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FOIA Number:
2006-0469-F
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidential Records
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Michael Waldman
Subseries:
OAAD Number:
13657
FolderlD:
Folder Title:
Trade: Clips
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
92
3
7
3
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BRUCE STOKES
TRADE
FALLING OFF THE BICYCLE
P
resident Clinton's economic
and trade advisers returned
from the Naples summit of the
G-7 industrial nations with their tails
between their legs. Their ill-thoughtout-and insufficiently advanced proposal for launching a new round of
international trade negotiations was
resoundingly shot down by the leaders of the other governments.
It was an inauspicious beginning
on the road to further integration of
the global economy. The "bicycle
theory" of trade negotiations holds
that trade liberalization can never
afford to stand still; without continual progress, protectionism is inevitable. The Clinton team clearly bungled its first attempt to keep the bicycle moving (unless, as some
cynics suggest, Clinton never expected his proposal to be taken
seriously this year, but only hoped to score public relations
points by asserting his commitment to multilateralism at a time
when his Administration is increasingly being criticized for its
alleged unilateral approach to trade issues).
But Clinton operatives should take heart. There is ample
precedent in the recent history of trade talks for losing and then
regaining momentum. In the early 1980s, the Europeans initially
rebuffed a Reagan Administration effort to launch new talks. In
the end, the United States prevailed, resulting in the just-completed Uruguay Round of trade negotiations.
Clinton has promised to have ready for the 1995 G-7 summit
in Halifax, Nova Scotia, a proposal outlining what the United
States would like to see in a new international trade round.
Doubtless that agenda will include uncompleted technical issues
left over from the Uruguay Round—such as financial and
audiovisual services—and new items such as harmonization of
investment and antitrust policies. But the negative reaction of
the other leaders in Naples suggests that before much progress
can be made on that agenda, the industrial nations must first
resolve a fundamental challenge that surfaced during the
Uruguay Round: the widespread domestic political opposition
to further trade liberalization seen in almost all countries.
The Uruguay Round, the latest in a series of postwar global
trade talks, was by far the most politically divisive. Governments
around the world have faced opposition to its implementation.
In South Korea, 14 cabinet ministers resigned to do penance for
liberalizing the rice market. Textile workers rioted in India.
Farmers took to the streets in France. The current opposition in
the United States to legislation implementing the agreement
seems tame by comparison.
Antagonism to trade liberalization is nothing new. Imperiled
industries and their workers have long attempted to block specific tariff cuts and the lifting of particular trade barriers. But
current opposition to the Uruguay Round, while driven by such
special-interest pleading, also appears to reflect a more
widespread aaxiety about the domestic consequences of future
intemationai economic decision making.
In Europe, for example, ratification of the Uruguay Round
hinges on a case currently before the European Court of Justice
challenging the European Commission's right to negotiate liber-
alization of individual countries' regulation of service industries. European banks and insurance companies
that have prospered behind protectionist national trade barriers are
clearly behind this challenge. But the
issue has struck a responsive public
chord because European consumers,
like those the world over, prefer
their services to be local. They inherently don't trust decisions by banks
and insurance companies headquartered in another country or on
another continent. Moreover, the
case taps into a profound wariness of
the growing power of the European
Union secretariat in Brussels, an
anxiety first seen in the early 1990s at
the time of the debate over ratification of the Maastricht Treaty
creating a single European market.
Similar anxieties have emerged in the United States in the
controversy over implementation of the Uruguay Round. Environmentalists have raised the specter of the new World Trade
Organization (WTO) weakening U.S. health and safety laws.
State officials have suggested that the WTO may infringe on
federalism. This depth and breadth of concern about the implications of greater trade liberalization, which first showed up
during last year's intense debate over the North American Free
Trade Agreement, is unlikely to go away—even if, as expected,
legislation implementing the Uruguay Round receives congressional approval later this year.
To flesh out new rules and regulations governing trade, the
WTO will be called on to make a number of decisions over the
next few years that are bound to raise questions, in the United
States and elsewhere, about the tradeoff between the economic
benefits of intemationai commerce and control over decisions
that affect individual livelihoods.
Each past round of intemationai trade negotiations has been
followed by a hiatus of several years, during which negotiators
recharged their physical and intellectual batteries and politicians
regained their nerve. Despite the Clinton Administration's best
efforts, this intermission is likely to be repeated.
Too many of the G-7 leaders have too tenuous a hold on
power within their own countries to permit them to exercise
much leadership on controversial intemationai issues. German
Chancellor Helmut Kohl faces a tough reelection fight in October. French President Franqois Mitterrand's Socialist Party is
expected to lose the Elysee Palace next year. British Prime Minister John Major is likely to be ousted by his own backbenchers
in the fall. And Japanese Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama
heads the fourth government in Tokyo in a year.
But delay need not be disastrous. To rebuild public support
for further integration of the global economy, the G-7 leaders
will have to find some way to help the victims of trade liberali2a ___^
tion. The rhetoric in the final Naples communique about ^85 1
creation will have to become a reality. The Clinton Administra- '
lion's promise during the North American Free Trade Agreement debate of a new U.S. job retraining program must receive
priority on Capitol Hill. Without such efforts, Clinton's aborted
Naples trade initiative may never get off the ground.
;
NATIONAL JOURNAL 7/16/94 1713
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Michael Waldman
Description
An account of the resource
<p>Michael Waldman was Assistant to the President and Director of Speechwriting from 1995-1999. His responsibilities were writing and editing nearly 2,000 speeches, which included four State of the Union speeches and two Inaugural Addresses. From 1993 -1995 he served as Special Assistant to the President for Policy Coordination.</p>
<p>The collection generally consists of copies of speeches and speech drafts, talking points, memoranda, background material, correspondence, reports, handwritten notes, articles, clippings, and presidential schedules. A large volume of this collection was for the State of the Union speeches. Many of the speech drafts are heavily annotated with additions or deletions. There are a lot of articles and clippings in this collection.</p>
<p>Due to the size of this collection it has been divided into two segments. Use links below for access to the individual segments:<br /><a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=43&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=2006-0469-F+Segment+1">Segment One</a><br /><a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=43&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=2006-0469-F+Segment+2">Segment Two</a></p>
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Michael Waldman
Office of Speechwriting
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1993-1999
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2006-0469-F
Extent
The size or duration of the resource.
Segment One contains 1071 folders in 72 boxes.
Segment Two contains 868 folders in 66 boxes.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Still Image
A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Trade: Clips
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 27
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36403"> Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7763296">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2006-0469-F Segment 1
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
The material or physical carrier of the resource.
Preservation-Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
6/3/2015
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
7763296
42-t-7763296-20060469F-Seg1-027-008-2015