and
savings and loans.
When issues pitted big banks against smaller
ones, Kleczka was a ready ally of the smaller
institutions that dominate the Wisconsin financial landscape. During 1991 debate on a bill to
overhaul the federal deposit-insurance system, he
fought vigorously against protecting some "too
big to fail" banks with 100 percent deposit
insurance while depositors in lesser institutions
did not benefit from full coverage. Kleczka repeatedly sought to force big banks to pay depositinsurance premiums on deposits made in their
overseas branches. Such deposits were not supposed to be insured, but often received de facto
coverage when large banks failed. But his amend1670
displaying the world's largest four-sided analog clock, which stands tall among the
South Side church steeples.
West Allis-based Allis-Chalmers is a
shadow of its former self now that it has
gone through bankruptcy and parts of the
company have been purchased by a German
firm. West Allis still hosts the annual state
fair, where longtime Sen. William Proxmire
made a ritual of shaking the hands of thousands of visitors.
While the population of both the city
and the county of Milwaukee declined during the 1980s, some of the south suburbs
grew significantly, including Oak Creek (15
percent) and Franklin (nearly 30 percent).
These suburbs, along with Hales Corners,
have attracted young middle-management
types, while South Shore suburbs like Cudahy and South Milwaukee are primarily
blue-collar.
Just west of Milwaukee County, the
4th includes the Waukesha County suburbs
of New Berlin and Muskego, which grew by
10 percent in the 80s, as well as the city of
Waukesha, which grew by 13 percent.
Some of the migrants who left the city
for the suburbs also left the Democratic
Party, boosting the Republican vote in contests for state and national office. The district includes only a part of Waukesha
County — which is a Republican stronghold
— though the city of Waukesha itself leans
Democratic.
1990 Population: 543,527. White 510,138 (94%).
Black 4,778 (1%), Other 28,611 (5%). Hispanic origin
34,354 (6%). 18 and over 410,090 (75%), 62 and over
87,474 (16%). Median age: 34.
ments offered in committee and subcommittee
were routinely rejected by 2-to-l margins.
He prevailed on a key big-bank issue in 1991,
winning approval of an amendment in committee
that would have applied the Community Reinvestment Act (the basic federal anti-redlining
law) on a state-by-state or city-by-city basis to
banks that open branch offices across state lines.
(The entire section permitting interstate branching was eventually dropped from the bill.)
As a member of the Banking Subcommittee on Housing, Kleczka succeeded in 1992 in
attaching an amendment to a housing bill aimed
at protecting elderly residents of high-rise public housing from physical harm by encouraging
housing projects to set aside separate floors for
the elderly.
Kleczka had been a consistent vote against
�Wisconsin - 4th District
abortion until the Supreme Court's Webster
decision. But shortly after the July 1989 ruling,
he voted with the majority as the House narrowly agreed with Senate language allowing.,
federal funding of abortions in cases of rape and
incest. His vote was part of the 50-vote swing
from 1988. And in 1991 and 1992 he voted with
most Democrats to overturn the Bush administration's rule forbidding federallyfinancedfamily planning clinics from offering abortion counseling.
At Home: Kleczka represents a secure
Democratic district that kept his predecessor in
office for 35 years with little challenge.
Before coming to Washington, Kleczka
spent virtually his entire adult life in the Wisconsin Legislature. First elected at age 24, he was able
to improve both his role and reputation over the
15 years that followed. At first, Kleczka was
viewed as one more neighborhood-minded ethnic.
Democrat from Milwaukee's South Side, He was' "
seen as being, focused more on local politics
(including his feud with the city's long-tenured
mayor, Henry Maier) than on abstract issues. He
had a reputation for hard-nosed campaigning and
occasional quarrels on the Assembly floor. Nonetheless, as he rose gradually to the chairmanship
of Joint Finance, he also became known as an
effective budget specialist
"-i-i-
When Democratic Rep. Clement J. Zablocki, the House Foreign Affairs chairman,
died in late 1983, Kleczka was the front-runner
to succeed him. Kleczka had no difficulty picking up support from state Senate colleagues and
from economic interests over which Joint Finance held power. He claimed much of Zablocki's backing and was also the choice of the
state's Democratic U.S. House delegation. His
advertising stressed a different theme: his roots.
One TV ad showed an infant in a crib and a
grandfather, while a voice described Kleczka as
"a leader and a neighbor."
• The combination of money, endorsements
and roots yielded 32 percent of the vote —
enough to win in a five-way primary.
By winning big with 44 percent in the city
portion of the district, Kleczka overcame his poor
showing in affluent suburban precincts and took
the nomination decisively over runner-up E.
Michael McCann, the Milwaukee County district
attorney who.ran respectably everywhere but had
no specific base to help him.
Kleczka has had few worries on the home
front since then. In 1990 he overwhelmed his
Republican foe by a margin of more than 2-to-l;
it was his first GOP challenge since 1984. In
1992, the story was much the same, with
Kleczka winning 66 percent of the vote.
Committees
Key Votes
HOUM Adminittration (8th of 12 Democrats)
Contested Elections (chairman): Elections; Office Systems; Personnel
& Police
•• ,.;.. ::• .:
v
Way* & Maim (15th of 24 Democrats)
Health; Oversight
Joint Printing
;.;::•
r
' '
;
: :
b si
Elections
1 9 General
92
Gerald D. Kleczka (D)
Joseph L.Cook(R)
Daniel Slak(l)
1M0 Qtmwil
Gerald D. Kleczka (D)
Joseph L. Cook (R)
173,482 • ' (66%)
84,872
(32%)
2,803 - (1%)
96,981
43,001
Pravlout Winning Percentages:
1988
(100%)
(69%)
(31%)
1986 (100%)
1984
(67%) 1984' (65%)
•Spee/a/«/aet/on.
1992
D 116,048 (40%)
R 108,463 (38%)
I 59,263 (21%)
'.<'
Campaign Finance .
Kleczka (D)
Cook(R)
1990
Kleczka (D)
Cook(R)
Receipts
Require parental notification ol minors' abortions
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
Approve budget Increasing taxes and reducing deficit
Approve economic stimulus plan
1992 .
•
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
Close down space station program
Approve U.S. aid tor former Soviet Union
Allow shifting funds from defense to domestic programs
1991Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf
Voting Studies
Parly
Preiidential
Support
Unity
8
O
8
Year''''
93
78
20
199223 - 75
89
1991 •nv'
21
78
91
1990
..
28
66
1989
e
e
90
73
19
1988
17
81
69
1987
24
76
85
1988
' 28
71
87
1985
84t
1984.
421 561
t Not eligible tor all recordefl votes.
Receipt*
tromPACi
EipondItum
$260,726
$67,268
$156,407 (60%)
$309,036
$2,000 (3%) „ $67,267
$304,440
$31,850
$186,048 (61%
$2,800 (9%)
$393,562
$27,986
'•: , r.
1
':.; l . /
;
Conaervative
Coalition
8
0
33
63
22
73
17
78
17
78
16
79
28
70
28
70
24
75
281 72 t
" :'• .
••
•'
•
G
Dlatrlct Vote tor Pmident
1992
19*3
0
4
4
6
5
5
4
9
6
151
' Interest Group Ratings
Year
ADA
AFL-CIO
CCUS
ACU
1992
19
91
1990
1989
1988
1987
1988
1985
1984
80
85
89
95
95
84
75
75
76
82
91
S3
83
93
88
86
82
67
25
11
23
40
36
13
25
23
38
4
0
17
0
4
5
9
14
9
i.
*"
.
'
1671
1
�Nebraska
- 2nd District
2 Peter Hoagland (D)
Of Omaha — Elected 1988; 3rd Term
Born: Nov. 17, 1941, Omaha, Neb.
Education: Stanford U., A.B. 1963; Yale U., LL.B. 1968.
Military Service: Army, 1963-65.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Barbara Erickson; five children.
Religion: Episcopalian.
Political Careen Neb. Legislature, 1979-87.
Capitol Office: 1113 Longworth Bldg. 20515; 225-4155.
In Washington: Hoagland's intelligence is
not questioned, and his work ethic was rewarded at the start of his third term with a seat
on the Ways and Means Committee. But
Hoagland's political acumen is quixotic; at
times he pursues legislative goals that plainly
cannot be achieved.
His image at home and on Capitol Hill as a
sincere, diligent member helped his first reelection campaign and made him a plausible,
though unsuccessful, candidate for a spot on
the Appropriations Committee in late 1990. In
partial recompense for not landing on Appropriations, he acquired seats on Interior and
Judiciary for the 102nd Congress, while retaining his assignment to the Banking Committee.
And his perseverance paid off in the 103rd with
the move to Ways and Means.
Hoagland has a reputation for being principled — some say too much so. As a freshman, he
worked hard on the bill that initiated the savings
and loan bailout, even winning inclusion in the
final bill of an amendment important to some
Omaha constituents. But at the last minute,
Hoagland joined with some senior House Democrats to oppose a compromise method of paying
the bailout's first installment. His speech on the
floor against the compromise and subsequent
"no" vote on final passage earned him a year's
worth of silent treatment from Banking Chairman
Henry B. Gonzalez of Texas.
Hoagland thought the deal, which the
Bush administration had demanded and which
Gonzalez had accepted, was bad policy. Gonzalez was particularly miffed because — except
for Hoagland's provision that protected a pair
of Omaha-based partnerships that owned
thrifts — the bailout bill had been stripped of
most special-interest
language. Gonzalez
thought that Hoagland should have supported
the bill, since his amendment wa^ included.
The amendment later became a key element in a book about Hoagland, "House Rules"
by Robert Cwiklik, who had access to Hoagland
in 1989. The bill broadly required related
thrifts to guarantee each other's balance sheets.
But Hoagland argued that the two Omaha
918
partnerships were effectively unrelated. Rather
than giving them a special benefit, he convinced
his colleagues that an exemption from the bill's
general rule would, in fact, be good policy.
Some of Hoagland's colleagues think that
he worries too much about political consequences. Before a high-profile vote in 1992 on a
constitutional amendment requiring a balanced
federal budget. Democratic leaders lobbied
Hoagland intensively to drop his support for
the measure. He agonized but eventually voted
for it. His refusal to bend did not appear to
affect his request for a more desirable committee assignment.
As his vote on the balanced-budget amendment suggests, Hoagland gives a moderate tint
to his representation of the politically marginal
2nd. Though he votes with his party more often
than the average Democrat, he can regularly be
found casting a conservative vote, particularly
on fiscal issues.
As a freshman, Hoagland backed abortion
rights and a higher minimum wage and opposed
a constitutional amendment banning flag desecration. In his second term, he supported a
Democratic tax bill and aid to Russia, but he
opposed shifting additional money from defense to domestic spending or further cutting
the Strategic Defense Initiative.
In his first two terms, Hoagland was an
active member of the Banking Committee. In
the 102nd Congress, he was a key Democratic
ally of administration efforts to overhaul banking law. He supported proposals to permit
banks to open branch offices across state lines
and to enter prohibited lines of business, such
as mutual funds underwriting. He became so
deeply connected to banking reform that he
refused to give up after an overhaul bill failed
at the end of 1991. With the tide clearly against
him, he continued pressing the issue in 1992
and at the start of the 103rd Congress.
In 1989, during committee action on the
thrift bailout bill, Hoagland took a tough stand
on stiffening capital standards for the industry,
despite heavy lobbying by a large Omaha-based
savings and loan.
�Peter Hoagland, D-Neb.
Nebraska 2
Omaha grew up as a blue-collar city: a
railroad center, a Missouri River port and a
place where cattle became steaks. To outsiders, this broad-shouldered, gritty image
remains. But Omaha (Douglas County) has
become mainly a place of white-collar jobs
and new downtown office buildings. The
county is also reliably Republican, voting
for the GOP White House candidate every
time but once in the post-Roosevelt era. In
1992, George Bush won the county with 50
percent of the vote.
Omaha's economic health is reflected
in its continued growth: Its 1990 population
topped 335,000, up by 7 percent since 1980.
Once-rural Sarpy County, which borders
Douglas County to the south, continued to
blossom: Now with more than 102,000 people, it is the state's third most-populous.
As its core has filled with people
through the years, the Omaha-based 2nd
has become more compact. It now covers
just Douglas and Sarpy counties and a tiny
slice of Cass County including the city of
Plattsmouth.
Metropolitan Omaha's economy is a
mix of new and old. The largest employer is
the Strategic Air Command at Offutt Air
Force Base in Sarpy County, another Republican stronghold. A large telemarketing
and credit-processing industry has been es-.
tablished in Omaha. Yet the Mutual of
Omaha insurance company, long a commu-.
nity pillar, remains its largest private employer. Downtown includes the corporate
headquarters for ConAgra — the agricultural products giant that ranks 25th among
the Fortune 500'— and the Union Pacific
Railroad. While most of Omaha's stock-
And as a member of the Housing Subcommittee in the 101st Congress, he participated in the first major rewrite of federal
housing programs since 1974. Hoagland joined a
bloc of moderate and conservative Democrats
who forged compromise language to provide
incentives for landlords to continue renting to
low-income families.
On Interior (renamed Natural Resources in
the 103rd), Hoagland successfully pushed along
with Nebraska's two Democratic senators for
enactment of a bill designating parts of the
Niobrara River in Nebraska and a segment of
the Missouri River in Nebraska and South
Dakota as part of the national wild and scenic
rivers system.
At Home: Largely because of the bluecollar population in Omaha, the 2nd is regarded
East — Omaha;
Sarpy County suburbs
yards are now obsolete, more than 20 food
processing companies are here.
Blue-collar jobs historically drew an
ethnic population — including large numbers of Irish, Italians, Germans and Eastern
Europeans — to Omaha's south side.
Mainly Roman Catholics, they set the political tone for the 2nd. It has a Democratic
tradition, and victory here is essential for
Democrats who hope to win statewide.
However, the longtime partisan
leanings are tempered by a strong conservative streak, especially on social issues. Many
working-class residents vote with more affluent residents, which has enabled recent
GOP presidential candidates to carry the
2nd. Bush won the county by 13 points over
Bill Clinton in 1992. The city is 13 percent
black, a large proportion by Nebraska standards; more than three-fourths of the
state's entire black population lives in
Omaha.
Long known mainly for the Boys Town
orphanage, western Omaha is now heavily
residential, with some new, affluent subdivisions. Nearby, onetime crossroads communities are now burgeoning cities. Bellevue, with nearly 31,000 people, is
Nebraska's fourth-largest city.
The area benefits from Omaha's status
as Nebraska's cultural and sports capital. It
is home to the Ak-Sar-Ben (Nebraska
spelled backward) racetrack and hosts the
World Series of college baseball each spring.
1990 Population: 526.567. White 460,519 (87%),
Black 50,907 (10%), Other 15,141 (3%). Hispanic
origin 14,865 (3%). 18 and over 379,331 (72%), 62
and over 64,581 (12%). Median age: 31.
as Nebraska's most Democratic turf. However,
the district votes Republican for president and
was won four times by Republican Hal Daub,
who served from 1981 to 1989. Hoagland had
tough campaigns in 1988, 1990 and 1992.
Hoagland's opportunity came when Daub
sought the GOP Senate nomination in 1988.
With eight years' experience in Nebraska's Legislature, Hoagland entered the contest with a
large political base. A fifth-generation Omahan,
he had spent his young adulthood away from
home: in college, in the Army, in law school and
in Washington, D.C., where he was a law clerk
and trial lawyer. Hoagland returned to Omaha
in 1973 to practice law, and he got involved in
public affairs. .
Hoagland began his own political career in
1978, winning a seat in the Legislature, where
�Nebraska
m
¥
/1.
- 2nd District
he backed initiatives on water conservation,
hospital cost containment and education. He
did not seek a third term in 1986, but he ran in
the 1988 Democratic House primary and defeated Cece Zorinsky, the widow of Democratic
Sen. Edward Zorinsky, 51 percent to 43 percent.
His Republican foe, pathologist Jerry
Schenken, was little known but had a war chest
that bought instant credibility. However,
Hoagland linked up with the Senate campaign
of former Gov. Bob Kerrey, who was headed for
a resounding victory over appointed GOP Sen.
David K. Karnes. Hoagland won by 2,981 votes.
In 1990, Hoagland's GOP foe was lawyer
Ally Milder, a conservative former aide to Iowa
Sen. Charles E. Grassley. Milder stressed her
opposition to abortion and called Hoagland a
liberal. Hoagland styled himself as an independent voice for the 2nd and emphasized his
efforts to reform the savings and loan system
and fight drug-related crime. He also gained
when Secretary of Veterans Affairs Edward J.'
Derwinski visited Omaha for Milder and created a huge flap by calling Hispanics "wetbacks." Hoagland won with 58 percent.
Killer anti-incumbent sentiment and a surprisingly strong challenger made Hoagland
more vulnerable in 1992. In June, he carried
nearly a 30-point lead over former Douglas
County Attorney Ron Staskiewicz. A week before Election Day, the margin had dwindled
significantly after a bitter campaign.
Staskiewicz, a restaurant owner, got into the
race early and immediately went on the attack,
leveling charges at the front-runner, forcing him
into a defensive posture. Hoagland returned fire,
and the two traded charges in radio ads for weeks.
Although he was not a veteran politician,
Staskiewicz had run a successful campaign in the
district, winning election as Douglas County
attorney. Douglas County still casts four-fifths of
the district's vote.
Known as an unorthodox campaigner and
candidate, the flamboyant Staskiewicz called
his style "Stas-o-mania." He ran on a congressional reform theme, using Cwiklik's unflattering book as evidence that Hoagland was an
opportunist. Hoagland said the book, which
received mixed reviews both at home and in
The New York Times, was "unfair."
(/Staskiewicz also accused Hoagland of accepting too many donations from political action committees and using his Washington office staff to work on his campaign. Hoagland
struck back, criticizing his opponent for renting
office space and a school bus from two of his
own corporations for his campaign. In addition,
Hoagland said Staskiewicz had ignored judgments against him and his corporation for unpaid debts.
Both men said the charges against them
were either false or misleading and seemed to
bounce back from the onslaught. When the
smoke cleared, Hoagland had held on to enough
of the support he had cornered in his two terms
to capture about 51 percent of the vote.
Committee
Key Votes
1993
Ways & Means (19th of 24 Democrats)
Select Revenue Measures; Trade
Elections
1992 General
Peter Hoagland (D)
Ronald L Staskiewicz (R)
1992 Primary
Peter Hoagland (D)
Jess M. Pritchett (D)
1990 General
Peter Hoagland (D)
Ally Milder (R)
Previous Winning Percentage:
119,512
113,828
(51%)
(49%)
42,825
7,501
(85%)
(15%)
111,903
80,845
1988 (50%)
58%)
42%)
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
Approve economic stimulus plan
1992
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
Close down space station program
Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
Allow shifting funds from defense to domestic programs
1991
Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf
1992
D 78,697 (32%)
R 115,244 (48%)
I 48,652 (20%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts
from PACs
Expenditures
1992
Hoagland (D)
Staskiewicz (R)
1990
Hoagland (D)
Milder (R)
920
Y
Y
Y
N
Y
Y
Y
Voting Studies
District Vote for President
Receipts
N
Y
Y
Y
Y
$701,282 $457,190 (65%)
$379,153 $83,110 (22%)
$699,387
$378,721
$935,652 $615,587 (66%)
$632,229 $152,769 (24%)
$929,247
$625,716
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
Presidential
Support
S
O
30 67
42 58
27 73
35 65
Party
Unity
S
0
88 10
83 17
84 16
86 14
Conservative
Coalition
S
0
58 38
54 46
50 50
49 51
Interest Group Ratings
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
.
ADA
85
50
72
70
.
AFL-CIO
75
83
83
92
ecus
50
10
50
40
ACU
24
15
29
25
�2 1 Michael R. McNulty (D)
Of Green Island — Elected 1988; 3rd Term
Bora: Sept. 16,1947, Troy, N.Y.
Education: College of the Holy Cross, A.B. 1969.
Occupation: Public official.
Family: Wife, Nancy Ann Lazzaro; four children.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Careen Green Island supervisor, 1970-77;
Democratic nominee for N.Y. Assembly, 1976;
mayor of Green Island, 1977-83; N.Y. Assembly,
1983-89.
Capitol Office: 217 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-5076. '
• Lowey, and a Hispanic, Jose E. Serrano. McNulty
In Washington: Since he came to Conwas persuaded to shift his ambitions to Ways and
gress in 1989, McNulty's overall voting record
Means, which had only one other New York
has been unmistakably liberal and pro-labor. In
1992, for instance, the liberal Americans for
Democrat, Charles B. Rangel. After winning the
Democratic Action gave him a 90 rating, and
seat, McNulty joined the Select Revenue Meathe AFL-CIO gave him a 91. Considering this, it
sures Subcommittee, which Rangel chairs.
may seem surprising that in both of his reMcNulty's move to Ways and Means and
election campaigns, he has received the enits broad legislative portfolio marks his defindorsement of New York's Conservative Party.
itive emergence from the shadow cast by his
But the Conservatives have been drawn to the
predecessor in the House, longtime Rep. Samone major exception in McNulty's liberal voting
uel S. Stratton. A hawkish Democrat and depattern: his opposition to abortion. .
" fense specialist who rose to a high-ranking seat
McNulty's votes in the early months of the "• on the Armed Services Committee, Stratton
103rd Congress were typical of his usual posture:
looked out for his district's defense-related inHe voted almost down the line with the Demodustries. When McNulty first ran in 1988 to
cratic leadership, supporting President Clinton's
succeed Stratton, he said that if elected he
budget, tax and economic stimulus bills, voting to
would try to get on Armed Services.
require businesses to provide unpaid family and
The Democratic leadership did put McNulty
medical leave and backing the "motor voter" bill
on Armed Services, and there he generally took a
broadening registration opportunities.
more pro-defense line than many of his DemoBut McNulty and 40 other Democrats went
cratic colleagues. He voted in 1989 against capagainst Clinton — a supporter of abortion rights
ping production of the B-2 stealth bomber and in
— in voting to require parental notification when
1990 against a deep slash in funding for the
minors seek abortions at federally funded clinics.
Strategic Defense Initiative. In January 1991, he
McNulty says he does not support an outright
voted to give President Bush authority to use
ban of abortion, but he opposes public funding of
military force against Iraq.
the procedure except in cases of rape or incest or
But in keeping with his basic impulse to be
danger to the woman's life. McNulty did, howloyal to his party leadership, McNulty first voted
ever, support lifting the ban on abortion counselfor the unsuccessful Democratic-sponsored resoing in federally funded clinics.
lution calling for continued economic sanctions
If McNulty takes exception to his national
against Iraq rather than war. He was one of only
party's line on abortion issues, it has not prethree Democrats who voted for both sanctions
vented him from rising fairly quickly to an
and force. McNulty said he felt that defeat of
influential post in the House — a seat on the
both measures would have sent a signal of weakWays and Means Committee. He got the assignness to Iraqi President Saddam Hussein.
ment at the start of the 103rd Congress, partly as
At Home: Running in a district dominated
a reward for toiling away quietly as a vote-counter
by Albany, a Democratic stronghold, McNulty
for the party. In his first term, McNulty served as
has won three times with more than 60 percent
one of two whips for his freshman class. In his
of the vote.
second, he was an at-large party whip.
His easy 1992 win over GOP challenger
After all the 1992 election turnover in the
Nancy Norman was most notable for the paradox
House, a number of seats on plum committees
of his getting the Conservative Party endorseopened up, and initially McNulty had his eyes on
ment, while Norman, an abortion rights supAppropriations. But New York was not going to
porter, was backed by New York's Liberal Party.
get more than two Democratic seats there, and
McNulty said in 1988 that serving in Conthe leading contenders were a woman, Nita M .
gress had been a lifelong goal. But he did not
1080
�Michael R. McNulty, D-N.Y.
New York 21
With government employment and
manufacturing as its economic mainstays,
New York's Capital District has long provided Democrats — including Rep.
McNulty and his predecessor, the late Samuel S. Stratton — with a solid political base.
Yet the 21st is no liberal stronghold; its
minority population is not large, and its
major ethnic groups are Irish- and ItalianAmericans, many of whom are conservative
on social issues. McNulty is one of the few
New York Democrats who seeks and receives the endorsement of the state's Conservative Party.
Bid Clinton carried the 21st in 1992,
but won a majority of the vote only in
Albany County (which has just over half the
district's residents). Ross Perot took more
than 20 percent of the vote in Schenectady,
Rensselaer and Montgomery counties.
The 2l8t covers most of the AlbanySchenectady-Troy metropolitan area. Albany, the capital, is the district's largest city
with just over 100,000 residents. It has the
2 Ist's largest minority concentration; more
than half the district's blacks live there.
Albany provides the foundations for
Democratic wins in the 21st; despite pockets of Republican votes in the suburbs (the
largest of which is adjacent Colonie), Albany County usually goes Democratic. I t
was one of only three upstate counties to
favor Democrat Robert Abrams over Republican Sen. Alfonse M. D'Amato in 1992.
The state bureaucracy and regional
federal offices in Albany provide economic
stability (even though fiscal problems have
forced some public agencies to trim their
payrolls). Nearly half of all employment in
expect to have the chance that year, since
Stratton had filed for re-election in the then23rd District.
When New York's candidate filing deadline
passed, McNulty had already re-upped to run for
a fourth term in the New York Assembly. However, Stratton, a 30-year House member who had
been in ill health, suddenly announced his retirement. Democratic leaders in the 23rd met within
hours of the announcement and selected
McNulty to replace Stratton on the ballot.
While taking typically Democratic positions on domestic issues, McNulty said he had
no major differences with Stratton's conservative stance on defense. With endorsements from
Stratton
and
environmentalist groups,
McNulty defeated local Republican official Peter Bakal with 62 percent. Two years later, he
Capital District — Albany;
Schenectady; Troy
Albany is in the public sector.
Albany County, on the west bank of
the Hudson River, has a longstanding industrial sector that includes the arsenal in
WatervUet. But its private-sector growth
has been in such fields as health care and
insurance. The state university campus in
Albany (15,300 students) is the largest
higher educational institution in the 21st;
others include Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute (6,800 students) in Troy and Union
College (2,300 students) in Schenectady.
Industrial employment remains more
integral in Troy, across the Hudson in
Rensselaer County, and west along the Mohawk River in Schenectady and Amsterdam
(Montgomery County). General Electric
makes power-generating equipment and has
its research and development center in
Schenectady.
Even though it remains the 21st's largest employer, GE cut its work force deeply
over the past decade; overall industrial employment in Schenectady County declined
by more than a third during the 1980s. The
blow was cushioned by an aggressive economic development effort that attracted
smaller manufacturers and service providers.
But Montgomery County has been
struggling since its major employer, a Mohawk Carpet plant, moved south in the
1960s. I t has the lowest median household
income among the district's counties.
1990 Population: 580,337. White 529,568 (91%),
Black 36.352 (6%), Other 14,417 (2%). Hispanic origin
11,963 (2%). 18 and over 451,775 (78%), 62 and over
106,092 (18%). Median age: 34.
won the Conservative Party endorsement and
topped GOP public relations consultant Margaret Buhrmaster with 64 percent.
Deeply rooted in Albany County politics,
McNulty's family is virtually dynastic in its
home base of Green Island. His grandfather was
elected town tax collector in 1914, and went on
to serve as town supervisor, county board chairman and county sheriff. McNulty's father was
supervisor for eight years, mayor for 16 years
and county sheriff for six.
McNulty joined his elders in 1969, winning
a seat on the town board at age 22. While in this
post, he waged his only unsuccessful campaign,
a 1976 challenge to a Republican assemblyman.
He recouped the next year by winning a contest
for Green Island mayor, then won the first of
three state Assembly terms in 1982.
1081
i
&'
�New
York - 21st District
Committee
Key Votes
Ways ft Means (20th of 24 Democrats)
Select Revenue Measures; Trade
Elections
1992 General
Michael R. McNulty D, C)
Nancy Norman (R, L
William J. Donnelly (RTL)
1990 General
Michael R. McNulty (D, C)
Margaret B. Buhrmaster (R)
Previous Winning Percentage:
166,371
91,184
7,723
63%)
34%
(3%
117,239
65,760
1988 (62%)
64%
36%
1993
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
Approve economic stimulus plan
1992
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
Close down space station program
Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
A low shifting funds from defense to domestic programs
1991
;|
District Vote for President
Campaign Finance
2r-
1082
,
Voting Studies
D 140,251 (48%)
R 99,094(34%)
I 51,086(18%)
McNulty (D)
1990
McNulty (D)
Buhrmaster (R)
N
N
Y
Y
Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing Y
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
Y
Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf
Y
1992
1992
Y
Y
Y
Y
Y
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
Expenditures
Presidential
Support
S
O
.,, 27 72
: 31 68
27 72
42 57
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
$220,997 $126,386 (57%) $252,821
$240,736 $149,179 (62%)
$23,300
$250 (1%:
$149,204
$23,299
Party
Unity
S
O
87 10
93
6
92
7
83 14
Conservative
Coalition
S
O
54 46
35 65
35 65
56 44
Interest Group Ratings
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
,
P
ADA
'- 90 •
80
78
75
AFL-CIO
91
100
92
100
CCUS
38
10
21
40
ACU
13
10
21
25
�Oregon - 5th District
5 Mike Kopetski (D)
Of Keizer — Elected 1990; 2nd Term
Born: Oct. 27,1949, Pendleton, Ore.
Education: American U., B.A. 1971; Lewis and Clark
College, J.D. 1978.
Occupation: Advertising executive.
Family: Separated; one child.
Religion: Unspecified.
Political Careen Sought Democratic nomination for
U.S. House, 1982; Ore. House, 1985-89; Democratic
nominee for U.S. House, 1988.
Capitol Office: 218 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-5711.
I n Washington: Kopetski's legislative acv.., The House had yet to vote for a permanent
tivity in his first term, in particular his strong
ban, and Energy and Water Appropriations Subpush to enact a moratorium on nuclear testing,
committee Chairman Tom Bevill of Alabama was
brought him into contact with several senior
loath to incorporate an amendment on his bill
Democrats. His performance impressed them
that might trigger a veto. But Speaker Thomas S.
enough to win him a seat on the Ways and Means
Foley of Washington met with Bevill, Gephardt,
Committee at the start of the 103rd Congress.
key Armed Services Committee members Les
But a drunken-driving conviction has slowed
Aspin of Wisconsin (the chairman), John M.
his momentum. Kopetski was arrested late at
Spratt Jr. of South Carolina and Kopetski. The
night in a Northern Virginia housing project in
group decided to press ahead with the SenateMarch 1993 after a police officer observed him
passed restrictions on the energy bill, gambling —
approaching pedestrians in his car. Immediately ... correctly — that President Bush would not veto
after his June conviction, Kopetski said he was
the bill because it included funding for the superunsure he would run for re-election.
conducting super collider. The House approved
the test ban, 224-151.
In Congress, Kopetski mostly votes down the
line with the Democratic leadership. Soon after
In the spring of 1993, however, the Clinton
he arrived, he cast a vote against authorizing the
administration proposed to continue test detuse of force against Iraq. He participated in
onations of less than 1 kiloton after 1996. The
Democratic whip efforts on such issues as civil
proposal called for the tests to continue until
rights and abortion rights. But he veers well away
2001, followed by a five-year moratorium.
from the liberal wing on the issue of gun control,
Kopetski joined his Senate cosponsors in
to which he is unalterably opposed.
writing to President Clinton to protest. In a
With the Soviet Union disintegrating,
House floor speech, he denounced the White
Kopetski, backed by Majority Leader Richard A.
House proposal. "The president must disavov/
Gephardt of Missouri and 36 other Democrats,
this dangerous policy as quickly as possible," he
called in 1991 for a moratorium on U.S. nuclear
said.
weapons tests. Pentagon officials insisted that
Dozens of members weighed in to protest
continued testing was essential to ensure the
the proposal. By late May, a divided Clinton
safety and effectiveness of the U.S. stockpile.
administration all but ruled out the proposal to
Kopetski offered an amendment to the
continue testing after 1996.
defense authorization bill to ban test explosions
Kopetski, whose district includes some of
during fiscal 1993 unless the president certified
the ancient forestland that is the habitat of the
to Congress that a former Soviet republic had
threatened northern spotted owl, could not
conducted a nuclear test. "The Soviet Union no
avoid the ferocious debate over protecting owls
longer exists," he said on the House floor. "Let
and preserving the jobs of timber workers. As a
us discuss nuclear disarmament in the context
member of the Agriculture Subcommittee on
of the new world configuration." The House
Foreste, Family Farms and Energy, he and
approved Kopetski's amendment, 237-167.
Washington Republican Sid Morrison stepped
The Senate, however, outdid the House,
forward in May 1992 with a bipartisan comproadding an even stronger amendment to the
mise that stemmed from a widely respected
fiscal 1993 energy and water appropriations bill.
report by four scientists. Their amendment,
The amendment called for an immediate test
adopted on an 8-5 vote, incorporated an option
moratorium for nine months, followed by a
that the report said would hurt the region's
three-year period of limited testing to check
economy the least while still offering "a modersafety improvements, after which tests would
ate possibility" of preserving the forests and its
be banned permanently.
inhabitants.
1276
�Mike Kopetski, D-Ore.
Oregon 5
Willamette Valley, Pacific Coast —
Salem; Corvallis
Oregon's four major industries — timber, agriculture, fishing and tourism — are
all represented in the 5th, whose shape
bears a passing resemblance to that of the
state fish, the chinook salmon. While hardly
solid Democratic territory, the 5th has
enough traditional Democrats in coastal
Tillamook and Lincoln counties and enough
independent voters in some of Clackamas
County's Portland suburbs to offset generally big Republican margins in Marion
County.
Some old-growth forests are in Mount
Hood National Forest in the eastern part of
the district. Logging families and owners of
small, family-run mills in places such as
Mill City, Detroit and Molalla have no use
for the environmental protections aimed at
preserving the northern spotted owl — or
for politicians sympathetic to the owl.
Forty percent of the Sth's population is
in Marion County (Salem), usually a dependable Republican base. GOP Sens. Bob
Packwood and Mark 0. Hatfield scored well
above their statewide percentages in Marion in their re-elections in 1992 and 1990. In
1988, GOP Rep. Denny Smith's paltry
1,500-vote margin here set the tone for his
near-loss districtwide to Kopetski. In their
rematch two years later, Kopetski won Marion by more than 3,500 votes. George Bush
barely carried Marion in 1992.
Clackamas, Marion and Polk counties
are at the heart of the Willamette Valley,
Oregon's most productive agricultural area.
It is the center of Oregon's greenhouse and
nursery crop industry, the state's secondlargest agricultural commodity group. Trees
and shrubs are grown, primarily for export.
"If we don't do something, we will continue
as we have in the past two years, which is
gridlock," he said. "It would save us a lot of time,
anguish and court costs if we were to adopt this."
The Agriculture Committee approved the measure, but the bill did not advance.
Kopetski has not compromised on his opposition to gun control. In the 102nd Congress,
he voted against requiring a seven-day waiting
period before purchasing a handgun. During
debate in 1991 on the crime bill, he voted for an
amendment by Missouri Democrat Harold L.
Volkmer to remove a provision that would have
banned 13 assault-type semiautomatic weapons
and limited gun clips to seven rounds of ammunition. The 247-177 vote came a day after a man
wielding an automatic pistol murdered 22 people at a Texas cafeteria.
The area is renowned for its fruits and
berries, as well as its grass seeds. Willamette hops from Marion and Clackamas go
into some of the country's finest beers. Polk
County grows cherries and wine grapes;
wineries dot Polk and Marion counties.
Marion is among the top counties in the
nation for snap beans.
Along the coast, tourism and fishing
fuel the economy. The resort town of Newport (Lincoln County) is also a vibrant
fishing community known for its Dungeness
crabs. Sport fishing is popular in such
coastal towns as Lincoln City, Waldport
and Yachats. To the north in Tillamook
County, dairy and timber predominate. The
Tillamook County Creamery Association
employs more than 300 people to produce
its famous cheddar cheese.
The district reaches into Portland's
Clackamas County suburbs; West Linn is
one of Oregon's wealthiest communities.
Along the Clackamas River is Oregon City,
the western terminus of the Oregon Trail,
2,000 miles from Independence, Mo. Incorporated in 1844, Oregon City is the oldest
city west of the Missouri River.
The 5th contains only a corner of Benton County, but that includes the city of
Corvallis, the district's only major city outside of Salem. It is the home of Oregon
State University's 14,900 students and numerous political activists who make Corvallis the most liberal area in the 5th.
1990 Population: 568,466. White 532,101 (94%),
Black 3,654 (1%), Other 32.711 (6%). Hispanic origin
28,313 (5%). 18 and over 421,189 (74%), 62 and over
90,921 (16%). Median age: 34
In addition to Agriculture, in his first term
Kopetski served on the Judiciary and Science
committees. On Ways and Means, he sits on the
Human Resources and the Select Revenue
Measures subcommittees. Kopetski has demonstrated considerable interest in the issue of
mental health, introducing sense-of-the-Congress resolutions in the 102nd and 103rd Congresses to seek assurance that any health-care
reform include mental health-care benefits. He
is one of the founders of the House Working
Group on Mental Illness and Health Issues.
Kopetski attracted attention in Washington even before he was sworn in. According to
The (Portland) Oregonian, at a White House
reception for newly elected members, Kopetski
met Vice President Dan Quayle, who, upon
learning that Kopetski was from Oregon, in1277
�r
Oregon - 5th District
formed the Democrat that he had campaigned
there in 1990. "I've been wanting to thank you
for that," Kopetski replied, startling the vice
president, who, Kopetski said, "was definitely
shocked" by his rejoinder.
At Home: Two years after holding Republican Rep. Denny Smith to the smallest margin
of victory of any incumbent, Kopetski returned
in 1990 to oust the vulnerable Republican, who
was saddled with well-publicized questions over
his involvement in the savings and loan scandal.
Kopetski's 707-vote loss to the heavily favored Smith had been one of the surprises of
Election Day 1988. With limited resources,
Kopetski built a crack organization and effectively disseminated his message with free media. Smith spent much of his time outside the
5th promoting his "anti-crime" ballot initiative.
Although he lacked the money for a TV ad
campaign, Kopetski was aided by an independent cable TV ad campaign financed by a
wealthy Oregon family unhappy with Smith's
conservatism.
Smith started to worry late in the campaign and began running TV ads criticizing
Kopetski as a tax-and-spend liberal. That lastminute offensive may have made the difference.
The anti-crime initiative passed overwhelmingly, but Smith did not pull ahead of Kopetski
until absentee ballots were counted. After the
voting, Smith was one of the few Republican
candidates anywhere to blame his showing on
Michael S. Dukakis' coattails. The Democrat
narrowly lost the 5th's presidential vote.
Kopetski returned in 1990 with another
strong organizational effort. In his campaign
literature, Kopetski detailed "five ways Denny
" Smith personally contributed to the $500 billion savings and loan crisis." Smith was the
director of a Salem S&L for 10 years, had
business dealings with another Oregon thrift
and lobbied in behalf of a third. All three failed.
A former investigator for the Senate Watergate
Committee, Kopetski was able to cast himself
as an upright alternative to Smith.
As in 1988, Smith tried to convince 5th
District voters that Kopetski was too liberal. He
portrayed the Democrat as sympathetic to radical environmentalists who oppose logging.
But Kopetski, adopting a moderate position on the contentious timber question and
criticizing Smith's voting record on issues relating to the environment, women, education and
senior citizens, argued that it was the incumbent who was outside the district's mainstream.
One of Smith's most controversial attacks
was a hard-hitting radio ad late in the campaign. The ad, featuring the sounds of Adolf
Hitler speaking to a frenzied crowd, accused
Kopetski of insufficiently supporting President
Bush's Persian Gulf policy. An announcer intoned, "Mike, appeasement is wrong."
The attack backfired, as local media
lambasted Smith for running the "Hitler ad."
With the endless budget negotiations handcuffing members to Washington, Smith could not
match the pace of his challenger. The result was
not close: Kopetski won with 55 percent of the
vote.
Redistricting in 1991 gave Kopetski a reshaped but more Democratic district. Republicans decided against fielding a strong challenger in the 5th, and Kopetski won a second
term with 64 percent of the vote.
Committee
Key Votes
Ways & Means (21 st of 24 Democrats)
Human Resources; Select Revenue Measures
Elections
1992 General
Mike Kopetski (D)
Jim Seagraves (R)
1990 General
Mike Kopetski (D)
Denny Smith (R)
174,443
97,984
64%)
136%)
124,610
101,650
(55%)
(45%)
District Vote for President
1992
D 116,790(40%)
R 103.387 (35%)
I 73,071 (25%)
Voting Studies
Campaign Finance
1992
Kopetski (D)
Seagraves (R)
1990
Kopetski (D)
Smith (R)
1278
1993
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
N
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Y
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
Y
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
Y
Approve economic stimulus plan
Y
1992
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
N
Close down space station program
N
Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
Y
A low shifting funds from defense to domestic programs Y
1991
Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing
Y
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
N
Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf
N
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
$338,338 $241,832 (71%)
0
$39,613
$851,729 $399,283 (47%
$841,077 $386,986 (46%
Expenditures
Year
1992
1991
$325,620
$39,612
$843,297
$884,828
Presidential
Support
S
0
25 72
37 63
Party
Unity
S
O
90
7
86 11
Conservative
Coalition
S
O
21 73
27 70
Interest Group Ratings
Year
1992
1991
ADA
85
75
AFL-CIO
67
83
CCUS
38
20
ACU
4
5
�Louisiana - 2nd District
2 Wiffiam J . Jefferson (D)
Of New Orleans — Elected 1990; 2nd Term
Born: March 14, 1947, Lake Providence, La.
Education: Southern U. and A&M College, B.A. 1969;
Harvard U., J.D. 1972.
Military Service: Army, 1969-75.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Andrea Green; five children.
Religion: Baptist.
Political Careen La. Senate, 1980-91; candidate for
mayor of New Orleans, 1982, 1986.
Capitol Office: 428 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-6636
•;'\In the I02nd Congress, Jefferson served on
In Washington: In one term, Jefferson
the Education and Labor Committee, where he
quietly impressed enough colleagues to land a
took, an active role , in trying to push small
coveted seat on the Ways and Means Commitlegislative initiatives of his own, including meatee, a powerful slot that will give him a chance
to use his expertise on economic issues. , i: ^ : ; . .-_,:,sures to-Jboost education ^opportunities,Jor mi_
norities and provide temporary care for disAlthough understated in style, Jefferson
abled children to provide a respite for families
has more than a decade of legislative experience
of children who require constant care.
to draw upon. During his 11 years in the LouisiBut he gained the most attention when he
ana Legislature, Jefferson was a major player,
entered the national debate over school choice.
especially on economic development and budUnder a plan put forth by President Bush,
get matters. He served on the Senate Finance
states could have used their federal funds to
Committee for much of the 1980s and headed
implement programs that allowed poor parents
the special Budget Stabilization Committee
to choose whether to send their children to
created to cut state spending and find more
public or private schools with public funds.
accurate ways of projecting state revenue. And
Jefferson opposed the plan, arguing that choice
it didn't hurt his overall political influence that
would result in flight from financially strapped
he was chairman of the Governmental Affairs
inner-city schools.
Committee, which had jurisdiction over reapportionment.
A deal hammered out among Education
Committee Chairman William D. Ford of MichJefferson belongs to the new generation of
igan, ranking Republican Bill Goodling of
black leaders, who flow with ease from black
Pennsylvania and the Bush administration incommunities to halls of power filled with white
cluded a watered-down version of Bush's plan.
establishment tradition.
It allowed local school districts to decide what
He is generally a quiet party loyalist, rarely
approach they favored, and if they wanted to
breaking ranks to vote against Democraticbacked legislation. He voted for gun control - "adopt'a'choice plan;'federal funding would be
provided.
legislation supported by Democrats that would
Although committee leaders on both sides
have required a seven-day waiting period for
agreed to the compromise, Jefferson led a twohandgun purchases to allow local law enforceday battle for an amendment to eliminate the
ment authorities to check the background of
choice plan altogether.
prospective buyers. He also joined with most
When the full committee began marking
Democrats in voting against the resolution auup the bill, it held off debate on Jefferson's
thorizing the use of military force in the Persian
amendment while members negotiated further
Gulf.
with administration officials. The next day, the
In 1992, Jefferson became a soldier in the
White House signaled in a letter that it would
Democratic leadership apparatus when he was
support the committee bill only if its choice
elected whip for first-term Democrats; he
provisions were left in.
quickly secured a reputation as an accurate
vote-counter.
Jefferson pressed ahead with his amendIn the 1992 presidential election, he was
ment, arguing that states would still have the
one of a number of members who became key
option to institute choice programs, as some
supporters of Bill Clinton. Jefferson arrived in
have done. " I t leaves states and local districts
Washington as the first African American
as free as they are to implement choice plans,"
elected to Congress from Louisiana since Rehe said. "My amendment takes away the carrot
construction. After the 1992 election, he was
of federal dollars."
joined by Cleo Fields from the 4th District.
Ford and a number of other members said
644
�William J. Jefferson, D-La.
Louisiana 2
New Orleans' melange of temptations,
sensations and attractions gives it a unique
mystique in America and lures a steady
stream of visitors. But the city of just under
a half-million residents has more on its
mind than granting hedonists their fancies."
In recent years the city has endured
population decline, budget crunches,
teacher strikes, drug problems and racial
hostility. Mardi Gras itself — a $500 million
golden goose for the local economy every
year — has been caught up in controversy.
Since the 1992 passage of a city ordinance outlawing many social clubs' exclu-r
sive practices, there has been considerable
debate over whether the krewes (carnival
organizations) that are the backbone of the
Mardi Gras parade should be punished for
discriminatory practices.
New Orleans' economy is rooted in
service industries. A few energy, mining and
construction firms have headquarters here,
including McDermott International Inc.,
but retail and hospitality services such as
hotels, restaurants and bars employ a majority of the city's workers. The French
Quarter is famous for its art galleries and
fine dining. Nearby, sports fans descend on
the 75,000 seat Louisiana Superdome —
site of the 1988 Republican National Convention — to root for pro football's Saints.
The dome also has hosted the Super Bowl
and the NCAA's basketball Final Four.
New Orleans is an ethnic potpourri,
with blacks, Italians, Irish, Cubans and the
largest Honduran population outside Central America. The city also has more than
50,000 college students; schools include the
University of New Orleans, Tulane Univer-
they believed in Jefferson's amendment but, in
the interest of holding onto the deal with the
administration, could not support it.
The committee defeated Jefferson's
amendment 17-23.
At Home: Jefferson's election to succeed
Democrat Lindy (Mrs. Hale) Boggs was notable
on several counts. He became Louisiana's first
black congressman since Reconstruction, and
his constituency was the last black-majority
House district of the 1980s to gain black representation.
In Jefferson, it has a representative whose
life has almost literally been a rags-to-riches
story. Raised in poverty in rural northeast Louisiana as one of 10 children, he quickly showed
brains and ambition. He was student body
president at Southern University in Baton
East —
New Orleans
sity, Loyola University and Xavier University, the nation's only Catholic college with
a predominantly black student population.
The Algiers section, which sits on the
west bank of the Mississippi River, is a
blend of high- and low-income residents,
new condominiums and well-tended historic buildings. On the east bank between
the Mississippi and Lake Pontchartrain is a
fascinating variety of neighborhoods: comfortable Carrolton, an area of middle-class
whites on the west side of the city; the
wealthy Uptown section, with its professionals and academics; the predominantly
black Lower 9th Ward; and fast-growing
New Orleans East, reaching into the city's
marshland and home to middle-class black
and white families.
Created by court order in 1983, the 2nd
was Louisiana's first black-majority House
district. Despite its demographics, the 2nd
continued to elect white Democrat Lindy
(Mrs. Hale) Boggs. But when she retired in
1990, Jefferson moved in. As it emerged
from 1992 redistricting, the 2nd includes 85
percent of New Orleans and has a black
population of 61 percent. It takes in southern parts of Kenner, a growing suburb west
of New Orleans that includes the international airport. A quarter of the district's
people live in northern Jefferson Parish.
The electorate is overwhelmingly Democratic. Bill Clinton won nearly 70 percent
here in 1992.
1990 Population: 602,689. White 213,832 (35%),
Black 367,460 (61%), Other 21,397 (4%). Hispanic
origin 22,107 (4%). 18 and over 426,275 (71%), 62
and over 80,928 (13%). Median age: 30.
Rouge, winner of a scholarship to Harvard Law
School, a law clerk in New Orleans for veteran
federal appellate court Judge Alvin Rubin and
then a legislative assistant to Louisiana Democratic Sen. J. Bennett Johnston.
Like Boggs, he is regarded as a liberal
Democrat; and like the politically well-connected widow of a one-time House majority
leader, Jefferson boasts of being a coalitionbuilder who can steer federal largess to economically slumping New Orleans.
In 1979, Jefferson launched his political
career by winning a seat in the Louisiana Senate, ousting a white incumbent in a racially
mixed New Orleans district that included much
of the affluent Uptown area.
When Boggs announced her retirement in
1990, Jefferson was well-positioned to succeed
645
:.58
�Louisiana - 2nd District
her. With the backing of Mayor Sidney Barthelemy, many of the city's white officials and the
Interdenominational Ministerial Alliance (the
city's largest organization of black clergy), he
ran first in the crowded Oct. 6 voting, then beat
attorney Marc H. Morial, the 32-year-old son of
the city's first black mayor, Ernest N. "Dutch"
Morial, in the bitter November runoff, winning
by roughly 5,000 votes.
"Morial mocked Jefferson's experience in
,the Legislature ("We don't want to take Baton
Rouge shenanigans to Washington," he said)
and hit hard at questions surrounding Jefferson's personal finances. The two candidates ran
virtually neck and neck in the city's black
precincts. Jefferson won on the strength of his
showing on the largely white, working-class
West Bank.
Committees
. , • Key Votes
;
1993 . ;
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
N
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Y
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
Y
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
Y
Approve economic stimulus plan
.'
Y
1992
..'
•
...
Elections
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
N
1992 Primary f
Close down space station program
,
?
William J. Jefferson (D)
67,030 73%)
Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
N
Wilma Knox Irvin (D)
14,121 15%) Allow shifting funds from defense to domestic programs Y
Roger C. Johnson (I)
10,090 (11%) 1 9
91
;.,„
1990 General
Extend uriempio'ymeht benefits using deficit financing " Y
William J. Jefferson (D)
55,621 (53%) Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
Y
Marc H. Morial (D)
50,232 (47%) Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf
N
t In Louisiana the primary is open to candidates of all parties.
If a candidate wins 50 percent or more of the vote in the priVoting Studies
mary, no general election is held.
Presidential
Conservative
Party
Coalition
' Support
Unity
District Vote for President
S O
Year
S
0
S O
14 74
1992
1992
81
5
25 65
26 63
D 153,342(69%)
1991
19 68
82
5
R 54,555(25%)
I 13,813 (6%)
Interest Group Ratings
Year
ADA
AFL-CIO
CCUS
ACU
Campaign Finance
1992
i«- :*85 ^•'!' '92 ' *'." -29
0
Receipts
Expend1991
' • 85
-92
20
0
from PACs
Receipts
itures
1992
$376,227 $223,735 (59%) $352,058
Jefferson (D)
1990
Jefferson (D)
$448,100 $104,950 (23%) $446,743
Morial (D)
$492,323 $26,500 (5%) $487,171
District of Columbia (7th of 8 Democrats)
Fiscal Affairs & Health; Government Operations & Metropolitan
Affairs
Ways & Means (22nd of 24 Democrats)
Oversight; Social Security
V
;
w
mi
:
m•
fe 1
:
11:
|
j:
6* .'
m ••••
646
if
�Oklahoma - 3rd District
3 Bill Brewster (D)
Of Marietta — Elected 1990; 2nd Term
Bom: Nov. 8, 1941, Ardmore, Okla.
Education: Southwestern Oklahoma State U., B.S.
1964.
Military Service: Army Reserve, 1966-71.
Occupation: Pharmacist; rancher; real estate executive.
Family: Wife, Suzie Nelson; one child.
Religion: Baptist.
Political Careen Okla. House, 1983-91.
Capitol Office: 1727 Longworth Bldg. 20515; 225-4565.
In Washington: An amiable and canny
legislator from oil and gas country, Brewster
represents a district that is moderate to conservative in mindset but is one of the premier
outposts of "yellow dog" Democrats. That gives
him more maneuvering room than other Democrats from the South, and he employs it to make
his vote available to the leadership at crucial
moments. His political sawy will not go unused
on the Ways and Means Committee, which he
joined at the start of the 103rd Congress.
In his first term, on issues such as civil
rights legislation and abortion rights, Brewster
developed a reputation as one whose vote was
worth courting — and could be won over. In
1991, he signaled his initial skepticism with a
civil rights bill reversing six Supreme Court
decisions concerning discrimination and harassment in the workplace. " I come from a business
background," he said, "and if it hurts business,
I'm against it." But Brewster's concerns were
sufficiently addressed to enable him to vote for
the bill by the time it reached the floor.
He made an immediate splash on his new
committee when Ways and Means was negotiating with the Clinton administration on the final
details of its tax package in the spring of 1993.
Brewster and other lawmakers from energyproducing states wanted changes in President
Clinton's proposed energy tax to ensure that
producers would not have to absorb the tax.
Brewster helped broker a deal with the administration to revise the tax to allow utilities to
pass it on to consumers without first getting
approval from state regulators.
As a member of Public Works' Surface
Transportation Subcommittee, Brewster was
conveniently situated in 1991 as the panel
worked on the massive five-year highway authorization bill. The final bill contained some
projects in the 3rd, including a provision that
would designate as part of the Interstate system
a 140-mile section of U.S. 69 from Checotah to
the Texas border.
As the only pharmacist in Congress, Brewster brings a specialized perspective to the issue
of skyrocketing drug prices. In the 102nd Con-
gress, the Veterans' Affairs Subcommittee on
Hospitals and Health Care approved a bill that
would have required drug manufacturers to roll
prices charged to the Department of Veterans
Affairs back to their Sept. 1, 1990, levels, adjusted only for inflation. Brewster called the
industry's profits "at least exorbitant and
maybe even obscene." But he cast the sole
subcommittee vote against the bill, explaining
that he did not support it because it would
result in price shifting. "Anytime you artificially impose price limits, you raise prices somewhere else," he said. The final bill did not
require companies to roll back prices.
Brewster broke from Democratic leaders in
1992 with his support for a constitutional
amendment to require a balanced budget. He
joined with five other moderate-to-conservative
Democrats to urge Speaker Thomas S. Foley of
Washington to permit a balanced-budget
amendment to reach the House floor.
Early in the 103rd Congress, Brewster
joined New York Democrat Charles E. Schumer
in proposing to ensure that proposed spending
cuts and revenue increases were directed toward reducing the federal budget deficit. Their
proposal, to create a deficit-reduction "guaranty trust fund," would steer to the trust fund
all net tax increases, savings in Social Security,
entitlement cuts and debt service, to be used
exclusively to cut the deficit. It also would
prevent tax increases from being used for new
spending. Clinton embraced their legislation in
a speech in May 1993; Republicans derided it as
a meaningless gimmick.
At Home: Voters in "Little Dixie" — the
poor, southeastern region of the state — are
accustomed to having their House members
around for a while: Brewster is only the third
person to represent the 3rd in the past 46 years.
Carl Albert held the 3rd from 1947 to 1977, the
last six as Speaker of the House. Wes Watkins
was in the House for 14 years before leaving to
run for governor in 1990.
First elected to the state House in 1982,
Brewster, from Marietta (Love County), represented two counties and part of a third in the
1243
�Bill Brewster,
D-Okla.
Oklahoma 3
The only district in the state that lacks a
major urban area, the 3rd sprawls across
southeastern Oklahoma, with a three-county
appendage on its northern end. The largest
city in the 3rd, Stillwater (Payne County) has
36,700 people. Only two other cities in the
district, Shawnee (Pottawatomie) and Ardmore (Carter), have more than 20,000 people.
Oklahoma's southeastern district historically has been its most reliably Democratic. Since becoming a state in 1907, the
"Little Dixie" region has never elected a
Republican to the House. The area was
settled largely by migrants from Texas and
Arkansas, and its voters are conservative
Democrats of the "yellow dog" variety. The
3rd was one of two Oklahoma districts Bill
Clinton won in 1992.
In elections for offices below the presidency, most voters in the 3rd harbor little
sympathy for the GOP. The most reliable
territory for a Republican is along the district's northern corridor, which has more in
common with more-Republican northern
Oklahoma than with Little Dixie. In the three
southern counties George Bush carried in
1988 — Pontotoc, Carter and Le Flore —.
Democratic nominees for Senate and governor easily won in competitive 1986 contests,
as well as in the more lopsided 1990 races.
Bush won only three 3rd District counties in
1992, all in the northern corridor.
Although the 3rd has a significant energy industry, with several counties producing oil and natural gas, Little Dixie largely
missed out on the oil discoveries that
brought wealth — and Republicanism — to
central and western Oklahoma. Wracked by
rural depression in the 1920s and again in the
southwestern corner of the 3rd. In the Legislature, he specialized in business and energy
issues.
Brewster's House campaign began tragically, but by the time the Democratic primary
balloting was over, he had bested the scion of a
political legend to secure his party's nomination, making his election a virtual lock.
Anticipating Watkins' long-rumored departure to run for governor, Brewster began'assembling a campaign organization in the summer of
1989. In six months, he had a preliminary organization in all 20 counties of the district.
But the day Brewster officially launched
his campaign, two of his children died in a plane
crash on their way home from the districtwide
campaign swing. Three weeks later, on the floor
of the state House, he affirmed his intention to
1244
Southeast —
'Little Dixie'
1980s, this region is the least prosperous area
of Oklahoma today. Primarily rural, the 3rd
relies on farming and livestock to fuel its
economy. Beef cattle, chickens and hogs are
raised throughout the 3rd. Tyson Foods,
with headquarters in nearby Springdale,
Ark., is building a $50 million hog-breeding
complex in Holdenville (Hughes County).
Bryan, Hughes and Love are among the
nation's leading peanut-growing counties.
Timber is harvested in the Ouachita
National Forest, in the southeastern part of
the 3rd. In the south, truck farmers send
their produce to the Campbell Soup factory
just over the border in Paris, Texas. Ardmore has a large, modern Uniroyal Goodrich tire factory. Many district residents
who live on the outskirts of Oklahoma City
work at Tinker Air Force Base (in the 4th
District).
Oklahoma's maximum-security prison
is in McAlester (Pittsburg County). The
inmates' two-day rodeo in late summer has
become a popular annual attraction. Lake
Texoma in the southwest is a popular summer vacation destination.
The names of Coal and Pittsburg coun"ties are reminders that coal was once mined
in abundance in eastern Oklahoma; Latimer
and Le Flore counties also have significant
coal reserves. Coal mining now accounts for
a fraction of its previous share of the area's
economy, but high-sulfur bituminous coal is
still mined in those counties.
1990 Population: 524,264. White 437,177 (83%),
Black 21,186 (4%), Other 65,901 (13%). Hispanic
origin 7,291 (1%). 18 and over 388,310 (74%), 62 and
over 99,042 (19%). Median age: 34.
continue his run for Congress.
Following Brewster into the House contest
was the namesake of an Oklahoma political
legend — Lt. Gov. Robert S. Kerr III, the
grandson of the late Robert S. Kerr, the powerful Democratic senator (1949-63) and governor
responsible for bringing many federal irrigation
projects to Oklahoma.
Kerr began with near-universal name recognition. His grandfather is revered in the area;
the Kerr home, in the 3rd District town of
Poteau, is a museum.
But the lieutenant governor's own ties to
the district were more tenuous. Born and raised
in Oklahoma City, Kerr bought a home in the
district only after he switched his sights from
the governor's race to the House bid.
• Brewster worked hard to compete with the
�Oklahoma
Kerr name. He had assembled a formidable
organization and was able to keep pace with
Kerr in fundraising. Brewster chided Kerr for
his recent move to the district.
The 3rd District is not conducive to electronic media campaigns: The largest city has
fewer than 40,000 people. Brewster and Kerr
attacked the daunting geography of the sprawling district by waging an old-fashioned, townby-town canvass for votes. TV ads helped
Brewster bolster his message that Kerr was a
carpetbagger, but the rudiments of his successful effort lay in his ground-level campaign.
Brewster managed to win a majority — 51
percent — of the vote in the four-candidate
primary, averting a runoff with Kerr, who received 41 percent.
In November, Brewster crushed his GOP
opponent, who had lost to Watkins three times.
He easily won a second term in 1992.
Key Votes
Committee
Ways & Means (23rd of 24 Democrats)
Oversight; Social Security
Elections
1992 General
Bill K. Brewster (D)
Robert W. Stokes (R)
1990 General
Bill K. Brewster (D)
Patrick K. Miller (R)
155,934
51,725
(75%
25%
107,641
26,261
(80%)
(20%)
District Vote tor President
1992
D 94,763(42%)
R 77,054(34%;
I 55,974 (25%'
1993
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
Approve economic stimulus plan
1992
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
C ose down space station program
Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
Allow shifting funds from defense to domestic programs
19
91
Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf
N
N
N
Y
Y
N
Y
N
N
Voting Studies
Campaign Finance
Receipts
1992
Brewster (D)
Stokes (R)
1990
Brewster (D)
- 3rd District
Receipts
from PACs
Expenditures
Year
1992
19
91
$386,144
$423,953 $266,973 (63%
$6,338
$88 (1% $6,338
$448,824 $179,466 (40%)
$446,766
Presidential
Support
S O
4
3 5
7
4
5 5
4
Party
Unity
S O
75 22
7
1 2
6
Conservative
Coalition
S O
8 1
5 5
8 1
4 4
Interest Group Ratings
Year
1992
19
91
ADA
60
20
AFL-CIO
50
67
CCUS
75
60
ACU
48
45
1245
�Illinois - 2nd District
2 Mel Reynolds (D)
Of Chicago — Elected 1992; 1st Term
Born: Jan. 8,1952, Mound Bayou, Miss.
Education: Chicago City College, A.A. 1972; U. of
Illinois, B.A. 1974; Oxford U., LL.B. 1979, M.A. 1981.
Occupation: Professor.
Family: Wife, Marisol Concepcion; one child.
Religion: Baptist.
Political Careen Sought Democratic nomination for
U.S. House, 1988,1990.
Capitol Office: 514 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-0773.
signment. He was the only freshman tapped for
The Path to Washington: Most people
the Ways and Means Committee. Promoting
run for Congress because they want to serve.
government-private sector partnerships is a
Reynolds had a second, equally compelling reason
prime goal for Reynolds. And Ways and Means
— to oust an incumbent whom he and others
is a place where he can pursue tax policies to
believed to be an embarrassment. Reynolds arpromote private investment in housing and
gued that Rep. Gus Savage was so ineffective as to
other inner-city concerns.
be doing a disservice to his mostly black, poor.
Democratic South.Side Chica'go.cohstituents.;K?^- . ..... For Reynolds, the third time was the charm.
In 1988, he ran third in a four-way race, pulling
In an upset, the magnitude of which even
only 14 percent to Savage's 52 percent. In 1990,
stunned Reynolds, he ousted the 12-year incumhefinishedsecond with 43 percent to Savage's 51
bent with 63 percent of the vote in the Democratic
percent (another candidate got 5 percent).
primary. Savage had been tested in primaries
This time, Reynolds got the race that he
before — even by Reynolds, who was making his
wanted — and that he knew he could win. First,
third run at the seat — but never so proficiently.redistricting had stripped away some South
Reynolds, like Savage, grew up poor in
Side voters who had been solidly in Savage's
Chicago. But, with different opportunities in
camp, substituting more middle-class voters —
different times, the two took dramatically differblack and white — from the close-in suburbs.
ent paths. Reynolds won a Rhodes scholarship to
Second, it was a head-to-head clash. There was
Oxford University and became a community
no third candidate to split the anti-Savage vote
activist and mainstream political consultant; Savor to distract Reynolds.
age stayed on the streets. He was a gang leader,
Reynolds also took his message — and his
then a civil rights leader and organizer of insurattack on Savage's record — to the heart of the
gent political campaigns against Chicago's whiteincumbent's own base of support. Reynolds never
run regular Democrats. That was how Savage
shut the campaign office he opened in 1989 for his
earned the respect of his core constituency, who
last race. He used it for community outreach and
returned him to office despite his ethical scrapes
to emphasize his contention that Savage never
and a flamboyant manner that offended many.
Reynolds is a coalition-builder, while Savage • • offered a helping hand to his constituents. And
Reynolds poured $80,000 into radio spots during
was divisive by choice. Reynolds has worked, to
the last two weeks of the primary, to great effect.
improve race relations and is an unapologetic,
In a strange twist, Reynolds was the victim of
supporter of Israel. Savage filled his speeches
a drive-by shooting just days before the March
with racial charges and blasted Reynolds in two
primary. Riding in a rented car, with a huge
campaigns for being a puppet of Jews who
campaign sign on top, Reynolds was cut slightly
contributed to his candidacy. Reynolds says
by flying glass when an unknown gunman in
blacks have to take some responsibility for imanother car fired at him. Reynolds blamed the
proving their condition — speaking out more
attack on a general climate of violence.
forcefully against handgun violence, for example.
Reynolds won big in the suburbs, with the
Savage cited racism as the cause of all that he saw
aid of some crossover Republican votes that he
wrong with the world.
expected and a big turnout, and he edged
Early in the 103rd, Reynolds made gun
Savage in the city portion of the 2nd.
control an immediate priority. He appeared on
Republicans, who ran no one in the primary ,
"Nightline" and wrote a Chicago Tribune opinfielded a black candidate in the general election,
ion piece on the issue. He also introduced a bill
business owner Ron Blackstone. And Savage's
to increase the excise tax on firearms and
longtime chief of staff, Louanner Peters, ran an
impose liability on gun manufacturers for injuindependent campaign. But neither made a dent
ries caused by their firearms.
in Reynolds' momentum.
His victory earned Reynolds a coveted as:
:
457
�Mel Reynolds,
I
D-lll.
Chicago — Far South Side;
south suburbs; Chicago Heights
Illinois 2
1
More than two-thirds of the people in
the 2nd are black, and Democrats dominate
in contests from president right down the
ballot. But redistricting for the 1990s,
which added suburban turf to the 2nd,
brought a major change in the district's
House representation.
In the 1992 primary, Reynolds — an
educator and community activist with a
mainstream style — unseated Democratic
Rep. Gus Savage, who had been a polarizing
figure. Savage had appealed to a mainly
urban constituency with hard-edged rhetoric that blamed white racism for the problems of his district's many low-income black
residents; he had increasingly targeted Jews
for criticism.
Under the new map, though, only
slightly more than half the district's residents
are within the Chicago city limits. Reynolds
— who had lost two primary challenges to
Savage — capitalized on this shift. Reynolds
made a strong appeal to suburban voters,
including Jews, conservative white ethnics
and blacks with more moderate views. Reynolds steamrolled the incumbent in the suburbs, winning with 80 percent.
Even within the city, Savage had lost
ground, particularly among middle-class
blacks who found his attitude extreme and
were drawn to Reynolds, a former Rhodes
scholar. Reynolds edged Savage in the city
part of the district. The district's huge
Democratic advantage boosted Reynolds to
an easy general election win.
Within the city, the 2nd is roughly Ushaped. Much of the western arm, which
runs north to 63rd Street, is low-income.
There are middle-class pockets, though, in
such far South Side sections as Morgan
Park and Pullman. The eastern arm begins
at 71st Street in the South Shore area. In
neighboring South Chicago, belching factories once employed thousands. The USX
Corp.'s April 1992 closure of its already
downsized South Works plant symbolized
the decline of Chicago's industrial base.
For several years, Chicago Mayor Richard M. Daley pushed a pet project, a massive new airport in the Lake Calumet area,
another former industrial hub. Backed by
claims that the project would be a catalyst
for cleaning up industrial pollution and
would offer new employment opportunities,
Daley in early 1992 gained Republican Gov.
Jim Edgar's support for the airport. But the
state legislature refused to go along, pleasing locals who complained about the displacement and noise a new airport would
bring.
South of the city are working-class suburbs: Several, including Harvey, Markham
and Bobbins, are nearly all black. Some,
including Ford Heights and parts of urbanized Chicago Heights, are poor, while others,
such as Country Club Hills, are more affluent.
: The district's southernmost reaches
have most of its white population. Jewish
residents are numerous in such well-to-do
suburbs as Homewood, Flossmoor and
Olympia Fields. Bloom Township has a
longstanding Italian-American community;
this is the most Republican area in the 2nd.
1990 Population: 571,530. White 154.902 (27%),
Black 391,425 (68%), Other 25,203 (4%). Hispanic
origin 37,860 (7%). 18 and over 402.216 (70%), 62
and over 69,334 (12%). Median age: 31.
Committee
Elections
Ways & Means (24th of 24 Democrats)
Human Resources; Social Security
Campaign Finance
1992
Reynolds (D)
Blackstone (R)
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
$532,031 $195,772 (37%)
$36,075
$1,000 (3%)
Expenditures
$542,911
$35,848
Key Votes
1993
t.'
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Approve national "motor voter'' registration bill
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
Approve economic stimulus plan
458
1992 General
Mel Reynolds (D)
Ron Blackstone (R)
Louanner Peters (LP)
1992 Primary
Mel Reynolds (D)
Gus Savage (D)
182,614
31,957
19,293
(78%)
(14%)
(8%)
61,450
36,865
(3 )
6%
(7 )
3%
District Vote for President
1992
D 194,313 (80%)
R 31,710(13%
I 16,955 (7%
�Texas - 7th District
7 Bill Archer (R)
Of Houston - Elected 1970; 12th Term
Bonu March 22, 1928, Houston, Texas.
Education: Rice U., 1945-46; U. of Texas, B.B.A. 1949,
LL.B. 1951.
Military Service: Air Force, 1951-53.
Occupation: Lawyer; feed company executive.
Family: Wife, Sharon Sawyer; Five children, two
stepchildren.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Careen Hunters Creek Village Council, 195562; Texas House, 1967-71.
Capitol Office: 1236 Longworth Bldg. 20515; 225-2571. .
In Washington: Archer is a painful example of Republican frustration in the House. His
22 years of service make him top gun for the
GOP on Ways and Means, but they do not
guarantee that his voice will be heard when that
pivotal committee takes up taxes and health
care — the centerpiece issues of the 103rd
Congress.
Well-liked by his Republican colleagues,
and occasionally mentioned as a possible successor to Minority Leader Robert H. Michel of
Illinois, Archer has proved himself adept at
listening to the interests and concerns of junior
members in weekly meetings of the committee's
minority.
But this is not enough when the full committee meets. Archer has not established a
partnership with Democratic Ways and Means
Chairman Dan Rostenkowski of Illinois, largely
because he is not inclined to engage in the oneon-one deal-making that has enabled some
GOP members of the panel to do business with
the tightfisted chairman. On occasion, Archer
has also crossed the chairman, a step rarely
taken without consequences.
In the 101st Congress, for example, Archer
helped lead a crusade that led to repeal of one
of the chairman's proudest achievements of the
previous year: the program to protect the elderly against catastrophic health costs. Archer
and his allies had heard the outcry from those
senior citizens who were having to pay up to
$800 for the first year of the program. When
Rostenkowski sent a "fix-it" bill to the floor in
September 1989, Archer and Democratic Rep.
Brian Donnelly of Massachusetts persuaded the
House Rules Committee to permit a vote on
near-total repeal, which eventually prevailed by
a ratio of more than 5-to-l.
But rather than feel frustrated by his position, Archer radiates a sort of peace. As leader
of the loyal opposition, he keeps to the anti-tax,
free-market agenda that he and most of the
Republican Conference prefer. With no Republican administration to defend — or White
1464
House program to sell — Archer is free to
return to the no-compromise stance that had
i characterized his earlier House career.
Archer will work to guard the committee's
jurisdiction; in this much, at least, he is Rostenkowski's ally. But this does not obligate him to
defend his committee's products or its chairman, when Archer is under as much pressure as
he is within his own party.
At a closed Ways and Means session in
early January 1993, Archer argued for a freeze
in the committee's budget, with no increase for
inflation. Customarily, such motions from the
minority are made and then allowed to die on a
voice vote. But in this instance, several junior
Republicans demanded a roll call vote so as to
put the Democrats on record against the freeze.
In the language of internal committee politics,
this gesture achieved two ends: hardening the
lines of partisan conflict and signaling Archer
not to accommodate the Democrats at any turn.
With a Democrat in the White House,
Archer's role has changed markedly from when
he first inherited the ranking spot in mid-1988,
following the death of John J. Duncan of Tennessee. Archer had been known for preferring
conservative principle over compromise, but in
this new role he surprised observers with his
flexibility and potential for effective leadership.
In that first summer, Archer showed a
commitment to leading while getting along. He
checked staff shifts with other members and set
to work on the committee's major product, a
"technical corrections" tax bill. While designed
chiefly to fix glitches in the 1986 tax overhaul
law, the bill also extended important tax credits
and included plums for individual companies.
Rostenkowski had let it be known that
grandstanding opponents would be cut out of
the important off-the-field bargaining on issues
important to their districts. Archer seemed to
take the sincerity of this threat on faith. He
voted for the bill on the floor and in conference,
while working to hone some features he deplored.
�Bill Archer, R- Texas
Western Houston;
northwestern suburbs
Texas 7
The urban sprawl of Houston takes up
only a portion of the 7th geographically, but
it dominates the district in most other respects. The 7th is a collection of white,
affluent, reliably Republican neighborhoods. Residents of the old 7th gave George
Bush one of his two largest margins in 1988,
and four years later the district gave him a
solid 57 percent.
About half the district's residents live
within the city limits, and many work
downtown. All of the 7th — and parts of six
other districts — are in Harris County, a
region that covers 34 incorporated areas
and has 2.8 million people. With a population that is 6 percent black and 12 percent
Hispanic, the 7th is somewhat less racially
integrated than the city as a whole.
Although none of downtown Houston
is included in the 7th, there is plenty of
commercial enterprise in the district. Thousands of bankers, real estate brokers, developers, insurance executives and retail employees live in the west and northwest parts
of the city. Compaq Computer Corp., with
its headquarters and a manufacturing plant
on the district boundary line, is a major
employer. Founded in 1982 by three former
Texas Instruments workers, Compaq felt
the squeeze of competition in 1991 and
responded with a restructuring and about
2,000 layoffs. The belt-tightening and several new products helped the company rebound; 1992 worldwide sales reached $4.1
billion. Like Compaq, Continental Airlines
is a major source of jobs for residents of the
7th, although it is in the neighboring 18th
Office parks and ' small factories
sprouted up along Route 290 in the 1970s
v
When George Bush moved into the White
House, Archer was put in the position of carrying the administration's water. Archer shared a
great deal with the new president, from whom
he had inherited his Houston district in 1970
and his seat on Ways and Means a few years
later. Both men had spent much of their legislative careers defending the interests of the oil
industry, and both had been less than enthusiastic about President Ronald Reagan's secondterm tax overhaul.
Bush, as Reagan's vice president, kept his
opposition private. But Archer helped lead
House Republican opposition to the Reagan
plan in 1985 and 1986, having some success in
the first year and going down fighting (arrayed
against the leaders of his own party) in 1986.
Archer argued that the overhaul's lower per-
when land was particularly affordable.
Toshiba opened a turbine-engine plant in the
area then and remains a major employer.
Cameron Forged Products, a tool manufacturer, is another of the longtime residents.
Cameron, which previously relied heavily on
defense contracts, retrained its work force in
the late 1980s and early 1990s to produce
engine parts for commercial clients.
The River Oaks, Memorial and
Tanglewood neighborhoods are home to
some of Houston's wealthiest families. And
they soon will have a new neighbor — the
Bushes moved to Tanglewood in 1993 to
build a home on a lot they had owned for
years.
Houstonians also boast of their ballet,
symphony, opera company, museums and
theaters. Many of the area's dedicated arts
patrons live in the imitation Tudor mansions, imitation French chateaux and imitation Spanish villas of River Oaks.
Memorial includes a number of small,
self-incorporated villages near Interstate 10
that have their own mayors and some discrete municipal services. Residents of
Hedwig, Bunker Hill and Piney Point
moved into the villages decades ago and
never left, prompting the creation of the
phrase "the graying of Memorial."
The 7th is a religious and politically
active area. The 10,000-member Second
Baptist Church is located here, as well as
several sizable Presbyterian churches.
1990 Population: 566,217. White 471,894 (83%).
Black 33,514 (6%), Other 60,809 (11%). Hispanic
origin 67,616 (12%). 18 and over 412,822 (73%), 62
and over 42,189 (7%). Median age: 32.
sonal tax rates carried too high a price in terms
of business, investment and the economy.
Once Bush became president, he and Archer were able to reopen one of the issues from
the 1986 overhaul — the capital gains tax. In
the spring of 1989, Archer worked with a handful of Ways and Means Democrats in introducing a capital-gains tax cut that eventually
passed the committee over Rostenkowski's opposition and triumphed on the House floor.
Only a procedural maneuver in the Senate kept
that tax cut from enactment.
The confluence of Archer's Bush connection
and his committee role made him a surprise
convert to the budget deal the White House
negotiated with House and Senate leaders in 1990.
That deal included tax increases, but Archer stood
with his president and with Rostenkowski in
1465
�Texas - 7th District
voting for the doomed package on Oct. 4.
In 1992, Archer gained a measure of revenge on the 1986 hill by adding several tax
breaks for independent oil producers to a broad
energy bill enacted by Congress.
Beyond protecting the oil industry and
espousing a general aversion to taxes, Archer
has a limited personal agenda: He still wants to
dramatically reduce taxes on capital gains; he
wants to return to the system of accelerated
depreciation instituted by the first Reagan administration tax bill in 1981 (another casualty
of the 1986 tax bill); and he wants to protect
Social Security, an area in which he has acquired and displayed considerable expertise.
Archer was an early objector to raising the rates
of payroll taxes to finance ever-greater increases in Social Security benefits.
At Home: Archer occupies a "silk-stock-
ing" district initially drawn in the mid-1960s
with Bush, a New England-born WASP, in
mind. But Archer himself is a native Houstonian, raised a Catholic and a Democrat. After
law school and the Air Force, Archer launched
his political career in 1955 as a member of the
Hunters Creek Village Council.
Archer made his mark as a conservative
Democrat, winning a seat in the Texas Legislature in 1966. But in 1968 he switched parties
and won re-election as a Republican. Since the
territory of his state Legislative district closely
coincided with that of Bush's House district,
Archer was the early favorite in 1970 when
Bush ran for the U.S. Senate.
Archer easily won the GOP primary and
went on to defeat a young law partner of John
B. Connally in November. He has had no electoral problems since then.
Committees
Key Votes
Ways & Means (Ranking)
Joint Taxation
Elections
169,407
(100%)
114,254
(100%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1988 (79%)
1984 (87%) 1982 (85%) 1980 (82%)
1976 (100%) 1974 (79%) 1972 (82%)
1986 (87%)
1978 (85%)
1970 (65%)
District Vote for President
Voting Studies
1992
D 52,501 (22%)
R 137.541 (57%)
I 49,201 (21%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts
1992
Archer(R)
1990
Archer(R)
Receipts
from PACs
$121,947
0
$121,751
$241,863
0
$200,871
Expenditures
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
1987
1986
1985
1984
1983
1982
1981
Presidential
Support
S
0
80
13
84
14
84
15
81
16
79
18
82
18
82
17
11
88
70
30
77
22
82
18
67
30
Party
Unity
S
O
85
10
85
11
86
13
75
22
80
19
84
13
81
15
80
15
94
6
921
90
93
5
N
N
Y
J
t Not eligible for all recorded votes.
Interest Group Ratings
Year
ADA
AFL-CIO
CCUS
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
1987
1986
1985
1984
1983
1982
1981
1466
Y
N
N
N
Conservative
Coalition
S
O
4
85
100
0
2
98
98
2
92
3
7
91
2
98
87
7
12
88
4
96
89
10
92
7
CO Ol
1992 General
Bill Archer (R)
1990 General
Bill Archer (R)
1993
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
Approve economic stimulus plan
1992
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
Close down space station program
Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
Allow shifting funds from defense to domestic programs
1991
Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing
.
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
'
Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
5
0
5
0
5
17
0
8
0
0
0
0
0
15
0
0
0
75
100
86
90
100
100
94
100
94
85
86
89
ACU
100
95
88
88
100
95
95
100
100
100
100
100
�Illinois - 8th District
8 Philip M. Crane (R)
Of Mount Prospect — Elected 1969; 12th Full Term
Born: Nov. 3,1930, Chicago, 111.
Education: DePauw U., 1948-50; Hillsdale College, B.A.
1952; U. of Michigan, 1952-54; U. of Vienna
(Austria), 1953,1956; Indiana U., M.A. 1961, Ph.D.
1963.
Military Service: Army, 1954-56.
Occupation: Professor; author; advertising executive.
Family: Wife, Arlene Catherine Johnson; eight children.
Religion: Protestant.
Political Careen Sought GOP nomination for
president, 1980.
'
Capitol Office: 233 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-3711.
/
^
.
gating and prosecuting S&L fraud cases.
In Washington: Despite having run for
. . In 1992, he was one of only seven House
president and being the sixth most senior
House Republican and the second-ranking Re- " "members — all Republicans — who voted
against a 1992 bill to expand access to college
publican on the Ways and Means Committee,
loans. In the IQlst Congress, Crane was part of
Crane is not a major player in Congress. While
the revolt against Democratic Ways and Means
he is visible on a few isolated issues, Crane is
Chairman Dan Rostenkowski of Illinois that
not looked to for policy guidance.
managed to repeal the funding mechanism for
In the House, the torch has been seized by
catastrophic health care and "Section 89" rules
combative Republican conservatives who
against discriminatory piension arrangements.
elected Newt Gingrich of Georgia as minority
whip early in the 101st Congress and Dick
Crane was a fairly low-profile member of
Armey of Texas as conference chairman late in
Ways and Means for a number of years, but in
1992. Both Gingrich and Armey are Crane's
the 99th Congress, he assumed the ranking
juniors in the House by a decade or more.
position on the Trade Subcommittee. He has
Recently, Crane has laid claim to a new
emerged as a vocal proponent of free trade,
cause in term limits. Though he is in his 12th
battling other members' efforts to protect dofull term, Crane sponsored a constitutional
mestic industries from imports.
amendment limiting both House members and
He has opposed attempts to link China's
senators to six years in office. It was one of his
most-favored-nation trading status with
few recent instances of national exposure. Anchanges in its human rights policies as "misother occurred when his daughters appeared as
guided." And he led the efforts to allow Taiwan
contestants on the syndicated television dating
to be part of the General Agreement on Tariffs
program "Studs," and yet another when ABCand Trade. In the 102nd Congress he also
TV's "Primetime Live" in April 1993 showed
supported legislation allowing duty-free exports
him and other members enjoying a Florida
from Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru to
resort at lobbyists' expense.
allow the countries' economies to shift from
Few question Crane's intellectual abilities
illegal drug production.
or his oratorical skills. He received a perfect 100
Many other members share his concern
percent rating from the American Conservative
about protectionist attempts to reduce the U.S.
Union in all but one year from 1981 to 1992.
trade deficit, but few feel as strongly as Crane.
But he has never displayed the mindset needed
Early in 1987, he was one of only two Ways and
for the give-and-take of legislating. Even Crane
Means members to vote against reporting an
describes some of his rigidly conservative legisomnibus trade bill to the floor. Although others
lative endeavors as "spitting in the wind."
complained about various parts of the legislation, Crane was virtually alone in questioning
Crane often acts to define the ideologically
the need for any bill at all.
pure frontier. When funding for the National
More than once in his career, Crane's opinEndowment for the Arts became controversial
ions on tax policy have been ahead of the curve
in the 101st and 102nd Congresses, Crane called
of debate on the subject. But when the ideas he
for the NEA's outright abolition, attracting the
was espousing began working their way through
votes of less than one-third of his own party's
the legislative process, Crane was not known for
colleagues. In June 1990, with Congress in high
fighting in the trenches for their passage.
dudgeon over the savings and loan crisis, Crane
stood alone against 420 members in a floor vote
He was one of the earliest congressional
appropriating an extra $75 million for investisupporters of tax indexing, introducing legislation
476
r
�Philip M. Crane, R-lll.
Illinois 8
There are House districts in the Chicago area where the major concerns are
economic development and jobs. Then
there are districts, such as the suburban
and affluent 8th, where the main worries
are overdevelopment and traffic.
The 8th is made up of the suburbs of
northwest Cook County (which provide
more than 60 percent of the district's
votes); the developing exurbia of southwestern Lake County; and the more remote (but
also growing) lake-country towns near Wisconsin. These areas combine to make the
8th the most Republican district in Illinois.
Although Democratic Sen. Paul Simon
won every Illinois district in 1990, he took
just 52 percent in the 8th. In 1992, the
district returned to form, supporting Republican Senate candidate Rich Williamson
over Democratic winner Carol MoseleyBraun.
Yet there are signs that recent suburban growth may have tempered the staunch
conservatism that long made Rep. Crane
virtually untouchable. In 1992, he struggled
to fend off a more moderate GOP primary
foe, then defeated his Democratic challenger with a subpar 56 percent. George
Bush carried the 8th but with far less than
the 71 percent he rang up in 1988.
The district has some well-established
suburbs in its southeast corner, the nearest
part to Chicago, including Mount Prospect
and the southern part of Arlington Heights
(the rest is in the 10th District). The biggest
boom has been farther west; developments
has been abetted by access to Interstates 90
and 290 and proximity to O'Hare Airport
(in the 6th District). Just 30 years ago,
as far back as 1974. But while he could claim
victory with its passage in 1981, he was not
prominent in the key negotiations on the issue.
Well before tax-code revision became a
major issue, Crane proposed a flat-rate tax of 10
percent on income, with no deductions or credits, and a $2,000 personal exemption. But in
1985, when Ways and Means produced a taxrevision bill incorporating some of his ideas, he
described the bill — which had White House
backing — as "poorly and thoughtlessly
crafted" and burdensome on business. Unlike
President Ronald Reagan and most House
members, Crane did not want a revenue-neutral
bill but one that would greatly lower the tax
burden.
Crane launched his 1980 presidential campaign from his base as chairman of the Ameri-
Northwest Cook County —
Schaumburg; Palatine
Schaumburg was still mainly rural. Today,
it is a satellite city of 68,000 and the largest community totally within the 8th. The
Motorola electronics company is in
Schaumburg, as is Delta Air Lines' regional
office. Hoffman Estates has expanded
nearly as fast; Kmart Corp. is headquartered here, and retailer Sears has moved its
merchandising group to the city.
Rolling Meadows, with some high-tech
industry, and mainly residential Palatine lie
to the north. At the west end of Cook
County is a portion of Elgin that has experienced residential growth.
Some exclusive communities have
sought to remain exclusive. Harrington Hills,
which sprawls among Cook, Lake, McHenry
and Kane counties, has slightly more than
4,000 residents. But growth is unbridled in
other Lake County communities: Lake Zurich
grew by 81 percent in the 1980s to 15,000
residents. The Kemper insurance company is
based in nearby Long Grove.
The northern part of the district, with
its "chain o' lakes," has a number of vacation homes but is far less densely populated. Residents who rely on seasonal employment are also less well-off than the
district norm.
At the northeast edge of the 8th is
Gurnee, across the 10th District line from
Waukegan. Spurred by its location on Interstate 94, Gurnee nearly doubled in population in the 1980s, to just under 14,000.
1990 Population: 571.530. White 527,051 (92%),
Black 9,442 (2%), Other 35,037 (6%). Hispanic origin
31,570 (6%). 18 and over 420,358 (74%), 62 and over
53,816 (9%). Median age: 32.
can Conservative Union. After Crane spent a
year trying to organize support for the New
Hampshire primary, William Loeb, then the
acerbic Manchester Union Leader publisher
and political baron, ran articles accusing Crane
of heavy drinking and womanizing. By the time
New Hampshire voted, Crane was a minor
candidate and received just 1.8 percent of the
vote. He won five convention delegates but
withdrew and endorsed Reagan.
At Home: For more than two decades,
Crane thrived in the conservative environment
of the affluent northwest Chicago suburbs and
exurbs. It was thus a jarring change in 1992
when Crane faced threatening challenges in
both the primary and general elections.
Crane's Republican opponent was Gary
Skoien, a developer and former state official.
�Illinois - 8th District
a
?
Skoien called himself a pragmatic consef-"'
vative and portrayed Crane as an obstructionist. Bidding for suburban votes, Skoien contrasted his support for abortion rights to
Crane's anti-abortion stance. He also said
Crane had let his ties to the district attenuate.
But Crane responded with a vigorous campaign built around the slogan "the taxpayer's
best friend." Skoien won several newspaper
endorsements, but Crane maintained the loyalty of local Republican organizations and hung
on to win with 55 percent.
In the fall, Crane faced Democrat Sheila A'.
Smith, owner of an appliance-light factory.
While pursuing such Democratic Party issues as
defense spending cuts and increased funding
for public works, Smith told the usually Republican constituency that she was a different kind
of Democrat. Crane promised to continue his
practice of never voting for a tax increase. His
share of the vote was lower than ever, but he
still won by nearly 40,000 votes.
Prior to 1992, Crane had fallen below 60
percent only in his first two House contests. In
1969, he entered the Republican primary in a
special election that followed then-Rep. Donald
Rumsfeld's appointment by President Richard
M. Nixon to head the Office of Economic
Opportunity. With the aid of fellow conservative activists, Crane topped a seven-candidate
field with 22 percent of the vote.
Crane's Democratic opponent in the special election tried to paint him as an ideological
extremist. But Crane's soft-spoken and articulate manner helped him win with 58 percent.
Crane matched that figure in his 1970 bid for a
full term and increased his percentages thereafter.
Committee
' Key Votes
Ways & Means (2nd of 14 Republicans)
Trade (ranking); Social Security
Joint Taxation
Elections
1992 General
Philip M. Crane (R)
Sheila A. Smith (D)
JoeM. Dillier(ICONG)
1992 Primary
Philip M. Crane (R)
Gary J. Skoien (R)
1990 General
Philip M. Crane (R)
Steve Pedersen (ILSOL)
132,887
96,419
9,327
56%)
40%
(4%
31,396
25,296
55%)
45%)
113,081
24,450
82%)
18%)
1993 ....
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
Approve economic stimulus plan , ..
1992
..;;;:,„ -=.,,..•..
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
Close down space station program
Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
Allow shifting funds from defense to domestic programs
1991
••
Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing
Approve wait ng period for handgun purchases
Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf .
l
Campaign Finance
1992
Crane (R)
Smith (D)
1990
Crane (R)
478
$477,110
$140,239
$163,442
Receipts
from PACs
Expenditures
$71,557 (51%)
$528,818
$138,921
$163,376
Y
Y
N
N
N
N
Y
Voting Studies
Previous Winning Percentages: 1988 (75%) 1986 (78%)
1984 (78%) 1982 (66%) 1980 (74%) 1978 (80%)
Year
1976 (73%) 1974 (61%) 1972 (74%) 1970 (58%)
1992
1991
1969* (58%)
1990
• Special election.
1989
1988
District Vote for President
1987
1986
1992
1985
D 76,327(31%)
1984
R 118,714(48%)
1983
I 54,269(22%)
1982
1981
Receipts
>
Y
N
N
N
N
Presidential
Support
S
O
83 12
71 20
84 12
63 30
79 15
71 16
82 16
80 11
73 21
76 16
79 18
64 28
Party
Unity
S
0
94
2
87
5
89
2
86
5
91
2
. 83
2
87
4
79
5
86
7
92
4
81
5
81
9
Conservative
Coalition
S
0
90
6
89
5
87
7
90
5
92
3
72
9
90
4
76
9
85 10
92
6
89
7
80 13
Interest Group Ratings
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
1987
1986
1985
1984
1983
1982
1981
ADA
0
' 0
.,
11
. 5
0
4
0
• -S
... 0
5
0
10
•
AFL-CIO
8
0
0
0
0
0
0
6
,15
6
0
• 0
CCUS
71
89
79
90
93
92
93
82
93
85
85
69
ACU
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
95
100
100
100
100
�'Mi'
California - 21st District
2 1 Bfll Thomas (R)
Of Bakersfield - Elected 1978; 8th Term
Bora: Dec. 6,1941, Wallace, Idaho.
Education: San Francisco State U., B.A. 1963, M.A.
1965.
Occupation: Professor.
Family: Wife, Sharon Lynn Hamilton; two children.
Religion: Baptist.
Political Careen Calif. Assembly, 1975-79.
Capitol Office: 2209 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-2915.
A--
&
•'4
..at
I n Washington: Through seven terms,
Thomas was a virtuoso in the House Republican's ensemble. But as he began his 15th year in
Congress, he found himself hard-pressed to
convince the new wave of junior GOP conservatives that he could sing their tune. - •
Thomas relishes the role of partisan strategist: He is one of the best in the House at
watching a floor debate or a committee meeting
and taking in all the political implications. He
has long employed his combative style to advantage, not just on the floor but also in the
Ways and Means Committee — where other
Republicans have preferred to avoid public
confrontations.
Thomas' style does not suit all tastes. He
can be snide to slower-witted colleagues of
either party and quick to anger when he does
not get his way. Those traits, combined with the
feeling that Thomas had been too accommodating as ranking Republican on the House Administration Committee, led to an effort to
strip him of that post.
The attempted coup took place in December
1992, when conservative members of the House
Republican Conference tried to install Paul E.
Gillmor of Ohio as the committee's ranking
Republican. They fell 12 votes shy, and Thomas
was reinstated. Nonetheless, this intraparty
scrape may mean Thomas will be using his sharp
tongue more exclusively on the Democrats.
An irony to this targeting of Thomas was
that it appeared to pit him against Newt Gingrich
of Georgia, the GOP whip, who helped spur the
insurgence. Thomas had supported Gingrich for
whip in 1989. Roommates when they arrived in
Washington a decade earlier, they are among the
several former college professors who have risen
in Congress as acerbic conservatives.
Thomas has also served as his party's point
man on highly political issues. He led the GOP
effort on campaign finance reform in 1990,1991
and 1992, stressing a $1,000 limit on donations
from political action committees (PACs) and a
requirement that more than half of any member's funding come from his own constituents.
In 1992, assisted by a federal appeals court,
166
he had a hand in getting House Democratic
leaders to bar members from sending franked
mass mailings to potential constituents whose
votes they might need after redistricting.
The watershed experience on House Administration that helped shape Thomas' attitude came early in the 99th Congress. Thomas
was the lone GOP member of a task force that
seated Democrat Frank McCloskey, declaring
him the winner by four votes in the 8th District
of Indiana. Thomas furiously opposed the task
force report, calling it a "rape" and "an arrogant use of raw power."
Nonetheless, Thomas has also shown his
more pragmatic side on House Administration.
He worked with Washington Democrat Al Swift
on a bill to prevent the TV networks from using
election returns from Eastern states to forecast
presidential winners before polls closed in the
West. Their uniform poll-closing time for presidential elections passed the House twice but
died in the Senate.
In 1990 Thomas worked with Swift on a
"motor voter" bill allowing voters to register to
vote as they applied for a driver's license, a
hunting permit or even a welfare check. Most
Republicans opposed the idea, and in 1992 the
bill was changed in ways that Thomas said
would favor Democrats and could lead to fraud.
He opposed the new bill then and in early 1993,
when it was enacted.
From the 100th to 102nd Congresses, he
served on Budget. He is now the third-ranking
Republican on Ways and Means, where he is
ranking Republican on the Health Subcommittee.
On legislation, Thomas' partisan style can
help rally the troops, but it sometimes hampers
his influence. Even though the massive taxrevision bill of the Reagan years was the Republican president's initiative, Thomas seemed
to regard it largely as an example of misbehavior on the part of the House majority. Despite
Thomas' clear mastery of the subject, his emotional speeches against the bill restricted his
chance to alter it.
As a member of Ways and Means' Subcommittee on Trade, he often tilts with its free-
�Bill Thomas, R-Calif.
California 21
One aim of the court-ordered California redistricting of 1992 was to create more
districts in which both parties could be
competitive. But where that goal conflicted
with other priorities, such as compactness
and community of interest, it was shelved.
A case in point is the 21st, which is a
model of compactness and community of
interest, especially alongside the old, Bakersfield-based 20th District (also represented by Thomas), which shared a border
with Nevada and still offered beachfront on
the Pacific. Beginning high in the Sierras, it
took in all of Inyo County, most of Kern
County, a swath of Los Angeles County and
most of San Luis Obispo County on the
coast.
By comparison, the 2l8t looks sensible
enough to be an Iowa district. About threefourths of its vote is in Kern County (overall population 543,000). The rest comes
from new territory pulled in from Tulare
County to the north (overall population
312,000).
•
Tulare County brings into the district
the magnificence of the Sequoia National
Forest and the western slope of Mount
Whitney, which at 14,495 feet is the tallest
peak in the United States outside of Alaska.
It also brings a flock of small towns. The
county seat is Visalia, a farming city of
76,000 on Highway 99, straddling the line
with the 20th. Running south through Tulare County just east of Highway 99, the
district's lines are drawn to include the
towns of Tulare, Farmersville, Porterville
and Lindsay. This was one of the fastestgrowing metropolitan areas in the 1980s;
population expanded 27 percent.
>
trade bloc, working to protect California vintners and his district's pistachio growers from
imports. When talk intensified of a free trade
agreement linking Mexico and Canada with the
United States, Thomas wanted to know how it
would affect California farmers. He endorsed
the pact when President Bush unveiled it in
September 1992, saying that many of his state's
agricultural interests were generally satisfied.
At Home: Thomas has often described
himself as a pragmatic conservative, a formula
that has worked for him at the polls. Recently,
some Republican hard-liners have come to view
Thomas as more committed to pragmatism
than conservatism. He faced a 1990 primary
challenge from the right. Thomas won easily,
but it was noted that he gave up 27 percent to
swimming-pool repairman Rod Gregory. In the
t. -,
Kern and Tulare counties —
Bakersfield
South of Shafter, the southern appendage of the 20th District cuts into the
Bakersfield metro area along Interstate 5.
Farther west, the 21st resumes and picks up
the towns of Maricopa and Taft.
But the district's heart beats in Bakersfield, a city the size of Little Rock, Ark.,
(about 175,000). Bakersfield was brought to
life by a gold rush in 1885 and again by an
oil strike in 1899. Farmers from the Southwest came in force during the 1930s Dust
Bowl years, and the city boomed yet again
in the 1980s — when its growth rate of
nearly 66 percent ranked ninth among U.S.
cities.
The predominance of cotton, other
crops and oil hereabouts can still make a
Texan feel at home, even if the Texan came
to work in the defense-related industries
tied to nearby China Lake Naval Air Weapons Station or Edwards Air Force Base (in
Kern's southeast corner). Edwards is a frequent landing site for space shuttles because of its seven-mile landing strip in
Rogers Dry Lake.
The 21st is actually slightly less white
and less Republican than the old 20th
(GOP registration is down 3 percentage
points to 46 percent). But the Democratic
registration has not risen commensurately,
and when Republicans have a registration
plurality they almost always win big at the
polls. George Bush carried both the Tulare
and Kern sections of the 21st in 1992.
1990 Population: 571,300. White 443,958 (78%),
Black 23,106 (4%), Other 104,236 (18%). Hispanic
origin 115,954 (20%). 18 and over 398,248 (70%), 62
and over 74,387 (13%). Median age: 31.
1990 general election, Thomas' 60 percent was
his lowest since his first House election in 1978.
In 1992, Thomas again faced an opponent
in the primary: Financial consultant Carlos
Murillo got more than one-third of the Republican vote. Once nominated, however, Thomas
was more secure than ever in his newly drawn
district and won with 71 percent.
Thomas had begun his career in 1974,
leaving academia to run for the state Assembly
as a staunch conservative (support for the death
penalty was his central issue). But in 1978,
when GOP Rep. William Ketchum died after
the June primary and left the nomination open,
Thomas positioned himself as the moderate
Republican candidate. He was the ranking GOP
legislator in the area, but it took him seven
ballots at a party nominating convention to
1
�California
- 21st District
defeat two more conservative opponents.
Thomas and Ketchum had had some differences (Thomas backed Gerald R. Ford in the
California primary in 1976 and Ketchum supported Ronald Reagan), but Thomas got a
general-election endorsement from Ketchum's
widow and easily defeated Democrat Bob
Sogge, a former state Senate aide.
Established on this turf, Thomas spent
much of his political energy in the 1980s trying
to overturn the congressional redistricting maps
drawn by state Democrats after the 1980 census. These artful plans helped increase Democratic strength in Sacramento and Washington,
and Thomas attacked them with state ballot
initiatives and lawsuits. But the last appeal was
turned down by the U.S. Supreme Court in
1989, and a version of the gerrymander endured
"throughout the decade.
When the new cycle of redistricting began
in 1991, Thomas once again pressed for more
districts in which both parties could be competitive. He was opposed by some Republicans who
preferred that their districts be made highly
secure. In the end, GOP Gov. Pete Wilson sided
with Thomas and vetoed maps drawn by the
state Legislature that packed Republican votes
into relatively few districts.
That threw the issue to the California
Supreme Court, which produced a map emphasizing community of interest within districts
and generally disregarding partisan voting patterns. It made some incumbents more secure,
some less. Although it did not deliver a GOP
majority in 1992, it is expected to help the party
claim more seats as the 1990s continue.
Committees
Key Votes
v
House Administration (Ranking)
••• :,
Administrative Oversight (ranking); Contested Elections^
Ways & Means (3rd of 14 Republicans) ,. . - . .-.'.r;
Health (ranking); Trade
Elections
1992 General
Bill Thomas (R)
Deborah A. Vollmer (D)
1992 Primary
Bill Thomas (R)
Carlos Murillo (R)
1990 General
Bill Thomas (R)
Michael A. Thomas (D)
William H. Dilbeck (LIBERT)
127,758
68,058
(65%)
(35%)
37,657
19,684
112,962
65,101
10,555
(66%
(34%
60%)
34%
(6%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1988 (71%) 1986 (73%)
1984 (71%) 1982 (68%) 1980 (71%) 1978 (59%)
District Vote for President
1992
Campaign Finance
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
Expenditures
1992
$598,669 $277,436 (46%
$28,803
$2,150 (7%
$615,587
$28,487
$430,525 $235,447 (55%)
$696
0
$496,845
$690
1990
Thomas (R)
Thomas (D)
168
>
v
^
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
Approve economic stimulus plan
1992
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
Close down space station program
Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
Allow shifting funds from defense to domestic programs
1991
Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf
Voting Studies
Party
Presidential
Support
Unity
Year
S
O
0
S
1992
66 17
77
8
1991
72 22
80 12
1990
54 35
74 11
1989
• 72 28 - 81 15
1988
- 60 36
81 15
1987
64 25
81
8
1986
76 19
82 10
1985
61 33
79 15
1984
64 28
71 17
1983
74 21
811 iot
1982
79 10
71
8
1981
76 14
69 11
t Not eligible for all recorded votes.
:
D 66,284(32%)
R 94,727 (46%)
I 43,016(21%)
Thomas (R)
Vollmer (D)
1993 ,,.:....
Conservative
Coalition
O
S
79
8
95
3
83
7
90
7
87
8
88
9
84 12
84 11
78 12
84 10
84
7
75 11
Interest Group Ratings
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
1987
1986
1985
1984
1983
1982
1981
ADA
15
10
17
15
25
4
10
10
15
15
5
5
AFL-CIO
10
18
9
8
43
13
21
13
9
12
0
8
CCUS
88
100
91
90
100
92
93
95
82
89
85
100
ACU
90
79
74
78
78
70
85
86
64
62
86
83
�Florida - 22nd District
2 2 E. Clay Shaw Jr. (R)
Of Fort Lauderdale — Elected 1980; 7th Term
Born: April 19, 1939, Miami, Fla.
Education: Stetson U., B.S. 1961; U. of Alabama,
M.B.A. 1963; Stetson U., J.D. 1966.
Occupation: Nurseryman; lawyer.
Family: Wife, Emilie Costar; four children.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career Fort Lauderdale assistant city
attorney, 1968; Fort Lauderdale' chief city
prosecutor, 1968-69; Fort Lauderdale associate
municipal judge, 1969-71; Fort Lauderdale City
Commission, 1971-73; vice mayor of Fort
Lauderdale, 1973-75; mayor of Fort Lauderdale,
1975-81.
Capitol Office: 2267 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-3026.
In Washington: Within the realm of Florida Republicans, Shaw's experience as a big-city
mayor lends a perceptible element of pragmatism to his conservatism, shaping his actions on
the Ways and Means Committee. On issues
such as welfare reform and child care, Shaw is
known to reach across the aisle to craft legislation designed to attract bipartisan support.'
Appointed to Ways and Means late in the
100th Congress, Shaw found himself in the
101st the ranking Republican on the Subcommittee on Human Resources. In that role,
which he relinquished in the 103rd, he successfully led resistance to increasing unemployment
benefits (and raising employer taxes) proposed
by Democrat Thomas J. Downey of New York,
the panel's acting chairman.
"
He and Downey (who was defeated in 1992): ^
could alsofindcommon ground. In 1992, they cowrote an opinion piece in The Washington Post
calling attention to the 1988 welfare reform law,
which was aimed at helping welfare recipients
find jobs while improving benefits for others. --, Shaw continued to pursue welfare reform in\
the 103rd. He introduced a plan that included an '
enforceable two-year limit on those receiving Aid
to Families with Dependent Children benefits,
something Bill Clinton has supported. "If there's
one issue where moderate Republicans and Democrats can work together in a bipartisan manner,
this is it," he said in early 1993, as welfare reform
plans were being devised.
Shaw drew notice during the 101st Congress
by cosponsoring (with Texas Democrat Charles
W. Stenholm) a comprehensive child-care package offered as an alternative to Downey's bill and
a competing Democratic bill. Stenholm-Shaw, a
somewhat leaner version of the main Democratic
plans, won support from the Bush administration
and the National Governors' Association. Although not enacted, it helped move Congress to
resolve its child-care standoff.
:
Shaw seeks to repeal the luxury tax on
yachts. He attracted 180 cosponsors to his bill
in the 102nd Congress to lift the tax, which he
says has devastated the boat-building industry.
Two tax bills vetoed by President Bush in 1992
would have repealed the luxury tax. Shaw reintroduced it in the 103rd.
Shaw has also taken an interest in congressional reform. He introduced measures that
would limit members' terms on committees.
The concept has attracted bipartisan support.
Even as Shaw makes a name for himself on
Ways and Means, most members still associate
him with the drug issue. He chaired the Republican Research Committee's task force on drug
abuse — an issue of pre-eminent concern to his
South Florida coastal constituency. It was at
least partly as a reward for his work on drugs
that Shaw was given the coveted Ways and
Means seat.
Before moving to Ways and Means, Shaw
was a member of the Judiciary Committee and
the Select Narcotics Abuse and Control panel.
In both the 99th and 100th Congresses, he was
appointed to GOP drug task forces set up by
Minority Leader Robert H. Michel of Illinois,
and a bill Shaw introduced became the basis of
the 1988 Republican anti-drug legislative effort.
His measure included several controversial provisions that were dropped two years earlier, but
won approval in 1988: a death penalty for major
drug traffickers, a drug "czar" to coordinate
federal efforts and the use of the U.S. military
for drug interdiction.
Shaw has met with considerably less success in his battle for widespread drug testing. In
the 99th Congress, Shaw asked his staff to
participate in a voluntary drug-testing program,
but House rules barred him from paying for the
tests with his official allowance.
While the House approved a Shaw amendment instructing conferees on an airline con381
�£ Clay Shaw Jr., R-Fla.
Florida 22
Southeast — Coastal Broward, Dade and
Palm Beach counties; Fort Lauderdale
The 22nd is a long shoestring of a
district, hugging the south Atlantic coast
from Juno Beach south to Miami Beach. It
is roughly 90 miles long and in some places
just a few blocks wide. Its width never
extends beyond 3 miles.
The strange shape, which enables the
22nd to pick up fragments of about 50
different municipalities, was dictated
largely by the desire to place minorityoriented neighborhoods in districts to the
west, notably the 23rd. Four House incumbents lived within its borders when the
22nd was drawn in 1992.
Most residents of the coastal neighborhoods are white, and their economic status
ranges from comfortable to wealthy. Corporate executives abound. There are also quite
a few retirees on oceanfront condominiums.
The district is less Republican than the
state overall, and thus competitive politically. Although George Bush captured 57
percent of the presidential vote here in
1988, he lost the district in 1992. The
House race between Rep. Shaw and Democrat Gwen Margolis was one of the state's
most Fiercely fought in 1992.
Democrats start with a solid base in
the Dade County portions of the district;
Republicans have a clear edge in the Palm
Beach part. Those two counties voted as
expected in the Shaw-Margolis race, but
Shaw swamped her in Broward County,
which accounts for nearly half the district's
population.
Within the borders of the 22nd are the
ports of Palm Beach and Fort Lauderdale,
as well as the mouth of the port of Miami.
The district also contains the Miami Beach
sumer protection bill to include mandatory
testing provisions, controversy over the issue
contributed to the political stalemate that
killed the bill in the 100th Congress. Shaw won
passage of an amendment to a State Department authorization bill requiring drug tests for
employees with access to secret information.
Also before his move to Ways and Means,
Shaw served on the Public Works Committee,
where he was often frustrated. His pet issue was
restricting billboards on federal highways and
limiting federal support for billboards. In 1986,
Shaw won a modest victory with the adoption
of a compromise amendment freezing the number of billboards allowed on federal highways
while continuing to reimburse the billboard
industry for taking down billboards.
At Home: Redistricting scrambled what
382
and Fort Lauderdale convention centers,
the performing arts center in Miami Beach,
the famous Breakers hotel in Palm Beach
and Fountainbleau in Miami Beach, fashionable shopping areas such as Worth Avenue in Palm Beach and Las Olas Boulevard
in Fort Lauderdale, and miles upon miles of
beaches.
The city of Palm Beach is affluent
and staunchly Republican. Democrats fare
slightly better in the areas of West Palm
Beach in the district.
Partisan orientations vary considerably among the municipalities within
Broward County. Hallandale is strongly
Democratic, while Hollywood is more competitive.
Republicans hold the upper hand in
Pompano Beach and Fort Lauderdale,
which has the largest concentration of district residents. Fort Lauderdale is dominated by conservative Democrats and Republicans, an outgrowth of the conservative
retirees who settled there from the Midwest
three decades ago. Fort Lauderdale is still
less influenced by the liberal attitudes of
Northeastern Jewish emigres than are most
other major South Florida cities. Even the
Jewish voters who do live in the city tend
not to vote as a bloc.
The Dade County portions of the district have more Of the Northeastern influence. These southernmost stretches of the
22nd are heavily Jewish and Hispanic.
1990 Population: 562,519. White 529,651 (94%),
Black 16,795 (3%), Other 16,073 (3%). Hispanic origin
72,140 (13%). 18 and over 490,832 (87%), 62 and
over 196,619 (35%). Median age: 48.
had been a safe seat for Shaw, based in Fort
Lauderdale. The new coastal district had a lot
of unfamiliar territory.
Shaw was pitted against Democratic state
Senate President Gwen Margolis in the most
expensive and one of the most contentious
House races in the state. She had an edge in the
portions of Dade County in the 22nd, which she
represented in the Legislature and which are
strongly Democratic. Shaw's support began in
the north, in coastal Palm Beach County, where
Republicans predominate.
Margolis had a high-profile role in the
state Senate, where she was occasionally criticized for being divisive. Her attempts to draw a
favorable House seat for herself contributed to
a remapping stalemate.
During the campaign, she characterized
�Florida - 22nd
Shaw as an extreme conservative who opposed
abortion, handgun control and the family leave
bill. Shaw attacked Margolis as a tax-and-spend
liberal whose ineffective leadership created legislative chaos. He stressed that while he opposed federal funding for abortion, he supported a woman's right to an abortion in the
first trimester of pregnancy.
Shaw's edge in Palm Beach County neatly
canceled Margolis' advantage in Dade, and he
swamped her by nearly 2-to-l in the populous
Broward County portions of the district.
It was Democratic squabbling that helped
Shaw secure the old 15th District. In 1980,
Democratic primary voters dumped 70-year-old
Rep. Edward J. Stack for a younger candidate,
former state Rep. Alan Becker. Shaw, who had
been mayor of Fort Lauderdale since 1975, was
unopposed for the GOP nomination.
Shaw denounced Becker as a liberal carpetbagger; the Democrat had moved into the
15th in 1979 after four terms in the Legislature
representing North Miami. Shaw bragged that
during his tenure in Fort Lauderdale, he had
cut spending, broadened the economic base and
burnished a more cosmopolitan image for the
city. He won with 55 percent.
In 1982, another intraparty fight divided
the Democrats. Stack was back, hoping to
avenge his 1980 loss, and engaged in a bitter
primary with a former ally. Stack eked out 51
percent to become the nominee, while Shaw
again enjoyed an uncontested primary.
Stack had strong union support, but lingering Democratic disunity and his age dragged
him down. Shaw, boosted by redrawn district
lines that enhanced GOP strength in the 15th,
won a second term with 57 percent.
Committee
Key Votes
1993
Ways & Means (4th of 14 Republicans)
Human Resources; Trade
Elections
1992 General
E.Clay Shaw Jr. (R)
Gwen Maraolis (D)
Richard "Even" Stephens (I)
Michael F. Petrie (I)
Bernard Anscher (I)
1990 General
E.Clay Shaw Jr. (R)
Charles Goodmon (write-in)
128,376
91,605
15,467
6,311
5,272
5%
2 )
37%.
(%
6
(3%
2 '
%
104,295
2,374
(2%
Previous Winning Percentages: 1988 (66%). 1986 (100%)
1984 (66%) 1982 (57%) 1980 (55%)
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
Approve economic stimulus plan
1992
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
Close down space station program
Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
Allow shifting funds from defense to domestic programs
1991
Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf
1992
D 114,847 (44%)
R 98,443(38%i
I 45,259(18%i
Campaign Finance
1992
Shaw (R)
Margolis (D)
1990
Shaw(R)
Receipts
from PACs
Expenditures
$948,514 $441,663 (47%) $1,138,425
$939,410 $250,242 (27%) $936,960
Y
N
N
N
N
Y
N
Y
N
N
N
Y
Voting Studies
District Vote for President
Receipts
District
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
1987
1986
1985
1984
1983
1982
1981
$413,387 $245,760 (59%) $120,632
Presidential
Support
S 0
75 24
80 17
75 24
77 22
65 32
70 29
79 19
70 25
61 37
78 16
77 23
78 22
Party
Unity
S 0
76 20
78 16
75 21
65 32
70 23
76 20
86 10
88
8
82 1
4
87
8
84 16
94
6
Conservative
Coalition
S 0
92
6
97
0
91
7
95
5
100
0
95
5
90
6
89
9
90
5
93
4
90 10
95
5
Interest Group Ratings
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
1987
1986
1985
1984
1983
1982
1981
AA
D
15
0
6
5
5
4
5
5
5
5
15
10
AFL-CIO
25
1
7
8
1
7
21
13
7
18
8
0
15
0
CCUS
75
100
57
90
92
93
87
81
86
80
82
89
ACU
84
90
83
89
96
78
82
81
73
96
77
100
383
�7enn«fMe - 7th District
7 Don Sundquist (R)
Of Memphis — Elected 1982; 6th Term
Born: March 15,1936, Moline, 111.
Education: Augustana College (Rock Island, III), B.A.
1957.
Military Service: Navy, 1957-59.
Occupation: Printing, advertising and marketing
executive.
Family: Wife, Martha Swanson; three children.
Religion: Lutheran.
Political Careen No previous office.
Capitol Office: 339 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-2811.
Vi
In Washington: After a 10-year career in
the House made up of tending to his constituents, burnishing his image and building his
party, Sundquist seems likely to pack up in
1994 and head back to Tennessee for a run at
the governor's mansion. He will bring with him
a list of accomplishments directly benefiting
Tennessee.
During his time in Washington, Sundquist
has shown his political acumen by quietly working his way into the hearts and minds of his
colleagues and party leaders. The payoff in the
101st Congress was a coveted seat on the Ways
and Means Committee.
That seat has allowed Sundquist to take
care of his constituents: "Somehow when a bill
gets out of committee, it always has a lot in it
for West Tennessee," says a colleague. "You
don't quite know how he did it."
Though Sundquist has been involved in
issues strategizing for the GOP, the Ways and
Means assignment came to him mostly because
of his political sensibilities, not any particular
legislative achievement
He is thought of as being more interested
in the politics of various issues than in the
issues themselves, and he sticks to the broad
scope. He wants Republicans to do more to see
that the federal government does less. He is the
archetypal New South conservative businessman — a man who bemoans bureaucratic inefficiencies and believes that many things the
federal government does can be done better by
local government or the private sector.
He has worked hard to get to know his
colleagues, and more than a few of them seek
his political advice before a difficult vote.
Sundquist is perhaps best known for the
major step out of character he took at the end
of the lOlst Congress, when he overreached and
sought a party leadership post still occupied by
a senior member unwilling to give it up. The
post was the chairmanship of the House GOP
campaign committee, held since the 1970s by
Guy Vander Jagt of Michigan, the No. 2 Republican on the Ways and Means Committee.
1426
Sundquist is usually known as a first-rate
vote-counter. But when the votes for the campaign chair were counted Dec. 3, 1990, Vander
Jagt had won, 98-66.
Although the party had lost seats in four of
the past five elections and many House Republicans were grumbling about the committee's
contribution, Sundquist may have gone too far
in aggressively criticizing the committee's operations, especially the financial end involving its
chief financial officer and staff fundraiser.
Sundquist's airing of such issues in public made
some of his colleagues more than a little uncomfortable.
Sundquist's bid also suffered from circumstances beyond his control. When he announced
in the fall of 1990, many conservative House
Republicans were in a boil about the budget
deal cut by President Bush and the congressional leadership — especially Bush's abandoning his "no new taxes" pledge. Sundquist, an
ally of Bush's since the early 1970s, was perceived as the president's man. Vander Jagt was
csen as the defender of the campaign committee's co-chairman, Edward J. Rollins, who had
offended the White House in 1990 by telling
GOP candidates to distance themselves from
the president's tax and budget positions.
When he was national chairman of the
Young Republicans in the 1970s, Sundquist
became acquainted with Bush, then the chairman of the Republican National Committee.
Sundquist supported Bush's first presidential
bid, in the 1980 cycle. And in the 1988 presidential contest, he was a chief House organizer for
Bush's primary and general-election campaigns.
Though he failed to win the post, Sundquist
did succeed in shaking up the campaign committee's leadership. The party and Vander Jagt were
scarred by the experience, and while the incident
may have helped Vander Jagt lose his August
1992 primary, many believe the committee itself
is stronger for having had the fight.
In the 102nd, Sundquist went to bat for
the Brother International typewriter factory in
the Memphis suburb of Bartlett. At issue was
�Don Sundquist, R-Tenn.
Tennessee 7
Though Sundquist has held the 7th
comfortably since a tight election in 1982,
the district's political balance would make
any open-seat race highly competitive. The
7th combines Republican suburbanites,
West Tennessee Dixiecrats, Middle Tennessee populists and a significant number
of blue-collar workers. In 1992 redistricting,
the 7th became more Democratic.
Despite losing 100,000 of its GOP-leaning residents to other districts in the remap,
the Shelby County part of the 7th remains
the district's GOP bastion. The 7th still has
the most upscale and Republican Memphis
suburbs, including Bartlett, Collierville and
Germantown.
Many of the better-paid employees at
such Memphis-based companies as Federal
Express and International Paper Co. live in
the east Shelby suburbs. Much of the area
has a nouveau riche feel, with showy homes,
malls and office parks that draw commerce
away from center-city Meiiiphis. The area
grew rapidly in the 1980s (Germantown's
population, for example, expanded 50 percent), while the city of Memphis saw a 9
percent population loss.
In 1992, the portion
Shelby in the
7th gave George Bush 67 percent of its
presidential votes. That was enough to deliver the district comfortably to Bush;
Shelby casts more than 40 percent of the
vote in the 7th. Of the 14 other counties in
the district. Bush won just two.
The 7th runs the gamut of Tennessee
agriculture. In Shelby's eastern neighbor,
Fayette County, the flat land is ideal for
cotton growing. Moving east, the more rolling
terrain becomes less suitable for row crops;
whether tariffs should be slapped on Brother's
products because it is ewned by a foreign company. Pushing for the tariffs was Smith Corona,
the well-known New York typewriter firm,
which had GOP Sen. Alfonse M. D'Amato in its
corner.
Sundquist managed to get the tariff provisions removed from the pending urban aid bill,
much to the amazement of D'Amato. " I find it
hard to believe how the minority member, and
not one with great seniority, would have had the
ability" to have the provision struck, he said.
Sundquist was usually found in Bush's
comer, even when the political price looked
steep. When the Ways and Means Subcommittee on Human Resources approved an ambitious increase in spending for children's programs in June 1990, Sundquist expressed the
West Central — Clarksville;
part of Shelby County
tobacco and cattle are more prevalent. Corn,
soybeans, hay and hogs are also important in
the district Maury County, added to the 7th
in remapping, is the state's largest producer
of beef cattle, but it is best known for its GM
Saturn plant, in the tiny two-stoplight town
of Spring Hill. Positive consumer response to
the initial Saturn models has kept the plant
humming; its work force grew from 5,000 in
1991 to an anticipated 7,000 by the end of
1993. Saturn is now considering where to
expand production to meet demand.
Also in Maury is the Tennessee Farm
Bureau, which provides services for farmers
across the state. The largest insurer of rural
property in Tennessee, it is a political force
despite its policy of not endorsing candidates. Every aspirant for statewide office
must take into account its significant,
though tacit, influence.
A potential swing county in an open
House race could be Montgomery, which
has the district's largest city, Clarksville
(population 75,000). Clarksville is home to
Fort Campbell and the 101st Airborne Division, and the county's active duty and retired military personnel help give it a conservative tinge. But conservative has not
always meant Republican: Bill Clinton won
Montgomery by almost 1,500 votes in 1992.
The fort and its 5,200 civilian employees
likely will be safe from military downsizing,
considering the Pentagon's emphasis on
"rapid deployment" units such as the 101st.
1990 Population: 541,937. White 467,034 (86%),
Black 67,145 (12%), Other 7,758 (1%). Hispanic origin
6,182 (1%). 18 and over 396,773 (73%), 62 and over
66,807 (12%). Median age: 32.
administration's disapproval and, calling himself the "skunk at a garden party," cast the lone
nay vote".
When Ways and Means marked up a tax
package in July 1989 and the Bush administration registered just one objection to it (excise tax
increases on pipe tobacco and snuff), Sundquist
was the man offering another source of revenue so
the offending provision could be struck.
At Home: A winner of five easy re-elections in a district that stretches from Memphis
to Nashville, Sundquist is being mentioned as a
possible solution to the Tennessee GOP's
dearth of appealing talent eligible to succeed
Democratic Gov. Ned McWherter in 1994.
That is remarkable progress for a man who
had little public profile just 12 years ago, when
he launched his first bid for Congress. That
1427
�.'•••si
Tennessee - 7th District
race was an impressive debut: He parlayed
expertise gained in 12 years of GOP trenchwork
into an upset over the scion of a well-known
Tennessee political family.
Sundquist began his campaign in late 1981,
when GOP Rep. Robin Beard was preparing his
Senate bid. Many of the Republican activists
Sundquist contacted knew him from his stints
as Shelby County (Memphis) party chairman
and his work for Beard, former Gov. Winfield
Dunn and former Sens. William E. Brock I I I
and Howard H. Baker Jr.
The district's GOP establishment and crucial business leaders supported Sundquist, keeping other Republicans out of the primary. That
sent Sundquist into a tough November contest
with Bob Clement, a rural populist and son of the
late Gov. Frank G. Clement (Bob Clement was
later elected to the House from the 5th District).
The outcome hinged on the "Shelby factor."
About 40 percent of the Vth's voters live in eastern
Shelby County, a heavily Republican area containing affluent residential sections of Memphis
and its suburbs. The 7th's other 15 counties are
predominantly rural, and most of the voters there
are conservative Democrats. In 1982, unemployment was high in all the rural counties, making
them even less receptive to entreaties from a welloff suburban GOP businessman.
To compensate for his problems outside
the Memphis area, Sundquist concentrated on
mobilizing Shelby County's GOP suburbanites,
who found little to like in Clement's political
message, an arm-waving populism he inherited
from his father.
Sundquist took three-fourths of the Shelby
vote, exceeding his most optimistic projections.
The combined vote in the district's other 15
counties went 65 percent to 35 percent for
Clement, but that was not enough to offset the
Democrat's dismal showing in Shelby.
For a while, it looked as if Sundquist might
face a 1984 battle with former state Rep. Harold Byrd, who had lost to Clement in the 1982
Democratic primary, but that challenge never
materialized, nor has any other of significance.
The general anti-incumbent mood of 1990
touched Sundquist; re-elected with 80 percent
of the vote in 1988, he mustered 62 percent
against the same Democratic nominee in 1990.
Committee
Key Votes
1993
Ways & Means (5th of 14 Republicans)
Select Revenue Measures: Trade
Elections
1992 General
Don Sundquist (R)
David R. Davis (D)
Rickey Boyette (I)
1990 General
Don Sundquist (R)
Ken Bloodworth (D)
125.101
72,062
2,290
66,141
40,516
Previous Winning Percentages:
1984 (100%) 1982 (51%)
(62%)
136%)
(1%)
(62%)
(38%)
19S8 (80%) 1986 (72%)
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
Approve economic stimulus plan
1992
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
Close down space station program
Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
Allow shifting funds from defense to domestic programs
1991
Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf
.t-
Presidential
Support
D 91,644(40%)
R 114,544(50%)
I 22,486(10%)
Campaign Finance
1992
Sundquist (R)
Davis (D)
1990
Sundquist (R)
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
Expenditures
$819,006 $359,884 (44%) $1,001,217
$106,633 $35,900 (34%) $106,774
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
1987
1986
1985
1984
1983
$648,472 $351,985 (54%) $451,944
S
77
74
74
80
64
60
74
75
73
70
0
20
19
25
17
28
34
24
23
26
29
Party
Unity
S
83
84
90
66
86
86
66
87
76
83
0
11
9
9
10
5
10
13
10
20
14
S
92
95
94
98
89
91
92
91
90
91
0
6
0
2
0
5
9
6
7
7
6
Interest Group R a t i n g s
ADA
AFL-CIO
CCUS
ACU
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
1987
1986
1985
1984
1983
1428
N
N
N
Y
Conservative
Coalition
Year
K[
Y
N
N
Voting Studies
District Vote for President
1992
x
Y
N
N
N
N
5
0
6
5
10
8
5
15
5
0
18
17
8
17
17
25
14
18
17
18
75
100
86
90
100
80
72
91
69
74
96
90
79
78
96
82
82
81
79
87
i
�Connecticut - 6th District
6 Nancy L. Johnson (R)
Of New Britain — Elected 1982; 6th Term
Born: Jan. 5, 1935, Chicago, 111.
Education: Radcliffe College, B.A. 1957; U. of London,
1957-58.
Occupation: Civic leader.
Family: Husband, Theodore Johnson; three children.
Religion: Unitarian.
Political Career GOP candidate for New Britain
Common Council, 1975; Conn. Senate, 1977-83.
Capitol Office: 343 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-4476.
In Washington: Johnson's seat on the
Ways and Means Committee enables her to
influence two issues inportant to her and to her
state: health care and trade. With the 1993
resignation of Bill Gradison of Ohio, Johnson
emerged as the committee's most knowledgeable Republican on health issues.
But if the new Congress elevated Johnson's
committee standing, it also brought frustration
to her desire for a larger role in her party.
Denied the rung she sought on the GOP House
leadership ladder, she may now view a gubernatorial campaign in 1994 as a more felicitous
career move than the continued accumulation
of seniority on Ways and Means.
A decided moderate on social issues, she
has publicly challenged the party's position on
abortion at two successive national conventions.
She also has voted with liberals on such social
questions as mandated family leave and a waiting period for handgun purchases. On fiscal
matters, she generally comes down against
spending. In early 1993, despite Connecticut's
high unemployment rate, Johnson joined with
other Ways and Means Republicans in strenuous opposition to extending unemployment
benefits via additional deficit spending by the
federal treasury. In 1991 and 1992, she supported initiatives to terminate construction of
the superconducting super collider. On the
other hand, in both years she supported spending on the space-based anti-missile system (the
Strategic Defense Initiative).
A degree of independence has always characterized Johnson's voting, and she has long
preached the need for diversity in the party.
She votes with her GOP colleagues only a little
more than half the time on controversial issues.
Yet Johnson can also be angrily partisan. She
helped conservative firebrand Newt Gingrich of
Georgia become House GOP whip in 1989, and
on the first day of the 1991 session she spoke so
passionately against a perceived Democratic
subterfuge on the budget that she ignored the
Speaker's gavel and was threatened with removal by the House sergeant at arms.
Nonetheless, her pleas for accommodation
302
in recent years have probably cost her whatever
chance she had to join the leadership. Prior to
the start of the 103rd Congress, Johnson was
soundly defeated when she challenged conservative Bill McCollum of Florida for the post of
vice chair of the Republican Conference.
Johnson had endured frustrations in the
committee assignment process during her first
several years in Congress, losing bids to get on
Armed Services, Energy and Commerce, and
Ways and Means. She took a halfway step by
winning a seat on Budget in the 100th Congress,
but it was not until the 101st Congress that she
won her Ways and Means assignment and established herself in the big leagues. In 1991,
she was also appointed to the ethics committee,
an assignment often coupled with a seat on an
elite committee.
In her first two years on Ways and Means,
she encountered predictable problems influencing its direction as the most junior member of
the minority party. But by picking her spots on
issues such as trade, Medicare, health and child
care, she has made her voice heard.
In Connecticut, trade has become an increasingly sensitive issue as heavy industries have been
battered by cheaper goods produced abroad.
Johnson has been outspoken on a number of trade
initiatives, and some of her concerns had been
incorporated into trade legislation even before
she joined the committee. Johnson is co-chairman
of the Congressional Bearing Caucus, which looks
out for the interests of the machine-tool, ballbearing and roller-bearing industry, an important
employer in Connecticut. One of her efforts has
been to speed governmental review of petitions
brought by domestic industries seeking relief
from imports on national security grounds. The
ball-bearing and roller-bearing industry has
sought such protections in recent years. She has
also been instrumental in winning voluntary
limits on imported machine tools and a requirement that the Department of Defense buy American-made bearings.
But Johnson is wary of some measures
aimed at trade competitors. She was opposed to
the Gephardt "fair trade" amendment that was
�Nancy L Johnson, R-Conn.
Connecticut 6
The 6th blends the pastoral and peaceful — villages and small towns, dairy farms
and nurseries — with more modern influences: hundreds of defense subcontractors.
The Litchfield Hills, at the foot of the
Berkshires, have attracted escapees from
New York, such as actresses Jane Curtin
and Susan St. James.
But for many other residents of the
6th, downsizing in the defense industry may
mean hard times ahead.
United Technologies Corp. plans to
reduce its Connecticut work force by more
than 6,000 by 1995, and thousands of those
layoffs will occur at divisions spread
throughout the 6th, including Hamilton
Standard in Windsor Locks, Pratt & Whitney in Southington, and Otis elevators and
Carrier air conditioning, both in Farmington. When Pratt & Whitney announced it
was scaling back, the Shop Rite grocery
store in Southington said it too would shut
down. Similar stories of retrenchment are
often heard at the 300 defense subcontractors in the 6th.
Nowhere are economic problems more
evident than in New Britain, the largest city
in the 6th and one hit particularly hard by
industrial decline. Since the Fafnir ballbearing plant closed in the late 1980s, the
city of 72,500 people has seen a number of
its businesses fold or move.
Take a walk down one of New Britain's
two main thoroughfares, Arch or Broad
streets, and the struggle is obvious. The
sidewalks and roads are crumbling; much of
the housing is archaic. A city once filled
with Polish immigrants is now a melting pot
of blacks, Asians, Hispanics, Italians and
intended to force reductions in certain foreign
trade surpluses. She warned that such an
amendment would spark a trade war and ultimately hurt Connecticut.
Johnson was also an outspoken supporter
of the Caribbean Basin Initiative, a program of
lower tariffs begun in 1983 and renewed in 1990
to benefit Latin American economies. And in
1991 she supported an extension of "fast track"
negotiating authority for the president to pursue the North American Free Trade Agreement.
Johnson, the first Republican woman ever
to serve on Ways and Means, has received some
attention for her efforts to craft a comprehensive package on child care. Some business
groups and The Washington Post praised her
idea for giving families vouchers to pay for fees
at licensed day-care centers and financing them
Northwest —
New Britain
Poles straining to get along.
The city's largest employer, tool manufacturer Stanley Works, has enabled New
Britain to retain its longtime moniker
"Hardware City."
Smaller communities in the district are
not immune from bigger-city problems.
Many retail stores have abandoned Main
Street locales in favor of shopping malls. A
4.5 percent state income tax imposed in
1991 is putting an extra pinch on middleincome families struggling to get through
recessionary times.
In a state where most people have been
accustomed to comfortable lifestyles, unemployment is bringing difficulties normally
associated with inner cities, such as drug
abuse and homelessness. Officials are wrestling with questions about where to build
homeless shelters, how to set up community
health clinics and finding money for drug
treatment centers.
Residents of the 6th supported Republican presidential candidates in the goodtimes 1980s, but the dramatically different
economic climate of 1992 helped Bill Clinton score a comfortable victory in the district.
The House seat switched from Democratic to Republican control with Johnson's
narrow open-seat victory in 1982. Since
then, her moderate-to-liberal House voting
record has well satisfied the voters; even in
1992, Johnson won overwhelmingly.
1990 Population: 547,765. White 520.212 (95%).
Black 12,544 (2%), Other 15,009 (3%). Hispanic origin
19,374 (4%). 18 and over 423,834 (77%), 62 and over
91,007 (17%). Median age: 35.
by restricting child-care tax credits for higherincome families.
At Home: Johnson was a rarity in 1982, a
Republican winning an open district dominated
by blue-collar Democrats. But for her, that sort
of victory was nothing new. In 1977 she had
become the first Republican in 30 years to
represent the industrial city of New Britain in
the state Senate, and she was re-elected easily.
Johnson's casual style gives her an appeal
across class and party lines. "She can belly up
to the toughest bar in town and captivate the
customers," a local political reporter once
wrote, "just as effectively as she can balance the
teacups with totally proper ladies at any church
social." That is just the right combination for
the 6th, which encompasses both the lunchbucket bastion of New Britain and the Yankee
303
�i
•r
Connecticut - 6th District
towns of Litchfield County.
The wife of an obstetrician, Johnson was a
longtime activist in New Britain community
affairs. When the Republican town chairman
asked her in 1976 to run for the state Senate,
she agreed, and went on to defeat Democrat
Paul S. Amenta by 150 votes.
When Democratic Rep. Toby Moffett announced at the end of 1981 that he was giving up
the 6th to challenge incumbent Lowell P. Weicker
Jr., R, for the Senate, Johnson moved eagerly to
take his place. She quickly captured the backing of
the party establishment and influential GOP
donors, opening an early lead over her primary
opponent, conservative Nicholas Schaus.
Johnson's Democratic opponent in the
general election was a colleague from the state
Senate, William E. Curry Jr. A liberal in the
Moffett mold, Curry had won a ha'rd-fought
primary battle by putting together an impressive grass-roots organization with the support
of labor, environmentalists and consumer
groups. But he was badly underfunded.
Most of Curry's campaigning was in New
Britain, which he did carry by 3,000 votes. But
his concentrated effort cost him, shrinking the
margin by which he carried the district's other
Democratic communities and leaving him well
short of the numbers Moffett had enjoyed.
In 1984, Johnson supported President
Ronald Reagan's re-election but complained
about the administration's defense spending
levels, its cutbacks in education programs and
its progress on arms control. The formula
worked: Johnson got 64 percent of the vote.
In 1986, Johnson again faced Amenta,
whom she had narrowly beaten in her first state
Senate race. This time, Johnson won easily.
Two years later, Democrats put scant effort
into the 6th, and Johnson won big. Her 66
percent vote share that year has kept serious
competitors away since.
Committees
Key Votes
1993
Standards of Official Conduct (2nd ol 7 Republicans)
Ways & Means (6th of 14 Republicans)
Health, Trade
Elections
1992 General
Nancy L. Johnson(R)
Eugene F. Slason (D)
Daniel W. Plawecki (CC)
1990 General
Nancy L. Johnson(R)
Paul KuiSs (D)
Previous Winning Percentages:
1984 (64%) 1982 (52%)
166,967
60,373
9,544
(70%)
(25%)
(4%)
141,105
48,628
(4 )
7%
2%
6 )
1988 (66%) 1988 (64%)
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
Approve economic stimulus plan
1992
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
Close down space station program
Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
Allow shifting funds from defense to domestic programs
1991
Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf
1992
D 110,828(40%)
R 99,633(36%)
I 67,995 (24%)
Campaign Finance
1992
Johnson (R)
Slason (D)
1990
Johnson (R)
Kulas(D)
304
Y
N
Y
N
Y
Y
Y
Voting Studies
District Vote for President
Receipts
N
Y
?
N
N
Receipts
from PACs
Expenditures
$596,412 $339,312 (57%) $570,046
$39,706 $6,000 (15%) $38,968
$517,724 $252,737 (49%) $556,718
$22,475 $4,000 (18%) $22,211
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
1987
1986
1985
1984
1983
Presidential
Support
S
O
62
63
52
60
44
47
52
50
52
51
37
35
46
38
50
52
43
50
44
46
Party
Unity
S
0
66
53
54
43
52
53
38
45
48
43
32
46
43
53
44
Conservative
Coalition
S
0
75 23
68
65
71
68
65
68
67
51
54
42
58
51
47
49
32
31
27
24
28
32
33
42
46
Interest Group Ratings
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
1987
1986
1985
1984
1983
ADA
40
35
44
30
50
48
40
40
50
45
AFL-CIO
42
42
33
•3
3
71
50
79
47
38
44
CU
CS
75
70
57
80
69
73
72
64
56
50
ACU
58
55
50
50
56
35
55
48
29
26
�Kentucky - 4th District
4 Jim Bunning (R)
Of Southgate — Elected 1986; 4th Term
Bom; Oct. 23, 1931, Campbell County, Ky.
Education: Xavier U., B.S. 1953.
Occupation: Investment broker; sports agent;
professional baseball player.
Family: Wife, Mary Catherine Theis; nine children.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Careen Fort Thomas City Council, 1977-79;
Ky. Senate, 1979-83; Republican nominee for
governor, 1983.
Capitol Office: 2437 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-3465.
In Washington: People who watched
Bunning as an athlete generally described him
as a tough, stubborn competitor who hated to
lose and never liked to yield an inch to an
opposing batter. Those who have watched him
in politics have found exactly the same characteristics. Democrats sometimes describe him as
obstinate and unyielding in the legislative process. Republicans prefer to stress his diligence
at mastering the details of the job.
Bunning does not apologize for throwing
partisan hardballs in the House. "Sometimes
when you believe very deeply in an issue — very
deeply — people take that for being arrogant
and aggressive. I think it's being honest," he
told The (Louisville) Courier-Journal in 1992.
As a freshman, Bunning was elected by his
classmates to be their representative on the
GOP Committee on Committees, which determines committee assignments. His contacts
there with more senior Republicans enabled
Bunning to secure a seat on the highly coveted
Ways and Means Committee for the 102nd
Congress after falling short in a previous bid.
Perhaps to balance that choice assignment,
Bunning was also placed on the ethics committee, arguably one of the least desirable posts in
the House. He remained on the ethics panel in
the 103rd, but his first term came during two of
the committee's most tumultuous years —
1991-92 — when it was inundated by scandals
involving the House bank and post office.
Throughout the painful bank scandal,
Bunning insisted on full disclosure of members'
names and all aspects of their overdrafts. He
was one of four committee Republicans who
branded as a "whitewash" early proposals to
name only the most egregious abusers of the
bank. Their refusal to go along with the other
10 ethics committee members was central to the
House's later decision to release the list of all
bank overdrafts. (Bunning had none.)
Bunning was the sole dissenter on a 12-1
vote not to require members to report overdrafts as loans or gifts on their financial disclosure statements. Most ethics committee mem624
bers apparently thought that most representatives did not have enough information to accurately state the size of their overdrafts. Bunning
said he considered any overdraft a loan that ought
to be reported.
Despite a reputation early in his House
career as having only one pitch in his arsenal,
Bunning has impressed some more junior conservatives with his effort to develop a more
practical approach to some issues. That is especially true on Ways and Means, where Bunning
managed in his first term to play a few bit
parts, while remaining an ideological beacon
among the younger Republicans. Because of his
turn toward a slightly more accommodating
legislative posture, Bunning occasionally found
himself lined up against the Bush administration.
He was one of only 39 House Republicans
to vote for the last-ditch urban aid tax bill that
President Bush vetoed the day after losing his
re-election bid. The bill's increased taxes on the
wealthy had a decidedly Democratic air, but
Bunning had worked on several issues the bill
covered, including urban enterprise zones, a
"taxpayers' bill of rights" and fraud protections
for senior citizens. He also had worked hard on
a provision to protect a private foundation in
Louisville. The James Graham Brown Foundation was paying to clean up a toxic-waste site, a
cost that cut into its charitable giving and in
turn subjected the foundation to excise taxes.
Bunning (along with Kentucky Sens. Wendell
H. Ford and Mitch McConnell) won passage of
a provision to count the cleanup costs toward
the foundation's contribution requirement.
Bunning also went against the president to
support a bill requiring China to improve its
human rights record before it would qualify for
renewal of normalized trade status with the
United States. He worked with liberal New
York Democrat Thomas J. Downey to add an
amendment insisting that China not aid other
countries in developing nuclear weapons. And
he voted to override Bush's veto of the bill.
(The veto stood when the Senate failed to
�Jim Bunning, R-Ky.
Kentucky 4
Of the state's six congressional districts, the 4th is the least distinctly Kentuckian. Almost half the district's population is located in the Cincinnati suburbs;
Ashland, the 4th's second-largest city, is on
the far eastern fringe, near where the Ohio
River forms a border with Ohio and West
Virginia.
Boone, Campbell (Newport) and
Kenton (Covington) counties are associated
much more closely with Cincinnati — where
much of the area's population commutes to
work — than with Lexington or Louisville.
The Greater Cincinnati International Airport is actually in Kentucky, a few miles
west of Covington.
Newport has battled its reputation as a
"sin city" — for its go-go bars and nightclubs — where some of Cincinnati's residents go to blow off steam. Ohioans also
escape their state-run liquor stores by buying less expensive alcohol in Covington.
A frequently voiced complaint in Covington is that the state ignores them because of their close ties to Ohio. But the
federal government certainly has not: A
regional center of the Internal Revenue
Service is the city's largest employer. The
peak of tax season adds even more jobs to
the district's largest city.
Boone County attracted population
spillover from Campbell and Kenton counties in the 1970s and 1980s, growing more
than 75 percent over the past two decades.
The politics of these three counties is
nominally Democratic, but increasingly Republican-friendly. George Bush won all
three easily in 1992; Rep. Bunning won by
more than 2-to-l in each.
muster a two-thirds majority to override.)
In committee, Bunning joined with liberal
Democrat Pete Stark to amend a broad trade
bill to bar imports from companies that helped
foreign countries build nuclear weapons. But on
the floor he opposed the bill, which was viewed
as protectionist. It died when the Senate did
not act on it.
If Bunning has found reason to cooperate
on occasion, he is still capable of rising vigorously to defend the minority's rights in the
House or to rail against some liberal ideology
that he Finds wanting. Bunning's legislative
style is entirely in keeping with the confrontational conservatives who are gaining prominence in the House GOP. Conservatives evidently liked his approach: They elected him
chairman of the Conservative Opportunity So-
it
North and East —
Covington; Ashland
For a Democrat to win the 4th, the
candidate must remain competitive in these
counties and then run up sizable margins in
the eight rural-suburban counties closer to
Louisville.
Most of these rural counties are Democratic, but suburban Oldham County (at
the 4th's western edge, closest to Louisville)
is leaning Republican. In the 1970s, Oldham's population swelled by 91 percent,
thanks to white-collar out-migration from
Louisville and an influx of out-of-state
business executives. Population growth tapered off considerably in the 1980s, but
Oldham has an unmistakable GOP stamp.
Any Democratic strategy for the 4th
also has to factor in the industrial city of
Ashland (Boyd County), home to Ashland
Oil and Armco Steel. Strong unions kept
the oil refinery workers and steelworkers of
Boyd and neighboring Greenup counties in
the Democratic column for decades, but
their grip has weakened. Still, Bill Clinton
and 1992 Democratic House challenger
Floyd Poore carried Boyd and Greenup.
Before redistricting, these counties
clustered by the West Virginia border were
part of Eastern Kentucky's heavily Democratic, coal-producing Appalachian district.
That voting tradition lives on in sparsely
populated and 98 percent Democratic Elliott County. Lewis County marches to its
own GOP beat, dating to the time when it
was a stop on the Underground Railroad.
1990 Population: 614.245. White 597,696 (97%),
Black 13,180 (2%), Other 3,369 (1%). Hispanic origin
2,666 (<1%). 18 and over 449.764 (73%), 62 and over
90,033 (15%). Median age: 33.
ciety for the 102nd Congress.
His combative nature carries over into
electoral politics. In a 1989 fundraising letter
that discussed impending redistricting, he exhorted supporters not to "cave in to the plots
and schemes of the Frankfort Democrats who
want to change our district."
Bunning's presence offers House Republicans a chance for guaranteed supremacy in one
of the few areas of partisan competition they
have dominated in recent years — the congressional baseball game. Not since 1975 has there
been a major league player in the House, and
there has never been one like Bunning, who
pitched two no-hitters and won 224 games over
a 15-year big-league career.
At Home: After winning re-election easily
in his first two tries, in 1992 Bunning found
625
�Kentucky - 4th District
himself imperiled by the changes wrought by
redistricting. Sensing an opportunity, Democrats recruited Dr. Floyd G. Poore, a prolific
fundraiser coming off an unsuccessful 1991 gubernatorial bid.
Given the more than 2-to-l Democratic
registration edge in the refigured district, Poore
was considered a serious threat to capture the
seat. But Bunning was able to resurrect enough
of the character questions raised during Poore's
gubernatorial run to keep the Democrat off
balance. Just in case Poore did get close,
Bunning raised more than $900,000.
After retiring as an active player in 1971,
Bunning tried minor league managing for a
while, then returned to his native Kentucky,
where he set up as an investment broker and
agent to professional athletes.
He also got involved in civic activities that
led him to a seat on the Fort Thomas City
Council, where in 1977 he began his rapid
political rise. After just two years, Bunning
unseated a longtime Democratic state senator.
He quickly became the minority leader for the
small group of Senate Republicans.
In 1983, Kentucky Republicans, searching
for a viable gubernatorial candidate, recruited
Bunning. In his uphill campaign against Democrat Martha Layne Collins, he contended that
the state's economy had stagnated during a long
period of Democratic rule. He also took a
"tough man" approach that seemed designed
for voters uncomfortable with the idea of a
female governor. Bunning got a respectable 44
percent.
He initially had planned on another try for
the governorship in 1987. But GOP Rep. Gene
Snyder announced his retirement in 1986, and
GOP officials were worried about holding the
4th. They needed a strong candidate, and they
enlisted Bunning.
His opponent was Democratic state Rep.
Terry Mann, who had lost to Snyder by only
12,000 votes in 1982 and had considerable
strength in Bunning's Campbell County political base, just across the Ohio River from Cincinnati. Mann contrasted his 14 years in the
legislature to Bunning's four. But Mann drew
negative press in March, when it was reported
that he had rigged his state House voting lever
with a rubber band so he would be recorded as
present while he was absent from a session.
That episode, coupled with Bunning's image as a conservative in Snyder's mold and a big
GOP financial edge, helped Bunning build a
winning margin in the Cincinnati-area counties
of Kenton and Boone and in the populous
Louisville suburbs of Jefferson County.
Committees
Key Votes
1993
Budget (7th of 17 Republicans)
Sin/idards of Official Conduct (3rd of 7 Republicans)
Ways & Means (7th of 14 Republicans)
SocitO Security (ranking)
Elections
199' General
Jim Bunning (R)
Dr. Floyd G. Poore (D)
1990 General
Jim Bunning (R)
Galen Martin (D)
Previous Winning Percentages:
139,634
86,890
101,680
44,979
1988
(62%)
(38%)
(69%)
(31%)
(74%)
1986
(55%)
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
Approve economic stimulus plan
1992
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
Close down space station program
Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
Allow shifting funds from defense to domestic programs
1991
Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
Authorize use of force in Persian Gull
1992
0 94,240(39%)
R 106,605 (44%)
1992
Bunning (R)
Poore (D)
1990
Bunning (R)
Martin (D)
626
$946,781
$311,111
$439,491 (46%)
$106,573 (34%)
$532,775 $225,900 (42%)
$76,407 $32,900 (43%)
Party
Unity
S
0
89
6
94
4
94
2
95
3
92
3
4
95
N
N
Y
Conservative
Coalition
S
0
85
8
97
3
96
2
88
10
97
0
95
5
Expenditures
$984,180
$311,121
Year
ADA
AFL-CIO
CCUS
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
1987
10
10
6
5
0
4
27
8
8
17
8
6
71
90
79
100
100
93
Campaign Finance
Receipts
from PACs
Presidential
Support
S
0
77
21
76
23
71
28
17
78
65
29
74
24
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
1987
40,425 (17%)
Receipts
Y
N
N
?
Voting Studies
District Vote for President
1
Y
N
N
N
N
$563,409
$76,580
Interest Group Ratings
ACU
90
100
87
96
100
87
�Iowa • 5th District
5 Fred Grandy (R)
Of Sioux City — Elected 1986; 4th Term
Born; June 29, 1948, Sioux City, Iowa.
Education: Harvard U., B.A. 1970.
Occupation: Actor; congressional aide.
Family: Wife, Catherine Mann; three children.
Religion: Episcopalian.
Political Career No previous office.
Capitol Office: 418 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-5476.
In Washington; Singled out early in his
House career as someone to watch, Grandy
holds a secure seat and a plum assignment on
the Ways and Means Committee. These days,
however, he operates with the freedom of someone who knows he is not long for the institution.
Partly, Grandy seems increasingly impatient with the pace of legislative life. Harvardeducated, he often gets to the point quickly,
and he does not like to wait for the slowpokes to
catch up. Perhaps more significantly, he has
departed just enough from the orthodoxy of the
Republican right to make him an occasional
Democratic ally and thus suspect in the eyes of
the new crop of GOP leaders.
If the opportunity seems right, he will
almost certainly make a bid for statewide office
in the next few years.
There should be little reason to doubt
Grandy's bona fides as a member of the party in
good standing. He is a staunch fiscal conservative and willing antagonist of profligate Democrats. He opposes abortion and votes with his
party more often than the average Republican.
But he has earned a few black marks. Early
in 1993, Grandy joined with another potential
rising star from the party's moderate wing —
Steve Gunderson of Wisconsin — to offer a
package of insider reforms that would have
increased the minority leader's power within
the Republican Conference.
He traveled to a freshman get-together in
Omaha shortly after the 1992 elections to try to
sell the package. But it fell flat in mid-December during a party caucus that also saw the
election of a phalanx of more conservative
members to leadership posts. Not long after,
Gunderson resigned his appointive job as chief
deputy whip.
More than once Grandy has taken on the
right wing on the floor. In 1990, when conservatives tried to gut the National Endowment for
the Arts after an uproar over governmentsupported art projects that some members considered obscene or sacrilegious, Grandy defended the NEA. " I defy anyone in this
chamber to find me a federal agency that has a
better record of success," he said. Conservatives
lobbying for restrictions, he said, "do not necessarily speak for all of the families of America."
He was also one of only 17 House Republicans to oppose a constitutional amendment to
ban flag desecration in 1990. Less than a week
after that vote, he chastised delegates at his
state's GOP convention after they backed a
flag-burning amendment. "You can't trash the
First Amendment to protect our flag," he said.
A one-time congressional aide, Grandy already bad a working knowledge of the House
when h ; arrived in 1987. In his first two terms,
he primarily focused on the Agriculture Committee, v,nere he earned a reputation for intelligence, incisiveness and homework. He was
named to the House-Senate conference committee on the 1987 farm-credit bill, the most
important agriculture legislation of the 100th
Congress. He was also a co-author of the
Drought Assistance Act of 1988.
In his two terms on Education and Labor,
Grandy was usually allied with the committee's
more combative conservative Republicans and
for years led the charge against a mandatory
parental leave bill that was finally enacted in
early 1993.
In the middle of 1989, Grandy was appointed to the House ethics committee, where
he had to judge abusers of the House bank in
1992. In the 103rd Congress, he became ranking
Republican.
As a new member of the Ways and Means
Committee in the 102nd Congress, he chose to
move slowly, learn the issues and pick his fights
carefully. But he was willing to spar with Democrats over the need for a permanent extension
of unemployment benefits and to insist that
any benefit increase be paid for.
Early on he joined in the health-care debate, introducing his own "managed care" plan
and relying on changes in the existing health
insurance system to lower costs and expand
coverage.
He joined with Democrats Tony Hall of
Ohio and Mike Espy of Mississippi to promote
a change in welfare policy that would allow
581
�"i
fnd
Grandy, R-lowa
Iowa 5
The 5th Ukes in nearly 18,000 square
miles of fertile soil and gently undulating
hills. The farms here are some of the nation's most productive, turning out impressive yields of corn, soybeans and hogs.
The bountiful land has allowed the region to remain more like the Iowa of old than
any other part of the state. Virtually every
town has a working grain elevator, and nearly
every adult is involved in the farm-to-market
agricultural network. Politically, Iowa's GOP
tradition holds sway. The 5th is the only
district in which registered Republicans outnumber Democrats; to win statewide, GOP
candidates need lopsided margins here.
Yet even here, demographic and political change is evident. The area suffered
dramatic population losses during the 1980s
as many small-scale farmers sold their land
to agribusiness operations. Each of the district's 30 counties lost population, and 18
lost more than 10 percent. In 1992, George
Bush took 42 percent of the vote while Bill
Clinton took 38 percent.
The smallest population loss was in
Woodbury County (Sioux City), which is the
district's largest, accounting for about 20
percent of the 5th's population. Once a meatpacking town, Sioux City has evolved into a
more service-oriented center for a region that
includes part of South Dakota and Nebraska.
Some Sioux City businesses have moved
across the river to take advantage of more
favorable tax laws in South Dakota and
Nebraska, but Woodbury County has
sprouted numerous bedroom communities to
house their employees — who prefer Iowa's
schools and government services.
Politically, Sioux City has long leaned
beneficiaries to start a small business and not
immediately lose their state and federal assistance. The proposal was incorporated into a
sweeping urban aid tax bill in late 1992 that
President Bush vetoed the day after he was
defeated for re-election. Grandy was one of 39
Republicans to vote for the tax bill.
A former actor, Grandy is known to TV trivia
buffs as "Gopher Smith." the bumbling and
likable ship's purser on the "Love Boat" series,
which made Grandy famous. He came to the Hill
with the desire to put the sitcom behind him. And
as he has gained acceptance as a serious player, he
has largely succeeded. But he is a bit touchy about
the subject and does not take kindly to even
innocent jokes at his expense.
At Home: Redistricting gave Grandy a
solid partisan base. His popularity at home
582
Northwest — Sioux City;
Fort Dodge
Republican. This pattern held during the
1980s, as the shift of voters to the Democrats
on economic and peace issues was offset by
the declining influence of labor. In 1992, Bush
and GOP Sen. Charles E. Grassley both won
Woodbury County, although Grassley's 3-to1 margin was considerably larger than Bush's.
The district's only other significant
population center is Fort Dodge (Webster
County). The county is home to less than 10
percent of the 5th's voters — a figure that
underscores the region's rural character. An
industrial center near large gypsum mines,
Fort Dodge emerged as a leader in veterinary
pharmaceuticals in the 1980s. The city is in
the heart of a region first settled by Irish
Catholics. Webster and its heavily Catholic
neighbor, Greene County, typically vote
Democratic. Clinton carried both counties,
although Grassley had no trouble here.
If Iowa has a playground, it is Dickinson County on the Minnesota border. With
Spirit Lake and East and West Okoboji
lakes, the county attracts tourists, making
it the rare Iowa community debating how
fast and how much it should grow.
Elsewhere, county fairs are the annual
highlight: Clay County's is the nation's second-largest. The September Tulipfest in
conservative, Dutch-sottled Orange City
(Sioux County) is a mast-attend event for
GOP candidates, and performers attend the
annual Donna Reed Festival in her hometown of Denison (Crawford County).
1990 Population: 555.457. White 544,517 (98%).
Black 3,341 (1%). Other 7,599 (1%). Hispanic origin
5,062 (1%). 18 and over 405.771 (73%), 62 and over
118,656 (21%). Median age: 36.
scared off any competition in 1992. It also
makes him well-positioned to run for governor
in 1994, if Terry E. Branstad steps down, or for
Senate in 1996, when Democrat Tom Harkin
will be up for re-election.
Grandy has trcveled back and forth between the two worlds he loves: politics and
theater. He first chose the former, becoming a
legislative aide and speechwriter to Wiley
Mayne. then the GOP representative for northwest Iowa. But show business beckoned.
Grandy was soon appearing in off-Broadway
productions and films, and in 1975 he began
work on the "Love Boat" series.
As that commercial success wound down,
Grandy looked again to Washington. The road
to Congress lay through Sioux City, where luck
gave him a shot at an open seat in 1986.
�Iowa • 5th District
When Grandy first started running for
Congress in 1985, his bid was viewed as just a
curiosity. An actor from California who had left
Iowa as a young teenager, he returned to an
area where he had never even voted to take on
popular six-term Rep. Berkley Bedell (who had
defeated Mayne in 1974). But early in 1986,
Bedell decided not to run.
Democrats nominated Bedell's agricultural
aide, Clayton Hodgson. Despite his late start
and low name recognition, Hodgson had
strengths Grandy lacked: a solid agricultural
background, lifelong residency in the state and
strong support from Bedell.
But Grandy proved successful at deflecting
carpetbagger charges and jokes about his show
business career. Grandy set out early to, as he put
it, "make people understand that there is a longpants version of Fred Grandy, not just Gopher
Smith in short pants." He worked hard to master
the issues and built a large campaign treasury.
Grandy noted that his father's name still
graced an insurance company in Sioux City, the
6th's largest city. He criticized his former home
state of California as a "superficial environment" and praised Iowa's sense of community.
Ideological differences between the candidates were largely overshadowed by questions
of background and style, but they did exist.
Grandy tried to have the best of both worlds,
appearing with President Reagan at the signing
of the 1985 farm bill, but taking care not to
defend the administration's agricultural policies. To troubled farmers he stressed the need
to expand exports, with federal subsidies if
necessary. Hodgson called Grandy's farm proposals "a welfare check for farmers."
Grandy's first victory was far from overwhelming. He carried only 11 of 23 counties in
the district. But those who expected him to fall
in his first re-election bid were soon surprised
by both the job he did in Washington and his
high-profile presence back home.
Democrats had thought Grandy vulnerable
for his vote on contra aid and for the time he
had spent campaigning for other GOP candidates or visiting in California. But the party
was unable to field a strong candidate.
Their nominee was 30-year-old lawyer David O'Brien of Sioux Falls. Although he had
excellent political contacts in the district,
O'Brien was far outspent and made no headway
with his attacks on Grandy for being less attuned to the district than Bedell. Grandy easily
carried every county and won by an even larger
margin two years later.
Key Votes
Committees
1993
Standards of Official Conduct (Ranking)
Ways & Means (8th of 14 Republicans)
Health; Human Resources
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
Elections
Approve economic stimulus plan
1992 General
1992
Fred Grandy (R)
196.942 (99%) Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
Close down space station program
1990 General
(72%) Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
Fred Grandy (R)
112,333
Mike D. Earll (D)
44.063
(28%) Allow shifting funds from defense to domestic programs
1991
Previous Winning Percentages: 1988 (64%) 1988 (51%) Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf
District Vote for President
Presidential
Support
S
0
78
19
17
83
37
63
74
26
52
43
37
63
Party
Unity
S
0
81
16
81
19
17
81
86
13
27
70
77
20
N
N
Y
Conservative
Coalition
S
O
77
19
76
24
76
22
90
10
87
11
86
14
$382,626 $296,149 (77%) $292,752
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
1987
$409,067 $251,675 (62%)
$44,250 $17,350 (39%)
Year
ADA
AFL-CIO
CCUS
ACU
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
1987
15
25
28
25
40
20
25
17
0
8
57
19
88
100
86
100
86
80
88
85
42
64
64
57
Campaign Finance
1992
Y
Y
Y
N
Voting Studies
1992
D 99,112(38%)
R 109,966 (42%)
I 50,343(19%)
Grandy (R)
1990
Grandy (R)
Earll (0)
Y
N
N
N
N
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
Expenditures
$322,563
$42,597
Interest Group Ratings
583
�New York - 31tt District
31 Amo Houghton (R)
Of Corning — Elected 1986; 4th Term
Born: Aug. 7, 1926, Corning, N.Y.
Education: Harvard U., A.B. 1950, M.B.A. 1952.
Military Service: Marine Corps, 1945-46.
Occupation: Glassworks company executive.
Family: Wife, Priscilla Dewey; four children, three
stepchildren.
Religion: Episcopalian.
Political Career No previous office.
Capitol Office: 1110 Longworth Bldg. 20515; 225-3161.
In Washington: Not many corporate chief
executive officers cap their careers by becoming
members of the minority party in a legislative
chamber of 435. But Houghton, former CEO for
Corning Glass Works and scion of one of the
nation's wealthiest families, has done just that.
Houghton abandoned plans to work as a
missionary in Africa and headed to Capitol Hill
instead. At age 66, he does not plan a long stay
in Washington, but while here, he has a missionary's enthusiasm for making a contribution.
Congress, however, has shown a resistance to
being converted to Houghton's view that government's fiscal affairs should be run like those of a
corporation. Houghton's business acumen helped
him get a seat on the Budget Committee as a
freshman, which he was able to parlay into a seat
on the Ways and Means Committee at the
beginning of the 103rd Congress.
While he participated actively in the budget panel's business, he gained no special influence on the committee, where Republicans often are shut out by Democrats who view the
budget as a partisan statement more than as an
economic blueprint.
His skills and inclinations may serve him
better on Ways and Means, a less partisan
committee where a solution-oriented House Republican can influence policy and process.
The switch to Ways and Means comes at a
good time for Houghton; many of the issues he
has pursued over his career are now key parts of
the Clinton agenda. He introduced his own
health-care package in 1992 and 1993, along
with an alternative family leave bill.
During debate on the family leave bill in
February 1993, Houghton argued in favor of the
concept but against the bill that passed. " I
probably am one of the only people around here
that has ever put in a family leave program," he
told the House. "We did it with a paid family
leave . . . but I did it in a company that had
about 30,000 employees. I have worked in
smaller companies and I have advised smaller
companies. If a company does not have the
money, it is not a good idea."
Houghton has been able to do some things
1108
for his district. Late in the 101st congreoo, ^
worked to resolve a conflict between the Seneca
Indian Nation and the U.S. government over
the renegotiation of federal leases of Indian
lands.
The dispute centered on the 1991 expiration of 99-year leases of Seneca lands — negotiated on terms very unfavorable to the Senecas
— upon which the town of Salamanca was built.
With the leases due to expire, Houghton helped
craft a deal under which the federal and state
governments paid the Indian nation $60 million, and the Senecas renewed the land leases
on terms acceptable to the governments.
Not surprisingly for a Northeastern Republican, Houghton stands to the left of the House
GOP line on a number of issues. He was one of
only 17 Republicans opposing a constitutional
amendment to ban flag desecration. He now
opposes a balanced-budget amendment, saying
that it is "legal fancy footwork" and that it is
Congress' responsibility to control spending.
As a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee for two terms — he gave up both Budget
and Foreign Affairs in the 103rd — Houghton
made trips to the Soviet Union and Nicaragua.
But unlike colleagues who travel abroad on
military aircraft, Houghton paid for all such
travel himself.
Houghton opposed military aid for the
Nicaraguan contras, preferring another way to
make an impact in Central America: In the
100th Congress, he worked to put together
private funding for a scholarship program to
bring Nicaraguan students to colleges and universities in western New York. "Many times
when congressmen go down there . . . they come
back and have a press conference and that's all.
Here is a way of saying 'we want to help' in a
human way," Houghton said of his plan.
In November 1992, Houghton also urged a
strong international response to the crisis in
Somalia.
The Republican end of the House chamber
is a long way from the Corning boardroom, but
for a man used to giving orders, Houghton has
shown little frustration. He is affable, with a
�Amo Houghton, R-N.Y.
New York 31
The 31st stretches across the bottom of
New York state — the Southern Tier — for
more than 100 miles, from Lake Erie on the
west to Elmira in the east. This hilly,
mainly rural country strongly favors Republicans.
Although the landscape is dotted with
small industrial cities, Democrats have never
been able to make many inroads here. GOP
Rep. Houghton's 71 percent in 1992 was
typical of his strong showings since his election in 1986. His predecessor, Democrat Stan
Lundine (now New York's lieutenant governor), did hold the Southern Tier's House seat
for a decade, but he was an exception.
The nation's economic problems have
been felt in parts of the 31st (most counties
in the district had small net population
losses during the 1980s), and residents' concerns were reflected in the 1992 presidential
results: George Bush, who took about threefifths of the 3Ist's vote in 1988, fell to 40
percent.
Still, Bush won a solid plurality here.
The district was no friendlier to Bill Clinton
than to previous Democratic candidates; he
received less than 30 percent in three 31st
District counties, including Cattaraugus,
where his 29 percent placed him third behind Ross Perot. (The independent Perot
took 31 percent there and won more than a
quarter of the vote in most other counties.)
Chautauqua County, at the district's
western end, is the 3Ist's most populous; it
has about a quarter of the district's residents. Jamestown, which with its population of nearly 35,000 is the 31st's largest
city, is a furniture-making center.
The county (Lundine's home base) is
sense of humor he can turn on himself.
At Home: Houghton's easy manner and
non-ideological approach seem to suit his constituents in upstate New York's Southern Tier.
Since taking 60 percent of the vote in 1986 to
win an open House seat previously held by a
Democrat, Houghton has dominated.
He is carrying on the traditions of a patrician family that for years has run Steuben
County's Corning Inc. Houghton served 19
years as chief executive officer of Corning Glass.
Then, at age 60, he entered the public sector, as
had his father and grandfather.
Houghton's political opportunity appeared
suddenly in 1986, when Democratic incumbent
Stan Lundine of the Southern Tier's then-34th
District was tapped by New York Gov. Mario
M. Cuomo to run for lieutenant governor.
Southern Tier —
Jamestown; Corning; Elmira
the only one in the district where Democrats are often competitive. Clinton carried
the county, albeit with just 36 percent (to
34 percent for Bush and 30 percent for
Perot). GOP Sen. Alfonse M. D'Amato's
Chautauqua tally of 53 percent in 1992 was
by far his weakest showing in the 31st.
But Republicans dominate in the counties to the east, including Cattaraugus; its big
town is industrial Olean, also home to St.
Bonaventure University (2,800 students). Agribusiness plays an important role in neighboring Allegany County. Welch's, a grapegrowing cooperative best known for its juice
products, is based in Wellsville.
Steuben County contains Corning, one
of America's better-known company towns.
Houghton's family has long controlled Corning Inc., which produces utilitarian dishes,
cookware and medical glass products; its
Steuben Glass Works makes more costly
decorative crystal pieces.
The Elmira area (Chemung County) is
also industrial. Its largest employers are
Hardinge Brothers, which makes precision
machines, and a Toshiba Display Devices
facility.
To the north, the 31st moves into the
vineyards and vacation lands of the Finger
Lakes region. The large Taylor and Great
Western wineries are here, along with numerous small family-run operations. The
district also takes in part of Auburn, the
commercial center of Cayuga County.
1990 Population: 580.337. White 556.495 (96%),
Black 13,485 (2%), Other 10,357 (2%). Hispanic origin
8,614 (1%). 18 and over 428,519 (74%), 62 and over
100,899 (17%). Median age: 34.
Before Lundine's departure, Houghton
had been spending much of his time on efforts
to provide economic relief for Zimbabwe. When
the congressional vacancy appeared, he
switched his sights closer to home.
Houghton was popular in his hometown,
where Corning Glass is the major employer.
The company helped finance restoration after a
flood devastated the city in 1972. While he had
never been particularly active in local Republican affairs, he had little trouble securing the
GOP nomination.
Seeking across-the-board appeal, Houghton pointed to his experience at creating jobs —
a key issue in a district where unemployment
remains well above the national average. He
pointed to his service as co-chairman of the
Labor-Industry Coalition on International
1109.
�New
!
York - 3 lit District
Trade, a group that had lobbied heavily for the
Democratic trade bill in the 99th Congress.
The Democratic nominee, Cattaraugus
County District Attorney Larry Himelein, portrayed Houghton as an elitist, and his case was
boosted by a satirical profile of Houghton in
The Wall Street Journal. I t focused on
Houghton's posh campaign style: He traveled
either in a plush motor home stocked with
liquor, cigars and homemade cookies or in his
private plane.
With Houghton spending more than any
candidate had ever spent in the district,
Himelein hoped to pick up support from voters
who considered the Republican too much of a
Brahmin. "Running for Congress isn't going to
finishing school, it's not going to the country
club," Himelein told a reporter during the campaign.
But Houghton ably deflected criticism. A
3-1 margin in his Steuben County base propelled him to victory.
Committee
Key Votes
1993
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
N
Require unpaid family and medical leave
N
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
N
Elections
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
N
1932 General
Approve economic stimulus plan
N
Amo Houghton (R, C)
150,696 (71%) 1992
52,010 (24%)
Joseph P. Leahey (D)
Y
10,848 (5%) Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
Gretchen S. McManus (RTL)
Close down space station program
N
1990 General
Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
Y
Amo Houghton (R. C)
89,831 (70%
A low shitting funds from defense to domestic programs N
Joseph P. Leahey (D)
37,421 (29%
1991
Nevin K. Eklund (L)
1,807 (1%
Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing
Y
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
N
Previous Winning Percentages: 1 8 (96%) 1 8
98
9 6 (60%)
Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf
Y
Ways & Means (9tti of 14 Republicans)
Oversight (ranking); Social Security
District Vote for President
Voting Studies
1992
D 82,959(34%)
R 97.447 (40%)
I 62,325 (26%)
Campaign Finance
1
1%
Receipts
1992
Houghton (R)
Leahey(D)
1990
Houghton (R)
Leahey(D)
1110
.Receipts
from PACs
$359,995 $117,060 (33%)
$5,849
$500 (9%)
$333,962 $102,000 (31%)
$6,483
0
Expenditures
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
1987
$444,296
$5,850
$178,401
$6,462
Presidential
Support
S
O
66 32
71 27
57 39
65 26
52 45
63 35
Party
Unity
S
O
64 33
58 37
58 36
45 46
61 32
62 33
Conservative
Coalition
S
0
79 19
65 30
72 22
71 20
92
8
84 1
4
Interest Group Ratings
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
1987
ADA
30
20
33
20
45
28
AFL-CIO
50
50
25
10
57
38
CCUS
88
70
54
90
100
80
ACU
68
70
43
65
56
39
�California - 2nd District
2 Wally Herger (R)
Of Marysville — Elected 1986; 4th Term
Born: May 20, 1945, Sutter County, Calif.
Education: American River College, A.A. 1967;
California State U., 1968-69.
Occupation: Rancher; gas company executive.
Family: Wife, Pamela Sargent; eight children.
Religion: Mormon.
Political Careen Calif. Assembly, 1981-87.
Capitol Office: 2433 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-3076.
In Washington: Herger is a conservative
Northern California rancher whose friendly
style helps explain the ease with which he
captured — and has since held — a district that
was Democratic when the 1980s began.
Herger became vice president of his freshman Republican class, an early sign that his
personality would wear well among his colleagues, too. His ascension to the Ways and
Means and Budget committees at the beginning
of the 103rd Congress confirmed his credentials
as well as his career trajectory.
Like many another junior member, Herger
had been campaigning for a Ways and Means slot
since shortly after winning his first House election. Late in 1992, he beat out one of his
California Republican colleagues, C. Christopher
Cox, for the honor (Cox's consolation prize was a
spot on the Budget Committee).
No one in the House suffers much suspense
when Herger approaches the electronic voting
device for key floor votes; in 1992, he supported
the Republican Party on nine of 10 votes, and
his consistently conservative line has earned
him a series of perfect (or nearly so) scores from
the American Conservative Union.
In order to join Ways and Means, Herger
had to drop off the Agriculture Committee and
the Merchant Marine Committee. Voters have
been known to punish such career moves in the
past, particularly where they diminish a member's power over crucial resources. But Herger
will likely find ways to continue his efforts to
protect farmers (his district's many fruit and
nut growers were a focus for his years on
Agriculture) as well as on Budget. The Budget
Committee slot he landed is one of two seats
reserved for members of Ways and Means.
On Agriculture, Herger's interest in averting a trade war with Europe stemmed from the
threat of a European retaliatory tariff on U.S.
walnuts. During consideration of the 1990 farm
bill, Herger was especially keen on seeing the
continuation of the Targeted Export Assistance
program, which promotes exports of district
products such as almonds and kiwi fruit.
From his seat on Agriculture's Forests
108
Subcommittee, Herger also fended for his district's loggers. He bristled at the Fish and
Wildlife Service's 1990 decision to list the
northern spotted owl as a threatened species,
which would curtail lumbering in ancient forests in the Pacific Northwest.
In June he asked Interior Secretary Manuel Lujan Jr. to exempt Northern California
from the listing, arguing that the service had
ignored "important biological evidence." "Once
again," Herger said, "we see that prudence and
common sense have been sacrificed to appease
the extremists."
Following the outcry over the federal government's "let burn" policy toward fires that
swept Yellowstone National Park and other
public and private lands, Herger proposed a bill
establishing a commission to recommend improvements in the government's management
of wildfires. In May 1990, President Bush
signed Herger's bill into law.
Herger has taken to the floor several times
to decry alleged human rights abuses committed by the government of India against the Sikh
minority in Punjab state. Members of the small
Sikh community in Yuba City had told Herger
of their concern for their relatives in the Punjab. Herger tried to amend the 1989 foreign aid
authorization to bar development aid to India
unless the president certified that India had
prosecuted those responsible for several reported attacks on women in the Punjab in April
1989. His amendment lost 204-212.
Herger kept an eye on India as well in the
102nd Congress and introduced a bill to deny
that country full trading status in June 1991.
Another assignment Herger dropped to
join Ways and Means was the Select Narcotics
Abuse and Control Committee (which was axed
anyway, early in the 103rd Congress). In August
1992, Herger strongly supported a bill that
would have cracked down on illegal methamphetamine labs, a large number of which are
scattered across Herger's rural 2nd District.
The labs cause headaches for local authorities, who are forced to pay for cleaning the
chemically laden sites once they are discovered
�Wally Herger, R-Calif.
California 2
Redistricting can end a politician's career by shifting a single square mile of
political turf. It can also switch broad
swatches of territory and leave an incumbent
unscathed. The new 2nd demonstrates the
latter. The 1992 map tore away enough of the
2nd to encompass several New England
states, while adding enough new real estate to
make the district even bigger than before. It
became California's least densely populated
district, and its least racially diverse. The 2nd
combines the northern portions of the old 2nd
and the old 14th, consolidating much of the
state's northern, rural Mormon population in
the process.
The territorial changes, however,
scarcely alter the 2nd's political coloration.
Though GOP registration is slightly lower
(down from 44 percent in the 1980s to 42
percent), Rep. Herger's re-election tally in
1992 inched up to 65 percent.
In the 1980s, the 2nd was a northcentral inland district extending hundreds
of miles south from the Oregon line to the
outskirts of the Sacramento area. Its asphalt spine was Interstate 5 (which runs
from Canada to Mexico), and its central
feature was the mighty Mount Shasta.
The population was widely dispersed
through the mountainous forests and rangelands, except for population centers in
Redding (a 120-year-old mining and timber
town on 1-5) and Chico (home to a campus
of California State University with 15,700
students).
Remapping cut deep into the 2nd's
southern portion while pushing the district's eastern boundary all the way to the
Nevada line. The northern timber counties
and shut down. The bill would shift the burden
onto the operators of the labs.
At Home: Expected to face tough Democratic competition for the open 2nd District in
1986, Herger won by a wide margin. He has had
little difficulty in his three elections since.
The north-central California district had
been Democrat Harold T. Johnson's for 22
years before Republican Gene Chappie upset
him in 1980. When Chappie decided to retire in
1986, a GOP succession was in doubt. District
Democrats touted the chances of Shasta County
Supervisor Stephen C. Swendiman.
However, Swendiman stumbled in the
Democratic primary and barely held off a challenge from rancher Wayne Meyer.
Herger, on the other hand, got a boost for
the general election with his easy GOP primary
North and East —
Chico; Redding
of Siskiyou, Trinity and Shasta remain, but
the agricultural counties of Tehama, Glenn,
Colusa and Sutter were removed (along
with the southwestern tip of Butte County).
The 2nd added new lands by expanding eastward to Nevada, embracing the
three vast and remote counties of California's far northeastern corner (Modoc, Lassen and Plumas). These three lean to the
GOP in most statewide elections, but with a
combined registration of about 31,000 voters, they have little effect.
The 2nd also picked up all of Sierra and
Nevada counties, named for the mountain
range that marches through them. Descending from these heights on Interstate 80,
travelers pass Donner Lake (named for the
ill-fated pioneer party that largely perished
there). Sierra County is sparsely populated,
but just north and west of 1-80 lie Nevada
City and Grass Valley, which help make
Nevada County the third-richest cache of
votes in the 2nd (and the most decidedly
Republican by registration). A few miles over
the Yuba County line are Beale Air Force
Base and Marysville, the latter at the confluence of the Feather and Yuba rivers.
But most of the 2nd's vote still comes
from Butte (Chico) and Shasta (Redding)
counties. Butte cast about one-third of the
total vote in 1992 and gave Herger a 2-to-l
victory. Shasta cast more than one-fourth the
district vote, favoring Republicans and giving
Herger a 3-to-l salute.
1990 Population: 573,322. White 525.091 (92%),
Black 8,716 (2%), Other 39,515 (7%). Hispanic origin
34,425 (6%). 18 and over 424,975 (74%), 62 and over
105,763 (18%). Median age: 35.
victory.
Herger, who was in his third term in the
state Assembly, came in with a voter base that
comprised nearly half the 2nd District, and
complemented that asset with superior organizing and fundraising. He spent most of the fall
campaign on the offensive, linking himself to
President Ronald Reagan and Gov. George
Deukmejian and calling Swendiman a "taxand-spend Democrat." When Swendiman portrayed him as a "back bencher" in the Legislature, Herger highlighted his support of popular
measures such as workfare and tougher sentencing for criminals. Herger beat Swendiman
in all 12 counties and took a solid 58 percent of
the vote overall.
Most Democratic prospects declined to
tackle Herger in 1988. Meyer, the runner-up
109
�California
- 2nd District
from the 1986 Democratic primary, got the
nomination unopposed. But he found it tough
to raise money against Herger, who again won
rather comfortably.
Democrats made even less of an effort in
1990, and Herger breezed past retired federal
worker Erwin E. " B i l l " Rush by a ratio of 2 to 1.
In 1992, redistricting removed from the
2nd all or part of five counties that Herger had
represented, substituting all or part of five
other counties. Vast as this land swap was, it
scarcely altered the close ratio between the
parties. The newly added territory was even
more sparsely populated and mountainous than
Herger's old district. It contained much of the
state's rural Mormon population, and its last
two congressmen (Norman Shumway and John
T. Doolittle) had been, like Herger, conservative Republicans and Mormons. So it was not
surprising that Herger not only won again but
added a percentage point to his 1990 vote share
and took a solid 65 percent.
Committees
Key Votes
Budget (6th of 17 Republicans)
Ways & Means (10th of 14 Republicans)
Oversight
Elections
1992 General
Wally Herger (R)
Elliot Roy Freedman (D)
Harry H. Pendery (LIBERT)
1992 Primary
Wally Herger (R)
Steve Kunelis (R)
1990 General
Wally Herger (R)
Erwin E. "Bill" Rush (D)
Ross Grain (LIBERT)
Previous Winning Percentages:
167,247 (65%)
71,780 (28%
17,529 (7%
67,389 (89%)
8,467 (11%)
133,315 (64%)
65,333 31%)
10,753 (5%)
1988 (59%) 1986
1993
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
Approve economic stimulus plan •
1992
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
Close down space station program
Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
AHow shifting funds from defense to domestic programs
1991
Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
1987
19
92
D 93,823(36%)
R 101,505(39%)
I 67,298 (26%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts
1992
Herger (R)
Freedman (D)
Pendery
(LIBERT)
1990
Herger (R)
Rush(D)
110
Receipts
from PACs
$644,763 $225,289 (35%)
$6,982
0
$5,900
0
$616,075 $212,749 (35%)
$6,118
$2,000 (33%)
Expenditures
$533,861
$4,947
$5,900
$515,020
$5,951
Y
N
N
N
Voting Studies
(58%)
District Vote for President
Y
N
N
N
N
Presidential
Support
O
S
73
16
30
68
69
30
24
76
32
68
24
74
Party
Unity
S
O
4
90
86
8
94
4
91
6
91
8
89
9
Conservative
Coalition
S
O
81
8
95
3
94
6
88 12
92
5
93
7
Interest Group Ratings
Year
ADA
AFL-CIO
CCUS
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
1987
5
5
6
10
0
12
25
16
8
25
29
13
75
89
79
100
93
100
ACU
95
100
96
100
92
100
?
N
Y
�ry
. .•
N;
if.
Louisiana - 5th District
5 Jim McCrery (R)
Of Shreveport — Elected 1988; 3rd Full Term
Born: Sept. 18, 1949, Shreveport, La.
Education: Louisiana Tech U., B.A. 1971; Louisiana
State U., J.D. 1975.
Occupation: Lawyer; congressional aide; government
relations executive.
Family: Wife, Johnette Hawkins.
Religion: Methodist.
Political Careen Candidate for Leesville City Council,
1978.
Capitol Office: 225 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-2777.
In Washington: The 102nd Congress was
a tumultuous one for McCrery: He had to
defend himself against accusations about his
personal life made in a national gay and lesbian
magazine, and then to stay in office he had to
endure a redistricting-forced matchup with a
more senior Democratic incumbent.
But McCrery cleared the hurdles and at
the beginning of the 103rd Congress settled in
to a plum assignment on the Ways and Means
Committee.
On that panel, there is little doubt what
kind of record this former business lobbyist will
compile. Since coming to the House in April
1988 after a special election victory, McCrery
has won high ratings from the Chamber of
Commerce, hitting 100 his 'first year. His ratings
from the AFL-CIO, on *' e other hand, are often
in the single digits.
In his House floor votes during the Bush
administration, McCrery almost without exception followed the line laid down by the White
House on economic, social policy and foreign
policy questions. And in the early months of
1993, he found little to like in ^he Clinton
administration program. He opposed the new
president's budget and tax priorities and his
economic stimulus package, voted against family leave legislation and the "motor voter" registration bill and supported parental notification of minors' abortions at federally funded
clinics.
In fact, McCrery's only high-profile departure from his top party leadership's wishes
came in October 199C. when he joined with the
GOP wing most hostile to tax increases and
voted against a budget compromise crafted by
President Bush and House and Senate leaders,
which included tax increases.
McCrery voted for the final budget plan
that year, but unhappily. Blaming Democratic
"tax and spend" policies for the budget morass,
McCrery said that voters " . . . cannot continue
to elect a Republican to the White House to
keep their taxes low and to do the right thing
for the country, and then send Democrats to
652
Congress to fatten all of -the federal programs
they think are important, and even to create
new ones."
Before moving up to Ways and Means in
1993, McCrery had served on the Budget Committee, where he strongly supported a balanced-budget constitutional amendment, and
on the Armed Services Committee, where he
looked out for the interests of Barksdale Air
Force Base and Fort Polk.
The normally quiet McCrery made an unusual splash when he first came to Congress. A
1989 article in the Capitol Hill newspaper Roll
Call described McCrery's visit to a topless club
in South Carolina, where he wore a dancer's bra
on his head. "I'm not going to live like a monk
while I'm in Congress," he said.
At Home: McCrery was one of four Louisiana incumbents paired against another incumbent due to 1992 redistricting. He was matched
with eight-term Democrat Jerry Huckaby.
Huckaby chaired the Agriculture Subcommittee on Cotton, Rice and Sugar — commodities of great concern to Louisiana — and
represented some of the state's most conservative areas. Before remapping, he had relied on
the 31 percent black population in his 5th
District to help keep serious conservative challenges at bay. But he had his back to the wall in
the new 5th, with its smaller (22 percent) black
population and the conservative GOP incumbent from the former 4th district on the ballot.
To win re-election, McCrery had to withstand some unflattering personal publicity: The
Advocate, a national gay and lesbian magazine,
published an article that said McCrery had had
several homosexual affairs. McCrery, recently
married, said the story was not true. Voters in
the conservative district did not appear to be
troubled by the publicity. They gave McCrery a
44 percent to 29 percent lead over Huckaby in
the five-candidate primary.
Huckaby appeared to suffer more lasting
damage from his own troubles: He had 88
overdrafts at the House bank; McCrery had
none. Huckaby nearly lost his spot in the runoff
�Jim McGery, R-La.
Louisiana 5
While the 5th is anchored in the northwestern Louisiana city of Shreveport, it
runs for miles to the east, taking in expanses of both hilly and flat agricultural
land and reaching nearly to the Mississippi
River along the state's eastern border.
Shreveport (Caddo Parish), Louisiana's third-largest city, has been a bastion
of conservatism since the 1930s when it
voted against Gov. Huey P. Long. Redistricting in 1992 reinforced Republican
dominance of the district by carving all of
Shreveport's black communities out of the
district and placing them in the new majority-minority 4th District. In the part of
Caddo Parish that falls within the 5th, 82
percent of the population is white. Overall,
almost 30 percent of people in the 5th live
in Caddo Parrish.
In the beginning of the 20th century,
oil was discovered near Shreveport, providing the region with prominence and wealth.
The city has never fully recovered from the
fading of the oil boom; in the 1980s, its
population growth was quite slow. Today
the city's largest employers include AT&T
Consumer Products, General Motors and
Southcentral Bell. Shreveport is also the
home of the Frymaster Corp. and the site of
the annual Poulan Weedeater Independence Bowl.
Just across the Red River from Shreveport is the district's third-largest city, Bossier City (population 52,700). The largest
single employer for both cities is Barksdale
Air Force Base, headquarters for a unit of
the Air Combat Command and home to
most of the Air Force's fleet of B-52s. The
base employs 1,200 civilians and 5,900 milito Robert Thompson', a political neophyte who
blared an anti-incumbent message. In the runoff, McCrery breezed past Huckaby, outpolling
him by 26 percentage points as Bush carried the
district by 12 percentage points over Clinton.
McCrery, a former Democrat and once an
aide to 4th District Rep. Buddy Roemer, was
well-positioned to make a bid for the House
when Roemer left Congress after his 1987 election as Louisiana governor.
McCrery's GOP label, acquired in late 1987
before his House bid began, helped his victory.
Originally from Leesville, in the southern end of
the 4th, he served at one time as assistant city
attorney in Shreveport. In recent years he had
worked in Baton Rouge, the state capital, as a
lobbyist for Georgia-Pacific Corp.
This background, and his work for Roe-
North — Bossier City;
parts of Shreveport and Monroe
tary personnel.
The central part of the district, made
up of Union, Lincoln, Jackson and a portion
of Winn parishes, is the hilly timber region
where Louisiana's softwood pine is harvested. These parishes are dotted with
small lumber and paper mills. The rural
voters here have leaned Republican in
presidential voting; in 1988, George Bush
carried all four of these parishes. Bush did
not fare as well in 1992, though, carrying
only Lincoln and Union.
Monroe (Ouachita Parish) is the district's second-largest city (population
54,900) and an agricultural trading hub,
and falls squarely between the forest section and the fertile Delta region. International Paper Co. is the city's largest single
employer. Ouachita gave Bush 69 percent of
the vote in 1988; in 1992, he got 67 percent.
West Carroll, Madison, Franklin and
Morehouse parishes are part of Louisiana's
Northern Delta Region. The alluvial soil
and the flat land of the Delta lend it naturally to the cultivation of such row crops as
cotton, rice and soybeans. These crops take
up nearly 900,000 acres in the eastern reach
of the 5th.
Despite Bush's recent falling fortunes in
the 5th, it appears that the district has not
developed any special affection for Democratic presidential candidates. In 1992,
George Bush took 49 percent to Bill Clinton's
37 percent and Ross Perot's 14 percent.
1990 Population: 602,816. White 463,168 (77%),
Black 133,329 (22%), Other 6.319 (1%). Hispanic
origin 6,809 (1%). 18 and over 437,021 (72%), 62 and
over 94.240 (16%). Median age: 32.
mer, did not make him well-known in the 4th;
he stood out in the 10-person March primary
field largely because he was the only Republican, and he impressed many with his knowledge
of legislative issues.
And while linking himself to Roemer, he also
associated himself with Republicanfigures,running ads featuring President Ronald Reagan. In a
district that tends to favor Republicans in national and state elections, McCrery's conservative
ties helped him outdistance the largefield;Democratic state Sen. Foster L. Campbell Jr. ran
second, earning a place in the April runoff.
Campbell was a flamboyant, populist-style
campaigner, and his base was in the 4th's
northern rural parishes. But a month before the
election, Campbell was seriously injured in a car
crash while driving on a closed highway.
653
�Louisiana - 5th District
After the special election, McCrery had
little time to prepare for November. Fortunately for him, the Democratic effort in the 4th
fizzled. Potential challengers stopped in their
tracks when Roemer's mother, Adeline, entered
the race. She lost badly.
Campbell, having just paid off debts from
his previous campaign, came back unexpectedly
strong in 1990, buoyed by polls late in the race
suggesting that he could beat McCrery.
McCrery lost valuable campaign time because
he was shuttling back and forth from Washington while the House was debating the budget.
He also took heat for his opposition to plantclosing notification and family leave bills, and
his support for a constitutional amendment
permitting abortion only for rape or incest.
But McCrery got his campaign back on
track in the final days of the race and won reelection with 55 percent.
Committee
Key Votes
1993
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
Y
Require unpaid family and medical leave
N
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
N
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
N
Approve economic stimulus plan
N
1992
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
Y
Close down space station program
N
Approve U.S. aid tor former Soviet Union
Y
Allow shifting funds from defense to domestic programs N
1991
Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing
N
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
N
Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf
Y
WaysftMeans (11th of 14 Republicans)
Health: Select Revenue Measures
Elections
1992 General
Jim McCrery (R)
153,501 (63%)
90,079
(37%)
Jerry Huckaby (D)
1992 Primary t
Jim McCrery (R)
69,511 (44%)
Jerry Huckaby (D)
46,386 (29%)
Robert Thompson (D)
35,306 (22%)
3,369
(2%)
L.D. "Nota" Knox (I)
2,971
(2%)
Donal A. Milton (R)
1990 Primary t
Jim McCrery (R)
89,859
(55%)
Foster L Campbell Jr. (D)
74,388
(45%)
fin Louisiana the primary is open
fo candidates of all parties,
II a candidate wins SO percent or ot the vote in the primore
mary, no general election is held.
Year
Previous Winning Percentages: 1988 (69%) 1988- (51%) 1992
1991
• Special election.
1990
1989
District Vote for President
1988
1992
D 95.048(37%)
R 127,436(49%)
I 36.584 (14%)
654
Party
Unity
S
0
74
6
78 15
62 23
71 21
801 181
Conservative
Coalition
S
O
83
2
95
3
87
7
95
2
94 T Ot
t Not eligible lor all recorded votes.
Interest Group Ratings
Campaign Finance
1992
McCrery (R)
Huckaby(D)
1990
McCrery (R)
Campbell (D)
Voting Studies
Presidential
Support
S
0
77
6
84 12
68 25
85 15
61 t 35t
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
Expenditures
$768,933 $225,593 (29% $743,254
$519,141 $232,241 (45% $792,318
$469,766 $190,623 (41%)
$316,703 $139,450 (44%)
$481,504
$305,348
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
1988
ADA
5
0
17
0
12
AFL-CIO
10
8
8
8
20
CCUS
83
90
86
90
100
ACU
3'
85
88
86
94
�Mhsouri - 7th District
7 Mel Hancock (R)
Of Springfield — Elected 1988; 3rd Term
Born: Sept. 14, 1929, Cape Fair, Mo.
Education: Southwest Missouri State U., B.S. 1951.
Military Service: Air Force, 1951-53; Air Force
Reserve, 1953-65.
Occupation: Security company executive.
Family: Wife, Alma "Sug" McDaniel; three children.
Religion: Church of Christ.
Political Careen Sought GOP nomination for U.S.
Senate, 1982; GOP nominee for lieutenant
governor, 1984.
Capitol Office: 129 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-6536.
In Washington: After spending much of
his first two terms in Congress proclaiming his
distaste for the institution and musing about
retirement, Hancock begins his third term with
a seat on the traditional preserve of House
insiders, the Ways and Means Committee.
It is not a case of Hancock changing, but of
his blunt, outspoken, anti-tax fervor becoming
the coin of the realm among House Republicans.
Long before many younger members of the
House GOP had even entered politics, the
chain-smoking Hancock was honing his anti-tax
rhetoric. He authored an anti-tax measure that
revolutionized — some say-hamstrung — Missouri government beginning in 1980.
Hancock, though, has not had long to hone
his skills as a legislator. He had not held
elective office before winning a seat in Congress
in 1988, and at age 59, he was the oldest
freshman in his class.
Still, Hancock is less likely to be noticed
for his age than for his energy, his size (he is
almost a head taller than Ronald Reagan in a
1976 photo of the two) and the big, bassbaritone voice that he says "tends to carry."
Hancock is in top form expressing his
visceral antipathy to government. He opposes
government involvement in economic affairs
and has endorsed the privatizing of even such
basic governmental activities as air traffic control.
Long after the Cold War had lost its chill,
his speeches at times recalled the heartland
anti-government rhetoric of a generation ago,
sprinkled with references to "the road to socialism" and "the kind of system they have in
Russia."
Even with a friendly regime in Moscow,
Hancock has found it difficult to support aid to
Russia. During the 102nd Congress he teamed
with fellow Banking, Finance and Urban Affairs
Committee member John J. "Jimmy" Duncan
Jr., R-Tenn., in an unsuccessful effort to strike
the funding authorization for the International
886
Monetary Fund, a prime source of aid to Russia
and other former republics of the Soviet Union.
In August 1992, Hancock made one of his
rare breaks from party ranks on the House floor
to oppose a broader Russian aid package. President George Bush and a majority of House
Republicans supported its passage.
Hancock came under fire from primary
opponents in 1992 who complained that his
fight to hold down government spending was
costing the district badly needed federal funds.
In particular, they criticized Hancock for opposing the 1991 highway bill, which contained
funding for road projects in the southwest Missouri district.
Hancock made amends of sorts in 1992 by
using his perch on the Public Works and Transportation Committee to push for $7.6 million to
build a highway loop around the burgeoning
country-and-western resort town of Branson,
Mo. The money was added as a "technical
correction" to the 1991 highway bill.
During his first two terms in Congress,
Hancock spent much of his time on parochial
interests as well as issues that affected his aging
Ozark constituency. He promoted the creation
of tax-free savings accounts for parents and
grandparents saving for college for their children and grandchildren.
And he pursued the legislative repeal of
the Supreme Court ruling in Missouri r. Jenkins. The case arose when a federal judge in
Kansas City ordered the school district to raise
taxes to finance court-ordered integration.
Hancock's ban on "judicial taxation" had 147
cosponsors in the 101st Congress, but no hearings were held on it.
From his new position on the Ways and
Means Committee. Hancock could become a
visible player in national affairs, although it is
doubtful that he will ever be heavily lobbied by
President Clinton, who has little chance of
winning over Hancock.
Hancock indicated in early 1993 that he
supported a freeze in government spending.
1
�Mel Hancock, R-Mo.
Missouri 7
Two decades of rapid growth have
helped lift southwestern Missouri from poor
hillbilly hideaway to burgeoning resort region with a growing industrial base. Since
the 1970s, this part of Missouri has outpaced the rest of the state in population
growth. It is solidly Republican territory.
The 7th boomed during the 1980s as a
stream of retirees and other newcomers
settled in the resort area around Table
Rock Lake. Branson (Taney County) has
become a magnet for country music fans,
attracting 4 million visitors a year to its
many theaters and studios.
The recreational trade nourishes local
services and industries. Bass Pro Shops,
which manufactures and sells fishing boats
and other sporting goods, is based in Springfield (Greene County), the district's industrial
and commercial center. Nationwide customers of Bass Pro's mail-order catalog are.lured
to the Springfield store much as devotees of
L. L. Bean descend on its site in Maine.
Springfield also counts Kraft, Litton,
3M and Rockwell among its major employers,
and it is home to Southwest Missouri State
University (19.500 students). More than 40
percent of the 7th's residents live in Greene
and neighboring Christian County.
Joplin is the district's other population
center. An old lead- and zinc-mining town,
•Joplin is now a manufacturing and trucking
center. Nearby Carthage, the Jasper County
seat, competes for attention with its larger
neighbor.
Wheat, soybeans and corn are grown in
the 7th's western counties. The hillier
Ozark counties raise beef and dairy cattle.
Poultry farming and production also con-
"There's a lot of spending they could cut —
foreign aid, welfare, get rid of the bureaucracy,"
he said. "You can streamline government just
like you can a business."
That kind of talk may have helped him win a
GOP slot on Ways and Means. Certainly his
partisanship did. Although Hancock has cultivated a reputation as a maverick, his party unity
scores have been among the highest in Congress.
On votes that divided mostly along party lines in
1992, he voted with the GOP House majority 98
percent of the time, a mark exceeded by only two
other Republican members.
At Home: When veteran GOP Rep. Gene
Taylor announced that he was stepping down in
1988, competitive races ensued in both parties.
Hancock won his primary by dominating the
rural counties and holding off Gary Nodler,
Southwest —
Springfield; Joplin
tribute to the district's economy.
The rural and agricultural character of
the Ozarks has not entirely yielded to development and modernization. There remain
many small, isolated communities, legacies
of the region's settlers — Scots-Irish mountaineers from eastern Tennessee, western
Virginia and Kentucky. Many of these rural
counties struggle economically.
Southwestern Missouri is a breeding
ground for statewide GOP politicians. The
last Republican governor, secretary of state,
attorney general and state treasurer all had
roots in the southwest. George Bush carried
every county in the 7th in 1992 even as he
lost by 10 points statewide. Losing 1992
GOP gubernatorial nominee William L.
Webster won every county but Greene.
The area's Republican lineage dates
from the Civil War. Though there was some
slave trading on Springfield's town square,
most of the Ozark settlers had no use for
slavery on their small, hilly farms; pro-Union
sentiment was strong. The GOP preference in
the Joplin area was cemented when President
Woodrow Wilson lowered tariffs on lead and
zinc and crippled the mining industry.
The 7th's conservatism is also reflected
in its politically active religious organizations. The national headquarters of the
Assemblies of God, the nation's largest Pentecostal church, is in Springfield, and the
Pentecostal Church of God's international
headquarters is in Joplin.
1990 Population: 568.017. White 552,934 (97%),
Black 5,295 (1%), Other 9.788 (2%). Hispanic origin
4,443 (1%). 18 and over 428,827 (75%), 62 and over
105,271 (19%). Median age: 35.
Taylor's district aide, whose base was in Joplin.
The Democrats nominated former Greene
County (Springfield) Circuit Judge Max E. Bacon, a tough judge whose nickname was "Maximum Max" and who was best known for singing
gospel duets with GOP Gov. John Ashcroft
(also from Springfield). Bacon came within 500
votes in Greene County. But Hancock ran up a
6,000-vote margin in the three counties bordering Kansas and swept the 13 outlying counties.
Most House freshmen enjoy a "sophomore
surge" when they first run for re-election, but
not Hancock. He saw his vote share decline
from 53 percent in 1988 to 52 percent in 1990,
even though his Democratic opponent was neither as well-known nor as well-financed as the
one Hancock faced in 1988.
Hancock was apparently hurt by his "Con887
�Miuouri • 7th District
gressman No" image, especially in Greene
County, the most cosmopolitan part of the
district. He lost that county in 1990 by more
than 3,000 votes to Democrat Thomas Patrick
Deaton, a Springfield lawyer. Of the other 16
counties in the historically Republican district,
Hancock carried 15, but his share outside
Greene County was still a modest 55 percent.
Hardly anyone expected the election to be
so close. Before the campaign began, Hancock
told the St. Louis Post-Dispatch that he would
"rather be back home, hunting," and might not
run for re-election. He quickly changed his
mind, though, and seemed to clear his only real
hurdle for re-election early in the year when
Bacon announced that he would not run.
Hancock took his 1992 opposition seriously, campaigning aggressively in both the
primary and general elections. He faced two
primary challengers: Taney County Commission Clerk Ronald Houseman and schoolteacher
Stephen Pennington. Both accused Hancock of
being excessively doctrinaire in his anti-government conservatism, but neither was well-known
or well-funded. Hancock crushed them, winning
with 77 percent of the vote.
Deaton had returned for a rematch in the
general election, but Democratic disunity
helped scuttle his effort. Deaton won an acrimonious primary over state Rep. Doug Harpool
of Springfield, who had switched from the state
attorney general race to run for Congress. But
the caustic primary cleaved a rift in Democratic
ranks that never closed. Hancock prevailed
with 62 percent of the vote and carried every
county in the 7th.
Committee
Key Votes
1993
Ways & Means (12th of 14 Republicans)
Select Revenue Measures (ranking); Oversight
Elections
1992 General
Mel Hancock (R)
Thomas Patrick Deaton (D)
1992 Primary
Mel Hancock (R)
Ronald Houseman (R)
Stephen Keith Pennington (R)
1990 General
Mel Hancock (R)
Thomas Patrick Deaton (D)
r ivious Winning Percentage:
160,303
99.762
(62%)
138%)
66.667
13.469
6,304
(7 )
7%
(6 )
1%
(%
7 )
83.609
76.725
(52%)
(48%)
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
Approve economic stimulus plan
1992
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
Close down space station program
Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
Allow shifting funds from defense to domestic programs
1991
Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf
Presidential
Support
Year
1992
1991
1990
1989
1992
D 96.621 (37%)
R 118.817(45%)
I 48,824(18%)
Campaign Finance
1992
Hancock(R)
Deaton (D)
1990
Hancock(R)
Deaton (D)
888
Receipts
from PACs
Y
N
N
N
N
N
Y
Voting Studies
1988 (53%)
District Vote for President
S
81
79
80
78
0
19
19
20
22
Party
Unity
S
98
95
98
98
Conservative
Coalition
O
2
3
2
1
S
96
100
94
95
0
4
0
6
5
Interest Group Ratings
Expenditures
Year
ADA
AFL-CIO
CCUS
$393,638 $164,430 (42%)
$309,432 $183,268 (59%)
$426,525
$310,658
1992
1991
1990
1989
10
5
11
0
25
8
0
8
75
90
79
90
$280,787 $122,782 (44%)
$103,759 $47,445 (46%)
$182,474
$103,265
Receipts
Y
N
N
N
N
ACU
96
100
100
96
�Pennsylvania - 18th District
18 Rick Santorum (R)
Of Mount Lebanon — Elected 1990; 2nd Term
Born: May 10, 1958, Winchester, Va.
Education: Pennsylvania State U., B.A. 1980; U. of
Pittsburgh, M.B.A. 1981; Dickinson School of Law,
J.D. 1986.
Occupation: Lawyer; legislative aide.
Family: Wife, Karen Carver; two children.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Careen No previous office.
Capitol Office: 1222 Longworth Bldg. 20515; 225-2135.
In Washington: When second-termer
Santorum asked a colleague how he should
conduct himself as a newly named member of
the Ways and Means Committee (and ranking
member of its Human Resources Subcommittee), the colleague said: "Not like you did last
year."
That exchange embodies Santorum's dilemma. Thus far, he has succeeded, in his
campaigns and in Congress, largely as an intense young reformer. He scored a high-profile
upset in winning election and became one of the
"Gang of Seven" freshmen who defied their
institutional elders and helped force disclosure
of all overdrafts at the House bank.
To accomplish anything legislatively on a
committee where bomb-throwing goes worse
than unrewarded, however," he must tone down
his act. Yet, at the same time, as vice-chair of
the National Republican Congressional Committee (NRCC), he will be advising challengers
on the fine points of winning as an outsider.
Santorum's balancing act was on view early
in the 103rd Congress. First, the gang testified
as a group before the Joint Committee on the
Organization of Congress and offered its own
package of reforms, a few of which were recycled from bills Santorum had introduced in the
102nd Congress.
And in early May, when the Ways and
Means Committee took up President Clinton's
tax proposals, the meeting was closed to the
public, as such markups had been throughout
the administrations of Ronald Reagan and
George Bush. But Republicans decided to vote
against closing the meeting on Clinton's tax
increases, and Santorum went further yet. He
left the session to participate in a protest organized by junior GOP members in the hallway.
He later returned to the meeting, missing no
votes.
Despite the activist image of the gang,
Santorum himself is nut particularly ideological. In his first Congress he supported the
legislative position of the Republican White
House with average frequency, and he was a
little above average in his party unity score.
1336
Such scores could represent a potential
burden in a district that is predominantly bluecollar and 70 percent Democratic by registration. But Santorum's young career was made by
beating the odds. He took out seven-term incumbent Doug Walgren in 1990 and won his
first race in his new district with more than 60
percent of the vote in 1992. In his first term,
along with the rest of the gang, he took on a
reluctant bipartisan leadership and won over
the issue of the bank.
In a September 1991 floor speech, Speaker
Thomas S. Foley chastised members for their
exorbitant numbers of overdrafts. The leadership tooks steps to close the bank and tried to
close the book on the issue.
Santorum and other freshmen held a latenight meeting that spawned the gang, the members of which spent the rest of the week giving
floor speeches and calling news conferences
demanding an investigation into the bank scandal. Their efforts received little or no press
coverage until a William Safire column in The
New York Times credited them with "banging
their spoons against their high chairs" and
calling attention to the matter.
The next week, Santorum and other gang
members began pressing for full disclosure of all
overdrafts, raising hackles all over the chamber.
Ultimately, full disclosure revealed that more
than 250 members had overdrawn their accounts.
The scandal fed the country's anti-incumbent
mood and contributed to the defeat, retirement or
near-defeat of dozens of members.
Santorum's had an even greater impact on
the 1992 elections. Having won his first race
with virtually no help from the national party,
Santorum wanted to ensure that similarly dedicated candidates were not ignored in the future.
As a freshman, he co-chaired the NRCC buddy
system, which assigns incumbents to advise
challengers. In 1992. Santorum personally
helped Republicans Rick A. Lazio of New Jersey and fellow Pennsylvanian Jim Greenwood
unseat incumbents who were hobbled by overdrafts at the bank.
Santorum insists that to be successful,
�Rick Santorum, R-Pa.
Pennsylvania 18
The story of the Mon Valley is surely
one of America's grandest boom-and-bust
tales. The denizens of the Monongahela
Valley were at the forefront of establishing
America as the world's industrial giant in
the years leading up to and through World
War I I , but in the post-industrial decades
since, this once-proud region has withered.
It all began in 1851, when the first steel
mill opened. Production expanded so rapidly that the local labor pool was quickly
exhausted, forcing U.S. Steel to place advertisements in European newspapers seeking workers.
Thousands of Hungarians, Irish, Italians, Poles, Russians, Serbs and Ukrainians
were among those who heeded the call; by
the late 1940s, U.S. Steel employed 80,000
here.
The company controlled all facets of
life. Transportation systems were designed
to move workers efficiently at shift changes.
Local government and politics were dictated by U.S. Steel policies, particularly so
before the United Steelworkers union came
into existence in 1912.
But after World War II expansion, the
steel industry begat? its downward spiral.
And as the steel works began closing, the
towns that lived and breathed with the
industry drew their last gasps.
By the mid-1980s, declining population
and loss of industry slashed the tax bases of
such Allegheny County towns as Homestead, Duquesne and McKeesport. Clairton
— the setting for the movie "The Deer
Hunter" — was forced to furlough its entire
police force and to turn off the street lights.
Perhaps more telling was the closing of the
Republican campaign strategists must go beyond the standard candidate profile to find
people "who will work their tails off." Adds
Santorum: "I'm not going to ask people how
much money they have, I'm going to ask them
how many doors they will knock on."
He also decries the past myopia of GOP
congressional campaign strategists. "One of our
new ideas has to be: Don't run campaigns out of
Washington . . . we can't be sending out 22year-old naysayers telling us why we can't win
races."
Santorum has found less success in the
legislative arena, where his crusading and cocky
manner may have held him back. Like most
GOP freshmen, he was unable to move any of
the more than 30 bills he sponsored in the
102nd past the committee stage.
Pittsburgh suburbs;
Clairton; McKeesport
McKeesport McDonald's restaurant.
These desperate conditions were reflected in the Valley's voting patterns. Angry and unemployed workers voted in favor
of Democrat Walter F. Mondale in 1984;
one local steelworkers official said, "In this
area, if Ronald Reagan bought a cemetery,
people would quit dying." In 1988, Michael
S. Dukakis posted even bigger victory margins in areas that now make up the 18th.
Today, despite the massive job losses,
the steelworkers union, building trades
council and the United Mine Workers still
hold sway; Democrats make up 70 percent
of the ISth's registration.
The steelworkers who were able to find
new employment — mostly in lower-paying
service jobs — proved steadfast in their
support of Democratic candidates in 1991,
when Harris Wofford won 57 percent here
in the special Senate election against Allegheny County native Dick Thornburgh, the
former governor and U.S. attorney general.
Bill Clinton easily bested George Bush in
1992.
Outside the Mon Valley, the 18th contains the northern, eastern and southern
Pittsburgh suburbs.
Located entirely within the bounds of
Allegheny County, the 18th also includes
the middle-class areas of Penn Hills, Shaler
and Monroeville, along with the old-money
GOP communities of Fox Chapel and
Mount Lebanon.
1990 Population: 565,781. White 516,212 (91%),
Black 43,969 (8%), Other 5.600 (1%). Hispanic origin
3.299 (1%). 18 and over 447.927 (79%), 62 and over
126,757 (22%). Median age: 38.
Some of his bills would have limited
franking privileges and mileage allowances for
House members. He also sponsored legislation
that would have eliminated the tobacco pricesupport program.
In both 1991 and 1992, Santorum played a
role in the considerations of the budget for the
House chamber. In 1991, he introduced an
amendment to the legislative appropriations
bill that would have limited the Appropriations
Committee's right to shift unspent money between accounts. He said such funds should go to
reduce the deficit. The amendment failed on a
near party-line vote.
In 1992, after Democrats had introduced a
rule that would have sharply reduced opportunity for GOP amendments, Santorum tried to
paint the rules vote as one of substance and not
1337
�Pennsylvania
- 18th District
of process. "This is a put-up vote; this is one
that counts," said Santorum.
The rule passed, and it allowed points of
order that were later used to kill two of
Santorum's amendments calling for "space audits" of House-controlled rooms in the Capitol
complex — an effort to prevent Democrats
from hogging all the prime space.
At Home: Santorum offers a lesson in how
the Republican Party could take over the
House in spite of itself. Although his campaign
was virtually ignored by the NRCC, Santorum
combined shoe leather, an extensive volunteer
network, an aggressive style and good luck (the
incumbent Democrat was overconfident) to
fashion one of the biggest upsets of 1990.
When he launched his challenge in early
1990, no one gave the energetic young man
much of a chance against the entrenched,
seven-term Democratic Rep. Walgren.
But Santorum made up for the lack of
outside help and money — he raised barely
$250,000 — by running textbook grass-roots
campaign. He took a leave of absence from his
law firm in March to visit thousands of households (he puts the number at 25,000) and piece
together a volunteer organization. Heavy on
anti-abortion activists and Young Republicans,
his volunteers reportedly numbered 2,000.
Walgren responded slowly and without
much heat. In their first debate in late October,
Santorum crisply depicted Walgren as a career
Washington insider who had lost touch with his
district. Walgren gave long rebuttals that frequently had to be cut off by the moderator.
Walgren did mount a media offensive near
the end of the campaign that criticized
Santorum as a carpetbagger, new to the Pittsburgh area. But the ads, which featured a photo
of Santorum, largely served to underscore the
surprising competitiveness of his challenge.
But for all his success in getting elected
and getting noticed, Santorum was given up for
dead by most political observers after the 1992
redistricting map came out. Democratic lawmakers had been careful to banish Santorum to
a heavily Democratic, working-class district
bearing little resemblance to the ground he had
seized from Walgren.
Twelve Democrats lined up for a shot at
Santorum. The winner was a Republican state
senator, Frank A. Pecora, who had switched
parties to make the race. Pecora drew scathing
criticism from his primary opponents (after his
party switch he continued to sit with the Republican Caucus in the legislature). Local Democratic
officials never embraced his candidacy, and
Santorum was suddenly back in business.
Pecora had represented almost one-third
of the new ISth's communities in the state
Senate. But Santorum duplicated his grassroots effort of 1990. He also greatly outspent his
challenger, highlighting his gang activities in his
TV commercials. Remarkably, Santorum not
only won in the new 18th, he did so with better
than three-fifths of the vote.
Committee
Key Votes
1993
Ways ft Means (13th of 14 Republicans)
Human Resources (ranking): Oversight
Elections
1992 General
Rick Santorum (R)
Frank A. Pecora (D)
Denise Winebrenner Edwards (NEW I)
1990 General
Rick Santorum (R)
Doug Walgren (D)
154,024
96,655
3,650
61%)
38%)
(1%)
85,697
80,880
51%)
49%)
District Vote for President
Require parental notification of minors' abortions
Y
Require unpaid family and medical leave
N
Approve national' motor voter'' registration bill
Y
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
N
Approve economic stimulus plan
N
1992
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
Y
Close down space station program
N
Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
N
Allow shifting funds from defense to domestic programs N
1991
Extend unemployment benefits using deficit financing
N
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
N
Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf
Y
1992
Voting Studies
0 137,507 (52%)
R 80.795(30%)
1 46,754 (18%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
Expenditures
Year
1992
1991
•ft:
1338
$654,854 $267,454 (41%)
$288,862 $118,300 (41%)
$626,793
$284,757
$257,786 $27,660 (11%)
$601,897 $423,415 (70%)
$251,496
$717,124
Party
Unity
S
0
80 16
88 12
Conservative
Coalition
S
0
79 21
97
3
Interest Group Ratings
1992
Santorum (R)
Pecora (D)
1990
Santorum (R)
Walgren (D)
Presidential
Support
S
0
70 28
72 28
Year
1992
1991
ADA
20
15
AFL-CIO
58
42
CCUS
88
80
ACU
83
80
�Michigan - 4th District
4 Dave Camp (R)
Of Midland — Elected 1990; 2nd Term
Born: July 9, 1953, Midland, Mich.
Education: Albion College, B.A. 1975; U. of California,
San Diego, J.D. 1978.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Single.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Careen Mich. House, 1989-91.
Capitol Office: 137 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-3561.
In Washington: Camp has made an unusually rapid rise to prominence, moving in just
six years from serving as a congressional staffer
to sitting as a junior GOP House member on
the influential Ways and Means Committee.
At a time when the House Republican
Conference is taking on a more aggressively
confrontational tone, Camp has described himself in language that sets him a bit apart from
some conservative GOP colleagues whose top
priority is challenging the Democratic majority.
"You can be committed to principle and
yet understand that you're working within a
process that requires compromise," Camp told
the Detroit News in May 1991.
Notwithstanding such intimations of pragmatism, Camp's opening bid is almost always a
firmly conservative one. In his initial House
campaign, he pledged he would never vote to
raise taxes. On the major early priorities of the
Clinton administration, Camp went down the
line with his party: opposing the new president's budget blueprint and economic stimulus
package, opposing unpaid family and medical
leave and opposing the "motor voter" bill to
broaden registration opportunities.
Camp supports a presidential line-item
veto and a balanced-budget constitutional
amendment, has opposed a waiting period for
handgun purchases and would permit abortion
only in cases of rape or incest or threat to the
pregnant woman's life. When minors seek abortions at clinics that receive federal funds, he
would mandate parental notification.
In a few high-profile instances as a freshman, Camp did part ways with the majority of
Republicans and go against positions taken by
President Bush.
In 1991, Camp voted to extend unemployment benefits to the long-term unemployed; in
1992, he voted in favor of closing down the
space station program and against providing aid
to the former republics of the Soviet Union. All
three of those issues were sensitive ones in a
district that has seen its share of economic
troubles. Voters' pocketbook concerns in 1992
were sufficient to give Clinton a razor-thin
victory over Bush in the 4th District's presidential voting.
But overall, Camp's party loyalty was sufficient to earn him the Ways and Means promotion, as well as an appointment as an assistant
regional whip and the chairmanship of a party
task force on agriculture — the latter a reflection of the important role that farming plays in
his district's economy.
In his first term, Camp was the only Michigander of either party on the 45-member Agriculture Committee; he had to give up that post
to move to Ways and Means, where he is
expected to speak out in behalf of farmers,
automobile manufacturers and other Michigan
business interests.
Amid the whirl of activity on Capitol Hill
aimed at changing campaign finance laws to
limit the role of political action committees
(PACs), Camp joins with those taking exception
to the view that PACs are nefarious specialinterest influences. "PACs are organizations of
people who think similarly on an issue who are
involved in the political process," he told the
Midland Daily News. " I think we need more
people involved in the political process."
In 1991, Camp took strong exception to a
media account that drew a connection between
his personal finances and a piece of legislation
he cosponsored with 138 other members. An
article in the Detroit News reported his support
for a bill to provide uniform state and federal
regulation of pesticides, and noted that Camp
owns between $100,000 to $250,000 of stock in
Midland-based Dow Chemical Co., which has a
subsidiary that produces pesticides.
In a lengthy written response to the paper.
Camp led off by saying, " I vehemently deny any
conflict of interest
" He went on to explain
that farmers and farm organizations in his
district (not Dow) had urged him to support the
bill; he said he favors uniform standards in
order to spare farmers and other pesticide users
from facing a maze of potentiaily conflicting
local regulations.
At Home: When GOP Rep. Bill Schuette
announced his campaign for the Senate in 1990,
765
�Dave Camp, R-Mich.
V
Michigan 4
While the 4th is Michigan's secondlargest district in terms of land mass (after
the massive 1st), most of the district's residents live in the southern half. North of
Midland, much of the terrain is forested
and sparsely populated.
With few cities of size, most of the vote
is cast in the small towns and farming
communities that traditionally favor the
GOP. Bill Clinton ran competitively in the
4th in 1992, but he is an exception to recent
Democratic presidential nominees. In 1992,
Rep. Camp won every county.
Midland, the site of one of the largest
single chemical complexes in the United
States, is the 4th's population and industrial center. There, on 1,900 acres, the Dow
Chemical Co. keeps its international headquarters and produces more than 500 products. Between Dow Chemical and the Dow
Corning Corp., there are more than 10,000
employees in the Midland area. Dow Corning is the world's largest producer of silicone.
Accordingly, the Dow name is firmly
stamped on Midland. Residents can browse
at the Grace A. Dow Memorial Library or
learn about the man who started it all at the
Herbert H. Dow Historical Museum. Their
son, Alden, designed many of the city's
churches, homes, schools and business complexes. For botanists, there is Dow Gardens.
The company also sets the tone for
Midland County's Republican politics. In
1990, GOP then-Rep. Bill Schuette — a
Midland native — carried the county
against Democratic Sen. Carl Levin, while
Republican challenger John Engler did the
same in his successful gubernatorial bid
he endorsed Camp, a friend of his since childhood days in Midland and a former administrative assistant in his Capitol Hill office.
After a two-year stint with Schuette in
Washington, Camp returned to Michigan in
1986 to manage Schuette's re-election campaign
and resume his law career. But in 1988, a state
representative from the district including Midland and neighboring communities announced
his retirement, and Camp decided to run for the
job. He won, and had barely found his chair in
the Legislature when GOP strategists began
talking up Schuette to run against Democratic
Sen. Carl Levin; almost in the same breath,
they suggested Camp as a replacement for
Schuette in the House.
But several ambitious Republicans decided
to try for the GOP nomination. The result was a
766
North Central —
Midland
against Democratic Gov. James J. Blanchard. Two years later, George Bush carried
Midland County rather easily.
South of Midland, the district is primarily agricultural. The second-leading source of
votes in the 4th is Saginaw County, although
the city of Saginaw belongs to the 5th. The
city is heavily Democratic and unionized, but
the farmers to the south and west generally
favor Republicans.
Clinton County sports a fair number of
Lansing commuters, but they, along with
farmers and small-town voters, favor Republican candidates.
Owosso (Shiawassee County) and Alma
(Gratiot County) are more traditional,
small manufacturing cities. Gratiot tilts Republican, but both produce some Democratic votes.
Tourism and recreation fuel the economy north of these areas. Local residents
are more likely to travel farther north toward the Upper Peninsula for vacations,
but many autoworkers from Michigan's industrial southeast favor the lakes and
woodland of Montcalm and Mecosta counties.
Retirees from the southeastern cities
have also made their mark in the far northern portion of the 4th. Counties such as
Clare, Gladwin, Ogemaw and Roscommon
are no longer routinely Republican; Blanchard carried three of the four in 1990 and
Clinton carried all four in 1992.
1990 Population: 580,956. White 564,340 (97%),
Black 6,182 (1%), Other 10.434 (2%). Hispanic origin
10,175 (2%). 18 and over 425.655 (73%). 62 and over
87,007 (15%). Median age: 32.
heated four-way primary that included Camp,
former U.S. Rep. Jim Dunn, and former state
Sens. Al Cropsey and Richard J. Allen.
Camp, who ran an unexciting but polished
campaign, faced a strong challenge from
Cropsey, a hard-line conservative backed by
many abortion foes and religious fundamentalists. But like Schuette, Camp enjoyed strong
support from GOP establishment figures and
from executives at Dow Chemical. He won
nomination on the strength of a strong margin
in his Midland base.
From there, the campaign was an extended
prelude to Camp's inaugural party. The GOP
would have been strongly favored in any case,
but Camp lucked out when dairy farmer Joan
L. Dennison pulled an upset in the sparsely
attended Democratic primary. Dennison es-
�Michigan
pioused support for some ideas of political extremist Lyndon H. LaRouche Jr., and she advocated discarding much of the public school
curriculum because she felt that the schools
were being run by atheists. Camp won with
nearly two-thirds of the vote.
Though Michigan lost two House seats in
reapportionment, the redistricting map preserved a district for Camp (renumbered from
the 10th to the 4th), and his second general
election turned out to be nearly as lopsided as
his first. He prepared for the worst, however,
raising more than $500,000 (40 percent of it
from PACs) and outspending his Democratic
opponent, homemaker Lisa Donaldson, by more
than 30-to-l. Camp tallied 63 percent, down a
bit from 1990, but vastly better than Bush's
showing in the 4th.
Committee
Key Votes
Ways & Means (14th of 14 Republicans)
Human Resources; Select Revenue Measures
Elections
1992 General
Dave Camp(R)
Lisa A. Donaldson (D)
Joan L. Dennison (TIC)
1990 General
Dave Camp (R)
Joan L. Dennison (D)
Charles Congdon (LIBERT)
157,337
87,573
3344
(63%
(35%
(1%
99,952
50,923
2,496
(5 )
6%
(3 )
3%
(%
2 )
District Vote for President
1993
Require parental notification of minors' abortioiis
Require unpaid family and medical leave
Approve national "motor voter" registration bill
Approve budget increasing taxes and reducing deficit
Approve economic stimulus plan
1992
Approve balanced-budget constitutional amendment
Close down space station program
Approve U.S. aid for former Soviet Union
Allow shifting funds from defense to domestic programs
1991
Extend unemployment benefits j^ing deficit financing
Approve waiting period for handgun purchases
Authorize use of force in Persian Gulf
1992
D 104,709(38%)
R 103,464(37%)
I 67.873 (25%)
Y
N
N
N
N
Y
Y
N
N
Y
N
Y
Voting Studies
Campaign Finance
Receipts
1992
Camp (R)
Donaldson (D)
1990
Camp (R)
- 4th District
Receipts
from PACs
Expenditures
$507,855 $204,537 (40%)
$15,650
$2,500 (16%)
$518,118
$15,650
$667,713 $175,075 (26%)
$657,229
Year
1992
1991
Presidential
Support
S
0
70 30
71 29
Party
Unity
S
0
85 1
4
88 12
Conservative
Coalition
S O
73 27
95
5
Interest Group Ratings
Year
1992
1991
ADA
5
15
AFL-CIO
25
8
CCUS
75
100
ACU
84
80
767
�
Dublin Core
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Title
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Michael Waldman
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Michael Waldman was Assistant to the President and Director of Speechwriting from 1995-1999. His responsibilities were writing and editing nearly 2,000 speeches, which included four State of the Union speeches and two Inaugural Addresses. From 1993 -1995 he served as Special Assistant to the President for Policy Coordination.</p>
<p>The collection generally consists of copies of speeches and speech drafts, talking points, memoranda, background material, correspondence, reports, handwritten notes, articles, clippings, and presidential schedules. A large volume of this collection was for the State of the Union speeches. Many of the speech drafts are heavily annotated with additions or deletions. There are a lot of articles and clippings in this collection.</p>
<p>Due to the size of this collection it has been divided into two segments. Use links below for access to the individual segments:<br /><a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=43&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=2006-0469-F+Segment+1">Segment One</a><br /><a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=43&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=2006-0469-F+Segment+2">Segment Two</a></p>
Creator
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Michael Waldman
Office of Speechwriting
Date
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1993-1999
Identifier
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2006-0469-F
Extent
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Segment One contains 1071 folders in 72 boxes.
Segment Two contains 868 folders in 66 boxes.
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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paper
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REA [Reemployment Act] Congressional Committee Member Profiles [Binder] [4]
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Office of Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
Is Part Of
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Box 41
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36403"> Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7763296">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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2006-0469-F Segment 1
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White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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Preservation-Reproduction-Reference
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6/3/2015
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7763296
42-t-7763296-20060469F-Seg1-041-002-2015