-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/115a737932b1479c00bfcfbf8d61ea64.pdf
434d4599d83aa30498615c92fa5359c8
PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2006-0458-F; 20
FOIA
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidential Records
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Communications
Series/Staff Member:
Don Baer
Subseries:
OAIID Number:
13424
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
[Affirmative Action Speech Packet (Binder)] [2]
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
90
2
8
2
�Clinton Presidential Records
Digital Records Marker
This is not a presidential record. This is used as an administrative
marker by the William J. Clinton Presidential Library Staff.
This marker identifies the place of a tabbed divider. Given our
digitization capabilities, we are sometimes unable to adequately
scan such dividers. The title from the original document is
indicated below.
Divider Title: · L;. ~ ~ o \~. '3 -L.T ~ ~1b6'
�MARCH
4, 1865
State, in compliance with the requirements of the 18th.
·
of the Act entitled "An _Act to regulate the Diplomatic and.
sular ·systems of the United States," Approved August 18th.
[ABRAHAM
.
Washi[ngton, March 3, 1865]
1 DS, DNA RG 46, Senate 38A F3. Pari of the date and signature have
torn from the document The' accompanying report may be found in
eighth Congress, Second Session, SeMte Ezecutive DocuTTU1nt No. P:
Second Inaugural Address1
[Fellow Countrymen:]
March 4, 1
At this second appearing to take the oath of the 'DrE!SlQ~aJJ
office, there is less occasion for· an extended address than there
at the first; Then a statement, somewhat in detail, of a
be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the .,'V'T,;~,,tit\'1
four years, during which public declarations have been "uz1:;1.1~
called forth on every point and phase of the great contest
still absorbs the attention, and engrosses the enerergies [sic]
nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress
arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known
public as to myself; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory.
encouraging'to all. With high .hope for the future, no prE!,dllctltOJ
regard to it is ventured. ·
On the occasion corresponding to this four. years ago,
thoughts were 'anxiously directed to an impending civil-war.
dreaded it-all sought to avert it. While the inaugeral
was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to
the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city
:to destroy it without war-seeking to dissol [ v] e the Union,
vide effects, by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war; but
of them would make war rather than let the nation survive;
the other would accept war rather than let it perish. And the
uained. Neither m
"h,
:rase: Wlt or~~·
, :..,ked for an eaSier
~-;tounding. Both re;
Jnd each invokes H
:h.lt any men shoul,
JlC their bread fro1
iujge not that we l
i>P answered; that (
:nighty has His ow
c,ffcncesl for it must
man by whom the
American Slavery i
:dence of GOd, mu:
:}Jrough His appoint
ci,·es to both North
io those by whom tl
J
departure from tho,
J_i,-ing God always<
Jo we pray-that· tl
away. Yet, if God w
!l\· the bond-man's t
•hall be sunk, and
!a>h. shall be paid b:
:hree3 thousand yea1
of the Lord, are trut
With malice towa:
the right, ·as God giv
:he work we are in;
him who shall have
·)rphan-to do all ".
la~ting peace, .amonf
came.
One eighth of the whole population were,colored slaves, not
tributed generally over the Union, but localized in the
part:r of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful
terest. All knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of
war. To strengthen,. perpetuate, and· extend this interest was
object for which the insurgents would rend the Union,
war; while the government cla~ed no right to do more
restrict. the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party
for the war, 'the magnitude, or the d:uration, which it has
[332]
Original manuscript
Hay.
April 10. 1865
I AD, DLC. The salu~
:?p~· of the final paragr<
~·;her, is now owned by
: Lincoln deleted "hall
Lincoln first 'wrote "I
• Lincoln deleted "the ·
3
�1865
•
uirements of the 18th.
ulate the Diplomatic and
"Approved August 18th.
[ABRAHAM ,._.,.......
& . .,
t of the date and signature have
·ing report may be found in
recutive Documsnt No. 32.
t.ral Address1
March 4,
:e the oath of the ·n·'I'P.l:utl!!m
xtended address than there
1ewhat in detail, of a
lper. Now, .at the eX]pll'iattc)l)
clarations have been COilstslli
1ase of the great contest
· enerergies [sic] of
The progress of
as well known to
llst, reasonably satisfactory
. · fqr the future, no ·prea:JICOOI
~
to this four years ago, .
to an impending civil:war.
:. While the inaugeral
.:e, devoted altogether to
agents were in the city
to dissol[v]e the Union,
parties deprecated war; but
han let the nation ~rvive;
than let it perish. And ~e
~ARCH~-
1865
uained.· Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might
~rase with, or even before, the conflict itseH should cease. Each
looked :for an e_asier triumph, and a result less fundamental and
aMunding. Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God;
.111d each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange
that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; but let us
judge not that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not
be answered; that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. "Woe· unto the world because o_f
offences! for it must needs be that offences come; but woe to that
man by whom the offence cometh!" If we shall suppose that
American Slavery is one of those offences which•. in the .P.rovidence of God, must needs come, but which, havmg continued
through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He
gives to both North and South, this terrible war, as the woe due
10 those by whom the offence· came, shall we discern therein any
departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a
Living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope--:-fervently
do we pray-that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass
away. Yet, if God wills that it continue, until all the weal~ pile?
bv the bond-mali's two hundred and fifty years of unreqwted toil
$hall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the .
lash, shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said
threes thousand years ago, so still it must .be said "the judgments
of the Lord, are true and righteous altogether" ·
With malice toward none; with charity for aU; with fmnriess in
the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish
the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for
him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his
orphan-to do all which may achieve and cherish a just, ·and a
lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nations.• :
[Endorsement]
ion were colored slaves, not
1, but localized in the
ed a peculiar and powerful
was, somehow, the cause of
nd extend this interest was
vould rend the Union, even
ed no right to do more than ·.
1t of it. Neitlier party "''"""""""
~ duration, which it has
2]
Original manuscript of second Inaugeral presented to _Major John
Hay.
·
A. LINCOLN
April 10. 1865
1 AD, DLC. The salutation is not in Lincoln's handwriting. An autograph
copy of the final paragraph, written 'by Lincoln at the request of Mrs. Jolu;l P.
L'sher, is now owned by Arthur Wendell, Rahway,.New J~rsey.
2 Lincoln deleted "half'' and inserted "part." ·
..
a Lincoln first wrote "four," erased it and substituted ""three."
4 Lincoln deleted "the world"· and inserted "all nations."
'
[333].
�Clinton Presidential Records
Digital Records Marker
This is not a presidential record. This is used as an administrative
marker by the William J. Clinton Presidential Library Staff.
This marker identifies the place of a tabbed divider. Given our
digitization capabilities, we are sometimes unable to adequately
scan such dividers. The title from the original document is
indicated below.
Divider Title:
\,:..",-\\\~·
.J<oc..'k- (\ . ::l3 -s- \
�•
fayeaeviUe, A.rbn.?1701
Oniver.tty·Uindea
(501) 575-5517
SJ!C'Iat Collc~tions Division
(S01)57~~6(f~)
.. '
....
.
.:. :.:. ·~
I
·~·
..
I
.... :·.: . ·. *-~.~-~i~~·~.~~:·.··.~~~i~~·~·~N·:·MEMoiwmQM·
!·.. \ ·• :·: r t. . .·:· ·: .. · : . . .
..: . :
.
.. ·•· :.. !· ·:
r
..
. .
. ...... :· ; . .
.
.....·. •. :
I
•
•
:
••
•. . . . . . :
< . . .·
=- ·.
:;
:·..: )·.'-' :.. :-. ·. ·... : ;:::- :: ·:···........ : ..... ,· , ,:-: .. ·~··. · : · :~·;:· . . ~: ..:·: :. _::\. :·. 'i· ·. ·.... .' ·.: ~ . .. ·:
.· ·. .
-:·
.
.
. .. . · ·TO: .. ·o:re·g Werkheiser .··.. . :·: ·. ··•. ·:·..: ·:· .... _.. .. · ·. ·: ·. ···....... · ·. : ·.
"<:·. ·. ·: ~:. :: ·. :;·:.·:. ·. .·t.~l.~~~9~~1a'·.:·.(~.o2>':.:~.··"·~~-~·;,;7·· · ··.-: :. ·:: :~: ··..
··
~
:
'
• •
"''
·~
<·~·.:~n('. 2~~l•5C~$7ot:.·. ·~··.·: ·...::....~· ·.'< .~::·. ·;:·.:::.·· :-:. ·
:
'
.':-=· ....::: ·...._... ;:..
'
I'
..
••
·,:
'
;
•, :
'
• •'
'• ' '
.•
'.
'
'
,.
· ' ., .....
:<.:,.j :
'
o'
'
,'
' ' ,' ,ol ',,' ,•
'
''J
' ' •:
• ,'
'
. .: : .,
•
'•,
•
_:. : .·: . ·.: : .:· .;· :~ ;·. Y. · . . .
·.·. ·
.. , .: ·'-:. .-
:
: : i, ...•
....
:. . ·.
Spee~al.: Coll-ect~ons.'Diivis:ion.:
.: ... ·:·.
:; .·
··::·.
...· :· . ·.. ·.. '.i..
. . · · :. :-·· ·:, · · ·
·.-.' . · ..... .-.. :·.:..... ···. :· .< ~:·: ...
· · ... , ..... ·:·~ .......·'9~:tv.rsitt:·of·At~az?..sa• ...Lib;rar~es:·.:.····~
·;,.,·.·. · ·.:... . )'aye·~.tevi:lle, . ~; :1210·2.;.12.01· ..·. ~· .. :· .. : '·.; ....:,, ··.. : :·:.· .·.· .:··.· . . _.....
. ..
. >. . ·.
•'
4,
·7 ...
":··:·
'·r·,, ..','·,''• ,'~.·· •'•.·•''•,
'.
·. ·::,. ::
·.1
;. ' ·>
:·
.. :
.:···:.
'•'~·
I''
•I
·::,:
'' '·~ ::• • ,'
'',, ', •.:,·,,, :,,': .... ;
·.·P~··:ifl:nGERi...:5oi/S75.•l65·6· ...
i : :· : ~ele~~ii·
.:.·DATE:···.: · ·-;r~e:;21,-
.· ·.
'!.:·: .. ;\
,·,,
',:
,'•
·.·.- ·.": ,.·.· · .;::··
l'·ts· .. :·,,;· ·. :. · ·· · ·' · . .
•
•,•:•
,'•
. ·
'.. . .
.. ·. ,.
':' . '' .
n~t~ }~~~~ '!,r:~r~:
;-:· '·' :··
: •
. . ·~·· :: . .:.· · , . :. . :·. . . :· :. : . ·:.; . ~·:
Andre-a.· B.
>.-, ·.·. · .·.::. ·.·PROM::·
··: · ·:· ...·. :·.··
~:. ·~.~~~·~;··~es:e•~~h..s,ri~t:~a.:c.pa:rt~e#;: :_:;.:_:. ·. . ,
.
· · ; ·. ·: ··: .··· · ·.: ... ·
:1 ·•.·
.
:. ·.: ... , ... · ,. . -·. · .. : ·
-~. :· .· . :· : · . : :-~ .; :.-;.· :... 1.··: ·: ·; ... : ·.· :i .· . .·)·. ;..,:· ·.·,. : · -;.: .:·< ·. :·~·:i ~ ·: . :·;...~;~>·::: :~
·cant·r.ell·:.:~
·'
.:, :·:· .· · · ·
i.
:
~. ,·.,··~,
::·
'
·.·<
,.,
· · : ,.
•··•·. :
'•
. ·~·: .;·.. ·..... ·•. :.··. ·.: · .. ;·.:.·
1
; . ·:·. . '·:.. :·· .. ·~,.:·: ..~ .... :·; -::··.·:·... '(:·.:...:.~ ·~.:·.:· . .: ·....···I·>·.:·.:·.·.·
i .. ·.. ~.. ,.:·· . · : · ·.:. :·
. ..
..
. .· :. . ·.:.: .. ! ..
· · : ·... ·.~ER :. 0~-~ .:PA~BS ::.· J;.W: .. ~~I$.SION:.·.· · .ll~x ··.~··.·p~g-.s ·. ·a:c~ompany· ·~hi~ . : ..-:.: · \.
•• j
:t.;~~·:·!.·:.~ .. ~··
•••
·.· :··....•·i,T~7.":
It·~.:.·
:·:'.:·.
.
.
:~.
.>t · ·; r.+' .·?: • ·: ~·:··the·· >: ··.: . •.·. ··:·;;
·.~MME~s::: :'ii~~t!· ·~re ·.th~~· . ii~~·~:.-·.fiva·:.~~nci..1 l~~(· ~-g~ o~·
.sp~ecb ·.~·... . . . :;.·::1·
. ~.: :. ·:· . . . ·..:. · :; . ·. .: :. . -:: ·..- ·Faub,ue. . ma~~ :.·on ·~pt•ml;»e~ ..a•..:a-:9-~7·~. ·~ag~s: . s:iX: ·thr~ug~,.:.:: tt;~n: .... :: :· ··
:- · · : . :·: .. ; . :·,: ,.: : . ~~s~cal,~Y ·d.,scr~~ .:l~$isl~tiv;•·. m~~~uz:~.s:. rel~~·ed ·~o ·this ... :·. ·:~ :;· ..
: ·· · ·; . ' · •.. .: .... issue; . p@lic: · react·io:n-~ · and··.· coneerns ·about. ·violence.
: ·. ·. ·. - .
Piea~~··.note c:~n.. th~; . :::~t;.et: .'p~g·:· th~-: .~XP.Jtma·t:ion·. abo~t ..t-he:· · ·.· ...: .. ; :. .
~."
·handwr.iit'ten •notes •made . On.' ·the' :t·ext (
:. ': ·. ·: · .' ·: ._:;. <:-·:.:· . :.
•
I ,,•
' ,
•
:,.,:
•
,'
; ·: •
• ':,
,·: • ,'• : ·, ,'
'. • ':, •• •
''
<·.'.: '· ·. ·...:·..-.·:.·:. ·l .·
'
' • • ' , ' :.
'', ', • ·,
• :'
I,.'
i '
', •
,.: ,' •
:' ',; ,• • '•
1
'•
:·:
, '
•
•
'
•
.' •
,
•• . • ' •
•
•'
: '' •
;:
: ·:
•
'~
1
,
.'
',
'
•
•.
'• •• '
• •: •'
•.
.: ·.: >· ·:·::~f.:e~eiie··. ~-~~~si·~ ·~tit:. ~·~~vid~,:·~ha~.· i:s.: ~e~~ec!~. ·.·~l~a~·e gi~e ·. · <: : . ,. ·~~· ·
· . ·.. · :· <· .:· ....:: . : me·:ai'c:all .•nd· I :·.will: loo:JC:;further~· .. :. : ., .:.- · · · · ..... : .. :. -: ... ·.
o
:
..
':... .
•t
• •
o
.
•
:
t
' o
!
':''.·
''
; ' , •· •
~
:, ... •; '":'I
,~
•:,
•• ;
o
o
o
oo
'
'o,
: o o
o
. ..
••
,•
•
•
•'• • • •
• .=
•
•
:I''. : ......:' '~· ': '_:... :. ;._
..
.
• . ..
. .. . .
.
.
.: .
~ ,•, ·.. .'I • .
..
,"·
.. ·
,:
'
•'
o o
~
~; '.'·
..
.
:'
0
•
• ••
•
'
'• •
•'
. . ·....
.·:. .
0
••••
o
'
•
. :.
•
'.
•'•,
•
'••
. ". .."!<..
' '•
..
••
•'
. ..
'
•
'
.
,.
••
•
•
.
oo
o
~
', o
o
.'
0
o
o
•
• '•
•
•
'•
; •
•
'•L •:
.• •
•
:
. ·.· .·;:. .:.·.· ·.-,·~.>'. · ·. :·· . ~.:.·. .
. .. . . " ·:. . . . ·... ·· ;..' ·:.··· .... ,.. :' ''
: :' ~ .
·..::
.;
.
•
:
. •
.·
•. . • ·
... ...
··..· .
• ,z :
.. · .. . . ··.. ·.
.···
t:',·
'
.
·....·
. : ·.. ·.
. . '• ' ... . .. o:
,,
....
. ..
. · '• .· ..:.. . .·:;·;·
..
..
,•
,'
·~.
'
o
\
o
I
•'
•,
..
:
• ''•
I
'
'
•
:
~
,'
.1 ..
'•
• • .' : ••
,•
:
'
••
"
1\e. UrllMrilcJ Of Ar. . . . lun:Cquif~cy/~Maua~. ~ il;aldaadaD.
'
I
;.
'
'
•
•
'
'
,' ' '•
: •' •' ' '
•
~
#
'
'
I
'
' :
','
~·
',
· .. :· . :
'::
I
.,
•
'
•
o of o
•
·:.
.
o
•
·.. ·..
:.
"
'•
• •
o o o :': o
..
•
,'.
o
•
'. , I
. ....
••
.·:.
....
. ,•
:
. .
•
•
. ··... i : . . . . ; ...: . . ' . ·.
•' .
.. ··.. ·
•
,•, '' '• •,
o o
•:
~
• ••
.. . . "•.': ::: . . . ·. . ·. ·.. ·.·. ·. f ··:.: .
' ' ' • ~ ' '' ·: ' : ',' '' :''i
·..
:
.· .:
• ••
;
o
•
''
•,
••
4
·:
··,
�Speech of Governor: Orv.al·E-:... ~aub~s,
,
.·: . .
...·
~
.
,'.
. ..
,·::.· ·.. ·.. ·
.
·.·:.:
. ,
'•
~pte.mber
I
2, 1957
'•
.......
••
•
••
•
0
•
�,·
gratified, as I
a~,
with
th~ ·bright
.. for the
.
. pro·sp.e.cts
..
.·
future.
�t~ams
having Negro memJ?~rs~.
La~t.~ar. ~~: f:li~ ~u:m!~~m·:~~l. ~:~e, . t~e: ~~.o~Jtstandin$ small
'
•
.:
•
•
•
I
•
•
.:
I
••
0
•
• ,•
•
• : • •: ' . ' . · . :
·'
•
'•
......
;; :.
•
~..
:.
•
•
• . . . .•
• • ••
'.
··-·: . ·. · - .· . . ~ ... ·cQlleg~. t~a·ms ·~x ~~.·nation ~O.mpet,(fill;.War. Mem~z:lal·'Stadium. There .
. .~
. : :. · . . · .:::·-·:· .·~ .·. :·o.:::.;··:·. ·.........;: ··.·.·.·............· . . ~~ . :.·:·'·. ·....... ':' .:
oO
•
:
''
•
' '
·~'!:.
•
.-. ·. ·:<·. .-.:·.·.were Negro·m.e~ets. pJl.bd.tlfr~•ms:~. ·It·ii;.w~ll:'knoWil:that·.s.u~
co~Petttlon· .... ···
1::·.·. ·.·.
:·:ia·not per.minecs'. tn. ~orti~ Othet-:·state:s~· {:: :.:.. .,-··:··:,.: .
,
...
~.
· .. :.
''·: :.·.· ... : ·. '(•' ·..~.:,,,·.. ',c . .''.... '."~·:·.,... ;.. ·:: .. :·~.·.:.·~·.·:.,
:.·.~·.'!t-• ~·:
•·•• :.;: .: .···,·. i_ ·•
"'! ,,.:
0 · · · · : · ••...:
•
::
:'
•
· . .'
•
•
•
·. . ·.
•
···:.
.'
.
••
·....
•
:..
•
0
..... ··:.:· ."·:!· . ·;· .. : :·_;.··:·.···!.·:· ........ ·.·:;--:·::.... .>.··:: . ··:·;·.::> ::·· .. ::-..·:·:.··;···.:. ·:.:;.··,.:··.". ·.:·. ·.... ,·:: .··.··.· ·'-:. ·.:·.
-:;··. ·<····:··: :.··:.::: :;· . . ;. ~.~~ ~~~~.~·:·~r$~·pt~PI~~·-~~~~-~~~~~ :.~·~~~-.~~-·~e:.~~~:ail:.·...... '·· . ,. . . · . ·<:..'.
•
:
0
• '
'....
•
•
0
.; ••
:
·~·
•
•
••••••
· : · ••
: . ••
i
. .. ..· . .·. ·: .. .·. :' .'· ·:· ... . ·::. . .. ::. . . :
.. ··.\ .:
::~
:. :.. ' . . . . . . :' ,•.. .. ,, . . . ..· . .:.· . .. .
. : .
....<· . ·......:;...Progz:~s·•iv~·. ~rqgr~~. . ~op~·~·~y-~~.~~JJ;•~•TJ:lre; _'te~,chers' . s~a~i~s .w~re. · :·: :· · .,.·:. :.'·:
•
• ''
:· ~_·:·:·.
:· .'
:' :.:~ :.
=·... :
', ' ,' ',
•.' • • • • ', '' •, ' "'t' •
)nc~~·s~·
• • • .. ,'::·:··.
::.·.
':.·... :
.:
•''
' ••' •
·~
,' ,' ' i '•
... •, '
' • • • • • '•
•
'I,
''
I
,•
'
I : •
•
, , ,• .:·,
,
• :
•
''
'
''' '
I
an .av~i:·l~'tit $a:i9..:·~~4iY.
~~:~~k·~~.~~·:: 1( ~~. ·~~n:·k~c)~.tbat,. ·.:. . . :". : ·. . . ::
!··;··. :: . · ::".:·· ·:
:· •, :'' i .·: ... ··.: ... ··:.·' :·· .....··...:..... : ·.
:!._;.
.·.:· • • :
...
~:.:·:.··
.......
~
·~.:~;,··:.:····:·
......
:.,:. · · :;· r· . . ·:~.e:•:v.erag!! . ~~;e~$e . ~~ .Nep-o .te~.~et;~o.:V'f~s)n:e?(ee_~~ c;Jf ~~:.a~e.r~g~· . ·. ·~. ··.':.-~ ... ~. . : ~ ·
.. : ·: . . ·.. -. ·.:.<!
... ·.... ·,· :" :.(1" .'· ',, · ... :· ..
•· ..... ~· :··:·····'.:·~· ....... :·· ... ,·..~.~·' ·.··.
'. ·.· ·~·.
.·.·· . . : ·.- . ,-·.·.,:· .incteli'se.for.white
iea~hetsJ·,. :~··,D. ;~~~· u.~·
~o
'1~~~~-~~
..·
· .~~~:.· . ~ _§·: . .-.:,.
:':\·""·:~· • • • ·• ...
~"~·,,···
'f"· .
~-·.~·.-:;,:0.' >·-:::.;··.·:
.~_!;·:·: ·~:~~·.. : .~~i~r.~··Pi~~~~:til~··b~~~m~::ba~~-::i~n~~.;;tbe·~e~e;s.~f:
· -~.:.,
'. :.... :' . . : ',"''' .. ' .·
.
:. ;·,. . . :·. . . ::
.·-.,, . : : : ··. ;, 0 •·. ·:'
0.. ··· ... : ..''
:· ·:. .
. ':
:
. . .: : . . . . .
:. :... .
:_~or1{~~c.~~. :~~~~ . ::.·o.~_iU!Y,:.~·~~~·::~{~~·~:);e~~·,· ~~·;·~-~n~.!~~~~ in6r~~.-~····> . · . _,. . . . :·.
•:.,'
...
•
.···.:.·
: •• =
•·
••
.•
; .... · ·. ·:·
·,
•••••
0
:~
.:e·. · :. :. .: .
·.:
••••••• •••
·.:.
• :
:~·····:·
••••
':
. . .••
·1::·:.,~.....
·. ·:.:.... · .
o,' :· • . • • •
~· ... ··.':·!0:·,·.0 •. ~ •. ·
.· ::·;·:···
.1:·.':
··.··.·0.
·.·: . . : •,
. •' ·:.' .·
.·.
::$~.oo . each ·per·'in~nth.-. :AI.~~~·, ~·.med!~f~d ii~ogram ha' been.set.up··fO:r:· ·' ... ·. -: .··:. ·.
'· .··; .;. ' :·.: :'. ·; : '··' ·...........:.: ::.: '. ( ..-:.:<. ·<:..·, ./&tl.~.:. ···,· ......... <. :.:' .. < '.·; '·; .·.. : .. ·:: ~.: . . ·...... :-.
',1.
·,:.;:. · . ·( ·.
·~~Jc~y¥g~~~.~P~.~.·~~e::~~~···::·: ....:·
•.
\' :· .. · l·~·.'o" ..0.. ,o •• .'.'0 ·:l.: . ··: .... ~: .'· ':. •:.
·..........:':·." ·:~:·· .
. ····.:·<: .:. ·.:·
..o'·.:
'.· ·:0 ,• .:
.:
·. ·_:· ·: . ·. ···· . _.. ·;.... ·. : ··r··:
.:,, ·.:
.
:~. 0.
:' .· . . ·::
:·. : .-: .·';-, .·.'.: .·:{.·.. ::.Ne~o~~··~V.~ ~e~:~ve~·.re~P,t~ioli,::. &;s·.-·18":-~~~r. ~u.e,)n . ~e: ~el~:·ot: :. ·:: ·. . :_:· .: ~
..,.o: (: :·.; :· ·. ·.' '::-: ·... :'·.:>· ' .... : :, ' ';·. -'\.. : ::. : ., '•,' ·........ •, .· .:::-
,:. ··. ·.·.....·: · · .:.S~te:emplo~~itr~·
... '• . : .. i'
:l .•. :
•
•• ••• ::. • .'.';
,.. ::-: . .' .··.:: .. ·.. :'' '·.. ·. :-- .· ':·. ' ::--: .. ·... •, :, ...,· :: :
·. '
.. .. . .·:!;·,.
·TheyJi~t:p:)st.~~~Jtt: ~~·.Ed~~~t19~ De~r~~nt,. ~.
.~0 .. ; .io'O. ·.' 0 ·. : .0 t.o: . .. .
,• . . : :. i .....000.
•
:
·.. : .. : . ': ... ''-' . .: . .0
.. 'o ,... : . ·. :' .
..\ ·. .
. .. . :. . . ..
'i
· ........ :·: ·: ·: ·.' .,· . ~e:·~t~venl.ie, ·oeP.~iP~~~•.-:.~ghwaf~pa~~~···. ~ ·.~ib~~ agenei~.a· ~f ·¢e ·...... ·.. :.:- :--:::-·.
;' :i \;_; -.~·-· \ !)·~:)'? ·:' ·. : : } ' ·:
· · ~-..-. . ·:· : .···:· :·
,!
i . : ;.-_,· : ; :: ;:(
. ' ·:;
. . <.:.
....: . ' . ·····...
Negroe.s.h~ve.beerp~ppotntedby.m~,:and ~~ex:·. .~¢kansa~.Gov~;nors
. :.·, .. - ·.
._•.. :. ;:·~~~~i~J,~~~~~t;~.~~te?.~Yio~:th~s"~~i~~ti ·..··."··-··::· / ·:
>. :
>.:r·:.-·.: · -~ed~~ :~n~~~:.-~r·:·~b~··ie;·ct·.~i::.~riiY·~~- ~citic~i~~~~ ~ristlr~~to~~ . : ·_. . : : ·. ~.·: ·
,<~ : ' ·~lrt: ~~ ~ ~~i ~riti~ ~~~i~ t;~~~·1'B~: a;~ g~··~r
>:' :.';, :·. ':
'/I : <··r. · ': ·>.... :.;.-::.:
·:<.:.:.·.-:~ ;·.' ( •. '• ~ ·. •. . : .·~. ~:.·' <·:·.' :'...... ' ~'
~·.
:.'.: :,: .· · :... :.. ·.~equired.:an~··~·~~~i~~: C?O~~~~~Qn·.by. tJ:l~. ~t~ ;~~~~· ·..:.· .... · .:. . .'' · : : .·. · . . . ...· -:>.: ·.'~ , .
••
'•• ,
:.:·:· ...
• ·.:; 1 .:.
:
.:.·.:
0: · ; :
i. :',; :· ·,·:
o' : : : '•,'
• •••
::
:.
1
:·.'
,_..
:.
••
'.· .
I:
.: .: ~ ~ .,;~ ·, •-·•,.;; -:: : :;:r. .. .: ,: t- .,·:.·'-'· : .~: ... •· •: -~ .•.;...•-• - -~· , :·_ .:_- ·_. . •.
X . •·- : . : . •;
. '. '·:· . · .. ' ·.. ' :-'. :. _ ·:.· ..~· . ;.:".:_::j·.. ·:· ..-~ ': . .·::.i/_:'· >'
·;:.: . . ·: .'<"··. -4Y...::"._j· ': .· . . '.·::: .: ·~ ·... :· . . :' ·. '. .·.· .: ....·. :·~.' ·. . ;·
~
�proportion of· the ~nd~gent· people. who receive treatment at State expense .
:.
'
....
'
"'••
•
.. ~·.
I
'
'
oo
'
' I
'
. ··.:
·::
•,
·..
...
. .
.. . . ~ . '.
.. . . .
·l .
. ..
.' . ".
,:
..
..
·.
'
..
•:
..
....
· ·;
. ·,.:
'
..
.
.
.
�These facts. are given as irrefutabl~ proof th~t the citizens of Arkansas
. . .
.
.
.
}lave been mindful of.:th~~~:.pt():ql~ms.a~,-~~Y rela~e·tO_the good· relations of
~-t"""" ~
... , .the
< .· . ··.
~.:~·
·~:aces, ·-~~i. :~e... ¢n~z·~~~;~::L~~9~~-,.~~~ .Pt~t . thefr resp>nsibUities·:m.
ilu, a~ ~J;~': fte~~~~~~~~~ts
~~ ~~·u liav8 been
·;.:<
...:.
·.·
·~.:. :;.~.:
< ;: · .::·-:: .. :... ··· .. ~:
·.:-. . . .·· · :.: .. ·.· .-~: ln·an.order~r,.·.~~~ .~ace¥ ma~•r;:_.::.:
: ·. ·r · . .::
:.~l· ....
·= -:·.· .•• ·. •• .... • . .:.
··.= ... :·,'.. ·:
...
·.> .·.-: ..:.:.·.- ·: ·. .-,.; .' · .·.
-
made . .
:·.
.
.
-.
.:· ·
...
·.·.- ·. · · . · ··..·· ·.. ·. :o.
· · _:.
-:
::·.: .. ~ ,'::·: :' ,' \: • . , . . ::· . :-: ·. ~.-.. .'·:' · ;.L .~ .: . , • .', ·~ .:....' ~f::, ~· i. • ~ , .... •• ~· ·; ... • .·. ~: '·:: t·:::.' ': ' • ... · .~., ... • . ·.
.\' · .··
'.. · · · · : _:. _:· · :!. :. ··:We ·a;re_:tlo~:~cec!)viqt. a f~r; 4!ffer~~~ pr~plelll,···and:tbat ~s the. forcible··..... ·.
. ·.. : .......; ·,; ...... :· ·.·. ': ;· . .:.=· .::.·:. ·.: .:.... .,.< . ~· ·. • :'.· ~ ;:, ··..... ': .'.... ;: :~·.-·~.·~\::. :o·, ·... ·: : ': · ..... ·... ·: ·.
. .
.:·; ·
. ,'
.:. __ ·.· .. : .lnt~grart.~~m ~f~e._ptip~C: :·sch~ol•:Qt·.tittle·Rock· ~a~~st ~~-~er.Vh~lui~Ag · .... .-· ·., ..'· .
. :··. ,: . · :.:: . :. _··:.· ':.:.~::-. . ,' ..... : : · .,-:-.. ·. ·. ·. ;:' .. :;.": . ::·<<·· .· .. :... :. · . :: __ ·:_: ': . : ... ·. ·. ·.:_·· .. '·. ·.· .. -:.
·
... · . sentiment . o~ -~~.pe~?ple_.o~ _th~·.ar,a.:_· . _.·~~-:~roblenfgives·ever.y··~d~nce .. ·· ..... -~ ·_.; ·.
... ·. . · :· . ..-- -~-~~~ ~-·
..... ~:~:~~---~ . .
..
,'
. · . · ' and indil:ati~il ~at ~~ .~~~ ~~~r!teJor"~1~ ~ -~rtitg ~t~- ~ ,
:--<·.·. ~- :~. ·:: _:~pread Ciiso~d~f~6 violenc~~·:·.:···,·<_. ·.:. . _., :,.
·.·. ·-'_'.' · .·: -· . ;_ .: . ·. : . . ' · _:· . .:_:. · . _,· . · . ·. ·_..· . .' .. :.. · ._: _'.
·. _· ; ·:. ·.· ··: _.'ib~re ·ii·~ot:h~; ·~·l>e·ci:,~hiCl! :.I·trt~st .teco~~.· :arid ·that is. 'tiie . .fact. · ·. ·. .· . :·.: .
.. ·.: . .. .>. : -~. ,· ._.:..-.:-,., .:·.:. ,' ;). ·. ·. ;::· ·..._:· .: ..: :. .'· . ~-:-: ·... ·_:·.: .~. ·. .-· . :'. . . i_.. ·' .. _.. . : ,',.. . . . ... . . ·. :· ' .
,
. •
..
.
.
~
:
·,
·.. :
.·
I
.''·
·..: . • ·.; ·:. :.
·,;
.
, , . ·.· ...... ,
. that··this ~itlcular'.j,roblem ~imd.-lts
.
:. : ·...
. ,. ,,',
. ·.
. .
·.
•
,
'
..
solutt~li ls lio~---()~y State~wt~e~ .-_bUt
m~st
.. ,· _: .. ··· ..:. ·. . ::. _·,-:·-: _ . · . '• .'.:· ·. ~.·: · ·...>. : .:.·: . . :·. : ._:;· ·. . :·:_._;: : ·: _ ~,-:·.·,' .>... ···.·.;..
..
· , .. :. ·'· ..
·. .'
·· <-':.-·
.-.. ··: :· < · ·.. ·. : · ,.. :; . ·
·: · · . JJituation not·of,.my__ tnakiilg. '.,.· . ·. · ···.·:: ·
·:-.Th~. -~Ian -6~-:~t~gra~~~--~~-:~e~~ :_.~l~ .~;n:·_:·~s :by.:d,le: F~~rd .·t;,~s:··.
· .:. :·;_ .- ::_··,·:·:;·<:·:_·_
: .· :': ,'
·~
;' ";
: ·.''• •, .:• .! "',
.',~,'
·., • ': :'
·~
I
•
': '•
:: .. ·:
•' •
,' ,' , , " • I'
.~
,•
•
•' '•,
: ... ..._," ,'
'
~·
,';
',
'
'
'.
• •'
''
···-: · .·
•'
•,
., .... -'~a~ set.up:_by ~iu~-uttie :i\Oc~'scp~l.'Bo.J'd
'1ts'. .
·.lllld . :·. · ·
·~ :. : ::1 ·.
: .... "'
··~· ~ .: . :· .... :.... : .. ),!,: .. ~.:· ..:.··. :·,·.< ..:. 0··.:.: .'':' :-.. : .... ·. . •, .. ··: ·~·.·
: :..
:· ·. - approved ·~y a F.'ed~ral qourf·p;rlor ::tP eXpies~ion~ of .~e people, .-:~hl~h. .
and
'
.... ·.·. ·.·' .-·:· _.; _:-.
·.-:;.- . . . :.·'. ·.·: :) .· -. . r· -·:·: . ·. . . _
. . ,,-~:: · ·: .':. ;_: _. :. :·:. . . :. ·<. :U$rtUnate.
··, ·.:-:- : . ·: . . . · : : ·.. :·.
•but. it is a· ·
.- '-nation;.wid!'. ·in. -sc;ope •. -This.,' of ~urse, ·.. 1~
·.. .
$uPermtendent,_
·:.; .:
, · ·......
.-~ . . .
.~
..
::. . ·· :have ~eii xriJlc~~. ·m~es:t.·:s~~·-:~~-;:ti~::·· ·rie~e.:e~~e~s!Qnii-._~f:··th~ p~ple.<~ ·' _- :· :·
, .. · · •· ' ~aVe.:·· .........
~euf.:J:tnd;cf~f;d::t;;.~~.{ ti~~;;;,nor~ t;r~~ipleii ~~ ·. .··. i : . :.
· ...
..
.... ,· .. ·:: .: ...:':·.:··.
:.··.·.···.·.. ·: .... .
.
.
_;.:(.~--
·,G~1 ~~:·.,:._·;·.·.,-·;·::
b1·meo ~x~_r_cls¢·.9f:,the.:fr~~s~-a~ th~ :ballot ~x~ -~ ~~ · ... ,... .
...
:exP.iess1~ris. of ~th~ ··ll)eriib_ers; :o_f .~e: Upsla~re w~o_·~re e~ected -~ta~.
...
:De~ocracy,-
. '•'
•
·. ·:: ·
...
...
.··:;:
. · . . :.
··:·\
·~
:
.... :.~
.·
...:
:
·.··:·~..
.··.
·:l
·,
:·.::'·\..:... ·: . . ··· ···;j 0·.:.::.· .........>..·... ·:..0, . . ::'':.'~'
:.
•
. ·. ' '
~
. ~·' ' ' . .
' .'
.
.
,: .
.
.'
.
,
' :' ~ ' . : . ·:. "
.
• :'
'
•
•
'
•
•
'i ...
•
•
~...
·.:
: ::. ·~ . ~.t,:.'
.: . :. . . .. 'are the repres¢n~tives .0~ tJie:p~ple.·. ': :.··· .. ·.
. ' ,•
~··.
;·.·.: .. · . . . . . .
'
0
•
••
•
•
•,
•
•
,'
•
:
•
•
:· ·.~ ..~.···:
-~-; :··:.: >.·-~:.
•
•
•
•
• ' :. •
• 0
•
'
..
···~
·.
...
·.'
. : ..: .
".
.
..
.. ·...... ·
. · . ·:.
'
• •.
•
0
••
••
• '
.".... :
•
'
·~·.
• •
•,
..
... '
. . :·' ..
'
:
,'
. : ·...
'
I'
:
'
.-.:-:
,•.
•
.·
.... ·.\
·.··
'
..
.. ·. :.
,
..
•'
'!
,'"
.
.:
,:
....
..
'
.
'
:
,'.
•'
'
.
. ··.
.....
:
:'
'
:•.
.
.
'·..:··.
:
'•
:'
. ;
........
0
oNOO
••
\
....
00
0
,
...
. . . ...·
', '
....
.
'
:
I'
.'
::
',
'
,'
'.
•'
.
;·
•
.
·.·: .'.!'
'.,
.. ,•.
':
'':,I
....
�,...,,
,...
.LU•U.L
~..J
r.urFur
..
,•,
The . mission of the
State.Mil1t1a
or restore . order
.
.
.. . . . is to maintain
..
'
:
.
·... i ..
:'
.
1.'
�Clinton Presidential Records
Digital Records Marker
This is not a presidential record. This is used as an administrative
marker by the William J. Clinton Presidential Library Staff.
This marker identifies the place of a tabbed divider. Given our
digitization capabilities, we are sometimes unable to adequately
scan such dividers. The title from the original document is
indicated below.
Divider Title:
\...." 1
=*\-.e J<.oe-\;.,
'1 . :l3 -S' \
�Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1957
197 Cj Statement by the President Regarding
Occurrences at Central High School in Little Rock.
September 23, 1957
.,., .
. :;,,.
·.:t\'.
·: ';· .
.:;}··
I WANT TO make several things very clear in connection with
the disgraceful occurrences of today at Central High School in
the City of Little Rock. They are:
I. The Federal law and orders of a United States District
Court implementing that law camot be flouted with impunity by
any individual or any mob of extremists.
2. I will use the full power of the United States including whatever force may be necessary to pre~ent any obstruction of the law
and to carry out the order8 of the Federal Court.
3· Of course, every right thinking citizen will hope that the
American sense of justice and fair play will prevail in this case.
It will be a sad day for this country-both at home and abroadif school children can safely attend their classes only under the
protection of armed guards.
4· I repeat my expressed confidence that the Citizens of Little
Rock and of Arkansas will respect th~ law and will not counte- nance violations of law and order by extremists.
NOTE:
This statement was released at the U.S. Naval Base, Newport, R.I.
198 .~ Radio and Television Address to the
American People on the Situation in Little Rock.
September 24, 1957
[Delivered from the President's Office at 9: oo p. m.]
Good Evening, My Fellow Citizens:
For a few minutes this evening I want to speak to you about
the serious situation that has arisen in Little Rock. TQ make this
talk I have come to the President's office in the White House. I
' 68g
�CJf
Ig8
Public Papers of the Presidents
could have spoken from Rhode Island, where I have been staying
recently, but I felt that, in speaking from the house of Lincoln,
·of Jackson and of Wilson, my words would better convey both
the sadness I feel in the action I was compelled today to take
and the firmness with which I intend to pursue this course untll
the orders of the Federal Court at Little Rock can be executed
without unlawful interference~
In that city, under the leaders}pp of demagogic extremists,
disorderly mobs have deliberately prevented the carrying out of
proper orders from a Federal Court. Local authorities have not
eliminated that violent opposition and, under the law, I yesterday
issued a Proclamation calling upon the mob to disperse.
This morning the mob again gathered in front of the Central
High School of Little Rock, obviously for the purpose of again
preventing the carrying out of the Court's order relating to the
admission of Negro children to that school.
· Whenever normal agencies prove inadequate to the task and
it becomes necessary for the Executive Branch of the Federal
Government to use its powers and. authority to uphold Federal
Courts, the President's responsibility is inescapable.
In accordance with that responsibility, I have today issued
Executive Order·directing the use of troops under Federal author- ..
ity to aid in the execution of Federal law at Little Rock; Arkansas.
This became necessary when my Proclamation of yesterday was
not observed, and the obstruction of justice still continues. ·
It is important that the reasons for my action be understood by
all. our citizens.
.
As you know, the Supreme Court of the United States has decided that separate public educational facilities for the races are
inherently unequal and therefore compulsory school segregation
laws are unconstitutional.
Our personal opinions about the decjsion have no bearing on
the matter of enforcement; the responsibility and authority of the
Supreme Court to interpret the Constitution are very clear. Local
Federal Courts were instructed by .the Supreme Court to issue
6go
an
....
-· '··
,
�Dwight D. Eisenhower,·1957
·ing.
:>In,
•Oth
ake
ntil
'.ted
;.sts,
t of
not
day
;' ... !
:,.
:
'
·.
j
l
I
I
1
I
tral
·ain
the
~
lorsas.
was
!by
deare·
ion
on
the
•Cal
-sue
«jf
Ig8
such orders and decrees as might be necessary to achieve admission
to public schools without regard to race-and with all deliberate
speed.
During the past seve~al years, many communities in our South.ern States have instituted public school plans for gradual progress
in the enrollment and attendance of school children of all races in
order to bring themselves into compliance with the law of the land.
They thus demonstrated to the world that we are a nation in
which laws, not men, are supreme.
·I regret to say that this truth-the cornerstone of our libertieswas not observed in this instance.
It was my h~pe that this localized situation. would be brought
under control by city and State authorities. If the use of local
police powers had been sufficient, our traditional method of leaving the problems in those hands would have been pursued. But
· when large gatherings of obstructionists made it impossible for the
decrees of the Court to be carried out, both the ·law and the
national. interest demanded that the President take action.
Here is the sequence of events in the development of the Little
Rock school case.
In May of 1955, the Little Rock .School Board approved a
moderate plan for the gradual desegregation of the public schools
in that city. It provided that a start toward integration would
be made at the present term in the high school, and that the
plan would be in full operation by 1963. Here I might say that
in a number of communities ·in Arkansas integration in the schools
has already started and without violence of any kind. Now thiS
Little Rock plan was cha~enged in the courts by SOD_le who
believed that the period~ of time as ·proposed in the plan was too
long.
The United States Court at Little Rock, which has supervisory
responsibility under the law for the plan of desegregation in the
public schools, dismissed the challenge, thus approving a gradual
rather than an abrupt change from the existing system. The
691
�Public Papers of the Presidents ·
. court found that the school board had acted in good faith in
planning for a public school system free from racial discrimination.
Since that time, the· court has on three separate occasions is' sued orders directing that the plan be carried out. All persons
were instructed to refrain from interfering with the efforts of the
·
school board to comply with the law.
Proper and sensible observance of the law then demanded the
respectful obedience which the nation has a right to expect from
all its people. This, unfortunately, has not been the ca.Se at Little
Rock. Certain misguided persons, many of them imported into
Little Rock by agitators, have insisted upon defying the law and
'have sought to bring it into disrepute. The orders of the court
have thus been frustrated.
The very basis of our individual rights and freedoms rests upon
the certainty that the President and. the Executive Branch of
Government will support and insure the carrying out of the decisions of the Federal Courts, even, when necessary with all the
means at the President's command.
Unless the President did so, anarchy would result.
There would be no security for any except that which each
one of Us could provide for himself.
The interest of the nation in the proper fulfillment of the law's
requirements cannot yield to opposition and demonstrations by .
some few persons.
·
Mob rule cannot be allowed to override the decisions of our
courts.
Now, let me make it very clear that Federal troops are not being used to relieve local and state authorities-of their primary duty
to preserve the peace and order of the community. Nor are the
troops there for the purpose of taking over the responsibility of
the School Board and the other responsible local officials in running Central High School. The running of our sch=>al system and
the maintenance of peace and order in each of our States are
strictly local affairs and the Federal Gov«:rnment does not inter6g2
·,.;·
~.·
·'
;.; ··~!
-~ lj
.·
-:'
'
;
�Dwight D.
thin
rimi-
ns isrsons
·)£the
:i the
from
:.ittie
lmto
·and
·:ourt
"•
I
I
upon
:h of
e
~1
.....
each
'.
, ..
law's
by
1S
,four
)the. duty
·e the
ity of
runland
:s are
inter;.
Eisenhower~
1957
.q
Ig8
fere except in a very few.special cases and when requ~ted by one
of the several· States. In the present case the troops are there,
pursuant to law, solely for the purpose of preventing interference
.
with the orders of the Court.
The proper use of the powers of the Executive Branch to enforce the orders of a Federal Court is limited to extraordinary
and compelling circumstances. Manifestly, such an extreme
situation has been created in Little Rock. This challenge must
be met and with such measures as will preserve to the people as a
whole their lawfully-protected rights in a climate permitting their
free and fair exercise.
The ov~rwhelming majority of our people in every section of
the country are united in their respect for observance of the laweven in those cases where they may disagree with that law.
They deplore the call of extremists to violence.
The decision of the Supreme Court concerning. school integration, of course, affects the South more seriously than it does other
sections ohhe country. In that region I have mariy warm friends,_
some of them in the city of Little Rock. I have deemed it a great
personal privilege to spend in our Southland tours of duty while
in the military service and enjc:>yable recreational periods since
that time.
So from intilnate personal knowledge, I know that the overwhelming majority of the people in the South-including those
of Arkansas and of Little Rock-are of good will, united in their
efforts to preserve and respect the law even when they disagree
with it.
They do not sympathize with mob rule. · They, like the rest of
our nation, h~ve proved in two great wars their readiness to
sacrifice for America.
A foundation of our American way of life is our national
respect for law. ·
In the South; as elsewhere, citizens are keenly aware of the
tremendous disservice that has been done to the people of Arkan-
693
�Public Papers of the
Presid~nts
sas in the eyes of the nation, and that has been done to the nation
in the eyes of the world.
At a time when we face grave situations abroad because of the
hatred that Communism bears toward a system of government
based on human rights, it would be difficult to exaggerate the
harm that is being done to the prestige and influence, and indeed
to the safety, of our nation and the world.
Our enemies are gloating over this incident and using it every.where to misrepresent our whole nation. We are portrayed as a
violator of those standards of conduct which ~e peoples of the
world. united to proclaim in the Charter of the United Nations.
Ther~ they affirmed "faith in fundamental human rights" and
"in the dignity and worth of the' human person" and they did so
"without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion."
And so, with ·deep confidence, I call upon the citizens of the
State of Arkansas to .assist in bringing to an immediate end all
interference with the law and its processes.· if resistance to the
Federal-Court orders ceases at once, the further presence of Federal troops will be unnecessary and the City of Little Rock will
return to its normal habits of peace and. order and a blot upon the
fair name and high honor of our nation in the world will. be
removed.
·
Thus will be restored the image of_ America and of all its parts
as .one nation, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.
Good night, and thank you very much.
The. President referred to
Proclamation 3204 "Obstruction of
Justice in the State of Arkansas" and
Executive Order 10730 "Providing
·Assistance for the Removal of an ObNOTE:
19~
oe(
Sep
AT'
all tl
futw
Tl
land
men·
erso
endl'
ofm
In
their
thel
200
Reg
.Roc
struction of Justice Within the State
of Arkansas," published in the Federal Register (22 F. R. 7628) and in
Title 3 of the Code of Federal
Regulations.
Thel
Unit1 '
Was/.
Fe·.
gatim
..
a
stat
victio
·I
��Public Papers of the Presidents
Marvin· L. AITowsmith, Associated Press: Thank you, Mr. President.
NOTE: President Eisenhower's one hun·
dred and forty-second news conference
was held in the Executive Office Building
from 10:31 to l1:os o'clock on Wednesday morning, October r, 1958. In attendance.: 1250.
275 .f:If Statement by the President on the Duty of
Compliance With Supreme Court Decisions.
October I, I 958
THE SUPREME COURT, in its opinion rendered Monday, once again
has spoken with unanimity on the matter of equality of opportunity for
education in the nation's public schools. It is incumbent upon all
Americans, public officials and private citizens alike, to recognize their
duty of complying with the rulings of the highest court in the land. Any
other course, as I have said before, would be fraught with grave C!)nsequences to our nation.
Americans have always been proud that their institutions rest on the
concept of equal justice under law. We must never forget that the rights
of all of us depend upon respect for the lawfully determined rights of
each of us. As one nation, we must assure to all our people, whatever
their color or creed, the enjoyment of ~eir Constitutional rights and the
full measure of the law's protection. We must be faithful to our Constitutional ideals and go forward in, good faith .with the unremitting task
of translating them into reality.
'
NOTE: The President refen to the Court's
final opinion in the Little Rock achool
case (U. S. Supreme Court Reports,
ed ad p. rg) ..
sL
2 76
f:If Message to the Newspaperboys of
America.. October 4, 1958
·TODAY AMERICA salutes its more than 6oo~ooo newspaperboys and
girls. I send personal greetings to each of you.
As the carriers of the nation's newspapers, you are rendering a valuable
service to the public. Further, you are learning principles basic to· any
career the future holds for you. ·You are learning how to become
dependable and loyal citizens in your adult liv~.
72_2
�Clinton Presidential Records
Digital Records Marker
This is not a presidential record. This is used as an administrative
marker by the William J. Clinton Presidential Library Staff.
This marker identifies the place of a tabbed divider. Given our
digitization capabilities, we are sometimes unable to adequately
scan such dividers. The title from the original document is
indicated below.
Divider Title:
~F ~
Is . ~ \ ... b 3
�[2_36] June n
Public Papers- of the Presidents
bam.a and all other persons engaged or who
may engage in .unlawful obstructions of
justice, assemblieS, combinations, conspiracies or domestic violence in that State to
cease and desist therefrom.
IN WITNEss WHEREOF, I have hereunto
set my hand and caused the Seal of the
United States of America to be aflixed.
DoNE at the City of Washington this
eleventh . day of June in the year
[sEAL] of our Lord nineteen hundred and
sixty-three, and of the Independ-
ence of the United States of America the
one hundred and eighty-:-Seventh.
.JoHN F. KENNEDY
By the President:
DEAN RusK
Secretary of State
Non: On the same day the President also issued
Executive Order J n n directing the Secretary of
Defense to take all appropriate steps to enforce the
laws of the United States in Alabama, including the
calling into active service of units of the National
Guard (28 F.R. 5709; 3 CFR, 1963 Supp.).
237 Radio and Television Report to the American People on
Civil Rights. June II, 1963 ·
[Delivered from the President's oflice at 8 p.m~]
Good evening, my fellow citizens:
This afternoon, following a series of
threats and defiant statements, the presence
of Alabama National. Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry
out the final and unequivocal order of the
United States District Court of the Northern
District of Alabama. That order called for
the admission of two dearly qualified young
Alaban1a residents who happened. to have
been born Negro.
That they were admitted peacefully on
the campus is. due in good measure to the
conduct of the students of the University of
Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a
constructive way.
I hope that every American, regardless of
where he lives, will stop and examine his
conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men
of many nations and backgrounds. It was
founded on the principle that all men are
created ·equal, and that the rights of every
man are diminished when the rights of one
man are threatened.
·
Today we are committed to a worldwide
struggle to promote and protect the rights
of all who wish to be free. ·And when
Americans are' sent to Viet-Nam or West
Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. It
ought to be possible, therefore, for American
students of any color to attend any public
institution they select without having to .be
backed up by troops.
It ought to be possible for American consumers of any color to receive equal service
in places of public accommodation, such as
hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail
stores, without being forced to resort to
demonstrations in the street, and it ought to
be possible for American citizens of any
color to register and to vote in a free election
without interference or fear of reprisal.
It ought to be possible, in short, for every
American to enjoy the privileges of being
American without regard to his race or hls
color. In short, every Ameriean ought to
have the right to be treated as he would wish
to be treated, as one would wish his children
to be treated. But this is not the case.
The Negro baby born in America today,
regardless of the sectiora of the Nation in
which he is born, has about one-half as much
chance of completing a high school as a
white baby born in thr same place on the
same day, one-third as _much chance of com-.
pleting college, one-third as much chance of
becoming a professional man, twice as much
chance of becoming unemployed, about one·
seventh as much chance of earning Sto,ooo
... =
�John F. Kennedy, 1¢3
nerica the
.ENNEDY
a! 5o issued .
Secretary of
enforce the
;')eluding the
he National
'P·>·
American
any public
ving to be
m, such as
sand retail
' resort to
it ought to
:ns of any
ree election
!prisal.
t, for every
:s of being
race or his
, ought to.
.vould wish
1is children
case.
:rica ,today,
Nation in
1!£ as much
chool as a
lace on _th!!
nee of comnchance of.
ice as much
about one:.ng $1o,ooo
a year, a life expectancy which is 7 years
shorter, and the prospects of earning only
half as much.
This is not a sectional issue. Difficulties
over segregation and discrimination exist in
every city, in every State of .the Union, producing in many cities a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety. Nor
is this a partisan issue. In a time of domestic crisis men of good will and generosity
should be able to unite regardless of party or
politics. This is not even a legal or legislative issue alone. It is better to settle these
matters in the courts than on the streets, and
new laws are needed at every level, but law
alone cannot make men see right.
We are confronted primarily with a moral
issue. It is as old as the scriptures and is as
clear as the American Constitution.
The heart of the question is whether all ·
Americans are to be afforded equal rights and
equal opportunities, whether we are going
to treat our fellow Americans as we want to
be treated.. If an American, because his skin
is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open
to the public, if he cannot send his children
to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who represent
him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and
free life which all of us want, then who
among us would be content to have the color
of his skin changed and stand in his place?
Who among us would then be content with
the counsels of patience and delay?
One hundred years of delay have passed
since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet
their heirs, ·their grandsons, are not fully
free. They are not yet freed· from the bonds
of injustice. They are not yet freed from
social and economic oppression. And this
Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts,
will not be fully free until all its citizens
are free.
.
We preach freedom around the world, and
we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here
at home, but are we. to say to the world,
and much more importantly, to each other
that this is a land of the free except for the
Negroes; that we have ,no second-class citi~
23-ill--64----84
June
II
[237] ·
zens except Negroes; that we have no class
or cast system, no ghettoes, no master race
except with respect to Negroes?
Now the time has come for this Nation to
fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the
cries for equality that no city or State or legislative ~y can prudently choose to ignore
them.
The fires of fru.stration and discord are
burning in every city, North and South,
where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstra·
tions, parades, and protests . which create
tensions and threaten violence and threaten
lives.
We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a
country and as a people. It cannot be met
by repressive police action. It cannot be
left to increased demonstrations in the
streets. It cannot be quieted by token moves
or talk. 'It is a time to act in the Congress,
in your State and local legislative body and,
above all, in all of our daily lives.
It is not enough to pin the blame on others,
to say this is a problem of one section of
the country or another, or deplore the fact
that we face. A great change is at hand,
and our task, our obligation, is to make
that revolution, that change; peaceful and
constructive for all.
Those ~ho do nothing. are inviting shame
as well as· violence. Those who act boldly
are recognizing right as well as reality.
Next week I shall ask the Congress of the
United States to act, to make a commitment
it has not fully made in this century to the
proposition .that race has no place in American life or law. The Federal judiciary has
upheld that proposition in series of forthright cases. The executive branch has
adopted that proposition in the conduct of its ·
affairs, including the emj)loyment of Federal
personnel, the use o~ Federal facilities, and
the sale of federally financed housing.
But there are other necessary measures
which only· the Congress can provide, and
they must be provided at this sesSion. The.
.old code of equity law under. whi~h we live
a
. 469
�[237] June
II
Public Papers of the Presidents
commands for every wrong a remedy, but in
too many communities, in too many pans
of the country, wrongs are inflicted on Negro
citizens and there are no remedies at law.
Unless the Congress acts, their only remedy·
is in the street.
I am, therefore, asking the Congress to
enact legislation giving all Americans the
right to be served in facilities which are open
to the public-hotels, restaurants, theaters,
retail stores, and· similar establishments.
This seem~ .to me · to be an elementary
right. Its denial is an arbitrary indignity
that no American in 1963 should have to
endure, but many do.
I have recently met with scores of business
leaders urging them to take voluntary action
to end this discrimination and I have been
encouraged by their response, and in the last
2. weeks over 75 cities have seen progress
made in desegregating these kinds of facilities. But many are unwilling to act alone,
a~d for this reason, nationwide legislation
is needed if we are to. move this problem
from the streets to the courts.
I am also asking Congress to authorize the
Federal Government to participate more
fully in lawsuits designed to end segregation
in public education. We have succeeded in
persuading many districts to desegregate
voluntarily; Dozens have admitted Negroes
without violence. Today a Negro is attending a State-supported institution in every
one of our 50 States, but the pace is very slow.
Too many Negro children entering segregated grade schools at the time of the
Supreme Court's decision 9 years ago will
enter segregated high schools this fall, having s~fiered a loss which can never be restored. The lack of an adequate education
· denies the Negro a chance to get a decent
job.
The orderly implementation of the Supreme Court decision, therefore, cannot be
left solely to those who may not have the
economic resources to carry the legal action
or who may be subject to harassment.
Other features will be also requested, including greater protection for the right to
470
..
vote.' But legislation, I repeat, cannot sol\'e
this problem alone. It must be solved in the
homes of every American in every community across our country..
In this respect, I want to pay tribute to
those citizens North and South who have
been working in their communities to make
life better for all. They arc acting not out
of a sense of legal duty but out of a sense
of human decency •.
· Like our soldiers and sailors in all par.ts
of the world they arc meeting freedom's
challenge on the firing line, and I salute
them for their honor and their courage.
My fellow Americans, this is a problem
which faces us all_.:.in every city of the
North as well as the South. Today there are
Negroes unemployed, two or three times as
many compared to whites, inadequate in.
education, moving into the large cities, unable to find work, young people particularly
out of work without hope, denied equal
rights; denied the opportunity to eat at a
restaurant or lunch counter or go to a movie
theater,. denied the right to a decent education, denied almost today the right to attend
a State university even though qualified. It
seems to me that these arc matters which
concern us all, not merely Presidents or
. Congressmen or Governors, but every citizen of the United States.
This is one country~ It has become one
country because all of us and all the people
who came here had an equal chance to de.vclop their talents.
y.te cannot say to 10 percent of the population that you can't have that right; that your
children can't have the chance to develop
whatever talents they have; that the only
way· that they are going to get their rights
is to go into the streets and demonstrate. I
think we owe them a!ld we owe ourselves a
better country than that.
Therefore, I am asking for your help in
making it easier for LIS to move ahead and
to provide the kind of equality of treatment
which we would want· ourselves; to give a
chance for every child to be educated to the
limit of his talents.
...
:
�John'F. Kennedy, 1¢3
I
10t solve
din the
-y comibute to
have
to make
.not .out
a sense
:10
As I have said before, not every child has
an equal talent or an equal ability or an
equal motivation, but they should have the
equal right to develop their talent and their
ability and their motivation, to make some·
thing of themselves.
We have a right to expect that the Negro
community will be responsible, will uphold
the law, but they have a right to expect that
June 12 [238]
the law will be fair, that the Constitution
will be color blind, as Justice Harlan said at
the turn of the century.
.
This is what we are talking about and this
is a matter which concerns this country and
what it stands for, and in meeting it I ask
the support of all ou_r citizens.
Thank you very much •
tll parts
~eel om's
r
salute
tge.
1roblem
of the
here are
:imes as
uate in
ies, unicularly
l equal
at at a
1
<i.ed. It
. which
:::nts or
~ry 'citime one
people
·: to depopula.at your
:levelop
1e only
- rights
··~ate. ·I
;elves a
;1elp in
.1d and
atment
give a
· to the
238 Citations and Remarks Upon Presenting the President's
Awards for Distinguished Federal Civilian Service.
fune 12~ 1963
CITATIONS [read by John W. Macy, Jr.,
Chairman, U.S. Civil Service Commission,
and Executive Secretary, Distinguished·
Civilian Service Awards Board]:
To: Dr. Fred L. Whipple, Director, Astrophysical Observatory, Smithsonian Institution.
, With profound appreciation, highest esteem, and great personal satisfaction.
A world famous astronomer, Dr. Whipple
conceived and developed an optical satellite
tracking system which stood ready to track_
the first artificial satellite launched and has
since provided valuable scientific data concerning the riature of the earth, its atmos, phere and outer space.
His character, marked by imagination, .
foresight, and perseverance has proved· a
model of achievement and a dedication to the
scientific spirit of the Nation.
To: David D. Thomas, Director, Air Traflk
Service, Federal Aviation Agency.
Through exceptionally effective advance
planning and outstanding leadership, Mr.
Thomas has vastly improved the safety of
the Nation's controlled airways for civil and
military aviation and has expanded them
from I6o,ooo to 356,ooo miles.
The present air traffic control system is
acknowledged as the finest and most effi-
cient in· the world today as a result of his
distinguished achievements.
To: Dr. Sherman E. Johnson, Deputy Adminis,trator, Foreign Economics, Economic
Research ~ervice, Department of Agriculture.
An eminent scholar in the economics of
agricultural production, Dr. Johnson has
through expert counsel played a vital role
in the development of agricultural programs
to better serve the interests of American
farmers a.nd the Nation. By his valuable
advice on the Food for Peace program and
on farm management in the United Kingdom, India and Latin American countries,
he is serving as an agricultural statesman in
helping other countries improve their agriculture and the lot of their people.
To: Dr. Alain C. Enthoven, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Systems Analysis.
By his brilliant analyses of highly complex
defense issues, Dr. Enthoven has made not-·
able contributions to the solution of the most
critical defense problems facing the Nation.
His work touching ·evef} area from battlefield weapons to strategic concepts has been
of unique and long-range value to defense
planning and policy-making at the highest
levels of Government.
471
��fohn F. Kennedy, 1¢3
the future is
-.ve have been
us.
toward us. We appreciate it.
I wish you a very pleasant visit here and
I thank you for coming.
Thank you, gentlemen. Much success.
South LaWn at
ousand college
: ~vernment.
:£erred to conest ban treaty
Harold Brown,
iwin Bradbury
ings Before the
~ns, ·88th Con; (Government ·
NOTE: The President spoke at noon in the Flqi.er
Garden at the White House to some So students
and professors from the National War College and
the Military Institute of Engineering, both of Brazil,
who had been in the United States since August
17 as official guests of the Secretary of Defense.
In his introductory remarks he referred to Roberto
de Oliveira Campos, Brazilian Ambassador to the
United States; Adm. Luis Teixeira Martini, Presi·
dent of the War College; and Maj. Gen. Chester v.
Clifton, Military Aide to President Kennedy.
336 Statement by the President on the March on Washington
for Jobs and Freedom. August 28, 1963
WE HAVE witnessed today in Washington
re defending
)endence of
1e for Brazil
also because
listinguished
:dan impors willingness
here in the
.ce. In fact,
ther at peace
s vitally imited StatesLatin Amer.
•Untry which
at we should
1d the closest
e people. It
I think that
)Und us and
1at we stand
1ink it is imAnd I adhen that co·our coming
ur good will
Aug. 28 [336]
.I! .
.•
i
'·
::..
tens of thousands_of Americans-both Negro
and white-exercising their right to assemble
peaceably anc~ direct the widest possible
attention to a great national issue. Efforts
to secure equal treatment and equal opportunity for all without regard to race, color,
creed, .or nationality are neither novel nor
difficult to understand. What is different
today is the intensified and widespread
public awareness of the need to move forward in achieving these objectives-objectives which are older than this Nation:
Although .this summer. has seen remarkable progress in translating civil rights from
principles into practices, we have a very long
way yet to travel. One! cannot help but be
impressed with the deep fervor and the quiet
dignity that characterizes the thousands who
have gathered in the Nation's Capital from
across the country to demonstrate their faith
and confidence in our democratic form of
government. History has seen many demonstrations-of widely varying character and
for a whole host of reasons. As our thoughts
travel to other demonstrations that have
occurred in different parts of the world, this
Nation can properly be proud of the demonstration that has occurred here today. The
leaders of the organizations sponsoring the
March and all who have participated in it
deserve our appreciation for the detailed
preparations that made it possible and for
the orderly manner in which it has been
·
conducted.
The executive branch of the Federal Government will continue its efforts to obtain increased employment and to eliminate discrimination in employment practices, two of
the prime goals of the March. In addition,
our efforts to secure enactment of the legislative proposals made to the Congress will be
maintained, including not only the civil
rights bill, but also proposals to broaden
and strengthen the manpower development
and training program, the youth employment bill, amendments to the vocational
education program, the establishment of a
work-study program for high school age
youth, strengthening of the adult basic education provisions in the administration's education prOgram, and the amendments proposed to the public welfare work-relief and
training program. This Nation can afford
to achieve the goals of a full employment
policy-it cannot afford to permit the potential skills and educational capacity of its citizens to be unrealized.
The cause of 20 million Negroes has
been advanced by the program conducted
so appropriately before the Nation's shrine
to the Great Emancipator, but even more
significant is the contribution to all mankind.
NOTE: The statement was released at 6:15 p.m.
after the President had met in his oflice with the
leaders of the March on W:.shington for Jobs and
Freedom.
�~
'' ..............
--- ·--·-------- -·-··- ----·-------·--------
�Lyndon. B. /ohnson, r¢5
II
ttl
n1r.
n,
ne
3y
:rJts
nd
what I hope to have encC!mpassed in this
legislation. Of course, there will be ame~d
ments and changes, and ~xtensions and deletions. But I think that our message will go
to the Congress Monday. Perhaps the bill
will acco~pany it. If not, it will go there
very shortly.
We will not only expect the Congress to
give fair and just consideration to the admini*'ation ·bill, which they have been asking for for several days now, but to give
I
ity
.ri-
Mar: IS
[ I07]
consideration to any one suggestion, as they
always do.
So i£ you will be back at 9 o'clock Monday,
we·will have a briefing on the details ohhe
message.
We thank you fo~ enduring us this after-
noon.
Merriman Smith, United. Press International: Thi!Jlk you, Mr. President.
NOTE: President Johnson~• thirty-eighth news con·
ference was held in the Rose Garden at the White
House at 3:45p.m. on Saturday, March 13, 1965.
07 Special Message to the Congress: The American Promise.
March 15, 1965
[As delivered in person bef()re a joint session at 9:02 p.m.]
Mr. Speak"' Mr. Pr.esitlent, Memh"s of the
Congress:
.
li\. I speak tonight for the dignity of man and
ltiC:
JW,
son
:hts
on
>sa
vcr,
"hat
:bat·
·.hat
.;ain
'om
:x:al
:gro.
for
JUD•
Scn}ov-
hem
\the destiny of democracy.
.
I urge every member of both parties,
Americans of all religions and of all colors,
from every section of this country, to join
me in that cause.
At times history and fate meet nt·a single
time in a single place to shape a turning
point in man's unending search for freedom.
So it was at Lexington and Concord. So it
was a century ago at Appomattox. So it
was last week in Selma, Alabama.
There, long-suffering men and. women
'P-eacefully protested the denial of their rights
as Americans. 'Many were brutally assaul ted. One good man, a man of God, was
killed.
There is no cause for pride in what has
happened in Selma. There is no cause for
self-satisfaction in the long denial of equal
rights of millions of Americans. But there
is cause for hope and for faith in our democracy in what is happening here tonight.
For the cries of pain and the hymns and
protests of oppressed people have summoned
into convocation all the majesty of this great
Government-the Government of the greatest Nation oli earth.
Our mission is at once the oldest and the
most basic of this country: to right wrong,
to do justice, to serve man.
In our time we have come to live with
moments of. great crisis. Our lives have
been marked with debate about great issues;
issues of war and peace, issues of prosperity
\ 1and depression. But rarely in any time doe.s I I
\an issue lay bare the secret heart of America \ \
itself. Rarely- are we met with a chik'nge,
not to our growth or abundance, our welfare
or our security, but rather to the values and
the purposes and the meaning of our beloved
Nation.
The issue of equal rights for American
Negroes is such an issue; And should we
· defeat every enemy, should we double our
wealth and conquer the stars, and still be
unequal to this issue, then we will have failed
as a people and as a nation.
�(107] · Mar. IS
,.
.
J
Public Papers of the Presidents
For with a country as with a person,
must be· rooted in democracy. The most
"What is a man profited, if he shall gain the · basic right of all was the right to choose
whole world, and lose his own soul?"
your own leaders. The history of this counThere is no Negro problem. There is no
try 1 in large meaSUre, is the history 0£ the
Southern problem. There is no Northern
. expansion of that right to all of our people.
problem. There is only an American probMany of the issues of civil rights are very
lem. And we are met here tonight as
complex and most difficult. But about this
Americans-not as Democrats or Republi- · ·there can and should be no argument.
cans-we are met here as Americans to solve
Every American citizen must have an equal
that problem.
right to vote. There is no reason which can
This was the first nation in the history of
excuse the denial of that. right. There is no
the world .to be founded with, a purpose.
duty which weighs more heavily on us than
The great phrases of that purpose still sound
the duty we have to ensure that right.
Yet the harsh fact is that in many places
in every American heart, North and South:
"All men are created equal"-"government
in this country men and women are kept
from ,·oting simply · because they are
b)· consent of the governed"-"give me liberty or gi\'e me death." Well, those are not
Negtoes.
just clerer words, or those are not just empty
Every device of which human ingenuity
is capable has been wed to deny this right.
theories. In their name Amerieans have
fought and died for two centuries, and toThe Negro citizen may go to register only
night around the. world they stand there as
to be told that the day is wrong, or the hour
guardians of our liberty, risking their lives.
is late, or the official in charge is absent.
And if he persists, anq if he manages to
Those words are a promise to every citizen
present himself to the registrar, he may be
that he shall share in the dignity of man.
disqualiiled because he did not spell 'out his
This dignity cannot be found in a man's
middie name or because he abbreviated .a
possessions; it cannot be found in his power,
word on the application.
or in his position. It really rests on his right
And if he manages to' fill out an applicato be treated as a man equal in opportunity
tion he is given a test. The registrar is the
to all others. It says that be shall share in
sole judge of whether he passes this test.
freedom, he shall choose his leaders, educate
He.may be asked to recite the entire Conhis children, and provide for his £amily acstitution, or explain the most complex procording to his ability and his merits as a
visions of State law. And even a college
human being.
degree cannot be used to prove that he can
To apply any other test-to deny a man
read and write.
his hopes because of his color or race, his
For the fact is that the only way to pass
religion or the place of his birth-is not only
thes~ barriers is to show a white skin.
to do injustice, it is to deny America and to
Experience has clearly shown that. the
dishonor the dead who gave their lives for
existing process of law cannot overcome
. American freedom.
systematic and ingenious discrimination.
No law that we 'now have on the books'fflE RIGHT TO VOTE
and I have helped to put three of them
there-can ensure the right to vote when
Our fathers believed that if this noble
,·iew of the rights of man was to flourish, it
local officials are determined to deny it.
..
�Lyndon B. Johnson, 1¢5
:y..
most
ight to choose·
ry of this counhistory of the'
of our people.
rights are ,-cry
But about this
no argument.
have an equal·
:son which can
. There is no
. 'ily on us than
·,at right.
1 many places
men arc kept
se they are
·1an ingenuity
~ny this right.
. register only
g, or the hour
~ge is absent.
ut an applica·
:.-gistrar is the :
sses this test.
e entire Concomplex pro- ·
ven a college
e that he can
·way to pass
e skin.
wn that the
.ot overcome
scrimination.
the booksree of them·
J vote when
deny it.
In such a case our .duty !!!ust be clear to
all of us. The Constitution says that no
person shalf be kept from voting because of
his race or his color. We have all sworn an
oath before God to support and to defend
that Constitution. We must now act in
obedience to that oath.
·GUARANTEEING THE R.ICHT TO VOTE
Wednesday I will send to Congress a law
designed to eliminate illegal barriers to the
right to vote.
The broad principles of that bill will be
in the bands of the Democratic and Republican leaders tomorrow. After they· have
reviewed it, it will come here formally as a
bill .. I am grateful for this opportunity to
come here tonight at the invitation of the
leadership to reason with my friends, to give
them my views, and to visit with my former
colleagues.
I have had prepared a more comprehensive
analysis of the legislation which I had intended to transmit to the clerk tomorrow but
which I will submit to the clerks tonight.
But I want to really discuss with you now
briefly the main proposals of this legislation.
This bill will strike down restrictions to
voting in all elections-Federal, State, and
local-which have been used to deny Ne·
groes the right to vote.
This bill will establish a simple, uniform
standard which cannot be used, however in·
geriious the effort, to Bout our Constitution.
It will provide for citizens to be registered
by bfficials of the United States Government
if the State officials refuse to register them.
It will eliminate tedious, unnecessary lawsuits which delay the right to vote.
Finally, this legislation will ensure that
properly registered individuals are not prohibited from voting.
I will welcome the suggestions from all of
IS5-947-66-Yol. ,1-·.28
Mar. 15 [ IO'J]
the Members of Congress-! have no doubt
that I will get some-on ways and means to
strengthen this law and to make it effective.
But experience has plainly shown that. this is
the oi:Uy path to carry out the command of
the Constitution.
To those who seek to avoid action by their
National Government in their own communiti~; who want to and who seek to maintain purely local control over elections, the
answer is simple:
Open your polling places to all your
people.
. Allow men and women to register and
vote whatever the color of their skin.
Extend the rights of citizenship to every
citizen of this land.
THE NEED POR. ACTION
There is no constitutional issue here.
The command of the Constitution is plain.
There is no moral issue. It is wrongdeadly wrong-to deny any of your fellow
Americans the right to· vote in this country.
There is no issue of States rights or national rights. There is only the struggle for
human rights.
I have not the slightest doubt what will
·
be your answer.
The last time a President sent a civil rights
bill to the Congress it contained a provision
to protect voting rights in Federal elections.
Th~t civil rights bill was passed after 8 long
months of debate. And when that bill came
to my desk from the Congress for my signature, the heart of the voting provision had
been eliminated•
This time, on this issue, there must be no
delay, no hesitation and no compromise with
our purpose.
We cannot, we must not, refuse to protect
the right of every American to vote in every
election that he may desire to participate in.
�(107] Mar. 15
And we ought not and we cannot and we
must not wait another 8 months before
we get a bill. We have already waited a
hundred years and more, and the time for
waiting is gone.
So I ask you to join me in working long
hours-nights and weekends, if necessaryto pass this bill. And I don't make that
request lightly. For from the window
where I sit with the problems of our country
I recognize that outside this chamber is the
outraged conscience of a nation, the grave
concern ·of many nations, and 'the harsh
judgment of history on our acts.
'·
.
WE SHALL OVERCOME
I
.
Public Papers of the PreSidents
,
But even if we pass this bill, the battle will
not be over. What happened in Selma is
part of a far larger movement which reaches
into every section and State of America. It
is the effort of American Negroes to secure
for themsdves the full blessings of American
~use m~ our ~use too.
And yet the Negro is not equal.
A century has passed since the day of
promise. And the promise is unkept.
The time of justice has now come. I teU·
you that I bdieve sincerdy that .no force can
hold it back. It is right in the eyes of man
and God that it should come. And when
it does,. I think that day will brighten the
lives of every American.
For Negroes are not the only victims.
How many white children have gone uneducated, how many white families have lived
in stark poverty, how many white lives have
been scarred by fear, because we have wasted
our energy and our substance to maintain
the barriers of hatred and terror?
So I say to all of you here, and to all in
the Nation tonight, that those who appeal to
you to hold on to the past do so at the cost
of· denying you your future.
This great, rich, restless country can offer
opportunity and education and hope to all:
black and white, North and South, sharecropper 'and city dweller. These are the
enemies: poverty, ignorance, disease. They
are the enemies and not our fellow man, not
our neighbor. And these enemies too, poverty, disease and ignorance, we shall overcome.
;;:
cause it is not just Negroes, but really it is
all of us, who must overcome the crippling .
legacy of bigotry and injustice.
And we shall overcome.
As a man whose roots go deeply into
- - - AN AMERICAN PROBLEM
Southern soil I know how agonizing racial
feelings are. I kn~w how difficult it is to
Now let none of us in any sections look
reshape the attitudes and the strUcture of
with prideful righteousness on the troubles
our society.
in anothenection, or on the problems of our
But a century ·has passed~ more than a
neighbors. There is really no part of Amerhundred years, since the Negro was freed.
ica where the promise of equality has been
fully kept. In Buffalo as well as in BirmingAnd he is not fully free tonight.
ham, in Philadelphia as wdl as in Selma,
It was more than a hundred years ago that
. Americans are struggling for the fruits of
Abraham Lincoln, a great President of anfreedom.
other party, signed the Emancipation ProcThis is one Nation. V. hat happens .in
lamation, but emancipation is a proclamation
Sdma or in Cincinnati is a matter of legiti( and not a fact~
mate concern to every American. But let
A century has passed, more. than a hundred years, since equality was promised.·
each of us look within our own hearts and
l(
I
our
0'
put ot
injiisf-; .
As'
chaml
of wh
:l'\orth
corner
withe
and :
· gethe:
or re;
regie:
years
Ar.
comr;
tribu /
. than
lie~:
of dJ
Ar
good
from
·from
the,·
caus(
ican~
belie
y
ever
PROC
T
ican
COUl
life,
.:1'\3!
sigr
to r
1-.
pro:
c:~n
pro
.
�[107] Mar. 15
Public Papers of the Presidents
people of Selma and the other cities of the
Nation must still live and work together.
And when the attention of the Nation has
gone elsewhere they must try to heal the
wounds and to build a new community.
This cannot be easily done on a battle·
ground of violence, as the history of the
South itself shows. It is in recognition of
this that men of both races have shown such
an outstandingly impressive responsibility
in recent days-last Tuesday, again today.
:RIGHTS M'DST BE OPPORTUNITIES
The bill that I am presenting to you will
known as a civil rights bill. But, in a
larger sense, most of the program I am recmmending is a civil rights program. Its
bject is to open the city of hope to all peopl~ (
f all races.
Because all Americans just must have the
right to vote. And we are going to give
them that right•. ,
All Americans must have the privileges
of citizenship regardless of race. And they
are going to have those privileges of citizenship regardless of race.
But I would like to caution you and re. nd you that to exercise these privileg!=s
takes much more than just legal right. It
requires a trained mind and a healthy body.
It requires a decent home, and the chance
to find a job, and the opportunity to escape
from the clutches of poverty.
Of course, people cannot contribute to the
· Nation if they are never taught to read or
write, if their bodies are stunted from hunger, if their sickness goes untended, if their
life is spent in hopeless poverty just drawing
a welfare check.
So we want to open the gates to oppor:
tunity. But we are also going to give all
our people, black and white, the help that
they need to walk through those gates.
Jx
.I~
I
nfE PURPOSE OF THIS OOVUNMENT
My first job after college was as a teachu
in Cotulla, Tex., in a small Mexican-Amer.lean school. Few of them could speak E.oglish, and I couldn't speak much Spanish.
My students were poor and they often came
to class without breakfast, hungry. They
knew even in their youth the pain of pre;.
udicC: They never seemed to know why
people disliked them. But they knew it was
so, because I saw it in their eyes. . I often
walked home late in the afternoon, after the
classes were finished, wishing there was ·
more that I could do. But all. I knew was
to teach them the litde that I knew, hoping
that it might help them against the hardships that lay ahead.
Somehow you never forget what poverty
and hatred can do when you see its scars on
the hopeful face of a young child.
I never thought then, in 1928, that.l would
be standing here in I96s· It never even occurred to me in my fondest dreams that I
might have the chance to help the sons and
daughters' of those students and to help people like them all over this country.
But now I do. have that chance-and I'll
let you in on a secret-! mean to use it. And
I hope that you Will use it with me.
This is the richest and most powerful
country which ever occupied the globe.
The might of past empires is little compared
to ours. But I do not want to be the Presi-·
dent who built empires, or sought grandeur,
or extended dominion.
I want to be the President who educated
young children to the wonders of their
world. I want to be the President who
helped to feed the hungry and to prepare
them to be · taxpayers instead of taxeaters.
I want to be the President who helped the
poor. to ~d their. own way and who protected ~e right of every citizen to. vote in ·
'
Sf
m;
tht
ou
tor.
do·
bit
Ont
bill
sm.
the
thi~
De:
.
zo:
'
To;
Ir
On~
Uni:
time
•
shou
of rz
Tl.
men·
Statt
ment
Se,.
The
vote.
Unite
of r:
'
sen·it .
(
�Lyndon B. Johnson, 1¢5
ENT
teacher
n-Amer:ak Eng-·
Spanish.
:en came
'· They
of prejiOW why
::wit was
I often
after the
':1ere was
:new was
v, hoping
the hard1
at I would
:r even oc·~ms that I
::sons and
) help peoy.
e-and I'll
.se it. And
,
.
.
'
'
educated
rs of their
:sidC:nt who
! to prepare
:>f taxeaters.
o helped the
;1d who pro!1 to vote in
ro8 Special Message to the Congress on the Right To Vote.
March 15, 1965
To the Congress of the United States: .
e.
10
every election.
for all these people.
I want to be the President who helped to
Beyond this. great chamber, out yonder
in so States, are .the people that we serve.
end hatred among his fellow men and .who
promoted love among the people of all races
Who can tell what deep and unspoken hopes
and all regions and all parties.
are in their hearts tonight as they sit there·
I want to be the President who helped to
and listen. We all c:ah guess, from our own
end war among the brothers of this earth. ·
lives, how difficult they often find their own
And so at the request of your beloved . pursuit of happiness, how many problems .
Speaker and the Senator from Montana; th~ each litde family has. They look'most of all ~
· majority leader, the Senator. from IDinois
to themselves for their futures. But I think.
the minority leader, Mr. McCulloch, and
that they also look to each of us.
other Members of both parties, I came here
Above the pyramid on the great seal of the
United States it says-in Latin-"God has
tonight-not as President Roosevelt came.
down one time in person to veto a bonus
favored our undertaking."
bill, not as President .Truman came ·down
God will not favor everything that we do.
one time to urge the passage of a railroad
It is rather our duty to divine His will. But
bill-but I came down here to ask you to
I ~ot help believing that He truly undershare this task with me and to share it with
stands and that He really favors the underthe people that we both work for. I want
taking that we begin here tonight.
this to be the Congress, Republicans and , NOTB: The address was broadcast IUitioDillly.
Democrats alike,· which did all these things
See also Items roS, 109, ·409 •
fiJ
t powerful
the globe.
:! compared
::the Presi.t grandeur,
Mar. IS [io8]
I
I
I
!l.
I
By the oath I have take.Q "to preserve,
In this same month ninety-five years ago- . protect and defend the Constitution of the
on March 30, I 87o-the Constitution of the
United States,'' duty directs-and strong
United States was amended forth~ fifteenth
personal conviction impels-:.-that I advise the
time to guarantee that no citizen of our land
Congress that action is necessary, and necesshould be denied the right to v~te because
sary now, if the Constitution is to be upheld
'of race or color.
and the rights of all citizens are not to be
The command of the Fifteenth Amendmocked, abused and denied.
ment is unequiv6cal and its equal fora: upon
I must regretfully report to the Congress
State Governments and the Federal Govern·
the following facts:
ment is unarguable.
~· That the Fifteenth Amendment of our
Section 1 of this Amendment provides:
Constitution is today being systematically
The right of citizens of the United States to
and willfully circumvented in certain State
vote shall not be denied or abridged by the · and local jurisdictions of our Nation.
United States or by any State on account
2. That representatives of such State and
of race, color, or previous condition of
local go:verr~ments acting "under the color
servitude.
of law," are denying American citizens. the
I
�Clinton Presidential Records
Digital Records Marker
This is not a presidential record. This is used as an administrative
marker by the William J. Clinton Presidential Library Staff.
This marker identifies the place of a tabbed divider. Given our
digitization capabilities, we are sometimes unable to adequately
scan such dividers. The title from the original document is
indicated below.
Divider Title:
L 13 \r
(c,
-4-9 5
�Lyndon B. Johnson, 1¢5
tain that this
ing to accept
er to enjoy a
must know
losing peace
just must not
te United will
ved America .
o p.m. at Mc>ening words he
Illinois, Mayor
•r Paul Douglaa
am L. Dawson,
czynski, Frank
y R. Yates, and
Jthers, Senator
·al of the Army
:Ommander of
the
ter,
the other responsible powers, must continue
to seek all available means to end the unjust
di,·ision of Germany as soon as possible.
They agreed too that improvements in relations with the countries of Eastern Europe
would help to contribute to peace and security and that a common allied policy
would contribute to this end.
. The President and the Chancellor also discussed the serious threats to peace and stability in a number of other areas of the
world, and especially in southeast Asia. In
this co~nection, the Chancellor emphasized
the importance of mutual solidarity in deal.ing with communist aggression. He told
the President his support for the American
·determination to turn back aggression in
Viet-Nam and welcomed the United States
Government's efforts to bring about a peaceful settlement of that conflict. The Chan-
301
I Germany's
progress of
dent, in turn,
LS an import; of the Allixpressed his
iovernment's
>mic integravelopment of
ties between
rest of the
sident of his
; strong superman prob: Chancellor
ogether with
.
June 4 [301]
ccllor also told the President of his interest
in the projected Asian Development Bank
and the German Government's. desire to
participate in it and also provide economic
assistance which would contribute to the
establishment of political and economic stability in this area of the world.
The President and the Chancellor also
expressed their hope for continuing progress
in the Dominican Republic, leading to the
restoration of peace and representative government there;
Finally the President and the Chancellor
reaffirmed the strong and close friendship of
their peoples and governments, working together for peace and freedom in the future
as they have in the past. For this reason,
they agreed to meet regularly and to discuss
questions of common interest.
Commencement Address at Howard University: "To Fulfill
These Rights." June 4, I 965
Dr. Nabrit, my fellow Americans:
I a~ delighted at the chance to speak at
this important and this historic institution.
Howard has long been an outstanding center for the education of Negro Americans.
Its students arc of every race and color and
they come from many countries of the world.
It is truly a working example of democratic
excellence.
Our earth is the home of revolution. In
e\·ery corner of every continent men charged
with hope contend with ancient ways in the
pursuit of justice. They reach for·thc newest of weapons to reali.zc the oldest of dreams,
that each may walk in freedom and pride,
stretching his talents, enjoying the fruits of
the earth.
·Our enemies may occasionally seize the
day of change, but it is the ·banner of our
revolution they take. And our own future
is linked to this process of swift and turbulent change in many lands in the world.
But nothing in any country touches us more
profoundly, and nothing is more freighted
with meaning for our own destiny than the
revolution of the Negro American.
In. far too many ways American Negroes
have been another nation: deprived of freedom, crippled by hatred, the doors of opportunity closed to hope.
In our time change has come to this Nation, too. The American Negro, acting with
impressive restraint, has ·peacefully protested
and marched, entered th,• courtrooms and
the seats of government, demanding a juS:
ticc that has long been denied. The voice of
the Negro was dl~ call to action. But it is a
tribute to America that, once aroused, the
�[301] June 4
Public Papers of the Presidents
courts and the Congress, the President and
most of the people, have. been the allies of
progress.
LEGAL PROTECTION FOR HUMAN RJ~TS
Thus we have seen the bigh court of the
country declare that discrimination based on
race was repugnant to the Constitution, and
therefore void.' We have seen in 1957, and
1960, and again in 1964, the first civil rights
legislation in this Nation in almost an entire century.
As majority leader of the United States
Senate, I helped to guide two of these bills
through the Senate. And, as your President; I was proud to sign the third. And
now very soon we will have the fourth-a
new law guaranteeing every American the
right to vote.
No act of my entire administration will
give me greater satisfaction than the day
when my signature makes this bill, too, the
law of this land.
The voting rights bill will be the latest,
and among the most important, in a long
series of victories. But this victory-as Winston Churchill said of another triumph for
freedom-"is not the end. It is not even the
beginning of the end. But it is, perhaps, the
end of the beginning."
That beginning is freedom; and the barriers to that freedom are tumbling down.
Freedom ·is the right to share, share fully
and equally, in American society-to vote,
to hold a job, to enter a public place, to go
to school. It is the right to be treated in
every part of our national life as a person
equal in dignity and promise to all others.
FREEDOM IS NOT ENOt:GH
But freedom is not enough. You do not
wipe away the scars of centur~es by saying:
Now you are free to go where you want,
and do as you desire, and choose the leaders
you please.
You do not take a person who, for years,
has been hobbled by chains and liberate him,
bring him up to the starting line of a race
and then say, "you are free to compete with
all the others," and still jusdy believe that
you have been completely fair. ·
Thus it is not enough just to open the gates
of opportunity. All our citizens must have
the ability to walk through those gates.
This is the next and the more profound
stage of the batde for civil rights. We seek
not just freedom but opportunity. We seek
not just legal equity but human ability, not
just equality as a right and a theory but
equality as a fact and equality as a result.
For the task is to give 20 million Negroes
the same chance as every other American to
learn and grow, to work and share in society,
to develop their abilities-physical, mental
and spiritual, and to pursue their individual
happiness.
To this end equal opportunity is essential,
but not enough, not enough. Men and
women of all races are born with the same
range of abilities. But ability is not just the
product of birth. Ability is stretched or
stunted by the family that you live with, and
the neighborhood you live in-by the school
you go to and the poverty or the richness of
your surroundings. It ·is the product of a
hundred unseen forces playing upon the little
infant, the child, and finally the man.
PROGRESS FOR SOME
This graduating class at Howard University is witness to the indomitable determination of the Negro American to win his way
in American life.
The number of Negroes in schools of
higher learning has almost doubled. in 15
yelrs.
siena!·
yeJri."
lege w
college
enorm•
indi\·ic
uates c·
first la
t:nitec
The>
ments.
growir.
rowinf
white c
But:
icansroo.ted,
grimm
tonight
court o
lative \
thew:;)
Here
can fai'
Thir:
ploymc
the san
as high·
In I<
for I"e~
that of
grown·
ior wh
Betw
:"\egro
m ever··
to 1963
lies co:
fr~m
s·
�.
'
Lyndon B. Johns.on, 1965
: you want,_
~ the leaders
o, for years,
iberate him,
·1e of a race
1mpete with
believe that
1en the gates
s must have
gates.
re profound
s. We seck
y. We seck
, ability, not
theory but
:1 result. ·
ion Negroes
.-\merican to
y is ess~ntial,
. Men and
ith the same
; not just the
stretched or
'.ve with, and
6y the school
.e richness of .
:Jroduct of a
.pon the little
·man.
lard U~ver
e determinawin his way
schools of
.ubled in 15
1
yelrs. The number of nonwhite professional workers has more than doubled in 10
rears. The median income of Negro coliege women tonight exceeds that of white
college women. And there are. also the
enormous accomplishments of distinguished
individual . Negroes-many of them graduates of this institution, and one of thein the
first iady ambassador in the history of the
Cnited States •.
These are proud and impressive achievements. But they tell only the story of a
growing middle class minority, steadily narrowing the gap between them and their
white counterparts.
A WIDENING GULF
But for the great majority of Negro Americans-the poor, the unemployed, the uprooted, and the dispossessed-there is a much
grimmer story. ·They still, as we meet here
tonight, are another nation. Despite the
court orders and the laws, despite the legis!ath·e victories and the speeches, for them ·
the walls ~re rising and the gulf is widening.
Here are some of the facts of this American failure.
Thirty-five years ago the rate of unemployment for Negroes and whites was about
the same. Tonight the Negro rate is twice
as high .
In 1948 the 8 percent unemployment rate
for Negro teenage boys was actually less than
t.1at of whites. By last year that rate had
grown to 23 percent, as against 13 percent
for whites unemployed.
Between 1949 and 1959, the income of
:'\egro men relative to white men declined ·
in every section of this country. From 1952
to 1963 the median income of Negro famil:es compared to white actually dropped
from 57 percent" to 53 percent.
11:1-947-66-vol. 2 - S
June 4 [301]
ln the years 1955 through 1957, 22 percent of experienced Negro workers were
out of work at some time during the year.
In 1961 through 1963 that proportion had
soared to 29 percent.
Since 1947 the number of white families
living in poverty has decreased 27 percent
while the number of poorer nonwhite families decreased only 3 percent.
The infant mortality of nonwhites in
1940 was 70 percent greater than whites.
Twenty-two years later it was go percent
greater.
Moreover, the isolation of · Negro from
white communities is increasing, rather than
·decreasing as Negroes crowd into the central cities and become a city within a city.
Of course Negro Americans as well as·
white Americans have shared in our rising
national abundance. But the harsh fact of
·,the matter is that in the battle for true
equality too many-far too many-are losing
ground every day.
THE CAUSES OP INEQUALITY
We are not completely sure why this is.
We knqw the causes are complex and subtle.
But .we do know the two broad basic reasons. And we do know that we have to act.
First, Negroes are trapped-as many
whites are trapped-in inherited, gateless
poverty. They lack training and skills.
They are shut in, in slums, without decent
medical 'care. Private and public poverty
combine to cripple their capacities.
We are trying to attack these evils through
our poverty program, through our education
program, through our medical care- and our
other heal~ programs, and a dozen more
of the Great Society programs that are aimed
at the root causes of this poverty.
We will increase, and we will accelerate,
�[3ox]
June 4
Public Papers of the Presidents
and we will broaden this attack in years to
come until this most enduring of foes finally
yields to our unyielding will.
But there is a second cause-much more
difficult to explain, more deeply grounded,
more desperate in its force. It is the devastating heritage of long years of slavery; and
· a cen~ry of oppression, hatred, and injustice.
SPECIAL NATURE OF NEGRO POVERTY
For Negro poverty is not white poverty.
Many of its causes and many of its cures'
are the same. But there are differencesdeep, corrosive, obstinate differences-radi- ·
ating painful roots into the community, an_d
into the family, and the nature of the
individual.
These differences are not racial differences.
They are solely and simply the consequence
of ancient brutality, past injustice, and present prejudice. They are anguishing to observe. For the Negro they are a constant
reminder of oppression. For the white
they are a constant reminder of guilt. But
they must be faced and they must be dealt
with and they must. be overcome, if we are
ever to reach the time ~hen the only difference between Negroes and whites is the color
of their skin.
Nor can we .find a complete answer in the
experien~e of other American minorities.
They made a valiant and a largely successful
effort to emerge from poverty and prejudice.
The Negro, like these others, will have to
rely mostly upon his own efforts. But he just
can not do it alone. For they did not have
the heritage of centuries to. overcome, and
they did not have a cultural tradition which
had' been .twisted and battered by endless
years of hatred and hopelessness, nor were
they excluded-these others-because of race
or color-a feeling whose dark intensity is .
matched by no other prejudice in our society.
Nor can these differences be understood as
isolated infirmities. They are a seamless
web. They cause each other. They result
from each other. They reinforce each other.
Much of the Negro community is· buried
under a blanket of history and circumstance.
It is not a lasting solution to lift just one
corner of that blanket. We must stand on
all sides and we must raise the entire cover
if we are to liberate our fellow citizens.
THE ROOTS OF INJUSTICE
One of the differences is the increased concentration of Negroes in our cities. More ·
than
percent of all Negroes live in urban
areas compared wi~ less than 70 percent of
the whites. Most of these Negroes live in
slums. Most of these Negroes live to- ·
gether-a separated people.
Men are shaped by their world. When it
is a world of decay, ringed by an invisible
wall, when escape is arduous and uncertain,
and the saving pressures of a more hopeful
society are unknown, it can cripple the youth
and it can desolate the men.
There is also the burden that a dark skin
can add to the search f~r a productive place
in our society. Unemployment strikes most
swiftly and broadly at the Negro, and this
burden erodes hope. Blighted hope breeds
despair. Despair brings indifferences to the
learning which offers a way o~lt. And de:
spair, coupled with indifierences, is often
the source ofdestructive rebellion against the
fabric of society.
. There is also the-lacerating hurt of early
collision with white hatred or preJudice, distaste or condescension. Other groups have
felt similar intolerance. But s•Jccess and
achievement could wipe it away. They do
not change the color of a man's skin. I have
seen this uncomprehending pain in the eyes
of the little, young Mexican-American
73
school.
Bui-ft
wounc
Perh
diatinr
down.
this,m
respoD!
oppress
man. :
.radatio:
attacke<
. to prod:
This,
BQt it r.
intenti.5
Only
Negro c
lived all
ents. A
than~·
their pa
Negro c]
lie assist
hood.
The f<
ciety. ~:
the attitt:
the valu:
family c'
usually c
massive
crippled.
So, un
famify, to
parents '
schools, a:
ance, anc
enough to
and depri'
I
�·--.
Lyndon B. /ohnson, 1g65
s be understood as
y are a seamless
:ter. They result
:lforce each other.
munity is buried
'nd circumstance.
to lift just one
e must stand on
- the entire cover
ow citizens.
:STICE
e increased conr cities. More
:s live in urban
1. 70 percent of
Jegroes live in
. I
~roes live torld. When it
:a dark skin
:luctive place
strikes most
:ro; and this
hope breeds
·ences to the .
t. And dees, is often
against the·
of e:uly
judice, dis·
-oups have
lCCeSS and
They do
n. Ibave
n the eyes
American
1rt
schoolchildren that I taught many years ago.
But it can be overcome. But, for many, the
wounds are always open.
·
JIAMJLY BREAKDOWN
Perhaps most important-its influence radiating to every part of lif~is the break- ·
down of the Negro family structure·. For
this, most of all, white America must accept
responsibility. It flows from centuries of
oppression and persecution · of the Negro
man. It flows from the long years of deg- .
radation and discrimination, which have
attacked his dignity and assaulted his ability
to produce for his family.
This, too, is not pleasant to look upon.
But it must be faced by those whose serious
intent is to improve the life of all Americans.
. Only a minority-less than half-of all
Negr~ children reach the age of 18 having
lived all their lives with both of their parents. At this moment, tonight, little. less
than two-thirds are at home with both of
their parents. Probably a majority of all
Negro children receive federally-aided public assistance sometime d\lring their childhood.·
The family is the cornerstone of our society. More than any other force it shapes
the attitude, the hopes, the ambitions, and
the values of the child. And when the
family collapses it is the children that are
usually damaged. When it happens on a
massive scale the community itself is
crippled.
So, unless . we work to strengthen the
family, to create conditions under which mosre
parents will stay together-all the rest:
schools, and playgrounds, and public assist-.
ance, and private concern, will never be
enough to cut completely the circle of despair
and deprivation.
Ju11e 4 [301]
TO JIULJIJLL THESE JUGHTS
There is no single easy answer to all of
these problems.
Jobs are part of the answer. They bring
the income which permits a man to provide
for his family.
·
Decent homes in decent surroundings and
a chance to learn-:-an equal chance to learnare part of the answer.
Welfare and social programs better designed to hold families toge~er are part of
the answer.
· Care for the sick is part of the answer.
An understanding heart by all Americans
is another big part of the answer.
.
And ·to all of these fronts-and a dozen
more-I. will dedicate~the expanding efforts
of the J9hnson administration.
But there are other answers that are still
to be found. Nor do we fully understand
e\ren all of the problems. Therefore, I want
to announce tonight that this fall I intend
to call a. White House conference of scholars,
and experts, and outstanding Negro
leaders-men of both races-and officials of
Government at every level.
This W~te House conference's theme and
title will be "To Fulfill These Rights."
Its object' will be to help the American
Negro fulfill the rights which, after the long
time of injustice, he is finally about to secure.
To move beyond opportunity to achievement.
To shatter forever not only the barriers of
law and public practice, but the w~ls which
bound the condition of many by the color of
his skin.
To dissolve, as best we can, the antique
enmities of the hean which diminish the
holder, divide the great de:nocracy, and do
wrong~reat ~rong-to the children of
God.
�[301] June 4
Public Papers of the Presidents
And l pledge you tonight that this will be
a chief goal of my administration, and of my
program next year, and in the years to come.
Arid I hope, and I pray, and I believe, it will
be a part of the program of all America.
WHAT IS JUSTICE
For what is justice?
It is to fulfill the fair expectations of man.
Thus, American justice is a ·very special
thing. For, from the first, this has been a
land of towering expectations. It was to be
a nation where each man could be ruled by
the common consent of all-enshrined in
law, given life by institutions, guided by men
themselves subject to its rule. And all-all
of every station and origin-would be
touched equally in obligation and in liberty.
Beyond the law lay the land. It was a
rich land, glowing with more abundant
promise than man had ever seen. Here, uniike any place yet known, all were to share
the harvest.
And beyond this was the dignity of man.
Each could become whatever his qualities of
mind and spirit would permit-to strive, to
·seek, and, if he could, to find his happiness.
This is American justice. We have pur-
302
sued it faithfully to the edge of our imper·
fections, and we have failed to find it for the
American Negro.
So; it is the glorious opportunity of this
generation to. end the one huge wrong of the
American Nation and, in so doing, to find
America for ourselves, with the same immense thrill of discovery which gripped those
who first began to realize that here, at last,
was a home for freedom.
All it wal take is for all of us to understand
what this country is and what this country
must become.
The Scripture promises: "I shall light a
candle of understanding in thine heart,
which shall not be put· out."
Together, and with millions more, we can
light that candle of understanding in the
heart of all' America.
And, once lit, it \Vill never again go out.
NOTE:
The President spoke at 6:35 p.m. on the
Main Quadrangle in front of the library at Howard
University in Washington, after being awarded an
honorary degree of doctor of laws. His opeliing
words referred ·to Dr. James M. Nabrit, Jr., President
of the University. During his remarks he referred
to Mrs. Patricia Harris, U.S. Ambassador to Luxem·
bourg and former associate professor of law at
Howard University.
,
· The Voting Rights Act of 1965 was approved by
the President on August 6, 1965 (see hem 409).
See also Items 5~8, 613.
Coinmencement Address at Catholic University.
June6, 1965
· Bishop McDonald, Bishop Stvanstrom,
Speaker McCormack, 'Mtrs. McCormack, Mr.
Norris, my fellow countrymen:
On this campus dedicated to the glory of
God, it is fitting that we meet on t_his first
day of the week. For this is the day kept by
Christendom as a day of remembrance, a
day of renewal, a day of rededication to the
moral nlues by which we guide our lives.
In our· temporal affairs-no less than in
the affairs of the spirit-this is a season for
remembrance, for renewal, for rededication
to the moral values by which me!l guide the
course of. their governments on this earth.
On this occasion, then, I come to speak, at
this time and at this place, about the morality
of nations. For while I believe devotedly
in the separation of church and state, I do·
not beli
for ~c:
might.
Your
mightie
let nont
test itourselw
The!
in the !
_vaults o
silver a;
The r ·
ity of ot
will of t_j
It was
interests
ble from
That!
ForA
today arc
our mor;
This i·
abo~t yot
this centt
reasons c
moral du
America.
In its 1
braced m
myths of
~ialism,
ismandm
I wouk
spoken b~
these time
them-our
gerald Ker
"The g:
often not t
dishonestsuasive, an.
If we ca.
believe the:
�----~-~.-~·l((_..arl-=~)i~=C\-~1-=~=~-------------------------------
�·National Press ·Club
Luncheon
Thursday, February'· 1"5
SPEAKER:.
Bill Bradley, Democratic: Seu.ator from New Jersey
MODERAniD BY: Gil Klein
NatiODil Press Ouh RIUrciom
~-;
112.00
ti«J) Sfl0.11911
~~:
'QJ/!lW. NEWS &IRt'l<Z, INC.
~ Naa-1 Plwn . , , . ,
WUIIIIIIIIII,I)C 'IIJfNS
(l(TJ) 14"M40D
�l
MONROE KARMIN: Good afternoon and welcome to the National Press Club.
My name is Monroe ICarmin, I am Presid~t of the club and editor at large at Bloomberg
Business News. I would like to welcome club members and their guests in the audienee,
as well as those of you watching on C.SPAN or liste.ninc to the program on National
Public Radio and the ctobal Inteznet network.
Before introducinc our bQd table I Would like to remind our members of
upcoming speakerS. On Tuesday, Pebruary 14lh. Valentines Day, Henry -Cisneros,
Secretary. of Housinc and Urban Development will discuss his reorganization of his
department. On Wednesctay, February lSth, Heather Whitestone, Miss America 199S
will review her first year so far as the first deaf Miss America and announce a major
· new public service initiative to promote early detection of deafness in a speech that's
entitled •nere She Is: Today's Miss America. •
·
And on Thursday, FebrUary 23rd, Michael Haymen, Secretary of the Smithsonian
will present a speech entitled •The Future of the Smithsonian. • (Laughter.) If there is
a future·
Transcripts and audio and video tapes of press club luncheons· are available by
ca1.ling 1-800-S00-9911. If you have any questions for our speaker please write them on
the cards at your table, pass them up, and· I will ask ;~s many as time permits. ·
Twould now like to introduce our head table guests and ask them to stand briefly
· as I mention their names. Doug Harbrecht Senior Correspondent, Business Week;' David
·Hess, Knight-Ridder Newspapers, and past-president of the National Press Club; Marie ,
Cocco, Washington Bureau Editorial Writer for Newsday; Bob Merry. Executive Editor.
Congressional Quarterly; Ernestine Schlant Bradley, Professor at Montclair State
University and wife of our speakCr; Ken Dalecki, Kiplinger Washington Editors and
member of the National Press Club who-arranged toclay's luncheon; Joan l.Dwy, Scripps
~oward News SerVice; Richard Willing, _Detroit News; and Stephen Green, Copley
News Service. (Applause.)
·
,
1 also want to thank Our starr, Melissa Bender, Pat Nelson, Melanie Abelow
Dermott and Jeff Tarbell for organizing today'sluncheon.
·
�,
.., ~v""'
,
u•VIII1J
U~~U~IIIII
IU!Wli 031!rYJC·I!...
2
Our speaker today is Bill Bradley, the senior senator from New Jeney. Senator
Bradley is a member of .the Finance Committee, the Energy and Natural Resources ·
Comlnittee, and the Special Committee on Aging. Now in his third tcnn he has
announced his plans to seek reelection to the Senate in 1996~
Yet a week ago, this past Monday, Senator Bradley was asked during a radio
interview if he thinks President Clinton will face a challenge for his party's presidential
nomination next year. The Senator said he thinks a challenge is a possibility if the
President's popularity does not improve. Senator Bradley also said he has no plans for
seekin& the nomination himself. Nevertheless his name continues tD pop up as a possible
presidential candidate. The fact that his name is ao frequently cited as a presidential
prospect is an indication of the hi&h regard many political observen have for the former
Rhodes Scholar and star forward of the New Yark Knick!.
Senator Bradley's ~kground is familiar to most of us. An outstanding athlete
and scholar at Princeton, 10 years as a professional basketball player. election to· the
Senate in 1979, author of a couple of books, one of which was about the need to reform
the nation's tax code. Ironically it was a tax revolt in New Jersey in.1990 that neatly
cost him his job. His senate race was against a relatively unknown Republican who
campaigned against unpopular tax increases authored by the state's Democratic governor.
Senator Bradley survived just barely. So did his opponent, Christie Whitman, who now
is governor of New Jersey and a leader of the Republican Party's resurgence.
Senator Bradley's .political concerns are broad, .they range from the tax code to
crime in the streets, toxjc waste cleanup and race relations. Today the Senator will talk
about the political and social trameworlc within which· all of these issues are discussed,
or as is too often tbe case, not discussed.
Ladies and gentlemen, join me in welcoming Senator Bill Bradley of New Jersey. ·
(Applau$e.)
·
·
SBN. BRADLBY: Tha;nk you very much, Monroe, members of the Press Club,
ladies and gentlemen. Monroe, I was very moved by your dramatic reading - (laughter)
-- and I appreciate very much your introduction for my comments today.
·
Two nights ago I attended a dinner in St. Louis, Missouri
to honor a fonner
U.S.
�- ----
--
---··- --·
"·--
/
Senator, Jack Danforth. Fifteen U.S. senatofs froDi both parties, along with. several
· thousand Missourians were then. Nearly a million doDa.n was raised for an organizatiem
called Inter-Act, to which Iack Danforth will dedicate much of his post-Senate energies.
The organization's charter is to coordinate efforts by the religious .community in St.
Louis to support programs which ·wnl improve the life chances of iDner-dty,
predominantly African-American children.
When I left Missouri for coJlege back in 1961 the number of children in St. Louis
bom to a single parent was 13 percent. Now it is 68 percent. Among black children 86
percent. senator Pat Moynihan points out that this social crisis is tilldng ptace across the
North Atlantic world. Enslish out of wedlock. birth~ are·31 percent; France 33 percent.
And Jack Danforth bas waded into this crisis in hopes of developins a strategy that can
tum these tragic numbers around.
.
I begin with this story because Jack has chosen to leave government to tackle one
of the nation's most intractable problems. And he's chosen to do it through the
institUtions of religious faith. His effort may offer us a fresh perspective ·on our
commitment to address not only sinale parenthood among poor neighborhoods. but ·
what's happening to our sense of family and community in suburbs, cities and small
towns across Americi.•
.Never in American history has a new vision begun in Washington; never has it
been the sole property of dther political party. In fact to initiate a frank discussion of
our current American condition requires us to throw off many of the barnacle encrusted
categories with which we are accustomed to talking about this nation •s problems. This
could seriously disrupt the respective moral allegiances ahd political turfs of both the
Democratic an~ Republican parties.
I would like to start making that disruption happen, for out of such ferment might
emerge the fresh ideas of a better American future. Our contemporary political debate
has settled into two painfully familiar ruts. Republicans, as we know, are infatuated with
the magic of the private :sector and reflectively criticize government as the enemy of
freedom. Human needs and common good are best served through the marketplace aoes
their mantra.
·
At the other extreme, Democrats tend to distrust the markets, seeing il as
�"Z\I\.1\ol I \IW f""
4
synonymous with creed and exploitation, the domain of Jay Gould and Michael Milken,
ever confident in the powers of government to solve problems. DemoCrats instinctively
tum to the bureaucratic state to regulate the economy and to solve social problems.
J)emocrats cenerally prefer the bureaucrat they bow to the consumer they can't control.
Of course, both parties are somewhat disingenuous. . Neither is above making
self-serving exceptions. Por example, Republieans say theytre. for the markets, but they
support markct~storting tax loopholes and wasteful subsidies for special interests as
diverse u water, wheat, and wine. 1ben there are the Democrats who say that they want
an activist government. but won•t raise taxes to fund it or describe clearly its·limits or
its necessity.
Still, these twin poles of political debate - crudely put, government action versus
the free market - utterly dominate our sense of the P,ssible, our sense of what is
relevant and meaningful in public affairs. Yet the issues that most concern Americans
today
to have little direct COMection with either the market OI government.
Consider the .plague of violence, guns, drugs, the racial tensions that affect so many
communities, the turmoU in public education,. the deterioration of America's fami1ies.
seem
Today, I will suggest chat any prescription for America must understand the
advantages and limits of both the market and govemment, but, more importandy, how
neither is equipped to solve America's c:entral problems, which are th~ deterioration of
our civil society and the need to revitalize our democn.tic proccas.
Civil society is the place where Americ,2tls make their homes, sustain their
marriages, raise their families, hang out with their friends, meet their neighbors, educate
their children, worship their god. It's in churches, schools, fraternities, community
centen, labor unions, synagogues, sports leagues, PTAs, libraries, and barber shops.
It's · where opinions are expressed and refined, where views ate exchanged and ·
agreements made, where a sense of common purpose ·and c:ons.ensus are forged. It lies
apart from the realms of the market and the government, and it posses a different ethic:.
The market is· govern~ by the logic of economic self-interest, while the government is
the domain of laws with all their course of authority.
Civil sOciety, on· the other hand; is the sphere of our most bas~c humanity·- the
personal ever)t day realm that is governed by value5 such as. ~nsibllity, trust
I I "~
�., ""
~u &A.~
,
.
u• uua
L'fl
'I
cues a
l
1-,.:-w;:, ..3~1 '~ "'~......,.
'
5
ftatemity, aolidarity ~ and love.
In a dem~~e civil· society, such as oun, We also put a. special pemium on
social equality - the conviction that men and women should be measured by the quality
of their character, not by the color of the~ skin, the shape of their eyes, the size of their
bank account, the-religion of their. family, or the happenstance of their gender.
·What both Democrats and Republicans fail to ~ is that the government and the
market are not enough to make a civilization. There must be a healthy robust civic
sector, a space in which th~ bonds of commuruty can flourish. Government and the
market are similar to two legs on a three-legged stool. Without the third leg of civil
society, the stool is not stable and cannot provide silpport for a vital America.
Today, the fragile ecology of our social environment is as threatened as that of
our natural environment. · Like fish floating on the surface of a polluted river, the
network of voluntary associations in America seem to be dying. For example, .PTA
participation has fallen. So have Boy Scouts and Red Cross volunteers. So have .labor
unions and civic clubs, such as the Lions and Elks. In the recent mood of American poll
taken by the Ganriett -News Service, 76 percent of those surveyed agreed that, quote,
there is less concern for others than there once was. All across America, people are
choosing not to join with each other in communal activities. One recent college graduate
even volunteered, sadly, that.her suburban Philadelphia neighbors, quote, •Don't even
wave.•
Every day, the news brings another account of Americans being disconnected with
each other. Sometimes, the stories are comical -- such as that of a married couple in
Rochester, New York, who unexpectedly ran into one another on the same airplane u
they departed for separate business trips, and discovered that each ha4 - unbeknownst
to the other- hired a different baby-sitter to care for their young daughter. (Laughter.)
It's true.
Often the stories are less amusing - such as that of a subu~ Chicago coupl_e ·
who --unbeknownst to their indifferent 'neighbors - left their two liUle girls alone while
they vacationed in Mexico. Or the_story of the New York- in New York City, of the
young woman in a running suit who wu murdered and whose body went unidentified,
unclaimed, and apparently unwanted for a week before she wu identified by her
�'
. -.
fingezprint as a New·Iersey woman wholly estranged from her family.
It's tempting to dismiss these storiea as isolated cases. But I think- they have a
grip on our imaginations precisely because they speak to our real fearS. Tbey are ugly
reminderS of the erosion of love,. trust, and mutual obligation. They are testimony to
profound human disconnectedness that cuts across conventional lines of class, race, and
geography.
-
Perhaps that's one reason that we love the television show, •cheers. • It's the
Ho~ many of us are blessed with
a place such as that in our lives. How many of us bow. the names, much less the life
stories, of all the neighbors in our section of town, or even on several floors of our
apartment building.
bar, you know, where everyone knows your name.
To the sophisticates of national politics. it all sounds to painfully small time even cc)my -- to focus on these things. After all, voluntary local associations and
community connections seem so peripheral to both the market and government. Both the
market and government have far more raw power. Government and business are national
and inten}ational in scope. They'ie On TV. They casually talk about billions of dollara.
In many ways, the worlds of politics and business have de-legitimized the local, the
sociaJ, the cultural, the· spiritual. Yet, upon these things lie the whole edifice of our
national well bein~.
Along side·. the decline of civil society, _it is a sad truth that the exercise of
democratic citizenship plays, at best, a very minor role in the lives of most American
adults. Only 39 percent of the eligible voters actually voted in 1994. The role formerly
played by party organization with face to face associations have yielded to· the ~ia.
where local news follows the dual codes -.if it bleeds, it leads, and if it thinks, it stinks.
(Laughter.) And paid media politics remains beyond the reach of most Americans.
When only the rich, such as Ross Perot, can get their views across on TV, political
equality suffers. The rich have a Jouds~, and everyone else gets a megaphone.
Make no mistake about it, money talks in American politics today as never before. And
no revival of our democratic culture can occur until citizens feel that their participation
is more meaningful than the money lavished by PACs and big donon.
Then there are the campaigns that we politicians run, which short cin:uit
-10.:
�4565708:#10/21
__ ... -· .. ....,
,
7
-deliberative jUdgment. People sit at home as spectators, wait to be entertained by us in
. 30 seeond pre-polled, pre-tested emotional appeals, and then render thumbs up or thumbs
down almoJt by whim ..
'
Outside the campaigns this season, we, the elected leaden to ·oftal let focus
groups do our thinking for us. Public opinion does not result from ieasoned dialogues,
but from polls that solicit knee-jerk te1p0nses from individuals who have seldom had the
opportunity to reflect on BOsnia, GArrI property taxes_ public education, in the
company of their fellow citizens.
·
·
Prom the longhouse of the Iroquois to the general ~"tore of De Tocqueville
. America to the Chataqua of the late 19th Century to the Iayc;ees, Lions, PTAs, and
political clubs of the early '60s, Americans have always had places where they could
come together and deliberate abOut their common future. Today, there are fewer and
fewer forums where people actually listen to each other, because everyone wants to spout
his opinion or her criticism and ~en move on.
·
So, what does all this imply for public policy? Well, first, we need to strengthen
the crucible of civil society -.the American family. Given the startling increase in the
number of children growing up with one puent and paltTy resources, we need to recouple
sex and parentAl responsibility. Rolling back irtesporisible sexual behavior- sex without
thought of its consequences - is best done by holding men equally accountable for such
irresponsibility. Policy should send a very clear message, if you have sex with someone
and she becomes.pregnant, be prepared to have lS percent of your wages for 18 years
· to go to support the mother and chlld. Such a message might force· young people to
pause before they act, and to recognize that ·fatherhood is a lifetime commitment that
takes time and money .. '
•
.
And then, given that 40 percent of American children now live in homes where
both parents work. we have only four options, if we believe our rhetoric about the
importance of ehild-:rearing: Higher compensation for the one spouse, ro·the other.am
stay home: a loving relative in the neighborhood; more taxe& or higher Salaries·to pay
for more day-care programs; or parental leave measured in years, not weeks, and
available for a mother and a father at different times in a career. The <mly given is that
someone has to care for the children.
....·.:
~
�~11
Ul •& &1.J
;
o-zu-~
;
ti:llrM
:federal News
Service~
4565709:#11/21
I
The second thlng that we can do iA We need to Create. more quality civic space.
The most underutilized ·resource in most communities is the public school, which too
often closes at 4:00, and, you know. only to see childral in suburbs return to empty
homes where the television is the baby sitter, or in .cities to the street comers, where .
gangs make an offer they can't refuse. Well. keeping the schools open on weekdays and
on the weekends, with supervision coming from the community, would give kids a place
to study until their parents picked them up, or would at least provide a safe haven from
the war zone outside.
·
Third, we need more civic-minded media. At a time when harassed parents spend
less time with their clilldren, they've ceded to television more and more the all·imporlant
role of storytelling, which is essential to the formation of moral education, that sustains
the civil society. But too often TV prod~, music executives, videO game
manufacturers, feed young people a menu of violence without context, and sex without
attachment, and both with no consequences or judgment. The market acts blindly - sell,
· make money - never pausing to ask whether it furthers citizenship or decency. Too
often those who trash government as the enemy of freedom and a destroyer of families
are strangely silent about the market's corrosive effects on these very same values in civil
society.
The a.nswer isn't censorship, but more citizenship in the corporate boardroom, and
more active families who will tum off the trash, boycott the sponsors, tell the executives
that you hold them personally responsible for making money from glorifying violence
and human degradation.
And then, fourth, in an effon to revitalize the democratic procesi, we have to .
take financing of elections out of the hands of the special interests, and tum them over
to the people, .by taking two simple steps: allow taxpayers to check. off on their tax
return, above their tax liability. up to $200 for political campaigns for fedeml office in
their state. Prior to the general election, divide the fund between Democrat, Republican,
or qualified independent candidates. No other money would be legal: no PACs, no
bundles. no ·big connibutions, no party conduits, even the bankroll of a mlllionaire
candidate would be off limits. If the people of a state choose to give little. then they will
be less informed. But this would be the citizens' choice. If there was less money
involved, the process would adjust and, who knows, maybe attack ids would go and
public.diseourse
would grow.
·
I
·~.:
�~--""*'"'_
.. .,.- .. ~, ....
9
Public policy, as these suggestions illustrate, can help facilitate the revitalization
of democracy and civil society. But it cannot create civil society. We can insist that
fathers suppon their children financially, but fathen have ~ see the importance of
spending time with their chiktren. We can figure out ways, such as parental leave, to
provide parents with more time with their children; but parents have to use that time to
raise their children. We can create community schools, but communities have to use
them. We can provide mothen and fathers with the tools they need to influence the
storytelling of the mass media, but they ultimately must exercise that control. We can
take special interests out of clec:tions, but only people can vote. We can provide
opportunities for more deh"berative citizenship, at both the national and the local level,
but citizens have to seize these opportunities and take individual responsibility.
We also have to give the distinctive moral language of civil society a more
· permanent place in our public conversation. The language of the marketplace says, Get
as much as you can for yourself. The language of government says, l.egislate for others
what is good for them. But the language of conirriunity,. family, citiz:eriship, at its core,
is about receiving undeserved gifts. What this nation needs to promote is the spirit of
giving something freely without measuring it out precisely, or demanding something in ·
return. At a minimum, the language of mutual obligation has to be given equal time with
the language of rights that dominates our cultun:.
Rights talk properly supports an individual's status and dignity within a
community. ·It is done much to protect the less powerful .in our society, and it should
not be abandoned. The problem comes in the adversarial dynamic that. rights talk sets
up, ill which people assert themselves through confrontation, championing ~ne right to
the exclusion of another. Instead of working together to improve our collective situation,
we fight with each other over who has superior rights.
Americans are too often given to speaking of America as a country in which you
have the right to do whatever you want. On reflection, most of us will admit that no
country could long survive that lived by such a principle. And this talk is deeply at odds
with the best interests of ·civil society.
Forrest Gump and Rush Umbaugh, an unlikely couple. are the surprise stars of
the first half the. '90s, because they poke fun at hypocrisy and the inadlo!Q.uac:ies of what
we have today. But they are· not builders. The builders are those in localities across
·
I
·
,
;;;~
-.·
.
�National Pn'8 Club hmc:h""' - Tlaunday, Februar:J ,, UM
10
America who are constructin& bridges of cooperation . and clialocue in face-to-face
meetings with their supporters and their adversaries. Alarmed at the decline of civil
society. they know bow to und~tand the legitimate point of view of those with whom
they disagn=e. Here in Washington, action too often surrounds only competition for
power. With the media's help, words are used to polarize and to destroy people. In
cities across America. where citizens are working together, words are tools to build
bridgea between people. For example, at ~ew Communities Corporation in Newark,
New Jersey, people are too busy doin& things to spend eneJiY figuring out how to tear
down. In these places there are more bam-railers than ~ are bam-burnen. And
connecting their ide8lism with national policy offers us our g~Utest hope and our biggest
challenge.
·
Above all, we need to understand that a true civil society in w~h citizens
interact on a regular baSis to grapple with common problems will not Occ:ur because of
the arrival of a hero. Rebuilding civil society requires people talking and listening to
each other, not blindly following a
I was reminded of that a few weeks ago, the
temptation of·the knight in shining anrior, when a cover of a national magazine had
General Colin Powell's picture on it and the caption was something like. "Will He Be
The Answer To OUr Problems?· If the problem is a deteriorating civic culture, then a
charismatic leader, be he the president or a general, is not the answer. He or ~e might
make us feel better momentarily. But then if. we are only spectators thrilled by the
performance, how have we progressed collectively? ·
hero.
A character in Berthold Brecht's "Galilee" says, "Pity the nation that has no
heroes." to which Galilee responds, "Pity the nation that ncects them." All of us have
to go out in the· public square and all of ·us have to assume our citizenship
responsibilities. Por me, that means trying to teU the truth as I see it to both partiea and
to the American people without regard for consequences. Tn a vibrant civil society, real
leadership at the top is made possible by the understanding and evolution of leaders of
awareness at the bottom and the middle; that is, citizens engaged in a deliberative
diseussion about our common future.
Jack Danforth knows that, and so do thousands of other Americans who"ve
assumed their responsibility. That's a discussion I want to be a part of. And the more
open our public dialogue. the larger the number of Americans join ouf deliberation, the
greater chance we have to build a better country and a better world. (Applause.).
~:
·.
�•• • - • • •
•
.,. .. ,...~
W'C:I
'I' I ...
'C'
11
MR. XARMlN: There's several questions that take off on the theme of your
speech. You seem to be implyinaSEN. BRADLBY: You want to skip over those and- (laughter). Is that what
you're tJying to say? You've heard enough about.civll ·society?
MR. KARMIN: No, but there are questions about the role of government. You
just say that, in contrast, I suppose, to the 1960s, there's a more limit&:cl role for
government or a l'ec:ognition SEN. BRADLEY: What's the question? (Laughter.)
MR. KARMIN: What's your position on the Republican Contract with ~merica,
and how does that affect the approach to civll society that you -SEN. BRADLEY: Well, I think the Contract far America reveali two thinp;
first of all, the inconsistency of the Republican position of stating that it belieVes that the
market is the ·most efficient allacator of ·resources, because if you'd look at the
Republican contract carefully, you'd find this tax loophole, that tax loophole, this tu ·
loophole, that subsidy. that distort the functioning of the market.
And second, I believe the contract will set in dynamic a tension within the
Republican coalition itself which I think is joined by two parts that ultimately will be at .
war with each other. and that is those few who do remain marketeers and that large
majority who assert they're marketeers, and those who are what is called social
conservatives, because as i pointed out in the speech, many times not just the television
or the market forces drive tzash coming across our television sets into the living rooms
of a lot of American families, many of them being Republican, who don't wint that trash
and can't see the conflict. But when that conflict is manifested in its clearest Conn, I
believe the RepUblican Party will sPlit and that the combinatiOn is not tenable or social
conservatives and free marketeers.
MR. KARMIN: Yeste~y at this podium, Wisconsin Governor Tommy
Thompson, a Repubti~, talJced about limiting welfare payments to two years and
denying increased public assistance to 'Women who have additional children. What is
your comment on those. positions?
.;..;
-....
�oeooufUiJ•~J.OI~l
NatJouD Prell Club l.uncbeoD- 'lbunday, l'ebiUIU'J t, UM
12
SBN. BRADLEY: Welt, both of those have been a part of the New Jersey
experiment for the last two
along with other innovations that provided more
resources for women that ID8Jl'Y and do not lose resources for recipients who get jobs.
So the paint is :when you talk about welfare and you talk about ttying to ·make it, a
different or a better system, you have to talk about the basic: structure that we laid out
in 1988, which was $tart with the premise that the father has a responsibility to support
his or h~ child. That's where you start.
years.
Second, if you want to move people off of welfare, you have to have aomeplac:e
where they can have their children in a nunuring environment white they then go work;
and third, that you have to have the resources for training; and founh, that you have to
have a job in the private sector. That still is there. I believe that a number of states Wisconsin one, New Jersey another - have been experimenting with some of the things
that Tommy Thompson alluded to.
·J personally think, just looking at the data, that it's too early to tell whether it will
be suec:essful or not. But I'm kind of of the thought, you know. let a thousand ·flowers ,
bloom out .there. Try to figure ways that we might move the system to One where people
are not trapped for long periods of time in a system that they don't want to be in but
don't have the means or the way to escape. ·So I'm of the theory let a thousand flowers
bloom. Tommy Thompson is one of those flowers. (Laughter.)
MR. XARMIN: One reason, as you mentioned -SEN. BRADLEY: Don't tell him that I said be was a flower child. (Laughter.)
MR. KARMIN: One reasOn that volunteerism is down, as you mentioned. is the
liability that volunteers face under current law. Do you support changing the law to
· protect v~lunteers from being sued? ·
•
SEN. BRADLEY: (Laughs.) You know, I've heard a lot of reasons why people
don't volunteer, but -; (laughter) - I've never heard that one. But it raises another
interesting question. I think. The other day I bad the great privilege of listening to the
speaker, Speaker Gin¢ch, address a large audience in which he described the five
transformations of the world - (laughter) - that, you know. contear1porary society is
encountering and all the ramifications, complexities and diversities. And be got to one
�-
...... ,. .. u .. a a I ,,t!W5
;:,erv I Ce-t
4565709:#16/21
13
and I thought I haard him say, "Well, what we need to do is end the welfare state• -not
welfare, understarid; the welfare state, which I assume means Medicare, Medi~id, ·aid·
to education, any kind of federal expenditure that goes to try to help individual
Americini.
.
.
.
. ..
'
And he, not being, you know, a dumb person at Bll, being a very smart person,
could anticipate what aome people were saying. And he then said, "I know what you're
thinking, and I want to tell you what we have to do, and tbat js we need more volunteen
and more charity. • I would agree with him on· the latter. However, if .I look at
charitable giving as it flows aa'OSS the terrain of an economy in cycles, charitable giving
goes down u well as it comes up•. And in the absence of - in a time of a decline in
charitable giving, what's the proposal how to continue to provide any kind of resources?
· I believe that what you ncied is a three-legged stool, not a two-legged stool, whether that
is only the market and civil society or government and the market. Neither is
sustainable. ~ou need the market, the government and a vibrant civil society.
MR. XARMIN: Why do you think the president's popularity is so low? And
bow do you rate him on leadership and. policy?
SEN. BRADLEY: (Laughs.) If you hadn't introduced me the way you hid, I
might have' been - no. (Laughter.) Well, I think the president has had a ·number of
significant achievements. I personally ·think· that NAFI'A and GATr were very
important. I think that the budget of 1993 is the largest deficit reduction package really
in American history. I think that he has inade a number of outsta~ding appointments.
· I think that he has, through executive orders, taken a number of positions that I think are
admirable.
I also think that he is bright enough and a good enough politician that he can tum
things arOund. There's no doubt iii my mind that the 1994 election was a rejection of
the president, and I think that to say otherwise is to deny a reality that's out there. But
that doesn't mean thatall's lost. Remember, George Bush was, I think, at 8S percent
about six months from. where we are now in the last election cycle. So in politics things
change very quicldy. I also think the president has gone through a number of battles
when he's dropped and come back, and I think that that resilient capacity is an important
aspect of his leadership.
·
·
· ·
(
�· - - ' - ' ' WVYYT ... I I
&,.,I.
14
I believe that one of the key things that he could do is to be very clear about
direction. _I would like to have seen the budget, for example, recl\ice the deficit much
more. I think, and I would encourage him to follow his oWD instincts and his own values
and speak out much more foreefully on issues related to race and diversity. And I would
applaud him and uree that he continue to talk about the effect of economic: transition on
the lives of average Americans out there who are faced with loss of health care. loss of
pension, as well· u loss of job, because of these transformations running through our
economy, so eloqua1Uy described by everyone from the p~dent to Newt Gingrich the infonnation revolution, international .competition, the end of the Cold War and
continued adjustment to excessive debt.
MR. KARMIN: As ooe who wu a leader in the reform of 1986 to trade lower
tax rates for the elimination of many deductions; how do you feel about the president's
SSOO per c:hild tax credits for the middle class? I've got to get all of these in. These are
all tax questions -- support in the Senate for reducing the capital gains tax from the
Republican side. And do you see any merit trying tp ronneet a capital gains tax cut with
a minimum wage increase?
·
SEN. BRADLEY: Well, you see,- on this last point, because I've heard this this is one of these things that filters through the Washington air fr(?m time to timei
there's this supposed deal brewing, you know, capital pins for minimum wace, when
you forget the Republican position is that the Republicans want to abolish both, you see.
(Laughter.} So they're consistent, you J.aiow. They want to abolish capital gains, which
meanJ -- and they wint to eliminate the minimum wage. And at least thetre cOnsistent
linguistic:ally. (Laughter.)
I continue to believe that the best t3x $)'stem is the one with the lowest rates and
· the fewest loopholes. The president is creating more loopholes fot, you know, equity
reasons, but I believe that if we rt"ally want to do something for equity in the tax code,
we need to increase the earned. incoJJle tax credit. And I WQuld prefer to have lower
rates and fewer loopholes than to .have a. d~tic inc:rease in the various exc:lusions.
because I can tell you what' a going to happen. What you thi.nk will be a very clean bill
with one or two things to aid the middle class will, by the time it emerges from the
·process, give the middle class very little and end up giving the special interests a great
deal. That is kind of my view after 16-112 years on the finance Committee and a
number of bills that were put forward with the best of intentiuns, only to find them fall
·10.&
... .-
�15
with the wei&ht of special int.erata.
.-..:
.Mit ICARMIN: Republicans proudly point to New Jersey Governor Whitman
as one of their best success stories. What is your assessment of her administration so
far? (Laughter.)
.
SEN. BRADLBY: (Laughs.) Well. (Laughter.) I thiJik that she has spoken
clearly and she bas done what she said she was going to do, and people appreciate
someone - a politician who says, "I'm going to do this, • and then they're elected,
they're going to do it. The reason I know is that when I ran in 1984, I said, ·rm going
to reform the federal income tax system." In.l986, we reformed the ftderal income tax
system. To my constituents in New Jersey, that meant individuaJ; New Jeneyans paid
Sl billion less a year in income tu, and I told them that.
They didn't believe it. (Laughter.) Because at the same thne their federaJ income.
taxes bad dropped, pursuant to my.promise to them that that's what I was going to do,
their state taxes went up and their property taxes went up.
So I would offer to the governor that if you cut individual income taX rates, which
she promised to do, thereby giving people a hundred dollars or SISO more in their
pockets, at ·the same time transfening the bulk of the financing to the local property tax,
and property tax goes four (hundred dollars) to SSOO, that it's not going to square, that
people are going to figure out that what's important is the total tax burden, not what any
one politician did.
·
A billion less per year in individual income tax for individual New Jerseyans.
They didn't believe it•. SlSO a year for an individUal at the same time property tax is
going to go up7 After two or three y~. I don't think they'll believe it, either.
I have a good working relationship, however, w;th the governor. (Laughter.)
MR. KARMIN: The president of your state university, Rutgers: who has a long
history of trying to attract minority participation in the higher education system of your .
state, is now under fire for remarks interpreted as racially insensitive. Many have called
for his resignation. ·Should he resign?
I
�-
------
___ ..
_ --· ....
~
SEN. BRADLEY: I think his remarks were racially insensitive; and the day that
I hrard them, I wrote a letter to them and asked him to resign unless be could explain
those remarks. He has been exPlaining them over .the last couple of days. and tomoi'IOW
will bC a meeting of the Rutgers- governing board, at which time he'll make full
explanalion.
·
.Given.his record, which, if you look at it in terms of minority progralns or any
other kind of criteria, one would say is CX:c:ellent, at 1cut we should allow him the
chance for that explanation to the board of governors tomorrow.
1
MR. KARMIN: There is a whole number of questions about your plans, and 1
know you've discussed them·SEN. BRADLEY: Yes.
MR. XARMIN: -but ate you, by taking these opportunities to discuss American
values, are .you positioning yourself for a possible run for the presidency should the
incumbent -· ·
SEN. BRADLEY: Right.
MR. XARMIN: -·not raise his populaii.ty?
SBN. BRADLEY: Well, Monroe. you could have had a few more caveats in
there and hypotbetica1s. I mean, you know, you can drive anybody toward anything with
enough hypotbeticals. (laughter.)
I spent, oh, 16 years of my career as a senator issuing Shermanesque statements
that no one believed. (Laughter.) Therefore, I've decided at this stage of my career to
be ambiguously definitive. (Laughter.) Or is it definitively ambiguous? (Laughter.)
And that's about all I have. to say on that subject. (Laughter and applause.)
.
.
MR. KARMIN: Should ··thank you for that- (laughter) --unambiguous should the Congress pas$ the Clinton plan to end the baseball.strike -~ or any other plan?
SEN. BRADLEY: I do not commenl on any Sport that bas a. ban so small.
�17
(Laughter and applause.)
MR. KARMIN: Well, let me help you out, then. · (Laughter.) Given what's
been happening in baseball, do you think the national pastime should be basketball, a
larger ball? (Lauabter.)
·
SEN. BRADLEY: Without question, yes. (Laughter and applause.)
MR. ICARMIN: No shorthand. (Laughter.)
. SEN. BRADL2Y: While Monroe is getting his notes together-: (laughter) .:... he
wants me to expound on basketball - (laughter) - at tb~ National Press Club, no less.
What can I say? Trru2n, my first official act in the United States Senate was when I wu
a player and testified before the Senate Antitrust Subcommittee in 1971 against extending
the exemption- antitrust exemption to basketball, the same exemption now enjoyed by
baseball. . Therefore, my historical position bas beeo elimination of the antitrust
·exemption for any sport, including baseb811. (laughter and applau~e.)
MR. K.ARMIN: You suggested that the president could sharpen up his definition .
of what tbe Democratic Party stands for and give a clear sense of direction to the
country. Can you say, in 25 words or less, what the DemOcratic Party stands for on the
foreign and domestic fronts?
SEN. BRADLEY: In 2S words or less?
MR. KARMIN: Go to SO.
SEN. BRADLEY: No, no, you've given me a challenge, Monroe.. Bconomic
growth that tabs everyone to the higher ground, an appreciation that diversity ia our
strength and not our weakness, a c1ear definition of what government can do and what
it can't do and what levels of government can do.those things best, and a recognition that
in a world that's changing rapidly, America's strength is still th~ example of its economy
and the strength of its civil society, and that, as I said earlier today. we have some work
to do both u Democrats and Republicans.
·
MR. KARMIN:. Well, before we conclude this session, I have two chores here
�4565709;#21/21
Jl
to perform. A cettific:ate of appreciation. sir. for coming by.
SEN. BRADLI!Y: Do I get my coffee cup, too? (IJ~ughter.)
MR. ICARMIN: Yes, you get your coffee cup. You can either drink out of it
or solicit campaign funds with il ·(Laughter and applause.)
SEN. BRADLEY: Moitroe, I. will - I'll not take that charad.er assassination
personally - (laughter) - and tell you that, you know, when we passed these tough gift
rules. I think this mug"ll still be okay. (Laughter and applause.)
Mit KARMIN: We thank you, sir, ft;»rjoining us, and we thank you for coming
and good afternoon.
·
·
END
.·
�'
Jiil"<
I.
1
I
·:
•
::::::fr·
twe::.:;st: "f
q)(oQ(
-
~-ek, 1'\~ Il
;;;&;! .
-
.
;
�Jlepartment of Justite
oral statement of
Deval L. Patrick
Assistant Attorney General
Civil Rights Division
u.s. Department of Justice
Before the
Subcommittee on Employer-Employee Relations
committee on Economic and Educational Opportunities
united states Rouse of Representatives
March 24, 995
�i-
2
MR. CHAIRMAN AND MEMBERS OF THE SUBCOMMITTEE, I APPRECIATE
THE OPPORTUNITY TO APPEAR BEFORE YOU TODAY TO DISCUSS AFFIRMATIVE
ACTION.
AFFIRMATIVE ACTION HAS BECOME ONE OF THE HOT TOPICS OF
THE DAY.
MY GOAL TODAY IS TO TRY TO PROVIDE A LITTLE LIGHT TO GO
ALONG WITH THE HEAT -- A LITTLE LEGAL AND MAYBE A LITTLE PERSONAL
PERSPECTIVE TO HELP FOCUS THE PASSIONS THAT MOVE, AND SOMETIMES
DISTORT, THIS DEBATE.
AS YOU ARE AWARE, THE PRESIDENT HAS DIRECTED US TO REVIEW
THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT'S PROGRAMS RELATING TO AFFIRMATIVE ACTION,
AS A PART OF HIS THINKING THROUGH OF ADMINISTRATION POLICY ON
AFFIRMATIVE ACTION.
-<.;r."'<::
..:::~
':'),
Q'u..;.,;:J!::.·
.·
COMPLETED.
THAT REVIEW IS PROCEEDING BUT IS NOT YET
THE PRESIDENT'S OBJECTIVE IS TO DETERMINE, TO THE
BEST OF OUR CAPABILITY, WHAT WORKS AND WHAT DOES NOT TODAY.
MY
STAFF AND I HAVE BEEN INTIMATELY INVOLVED WITH THAT REVIEW.
IT
COVERS A WIDE RANGE OF MATTERS, MOST OF WHICH FALL OUTSIDE THE
JURISDICTION OF THE DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE.
FOR NOW, I WILL FOCUS
ON WHAT WE ARE DOING AT THE DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, THE AREAS FOR
WHICH I HAVE DIRECT RESPONSIBILITY AND THE LEGAL BASES FOR THE
WORK OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS DIVISION.
WHAT I CAN BEST CONTRIBUTE TO
YOUR DISCUSSION OF AFFIRMATIVE ACTION IS A CLEARER UNDERSTANDING
OF THE LEGAL LIMITS THE SUPREME COURT HAS IMPOSED ON AFFIRMATIVE
ACTION.
AS YOU CAN UNDERSTAND, I WILL NOT TRY TO ANTICIPATE THE
PRESIDENT'S CONCLUSIONS FROM THE PROCESS AND REVIEW THAT ARE
UNDERWAY.
I KNOW YOU WILL BE TEMPTED TO ASK, BUT RESIST.
LET ME BEGIN BY EMPHASIZING TWO FUNDAMENTAL POINTS THAT ARE
BENCHMARKS OF OUR WORK:
FIRST, THIS ADMINISTRATION IS COMMITTED
�3
TO THE GOAL OF EXPANDING OPPORTUNITY FOR ALL AMERICANS IN'
EDUCATION, EMPLOYMENT AND THE ECONOMY GENERALLY.
NO RETREAT FROM THAT COMMITMENT.
THERE WILL BE
IT IS OUR STARTING POINT FOR
ANY DISCUSSION OF AFFIRMATIVE ACTION.
INDEED, THE COMMITMENT TO
EQUAL OPPORTUNITY TRADITIONALLY HAS ENJOYED BROAD BI-PARTISAN
SUPPORT IN THE CONGRESS.
I WANT TO BELIEVE THAT THIS IS STILL
TRUE TODAY.
A SECOND POINT THAT BEARS EMPHASIS IS THAT, REGRETTABLY,
DISCRIMINATION ON THE BASIS OF RACE, ETHNICITY AND GENDER
PERSISTS IN THIS COUNTRY:
NOT JUST THE EFFECTS OF PAST
DISCRIMINATION, BUT CURRENT, REAL-LIFE, PERNICIOUS DISCRIMINATION
OF THE HERE AND NOW.
~~~;·.
LAST YEAR, FOR EXAMPLE, THE EQUAL
EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITY COMMISSION RECEIVED OVER 91,000 COMPLAINTS
OF DISCRIMINATION IN EMPLOYMENT ALONE.
IN THE CIVIL RIGHTS
DIVISION, WE FILED RECORD NUMBERS OF CASES LAST YEAR AND OPENED
THOUSANDS-OF INVESTIGATIONS, BUT WE CANNOT KEEP UP.
I BELIEVE
THAT IF ANY OF YOU COULD SIT AT MY DESK, AS ASSISTANT ATTORNEY
GENERAL FOR CIVIL RIGHTS, FOR A WEEK, YOU WOULD BE ASTONISHED AND
SADDENED BY THE INCIDENTS OF DISCRIMINATION, UNFAIRNESS, OR EVEN
VIOLENCE MOTIVATED BY RACE, ETHNICITY OR GENDER (TO SAY NOTHING
OF DISABILITY) THAT STILL BLOCK ACCESS FOR FAR TOO MANY
INDIVIDUALS TO THE BOUNTY OF OPPORTUNITY THAT AMERICA HAS TO
OFFER.
AS I SEE IT, MY JOB -- AND THE JOB OF ALL OF US IN
POSITIONS OF PUBLIC RESPONSIBILITY -- IS TO STRIVE MIGHTILY TO
{I·
.......__
ENSURE THAT INDIVIDUALS HAVE AN OPPORTUNITY TO ACCOMPLISH
ACCORDING TO THEIR ABILITIES AND CAN ACHIEVE IN WAYS THAT ARE
�4
COMMENSURATE WITH THEIR EFFORTS.
WE ALL LOOK FORWARD TO THE DAY
WHEN SUCH DISCRIMINATION IS A THING OF THE PAST, BUT IN SPITE OF
CONSIDERABLE PROGRESS THAT DAY HAS NOT YET ARRIVED.
UNTIL JUST 40 YEARS AGO, AMERICA WAS RACIALLY SEGREGATED BY
BOTH LAW AND CUSTOM.
EVEN AFTER BROWN V. BOARD OF EDUCATION, IT
WAS MANY YEARS BEFORE THE NATION BEGAN UNDERTAKING STEPS TO
ERADICATE JIM CROW IN ITS MOST PERNICIOUS FORMS.
CULTURAL,
SOCIAL AND LEGAL LIMITATIONS ON THE AMBITIONS OF WOMEN HAVE ALSO
BEEN A MAINSTAY OF AMERICAN LIFE FOR MOST OF HER FIRST 150 YEARS.
IN THE MEANTIME, WHILE MANY OF THE RACIAL AND ETHNIC GROUPS THAT
HAVE SUFFERED FROM DISCRIMINATION HAVE BEEN HERE FOR CENTURIES,
AMERICA HAS BECOME AN INCREASINGLY MULTIRACIAL AND MULTIETHNIC
Ci>
SOCIETY I POSING SIMILAR NATIONAL CHALLENGES.
ENTRY OF WOMEN INTO
'~'····.;;:.....,:.
TRADITIONALLY MALE JOBS AND SCHOOLS HAS ALSO BEGUN TO TAKE PLACE
ONLY COMPARATIVELY RECENTLY.
THE PROGRESS WE HAVE MADE ON ALL OF THESE FRONTS IS
EXTRAORDINARY; AMERICA IS A MODEL TO THE WORLD.
THAT IS A THING
FOR ALL AMERICANS TO CELEBRATE AND BE PROUD OF.
BUT EXAMPLES OF THE DISCRIMINATION THAT STILL OCCURS IN THIS
NATION ABOUND.
JUST SEVERAL WEEKS AGO, WE INDICTED THREE MEN IN
LUBBOCK, TEXAS, WHO, ACCORDING TO THE INDICTMENT, DROVE TO THE
PREDOMINANTLY BLACK SECTION OF THAT CITY HUNTING AFRICAN
AMERICANS, LURED THREE BLACK MEN TO THEIR CAR, AND THEN SHOT THEM
AT CLOSE RANGE WITH A SHORT-BARRELED SHOTGUN.
THE THREE WHITE
DEFENDANTS PASSED THE SHOTGUN AROUND AND ALLEGEDLY EACH TOOK A
<~:~~
TURN SHOOTING A BLACK VICTIM.
�5
JUST A MONTH BEFORE, TWO MISSOURI MEN PLED GUILTY TO .
CRIMINAL CIVIL RIGHTS VIOLATIONS AFTER DRIVING INTO A BLACK
NEIGHBORHOOD OF ST. LOUIS, AGAIN HUNTING FOR AFRICAN AMERICANS.
FROM THE FRONT SEAT OF THEIR CAR, WHILE SOMEONE IN THE BACK SEAT
VIDEOTAPED THEIR ACTIONS FOR AMUSEMENT'S SAKE, THE TWO WHITE MEN
SPRAYED MORE THAN FIFTY AFRICAN AMERICANS WITH A HIGH-PRESSURE
FIRE EXTINGUISHER SO STRONG IT KNOCKED SOME OF THE VICTIMS TO THE
GROUND.
WHITE OFFICERS IN A CITY POLICE DEPARTMENT IN FLORIDA
ADMITTED THAT THE DEPARTMENT HIRING OFFICERS THREW APPLICATIONS
FROM BLACKS IN THE TRASH, DID NOT HIRE A BLACK APPLICANT FOR 30
lf1:
YEARS AND ROUTINELY (INCLUDING THE CHIEF OF POLICE HIMSELF) USED
RACIAL EPITHETS.
IN A LOUISIANA CORRECTIONS CENTER, THE POLICY OF NOT HIRING
WOMEN WAS UNUSUALLY BLATANT.
THE MINIMUM PASSING SCORE ON THE
REQUIRED WRITTEN EXAMINATION WAS 90 FOR MEN, BUT 105 FOR WOMEN.
IN FACT, ONE WOMAN SCORED 100 ON THIS WRITTEN EXAM IN APRIL,
1987, BUT WAS DISQUALIFIED, WHILE A YEAR LATER, A MALE APPLICANT
SCORED A 79 AND WAS PROMPTLY HIRED DESPITE THE FACT THAT HE HAD A
PRIOR ARREST AND DID NOT HAVE THE REQUIRED HIGH SCHOOL DIPLOMA.
IN A CALIFORNIA CASE NOT LONG AGO, TWO YOUNG HISPANIC
COUPLES WITH STEADY EMPLOYMENT WERE LIVING IN A PLACE THAT WAS
OVER-CROWDED, AND AFFLICTED WITH GANG ACTIVITY AND DRUG TRAFFIC.
WHEN THESE COUPLES DECIDED TO MOVE, LITERALLY ACROSS THE RAILROAD
TRACKS, TO A BETTER NEIGHBORHOOD, THEY ENCOUNTERED A CONDOMINIUM
MANAGER WHO TOLD THEM "NO ROOM" BECAUSE LATINOS, IN HIS OPINION,
�•••
6
WERE GIVEN TO MULTIPLYING AND OTHER RELATIVES WOULD MOVE IN WITH
THEM.
HE SAID HE DID NOT WANT HIS BUILDING TO BECOME LIKE THE
BARRIO ACROSS THE TRACKS.
ALL THEY WANTED WAS TO RAISE THEIR
FAMILIES IN A DECENT PLACE, LIKE ANY OTHER PARENT I KNOW.
THIS IS SIMPLY TO SAY THAT WHILE MEANINGFUL PROGRESS HAS
BEEN MADE IN ELIMINATING DISCRIMINATORY BARRIERS TO EMPLOYMENT,
EDUCATION AND OTHER ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES, SOME BARRIERS, AND
THE EFFECTS OF PREVIOUS BARRIERS, REMAIN.
AFRICAN AMERICANS AND
HISPANICS CONTINUE TO LAG FAR BEHIND WHITES IN RATE OF
EMPLOYMENT, INCOME AND EDUCATION LEVEL.
THE UNEMPLOYMENT RATE
FOR AFRICAN AMERICANS WAS MORE THAN TWICE THAT OF WHITES IN 1993,
WHILE THE MEDIAN INCOME OF AFRICAN AMERICANS WAS BARELY MORE THAN
(i"
..
ONE-HALF THAT OF WHITES.
HISPANICS FARED ONLY MODESTLY BETTER IN
·-.:.~ ~:.;..':
EACH CATEGORY.
TRAGICALLY, IN 1992, OVER 50% OF AFRICAN AMERICAN
CHILDREN UNDER 6 AND 44% OF HISPANIC CHILDREN LIVED UNDER THE
POVERTY LEVEL, WHILE ONLY 14.4% OF WHITE CHILDREN DID SO.
THE
OVERALL POVERTY RATES WERE 33.3% FOR AFRICAN AMERICANS, 29.3% FOR
HISPANICS, AS COMPARED TO 11.6% FOR WHITES.
UNEQUAL ACCESS TO QUALITY EDUCATION PLAYS AN IMPORTANT ROLE
IN CREATING AND PERPETUATING THESE DISPARITIES.
IN 1993, LESS
THAN 3% OF COLLEGE GRADUATES WERE UNEMPLOYED; BUT WHEREAS 22.6%
OF WHITES HAD COLLEGE DEGREES, ONLY 12.2% OF AFRICAN AMERICANS
AND 9.0% OF HISPANICS DID.
AS THE NATURE OF OUR ECONOMY EVOLVES,
EDUCATIONAL CREDENTIALS WILL BECOME EVEN MORE CRUCIAL IN
.DETERMINING WHETHER INDIVIDUALS CAN RISE INTO THE MIDDLE CLASS OR
,;.;'-.'::'.';:,_..
J:·'!',''::
.···:
' .....·' -...
WILL BE CONSIGNED TO POVERTY-LEVEL JOBS OR UNEMPLOYMENT •
�7
ALTHOUGH THE UNEMPLOYMENT RATE FOR WOMEN IS COMPARABLE TO
THAT FOR MEN, WOMEN REMAIN LEFT OUT OF MOST STEREOTYPICALLY MALE
OCCUPATIONS, SUCH AS THE CONSTRUCTION TRADES, AND AS POLICE,
FIREFIGHTERS, SCIENTISTS AND ENGINEERS.
WHILE WOMEN HAVE MADE
INROADS AT THE ENTRY LEVEL OF CERTAIN PROFESSIONS, SUCH AS
BUSINESS, LAW AND MEDICINE, THEY HAVE NOT BEEN PROMOTED AS WOULD
HAVE BEEN EXPECTED.
THE RECENT STUDY BY THE GLASS CEILING COMMISSION, A BODY
ESTABLISHED UNDER PRESIDENT BUSH AND LEGISLATIVELY SPONSORED BY
SENATOR DOLE, FOUND THAT WHITE MALES CONTINUE TO HOLD 97% OF
SENIOR MANAGEMENT POSITIONS IN FORTUNE 1000 INDUSTRIAL AND
FORTUNE 500 SERVICE INDUSTRIES.
(.~..
.......~; :.:.··
ONLY 0.6% ARE AFRICAN AMERICAN,
0. 3 PERCENT ARE ASIAN AND 0. 4 % ARE HISPANIC.
AFRICAN AMERICANS
HOLD ONLY 2.5% OF TOP JOBS IN THE PRIVATE SECTOR AND AFRICAN
AMERICAN MEN WITH PROFESSIONAL DEGREES EARN ONLY 79% OF THE
AMOUNT EARNED BY THEIR WHITE COUNTERPARTS.
COMPARABLY SITUATED
AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMEN EARN ONLY 60% OF THE AMOUNT EARNED BY
WHITE MALES.
THE REPORT IDENTIFIES THE FEARS AND PREJUDICES OF
LOWER-RUNG WHITE MALE EXECUTIVES AS A PRINCIPAL BARRIER TO THE
ADVANCEMENT OF WOMEN AND MINORITIES.
THE REPORT ALSO FOUND THAT,
ACROSS THE BOARD, MEN ADVANCE MORE RAPIDLY THAN WOMEN.
NOW, I DON'T ACCEPT THAT THESE NUMBERS TELL US THE WHOLE
STORY.
BUT THEY ARE A PIECE OF THE RELEVANT TRUTH.
TOGETHER
WITH WHAT WE KNOW ABOUT CURRENT DISCRIMINATION, IT IS CLEAR THAT
MANY INDIVIDUALS, BECAUSE OF RACE, ETHNICITY AND GENDER AND
ASSOCIATED STEREOTYPING, HAVE BEEN DENIED THE TOOLS AND THE
�8
OPPORTUNITY TO SHARE IN AND CONTRIBUTE TO THE WEALTH OF OUR
NATION.
THE EXCLUSION OF THESE PEOPLE FROM OUR ECONOMY
CONSTITUTES A TREMENDOUS LOSS OF HUMAN RESOURCES THAT WE CANNOT
AND SHOULD NOT TOLERATE.
UNFORTUNATELY, MUCH OF THE RECENT
DEBATE REGARDING AFFIRMATIVE ACTION HAS BEEN CONDUCTED IN THE
ABSTRACT -- REMOVED FROM THE CONTINUING PROBLEMS OF
DISCRIMINATION.
THE REMEDY OF AFFIRMATIVE ACTION CANNOT BE
DISCUSSED MEANINGFULLY IN ISOLATION FROM THE PROBLEMS THAT IT IS
INTENDED TO ADDRESS.
LOST IN THE CURRENT POLITICAL DEBATE IS THE FACT THAT THE
SUPREME COURT OVER MORE THAN TWENTY YEARS HAS CONSISTENTLY UPHELD
AFFIRMATIVE ACTION PROGRAMS AS AN EFFECTIVE REMEDY FOR PAST AND
PRESENT DISCRIMINATION.
BECAUSE SUBSTANTIAL DISCRIMINATION AND
ITS EFFECTS PERSIST, THE COURT HAS SANCTIONED CONSIDERATION OF
RACE, ETHNICITY AND GENDER IN FASHIONING REMEDIES.
THE DIVISION ENFORCES CIVIL RIGHTS LAWS AS ENACTED BY
CONGRESS AND INTERPRETED BY THE COURTS IN AN EFFORT TO COMBAT
DISCRIMINATION AND ENSURE EQUAL OPPORTUNITY IN HOUSING,
EMPLOYMENT, VOTING, EDUCATION AND DISABILITY RIGHTS.
THE
DIVISION SOMETIMES SEEKS AFFIRMATIVE ACTION REMEDIES PRIMARILY
PURSUANT TO OUR RESPONSIBILITY TO ENFORCE TITLE VII OF THE CIVIL
RIGHTS ACT OF 1964, WHICH PROHIBITS DISCRIMINATION IN EMPLOYMENT.
OUR JURISDICTION TO ENFORCE THAT STATUTE EXTENDS ONLY TO PUBLIC
EMPLOYERS.
THE EQUAL EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITY COMMISSION ENFORCES
TITLE VII WITH REGARD TO PRIVATE EMPLOYMENT.
�9
THE CIVIL RIGHTS DIVISION AND OTHER PARTS OF THE DEPARTMENT
OF JUSTICE, SUCH AS THE SOLICITOR GENERAL'S OFFICE, ARE ALSO
CALLED UPON OCCASIONALLY TO DEFEND THE CONSTITUTIONALITY OF A
FEDERAL CONTRACTING PROGRAM ENACTED BY CONGRESS AND DEFINED BY
REGULATIONS PROMULGATED BY ANOTHER FEDERAL AGENCY.
GIVEN THAT WE
ARE A LAW ENFORCEMENT AGENCY AND MY JOB IS TO ENFORCE THE LAW, AN
UNDERSTANDING OF WHAT WE DO REQUIRES AN UNDERSTANDING OF THE
LEGAL PARAMETERS WITHIN WHICH WE FUNCTION.
LET ME TURN TO THAT
NOW.
WHILE MANY OF THE SUPREME COURT'S DECISIONS IN THIS AREA
HAVE BEEN TORTURED AND DENSE, IT IS POSSIBLE TO DRAW MEANINGFUL,
PRACTICAL, COMMON SENSE GUIDANCE FROM THE COURT'S OPINIONS ABOUT
THE STANDARDS GOVERNING THE LAWFULNESS OF AFFIRMATIVE ACTION.
FIRST AND FOREMOST, THE COURT HAS CONSISTENTLY REJECTED THE
ARGUMENT THAT THE CONSTITUTION IS COLORBLIND.
BEGINNING WITH ITS
FIRST CONSIDERATION ON THE MERITS OF THE PERMISSIBILITY OF TAKING
RACE INTO ACCOUNT IN UNIVERSITY ADMISSIONS IN REGENTS OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA V. BAKKE, 438 U.S. 265 (1978)
1
THE COURT
HAS REJECTED THE NOTION THAT THE CONSTITUTION PROHIBITS
CONSIDERATION OF RACE.
LIKEWISE, IT HAS CONSISTENTLY HELD THAT
TITLE VII DOES NOT PROHIBIT ALL CONSIDERATION OF RACE OR SEX.
SEE UNITED STEELWORKERS OF AMERICA V. WEBER, 443 U.S. 193 (1979);
JOHNSON V. TRANSPORTATION AGENCY, 480 U.S. 616 (1986).
IN PLAIN TERMS, AND IN ACCORDANCE WITH SUPREME COURT
'\ll
··:·.:··
PRECEDENT, COURTS HAVE DEFINED LAWFUL AFFIRMATIVE ACTION AS
INCLUDING A RANGE OF ACTIVITIES, FROM RECRUITING AND SPECIAL
�.:.
10
·ouTREACH TO GOALS AND TIMETABLES.
QUOTAS --MEANING NUMERICAL
STRAIGHTJACKETS THAT DISREGARD MERIT -- ARE UNLAWFUL.
PERIOD.
BY CONTRAST, THE DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE HAS SUPPORTED AFFIRMATIVE
ACTION PLANS WHICH DO NOT COMPROMISE VALID QUALIFICATIONS, AND
WHICH ARE FLEXIBLE, REALISTIC, REVIEWABLE AND FAIR.
GENERALLY,
THIS MEANS WE HAVE DEFENDED THE LEGALITY OF AFFIRMATIVE ACTION
PLANS WHERE {1) RACE, NATIONAL ORIGIN OR GENDER IS ONE AMONG
SEVERAL FACTORS CONSIDERED, {2) RELEVANT AND VALID JOB OR
EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATIONS ARE NOT COMPROMISED, {3) NUMBERS USED,
IF ANY, ARE GENUINE GOALS RATHER THAN NUMERICAL STRAIGHTJACKETS
.•
/--:;-).
OR "QUOTAS," AND REFLECT THE RELEVANT POOL OF CANDIDATES, {4)
TIMETABLES FOR ACHIEVING THE GOALS ARE REASONABLE AND THERE IS
__
-·.,.
f'
\.
REVIEW OF THE CONTINUING VALUE OF THE PLAN AT APPROPRIATE
·"
.......... _...··
INTERVALS, AND {5) RIGHTS OF NON-BENEFICIARIES ARE RESPECTED.
THESE ARE STANDARDS WE USE IN ENFORCING THE LAW.
AND THE POLICY
OF THE CLINTON ADMINISTRATION IS TO ENFORCE THE LAW.
CONVERSELY, THE SUPREME COURT HAS BEEN CLEAR THAT MISUSES OF
AFFIRMATIVE ACTION OR PROGRAMS PARADING AS "AFFIRMATIVE ACTION"
WILL NOT PASS LEGAL MUSTER. SUCH MISUSES CAN OCCUR WHEN:
{1)
AN
UNQUALIFIED PERSON RECEIVES A BENEFIT OVER A QUALIFIED ONE; {2)
NUMERIC GOALS ARE SO STRICT THAT THE PLAN LACKS REASONABLE
FLEXIBILITY; {3)
THE NUMERICAL GOALS BEAR NO RELATIONSHIP TO THE
AVAILABLE POOL OF QUALIFIED CANDIDATES AND THEREFORE CAN EASILY
BECOME QUOTAS; {4)
THE PLAN IS OF INDETERMINATE LENGTH, SUCH
THAT IT OUTLASTS ACHIEVEMENT OF ITS GOALS; OR {5) "INNOCENT
·::~~·
BYSTANDERS" ARE IMPERMISSIBLY BURDENED.
THAT ALSO FAIRLY
�11
SUMMARIZES THE LAW.
AND THE POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES IS TO
ENFORCE THAT LAW AS WELL.
CONCLUSION
AS YOU CAN SEE, THE COURTS HAVE SUPPORTED LEGITIMATE USES OF
AFFIRMATIVE ACTION PROGRAMS AS ONE MECHANISM TO PROMOTE
OPPORTUNITIES FOR HITHERTO EXCLUDED AMERICANS WITHOUT
UNNECESSARILY LIMITING THE OPPORTUNITIES OF OTHERS.
AS A LAW
ENFORCEMENT INSTITUTION, THE JUSTICE DEPARTMENT HAS CONSIDERED
AFFIRMATIVE ACTION -- DONE THE RIGHT WAY -- AS ONE AMONG A RANGE
OF REMEDIES AVAILABLE TO ADDRESS ILLEGAL DISCRIMINATION.
WE HAVE
USED THIS REMEDY NOT AS AN END IN ITSELF BUT RATHER AS BUT ONE
POSSIBLE, PRACTICAL TOOL TO ADDRESS THE PROBLEM IN A GIVEN CASE.
;~~:\
EVERY ADMINISTRATION SINCE THE 1960'S HAS USED THE SAME TOOLS,
OFTEN WITH THE BIPARTISAN SUPPORT OF CONGRESS AS WELL AS OF
PRIVATE INDUSTRY AND COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES.
SO, IN OUR VIEW AS LAW ENFORCEMENT OFFICERS, AFFIRMATIVE
ACTION IS NOT ALWAYS RIGHT.
BUT NEITHER IS IT ALWAYS WRONG.
RATHER, IT IS A TOOL THAT MUST BE MATCHED TO THE JOB THAT IT IS
DESIGNED TO DO.
THAT MATCHING MUST BE UNDERTAKEN WITH CAREFUL
CONSIDERATION OF EACH SITUATION, BUT WHEN DONE RIGHT IT CAN WORK
AS A PRACTICAL SOLUTION FOR THE PROBLEM ADDRESSED IN A PARTICULAR
CASE.
WE ENFORCE THE LAW ON AFFIRMATIVE ACTION AND THE RULES
THAT EFFECTIVELY INSIST ON MERIT, FLEXIBILITY AND EVENHANDEDNESS
WITHOUT THE HYPE, WITHOUT THE MYTH AND WITHOUT THE APOLOGY.
SO LET US NOT BE SO CAUGHT UP IN THE PASSION AND RHETORIC
.~:.~::~
····-'
SWIRLING AROUND THE ISSUE OF AFFIRMATIVE ACTION THAT WE LOSE
�/··
'
'
.
.
. . ..
12
.
SIGHT OF THE WORK REMAINING TO FULLY INTEGRATE THIS REMARKABLE
SOCIETY.
IT IS THE RESPONSIBILITY OF EACH OF US TO WORK TOWARD
LOWERING THE BARRIERS THAT CONTINUE TO DEPRIVE OUR NATION OF THE
TALENTS AND CONTRIBUTIONS OF SO MANY WOMEN AND MINORITIES.
EVERY
AMERICAN MUST BE GIVEN THE CHANCE -- AS I HAVE BEEN -- TO
CONTRIBUTE AND ADVANCE IN THIS GREAT NATION.
I HOPE WE WILL CONTINUE TO MOVE TOWARDS A NATION THAT
VALUES THE CONTRIBUTIONS OF ALL OF ITS PEOPLE.
THAT CONCLUDES MY STATEMENT.
ANY QUESTIONS THAT YOU MIGHT HAVE .
•
.
~
.~
I WILL BE PLEASED TO ANSWER
�"J'
!~
'
.
.
:~I
I
I
�Department of Justice
REMARKS BY
DEVAL L. PATRICK
ASSISTANT ATTORNEY GENERAL
CIVIL RIGHTS DIVISION
UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE
AT THE
ALCHON MEMORIAL FORUM
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO
MAY 9 1 1995
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
�/
•
YOU HONOR ME BY INVITING ME TO JOIN YOU TODAY.
I FEEL LIKE
'
f\ .
.
. '
I'VE COME A LONG WAY TO BE HERE, IN SO MANY WAYS.
I ARRIVED AT
MILTON ACADEMY ON A WARM SEPTEMBER EVENING IN 1970, THE NIGHT
BEFORE CLASSES BEGAN.
I HAD LIVED UNTIL THEN IN A SMALL
APARTMENT IN AN INNER-CITY NEIGHBORHOOD, A GHETTO FRANKLY, ON THE
SOUTH SIDE OF CHICAGO, A LIFE OF WANT, OF DEEPLY SEGREGATED AND
ILL-EQUIPPED SCHOOLS, OF GANG VIOLENCE AND LIMITED HOPE -- AND I
HAD NEVER SEEN MILTON OR ANY PLACE LIKE IT BEFORE.
WHEN I DROVE
UP THE MAIN STREET TO THE CAMPUS, I REMEMBER THINKING, OF THE
COMMON GREEN IN THE CENTER OF THE CAMPUS, THAT I HAD NEVER SEEN
SO MUCH PRIVATELY-OWNED LAWN BEFORE.
WE HAD A DRESS CODE THEN:
CLASSES.
·~
BOYS WORE JACKETS AND TIES TO
NOW, A JACKET ON THE SOUTH SIDE OF CHICAGO IS A
"WINDBREAKER. 11
SO WHEN THE CLOTHING LIST ARRIVED AT HOME,
EXPLAINING THE DRESS CODE, MY FAMILY SPLURGED ON A NEW
WINDBREAKER.
THAT FIRST DAY OF CLASSES, WHEN ALL THE OTHER BOYS
WERE DONNING THEIR BLUE BLAZERS AND TWEED COATS, THERE WAS I IN
MY WINDBREAKER.
I HAD A LOT TO LEARN INDEED.
BUT I FIGURED IT OUT -- IN TIME.
I LEARNED ABOUT THE
JACKETS, THE REP TIES, INDEED THE WHOLE LINE OF BROOKS BROTHERS
MERCHANDISE.
SCHOOLS:
BUILDINGS.
I LEARNED THAT PECULIAR TRUTH ABOUT PRIVATE
HOW THE GRADUATES NEVER DIE, THEY JUST TURN INTO
I LEARNED ABOUT MONEY, WHAT IT COULD DO, HOW IT
ENDOWED SOME PEOPLE WITH AN EXTRAORDINARY AND OFTEN UNDESERVED
SELF-IMPORTANCE.
AND I LEARNED THAT NONE OF THAT MATTERED.
2
..
~···~·--··=
··-~··=··~~-
····--=-'--'·-·-·
�\.e
I LEARNED A FEW OTHER THINGS THAT DID MATTER.
I LEARNED
ABOUT THE LONG LEGACY OF ACHIEVEMENT THAT SUCH SCHOOLS REPRESENT
AND EXPECT OF THEIR GRADUATES.
I LEARNED HOW TO MAKE FRIENDS
ACROSS DIFFERENCES, SOME MEANINGFUL BUT MOST FAR LESS SO.
AND
MOST SIGNIFICANT OF ALL, I LEARNED TO APPRECIATE A GOOD EDUCATION
AS MORE THAN ACCUMULATED INFORMATION AND PRESTIGE, BUT INSTEAD,
TO BORROW FROM ROBERT FROST, AS "LEARNING TO LISTEN TO ANYTHING,
WITHOUT LOSING YOUR TEMPER OR YOUR SELF-CONFIDENCE."
I DID NOT COME TO SOME OF THESE NOTIONS UNTIL WELL AFTER I
GRADUATED FROM MILTON, LONG AFTER I HAD FORGOTTEN WHAT MY
COMMENCEMENT SPEAKER HAD SAID OR WHAT MY PARENTS WERE ARGUING
ABOUT ON GRADUATION DAY, AND LONG AFTER THE UNEASINESS OF THOSE
EARLY DAYS IN 1970 WHEN I WAS STILL TRYING TO FIND MY WAY AROUND
THAT PLACE IN EVERY SENSE OF THE TERM.
I DIDN'T DISCOVER WHAT
REALLY MATTERS UNTIL I GOT A LITTLE PERSPECTIVE.
AND IT'S THE
IMPORTANCE OF PERSPECTIVE THAT I WANT MAINLY TO TALK ABOUT TODAY.
PERSPECTIVE IS NOT JUST DISTANCE ON YOUR SUBJECT, BUT A
DIFFERENT ANGLE, A DIFFERENT LIGHTING, A DIFFERENT WAY OF VIEWING
IT.
AND THE MORE YOU CAN VARY YOUR PERSPECTIVE -- THROUGH LIFE
EXPERIENCES AND TIME -- THE DEEPER YOUR UNDERSTANDING.
JEREMY
KNOWLES MADE THIS POINT BEAUTIFULLY IN A SPEECH NOT LONG AGO TO
THE INCOMING CLASS AT HARVARD AND RADCLIFFE COLLEGES.
REFERRING
TO A CERTAIN "HENRY MOORE SCULPTURE ON THAT TERRACE NEAR LAMONT
LIBRARY,"
DEAN KNOWLES SAID THAT "STANDING IN FRONT OF IT ON THE
PATH, OR GAZING AT IT FROM THE LIBRARY, IT LOOKS PRETTY LUMPY.
BUNCH OF MASSIVE GOLDEN SHAPES, QUITE ATTRACTIVE, BUT
3
A
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Don Baer
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Communications
Don Baer
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1994-1997
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36008" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431981" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2006-0458-F
Description
An account of the resource
Donald Baer was Assistant to the President and Director of Communications in the White House Communications Office. The records in this collection contain copies of speeches, speech drafts, talking points, letters, notes, memoranda, background material, correspondence, reports, excerpts from manuscripts and books, news articles, presidential schedules, telephone message forms, and telephone call lists.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Extent
The size or duration of the resource.
537 folders in 34 boxes
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
[Affirmative Action Speech Packet (Binder)] [2]
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
Office of Communications
Don Baer
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2006-0458-F
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 30
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2006/2006-0458-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431981" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
The material or physical carrier of the resource.
Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
1/12/2015
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
42-t-7431981-20060458F-030-004-2014
7431981