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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Katz to Baer; RE: Telephone number (partial) (I page)
11/09/1994
P6/b(6)
002. memo
Stan Greenberg to President Bill Clinton; RE: The President's Press
Conference (3 pages)
10/10/1994
PS
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Communications
DonBaer
OA/Box Number: 10139
FOLDER TITLE:
Press Conference 11/9
2006-0458-F
db1245
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Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(aXl) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(aX2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(aX3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
flnaneial information [(aX4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a dearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b{l) National security classified information [(bXI) ofthe FOIA)
C. Closed In accordance with restrictions contained In donor's deed
of gift.
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2201(3).
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b(2) Release would dlselose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(bX2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would diselose trade secrets or confidential or finaneial
Information [(bX4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose Information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would dlselose Information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would dlselose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
��Remarks of President William J. Clinton
Press Conference statement
November 9, 1994
Last night and again this morning, I had the opport~nity to
speak with some Members of the House and Senate, Democrats and
Republicans, incumbents and challengers, who won their e:ections,
and also to talk with others who didn't win the offices they
sought. But this afternoon, I want to congratulate the A~erican
people who cast their ballots and expressed their views en h~w
best to move our country forward.
When I carne to this office, the American people were a~raid
the American dream was disappearing and their public ins~it~tions
weren't changing fast enough to keep that dream alive.
:n ~he
last two years, we made a start -- cutting the deficit a~j
cutting bureaucracy, making a serious assault on cr~~e, ~~vesting
more in people so they could build good lives for t~emse:~es, and
getting the great American jobs nachine going again. We ~a~e the
start we promised two years ago.
But after a long campaign season, it is clear to me tr.~t
citizens expect much more from all of us: Our changes have~'t
gone far enough, and our changes haven't been fast enoug~.
Washington is too slow, too political, and too much in the thrall
of special interests to get the job done. With the campaig~
behind us, it is time for Washington to make the American dream
work for ordinary Americans again.
In that spirit, here are some steps I believe we must
~ake.
First, to restore people's trust in government, we ~ust make
dramatic and lasting changes in the way Washington does bus:ness
-- from how we spend the people's money to the way we finan=e
elections and write our ·laws. Serious change can only tegi~ when
we act to put our House and our Senate in order.
Next year,
Congress should begin its work with a season of reform.
Second, I ask everyone regardless of party to join ~e in
finding the vital center of public debate where the next
generation of good American ideas will be born.
In the last
Congress, bipartisan majorities found ways to reforn educat~on,
and open opportunities for family and medical leave, cor~un~ty
service, safer streets, more police and fewer guns -- all i~ the
interest of a safer, smarter and nore prosperous America.
at~;;dnomic
~e
While we have
recovery 1 'riorth:y ef i LS tid ...
are still too many p~ople working long~ hours at lower ~ages,
with uncertain medical benefits, and insufficient rewards t:
choose work over welfare. With ~ealth reform and welfare reform,
and by paying closer attention to the wages and skills c~ c~r
Horkers, •tle can make more Americans part of our economic re·:i val.
1
----------------------
�Last year, men and women of good will cros~party lines to
break down barriers to American exports in Canada and Mexico. We
fought hard for the agreement called NAFTA out of a profound
conviction that American workers and American firms had a stake
in our nation remaining engaged in the global economy and the
actions and passions of a churning world.
Now, Congress must return to ratify GATT, the world's
largest trade agreement. GATT will be the world's largest.tax
cut.
By lowering barriers to American exports abroad, we will
help build strong jobs and pave the way for an even stronger
prosperity. But a vote to delay the GATT -- as some have
threatened -- is a vote to deny American workers more jobs, lower
prices and more ~rowth.
~At a tiJ::lQ 1.rh~nL<J ~ave begun build~an i::ternational
trading system that ·.-:c:::<·:s for ordlnary Arnericar.:y Congress should
not go horne Hithout fi::-.ishing that \vork by pass:.ng GATT-~ur
prosperity depends on :~, and there can be no c~mpromise when the
national interest and ~he livelihoods of every ~merican household
are at stake.
Last night, the vcters told us to work h~rjer at working
together. To those who believe we must keep moving forward, my
message is simple:
I am going to do everything in my power to
reach out and make it possible for us to stop playing tug-of-war
and start pulling together.
But to those who ~auld use the elections to force us
backwards, make no mistake:
I will not let anyone put the
economic recovery in jeopardy by taking us back to policies that
failed America once before. There is just too much at stake for
our children and our future for me to do anything else. A lot
changed last night.
But what hasn't changed are the reasons I
was sent here and the ~ission the American people expect us to
complete.
2
�~~·~ ~·~)[
Remarks of
Pres~ent w~ J~n~
(,.__,._
Press Conference statement
November 9, 1994
,J.. . If J
{~
~.
P~~) ;}_~~~
Last night and again this morning, I spoke with Democrats
and Republicans,--4-_ncnmbeRts aRrJ aRall:eRfJei
Xo congratulate
those who won their elections, and console others who didn't win
the offices they sought or held.
I~he
new leaders of the next Congress, Senator
Dole and Congressman Gingrich, to tell them, after this hard
fought campaign, that we are ready to work together and to move
our country forward.
EJreat expectat1ons -- <:
~
change the way Washington does business and make
The American people sent us here
~
tRa*
,.eot;;;,;
x.zj tR.
~
our economy work for ordinary Americans again.
We''.have made a
start by cutting the deficit and reducing the size of the federal
workforce.
We created over 5 million jobs.
We have made a
serious beginning in the fight against crime.
And I remain
committed to completing the work we have begun.
In the course
DcV
of-twi~work,
politics as usual in Washington.
partisan conflict in Congress.
there has still been too much
There has been too much
~~c
At times, we ~eared
ready
to rely on government to solve our problems.
o
~
.
�And when we made progress, in reducing the deficit or
advancing the economic recovery, not enough people have felt more
prosperous or believed we were meeting their desire for change.
With Democrats in control of the Congress and the White
House, we were held accountable, and I accept my share of the
responsibility for the result.
When the Republican Party assumes leadership in the House
and Senate, they will also have a larger responsibility for
acting in the best interests of the American people.
I reach out
to them, and I ask them, to join me in the center of the public
debate where the next generation of good American ideas must be
born.
Democrats and Republicans have often placed matters
concerning international economics above politics, and I urge
them to do so again by passing the GATT agreement this year.
Our prosperity depends on it, and there can be no compromise when
the national interest and the livelihood of every American
household are at stake.
Last night, the voters demanded that we work harder at
working together.
2
�So I hope that what we do on GATT can pave the way for
further cooperation on welfare and health care reform, and
actions we must take to restore the people's faith in their
political institutions.
To those who believe we must keep moving forward, my message
is simple:
I will do everything in my power to reach out and
make it possible for us to stop playing tug-of-war and start
pulling together.
But to those who would use the elections to force us
backwards, make no mistake:
I will not let anyone jeopardize the
economic recovery by taking us back to policies that failed
is just too much at stake
for~
me to do anything else.
/
A
lot changed last nigh7
~ uf(w-~
Bu7 ~hang~ ~~""'-~
reasons I was sent here -- to restore the American dream and to ~
make Washington work for ordinary people again.
That is what the
American people expect from us, and they deserve nothing less.
3
...
~
~
�Throughout most of our history, politics has stopped at the
water's edge. I will do my best to reach out to the
Republicans and I expect many of them will respond in the
tradition of bipartisan foreign policy.
I look forward to working with the new Congressional
leadership to build on our progress ·
and
provide the resources necessary to secure our national
interests.
first common
year.
____)_
___________________
to pass GATT this
--
-
-
�(A joke? Georqe Foreman?]
A lot chanqed last niqht. But what hasn't chanqed is the reason
why I was sent here and what I believe the American people want
us to do.
I was elected because the American people were afraid the
American Dream was disappearinq. They had hope that toqether, we
could reverse that course with a smaller, better and less
partisan approach to qovernment. I came here to chanqe the wornout ways Washinqton had dealt with major issues for decades. And
we have made a qood start. we finally cut the deficit. We cut the
bureaucracy. We have bequn the first serious assault on crime in
a qeneration. We have begun to invest more in our people so they
can build qood lives for themselves. The results are startinq to
show in our economy. We have a five year low in unemployment, low
inflation and a business boom across America.
This is all a qood start. America ia movinq forward aqain.
But Americans are anqry because we haven't done enouqh -- and
because too often, Washinqton is still slidinq back into the old
partisan fiqhts that do not move us forward. Not eno~qh people
are feelinq our economic recovery. Too many struqqlinq Americans
still wonde~ whether they can qive their children a fair chance
at a qood life. Our families and our communities are under
enormous pressures when it comes to the v•lues that matter. our
institutions and the people sent to Washinqton to do the people's
business seem just plain paralyzed.
My job as President is to lead the way towards solvinq these
problems. As much chanqe as we have made, we have not chanqed
fast enouqh. Yesterday, the American people demanded more of us.
It is time we qot the job done.
The voters told us loud and clear that they want us to chanqe the
the way Washinqton does business. People are fed up with politics
as usual, and we have to attack the problem immediately. I want
action on a set of reforms to make our qovernment, Congress and
the entire political system work aqain. We have to do this or we
will lose faith in our ability to qovern ourselves. I believe we
can do better.
The American people have told us to stop attackinq each other and
start workinq for them. I know we can do this, because of what we
have already done. In the last Conqress, bipartisan majorities -who cared more about governing well than scorinq partisan points
-- stoo4 up for education reform, new trade laws, a national
service proqram, f~ily and medical leave, a touqh new crime bill
and many other ways to move America forward.
We have a lot of work left to do. The American people expect, and
I expect, Republicans and Democrats to come back and work with me
�to reform welfare, to find solutions to our health care problems
and to finish the job of cutting government and making it work
the way it ought to for our citizens.
So my message to those who believe we must keep moving forward is
simple: I am ready to go to work with you. I am going to do
everything in my power to reach out and make it possible for us
to stop playing political tug-of-war and start pulling toqether.
But my message to anyone who wants to use the elections to force
us backwards is also simple: You do not have a new license to
obstruct. And I will not let anyone get away with putting the
economic recovery in jeopardy by taking us back to policies that
have already f~iled America once. It may seem unpopular, but
protecting this recovery is the right thing to do. There is just
too much at stake for our children and our future for me to do
anything else.
We are already facing our first test. Congress must come back in
two weeks [ck] to ratify GATT, the world's largest trade
agreement. Last year, we worked across party lines to pass NAFTA.
Now we have to do it again with the GATT -- which will help build
strong expQrt jobs and pave the way for a stronger prosperity.
American workers and American firms need us to continue to lead
the global economy.
GATT gives both parties an immediate chance to show we are
serious about the message of the elections. It is a chance to
show we can put our optimism ahead of our doubts. This country
has begun to go forward. We must allow no one -- no matter what
party they represent -- to take us back again.
�I'm disappointed in the results. I think we have accomplished a
lot. (accomplishments) And I think more could have been
accomplished.
I'm President of all the people. Work with this Congress.
Challenge the congress to do what's best for the people and our
country and not to continue on the path of partisan bickering
that has so alienated the public from Washington.
I know what we can do, because we have made real progress. Tell
it. And we've made special progress when we have worked toqether.
Challenge to do what's best for the people of this country. For
political reform. To continue on the course of economy. Not to
enact irresponsible legislation that would put the recovery in
jeopardy. We cannot do anything that is going to explode the
deficit and put our recovery in jeopardy.
(get past the brain-dead politics of left and right and do what's
in best interest of country. )
overall, to reach out across party lines.
That's the message the people have sent. They are tired of the
bickering. It is tearing the country apart and doing nothing to
help the middle class find its way. They want people who are
trying to help them deal with all the pressure and help them make
good lives for themselves and have a hope of passing those on
their children.
And call on the public: Understand your f~stration. But I'm
calling on you too to put aside the interests of the moment. And
think, as I know you do, about the kind of world we want to leave
for our children. About the how we can all best work together to
create more opportunity, to make our streets safe, to give people
hope again in their children's future and the future of our
country. I believe we can do this together. But it is going to
take all of us pulling toqether.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
Katz to Baer; RE: Telephone number (partial) (1 page)
11/09/1994
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Communications
DonBaer
OA/Box Number:
10139
FOLDER TITLE:
Press Conference 11/9
2006-0458-F
dbl245
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act • (44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act· (5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified Information ((b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted Invasion of
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purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(S) Release would disclose Information concerning the regulation of
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b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
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National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA)
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Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
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P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
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C. Closed In accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
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PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�11/08/1994
21:24
PAGE
SOUND BITE INSTITUTE
212-799-6023
Memo to Don Baer
From: Mark I<atz
Subj: Material for POTUS press conference
Date: November 9, 1994
Here are a few lines to consider. Please fax talking points so I
Thanks.
·
~
new phone#[___
(b)(6)
·-···-J (oo
can write more.
f1 ••
The other night, the experts were writing off George Foreman halfway into
the fight.
Rabin and Arafat called this morning and offered to broker a peace
agreement.
·
That's the problem with a mandate for Change. It rarely remains the Bame.
I don't think I'll have any problem working with the new Republican
member of Congress. After all, they think I'm the guy who got them elected.
The Contract with America is underway. This morning, Bob Dole called the
White House collecl.
I will have to alter my govemingstyle accordingly. For the next two y(!ars. I
may be more of a Newt Democrat.
I think the political climate has already improved measurable. I have.•l't seen
one of those nasty political attack ads on television all day.
The Truman Presidency is a useful model but I have no plans to go nuclear
on my opponents.
###
Clinton Library Photocopy
02
�PAGE 01
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KEIIO:
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
October 20, 1994
MEMORANDUM FOR 472 GROUP
WALDMAN~~~
FROM:
MICHAEL
SUBJECT:
PAST PRESIDENTS AT MID-TERM
President Clinton at mid-term is hardly the first chief executive to be faced
with electoral losses, a hostile Congress, and low approval ratings. In several
notable recerit instances (Truman, Nixon, Reagan), Presidents who were on the
ropes at mid-term time came back to win reelection victories. (Conversely, others,
most appropriately Jimmy Carter, faced the same situation but failed to rally.)
The purpose of this memorandum is to sketch out how the successful
Presidents responded to their situations-- using the inherent powers of the office
to seize the initiative, remake the political context, and redirect the debate.
L HARRY TRUMAN
Situation at mid-term
The 1946 elections were an unmitigated disaster for the Democrats.
Running on the slogan "Had Enough?," the GOP wrested control of the House and
the Senate for the first time since 1930.
As Bill Galston's memo pointed out, Truman was reviled and regarded as a
lame-duck. Senator Fulbright proposed that he appoint a Republican as Secretary
of State and then resign, completing the sweep.
Truman won reelection with a three-part strategy. First, he moved
aggressively to craft a bipartisan foreign policy. Second, he reunited the Roosevelt
base (big city northern Democrats, western agricultural interests, and southern
conservatives) by drawing contrasts with the GOP. Finally, he chose his enemies
--running against a conservative Congress rather than the inoffensive Dewey.
Foreign policy-- 1947 was largely devoted to foreign policy, conducted in a
distinctly bipartisan manner. By the end of the year, Truman had neutralized a
�major source of worry for him. First, the day after the State of the Union he fired
the Secretary of State and replaced him with General George Marshall. With this
single stroke, he changed the "story line" of his foreign policy. (For example, the
proposal to aid Europe was named after the much-lionized former general, not the
controversial president.) Second, he pulled Republican leaders into the process of
developing foreign policy. Flattery, access, and a sense of duty persuaded Taft
and Vandenberg to unite on support for the Marshall Plan, NATO, etc.
Relations with Congress .. Truman's new strategy was spelled out in a
memo written by Clark Clifford and James Rowe, Jr. They wrote:
"The Administration should select the issues upon which there will be
conflict with the majority in Congress. It can assume it will get no major
part of its own program approved. Its tactics must, therefor, be entirely
different than if there were any real point to bargaining and compromise.
Its recommendations-- in the State of the Union Message and elsewhere-must be tailored for the voter, not the Congressman; they must display a
label which reads 'no compromises."'
Unilateral executive action-· In several cases, where GOP action was
inevitable, Truman acted unilaterally to defuse the issue. As Bill Galston points
out, that political logic underlay the loyalty program. Similarly, Truman
unilaterally revoked price controls }?y executive order to forestall inevitable GOP
action.
Strategic use of the veto .. Truman vetoed high-profile legislation, and made
a dramatic show of it when he did so. In addition to Taft-Hartley, which was
overturned, he twice vetoed tax cut legislation, which was then upheld by narrow
margins. He was able to use the veto as a means to shore up his base (i.e., labor),
without having to rely on a legislative majority.
Full legislative agenda -- As sketched out in the Clark Clifford memo, in
both 1947 and 1948 Truman put before Congress a full domestic legislative
agenda, with the expectation that none of it would pass. For example, he
proposed an anti-inflation measure, which allowed him to blame Congress for
inflation when the legislation failed to pass.
1948 .. Running Against Congress -- In election-year 1948, Truman pivoted
to a domestic focus and a direct contrast with Congress. It is well-remembered
that Truman ran against the "do nothing" Congress. Just as important was the
dramatic way in which he unveiled that theme -- using his convention acceptance
speech to call Congress back into session for two weeks beginning July 27 ("Turnip
Day").
2
�n. RICHARD M. NIXON
Situation at mid-term
Nixon perceived himself surrounded by enemies, and he was right. A
Democratic Congress had repeatedly challenged Nixon (failing. to pass his domestic
programs, rejecting his nominees, threatening to cut off funds for the. war).
Already a minority in both chambers prior to the 1970 midterm election, the
Republicans were anxious to increase their numbers. But the 1970 mid-term
election turned on Nixon's divisive campaigning, which resurfaced the character
issues that had been buried by the "New Nixon" of the 1968 campaign. Nixon was
seen as acting "non-presidential," provoking confrontations with demonstrators
and denouncing them as "thugs." His contentious televised election-eve speech
contrasted poorly with Sen. Edmund Muskie's calm address for the Democrats.
The Republicans lost 11 seats in the House, gained of 2 in Senate, but lost
11 state legislatures anc,l several statehouses. The results were considered a
defeat for Nixon, since his party started as a minority. Having won election in a 3
way race, Nixon's approval rating stood at 49% -- below 50% for the first time-· in
November, 1970. By May of 1971, Muskie was beating Nixon in the Gallup polls
47-39.
Respaose
Nixon's 1971-2 reelection drive was brilliant and obsessive.· Unlike Truman,
whose central task wa·s to reassemble the Roosevelt coalition, Nixon had to coopt
the Wallace vote, reclaim the mantle of "the Presidency," and make inroads on
Democratic constituencies. He jerry-rigged economic policy to produce prosperity
for middle class voters, dominated the stage by surprise and unilateral foreign
policy moves, and engineered a reelection victory that would have occurred
without any dirty tricks.
Using the majesty of the Presidency .. The "Reelect the President" theme of
the reelection campaign was a calculated tum from the "non presidential" persona
that Nixon had developed. "Looking to the future," speechwriter Raymond Price ·
memoed the President a week after the mid-term, "my recommendations would all
center on developing and maintaining a climate of confidence in the Presidency as
an institution, and in RN as President. We can go seriously astray if we think too
much of 'issues' and not enough about the Presidency itself-- its aura, its
mystique, the almost religious way in which Americans respond to it." Beginning
shortly after the 1970 election, Agnew was reined in, CREEP was established to
move the locus of political activity out of the White House, Nixon stopped baiting
demonstrators, and the focus moved to high-concept foreign policy.
3
�,-
The Economy ~- The weak economy was perceived to be the principal source
of his unpopularity at mid-term. Nixon acted decisively on the economy, within
weeks of the election, almost exclusively using the non-legislative tools available to
him.
··First, a month after the election, he removed his Treasury Secretary,
David Kennedy, and replaced him with John Connally, the Democratic
former governor of Texas.
··Also in December of 1970, he reversed fiscal course and announced plans
to submit a budget with a large deficit. (This was when he told reporters
that he was now a Keynesian.)
··In 1971, he imposed wage-price controls and sought authority to extend
them.
·· He took the U.S. off the $35-an-ounce gold standard.
·· Finally, his appointee to the Federal Reserve, Arthur Burns, was
perceived to have lowered interest rates in a fashion timed to help Nixon's
reelection plan.
These very policies stoked the inflation that later dogged Ford and Carter, but
they were perfectly calibrated to result in accelerating·economy in 1972.
Foreign policy -- The hallmark of Nixon's presidency came during the latter
two years of his first term:
•• the trip to C~a
•· the trip to Russia
··the SALT treaty
What is significant about these is the degree of tactical surprise with which
he was able to launch these initiatives. These moves were made without a roll-out
effort to build support in Congress; the result was enhanced popularity for Nixon
personally, without building lasting support for the policies themselves (e.g.,
detente). In addition, Nixon's pledge to end the war'-- which was unfulfilled at
mid-term-- was much closer to fulfiUment in 1972.
Social policy ;.. Nixon put forward an ambitious social policy agenda in the
second two years of his term, as he had in the first two years, but none of it
passed Congress: family assistance plan/welfare reform, health care reform,
revenue sharing. Again, as with Truman, the agenda was put out for show and
for contrast, not for anticipated results. The 1971 State of the Union address
focused on a surprise government reorganization proposal, which never passed.
On race, early mixed signals (which included the firing of HEW enforcement
chief Panetta) gave way to a more focused rhetorical opposition to busing. (The
4
�administration enforced the Supreme Court's busing order, but called for a
moratorium on court-ordered busing until July, 1973, or whenever Congress
limited it.)
Defining the opposition -- Finally, the Nixon administration's efforts to
marginalize the Democrats as extremists ("amnesty, acid and abortion") WP"t"e
central to the reelection. This went beyond Watergate/dirty tricks and other
assorted high crimes and misdemeanors; a White House attack group, surrogates,
newly created organizations, and Democrats for Nixon all hammered at this
theme.
III. RONALD REAGAN
Situation at mid-tenn
After dominating the agenda and Congress in the first months of his first
year, Reagan ran out of luck. Congress ignored his 1982 budget request, and ··
led by the Senate GOP ·· reversed some of the supply-side tax cuts. The recession
was deep, with unemployment at 11 percent at year's end. And the deficit was
·reaching historic highs. The Democrats won 26 seats in the midterm. A frenetic
lame-duck session followed the _election, and Reagan accepted a jobs bill he
opposed for fear of having his veto overturned. At the beginning of the new year,
his popularity stood at 41%, with only 35% believing he made his own decisions.
At the same time, Reagan had one advantage over Truman, Nixon and
Clinton at mid-term: he had a distinct political identity and was regarded as a
person of unshakable views.
The economy -- In fairness, the main reason that Reagan rebounded was the
economy. The surge began early in 1982, and by late 1984 the economy was
growing at an annualized rate of 8%.
Defusing partisan controversies -- On some sharply partisan issues, Reagan
made use of blue ribbon commissions. The Moynihan panel that reformed Social
Security, which made its proposals in late 1982, saved the GOP from its most
damaging economic issue. Another bruising fight loomed over deployment of the
MX; the administration seized on a suggestion by Henry Jackson to appoint a
bipartisan panel. The resulting compromise was enacted into law in 1984.
Addressing Reagan's image problems -- At mid-point, Reagan was regarded
as out-of-touch, more attentive to the concerns of .the board room than the
5
�shopfloor. On the day after his 1983 State of the Union, Reagan travelled to Tip
O'Neill's district in Boston, where he visited a high-tech plant and a saloon.
Foreign policy-- Foreign policy had been pushed to the background during
the first years of the Reagan presidency •· Secretary of State Haig, for example,
was muzzled on Nicaragua, so as not to distract from the budget tight. Now,
foreign policy took center stage.
·• invasion of Grenada (which followed the deaths of Marines in Beirut)
·· proposal of Star Wars in an Oval Office speech
·· START talks
·· proposal to put missiles in Western Europe
··funding Contras
No further efforts at serious domestic legislation -- In contrast to the major
changes enacted in Reagan's first year, 1983 and 1984 saw no serious attempt to
propose new domestic policies. The administration largely held back, hoping that
Congress would do little damage to the course it'had set in 1981. (Congressional
inaction would continue the status quo, by default, through continuing resolutions,
etc.) The administration even proposed domestic policies that were, in effect,
placebos. For example, the New Federalism was offered in 1982 to divert attention
from the deficit, rather than with any expectation that it would pass.
Ceremonial use of the Presidency -- The grand ceremonial moments of the
Reagan Presidency (i.e., the D-Day speeches, European Parliament, the 1984
Olympics) came after the 1982 midterm .
. IV. COMMON THREADS
What patterns emerge from the ex·periences of these disparate Presidents?
Follow the First Rule of Holes: When You're In One. Stop Digging-- Most
significantly, Truman and Nixon (less so Reagan) ma4e significant changes in
their political posture, personnel, style and focus following their midterm losses.
Foreign policy -- Each of them changed the subject from difficult domestic
issues to foreign policy, where Presidents have a greater ability to maneuver and
act, and where the chances for genuine bipartisanship are greater.
Surnrise -- The most difficult thing for a President after a tough midterm is
retaining momentum and the ability to dominate the agenda. Because these
Presidents did not have the option of working with a cooperative Congress, there
was less need to negotiate out an agenda. Jimmy Carter, not otherwise dealt with
in this memo, excelled at using surprise to retake center stage ·· cancelling his
6
I
I
I
I
j _ _ _ _ _ __
�schedule and retreating to Camp David before the "malaise" crisis, cancelling his
political appearances during the hostage crisis.·
Govern against Congress -- Each of these Presidents were forced to use
Congress as a foil rather than as a partner, with the exception of foreign policy.
Return to a "campaign mode" of notional policy-- Because there was little
chance of passing significant domestic legislation, these Presidents were
emboldened to propose more dramatic reforms than would otherwise have been·
the case.
Careful use of bipartisanship --. Each of these Presidents sought
bipartisanship in critical but limited instances: Truman on foreign policy; Nixon,
through the appointment of Connally, on economic policy; Reagan, by appointing
commissions to finesse difficult policy decisions.
Use of the Presidency-- Reagan and Nixon used the aura of the Presidency
to make up for perceived gaps in their character or leadership. Truman held off
partisan criticism by starchily upholding the foreign policy prerogatives of the
office. (At a critical moment, however, he shed the formality of the office for his
1948 campaign ·• partly out of necessity, partly to draw a contrast with the
preturnaturally formal Dewey.)
Aggressively define the opposition -- All of these Presidents consciously and
systematically set out to define their opponents as elitists or extreme (or both).
Nixon, in particular, organized the administration's political efforts so as to
·undercut the opposition, using research, surrogates, tips to journalists, etc. Part
of our planning effort must include a sense of what type of opposition we most
want to run against, and to exacerbate splits among the Republicans.
Ask the question you want to answer .. Presidents are judged by the
questions they ask, the goals they set, for their tenure. When a president is in a
mid-term trough, it is often because challenges set forth during a presidential
campaign are either unmet, or no longer match the country's mood or reality. To
a limited but real extent, Presidents have the ability to change the set of criteria
by which they are judged. We need to consciously figure out what the standards
are that we want to be judged by in the next two years.
7
�APPENDIX
A.
Post Election Statements
Truman: "I accept the verdict, now lets work
together ... "
Nixon: "We didn't lose ... "
Reagan:
"Huh?"
B.
Nixon's Plan
c.
Polls
�•
DRAFT Q'S AND A'S FOR NOVEMBER 9 PRESS CONFERENCE
1.
Weren't the results of this election a repudiation of the
agenda you have pursued in the Congress?
A.
No, I believe this was primarily a referendum on Washington
as a whole. This was a rejection of politics as usual. In
1992, the American people demanded change. They are still
demanding change. Clearly, they do not believe we have
delivered enough of it, and they do not believe we have
brought change quickly enough.
America wins when Democrats and Republicans work together.
The record of the last two years proves that. Outside of
the economic plan, most of our accomplishments came when we
were able to work together. It's my hope that, with the
election over, we can put aside our partisanship and begin
the hard work to accomplish the changes and the progress
that the public is demanding of all of us -- Democrats and
Republicans alike.
2.
You were unable to pass a number of significant
Administration initiatives in 1994 when you had 56 Democrats
in the Senate and a 40-seat majority in the House. If your
agenda was too liberal for the last Congress, isn't it going
to be impossible to get through a Congress which is
demonstrably more conservative?
A.
The agenda I have followed is not a liberal agenda; it is
not a conservative agenda. It does not follow any rigid
ideological lines. It's an agenda for moving America
forward. We have cut the deficit, Federal spending, and the
size of government. We have passed anti-crime legislation
that continued tough enforcement provisions and put 100,000
more police on our streets. Trade is not liberal or
conservative. Education and training are not liberal or
conservative. Fighting crime is not liberal or
conservative. We need to get away from these artificial
categorizations of what's liberal and what's conservative.
My Administration is not going to move left or right. It's
going to keep moving forward.
3.
Was your strategy too partisan in the last Congress, and
what do you intend to do to reduce partisanship in the new
Congress?
A.
I was disappointed in the last few months of the Congress
that serious bipartisan efforts to solve problems were too
often overwhelmed by partisan political considerations. If
that continues in the new Congress, we will all be hurt -Democrats and Republicans alike -- but the biggest losers
will be the American people. They are demanding that we
work together, and we must.
�We have done that successfully on many occasions, from
education to national service, from family leave to NAFTA.
I think that proves that we can do so in the future.
The first opportunity we all have to demonstrate that we can
work together in the new Congress is the enactment of the
GATT legislation. GATT represents progress for this country
-- it means more jobs, more high-paying jobs, now and in the
future. Congress has already committed to return later this
month and vote on GATT. I call on Democrats and Republicans
alike to join together to pass this initiative that is so
important to our economic future.
4.
How do you intend to proceed with health care reform?
A.
I am still committed to the principles that have always
motivated our efforts on health care. We have to get health
care costs under control, and I believe it is a moral and
economic imperative that every American enjoy the security
of health insurance.
We are now considering how best to achieve these goals, and
I want to work with Congressional leaders on both sides of
the aisle to develop proposals to address these problems.
There are no easy answers here.
But let me make it clear
that while the specifics of these reforms are open to
rethinking, the changes must be real. The problems are
getting worse, not better. The number of Americans without
health insurance is going up, not going down. Health care
costs continue to go up, not down. And they continue to
threaten the economic progress we have worked so hard to
achieve.
5.
Do you intend to change your welfare reform proposal, given
the election of a more conservative Congress?
A.
Our welfare reform proposal addresses the goals I think most
Americans share for welfare reform. It requires people to
work; it cuts waste and fraud from the system; it makes
parents take responsibility for the support of their
children; and it makes a start at combating the problem of
teen pregnancy. These are the tenets that guided my welfare
reform proposal, and they will continue to guide this
Administration as we work to enact welfare reform.
I don't think this is an issue that we should simply posture
on. It's one that requires real, practical solutions, and
that means difficult choices. That's the test of
leadership, and I intend to continue to fight for true
welfare reform.
6.
The Kerrey-Danforth Commission is scheduled to make its
recommendations for entitlement reforms next month. You
�have said you don't favor cuts in Social Security or
Medicare to reduce the deficit. How do you intend to keep
the deficit from rising in the future if you have taken the
biggest programs in the budget off the table?
A.
As you know, when we entered office, the deficit was headed
for $300 billion and more. We took a deficit that was
headed upward and, by cutting $700 billion from the deficit,
are achieving three consecutive years of deficit reduction
for the first time in 45 years. To do that, we cut more
than 300 programs, cut spending by $255 billion, and we are
reducing Federal personnel by 272,000, so that it will be
smaller than it has been any time since the Kennedy
Administration.
We have begun to put our fiscal house in order, and we are
going to continue on that path. As I have always said, and
as everyone is well aware, we cannot hope to keep the
deficit on a downward path unless we confront rising health
care costs. That must be a priority of any health care
reform legislation that we enact. I also look forward to
seeing the recommendations of the Kerrey Commission.
I will tell you what we are not going to do. We are not
going to jeopardize the deficit reduction we have already
achieved by going for short-term political fixes.
7.
Are you going to fulfill your promise of a middle-class tax
cut?
A.
As you know, we have already cut income taxes for 15 million
moderate-income working families. I have said consistently
that this is only a start. I continue to hope to be able to
provide tax relief for all hard-pressed middle-income
families.
8.
Congressional Democrats suffered huge losses in the South
and the West, and in the latter weeks of the campaign, your
political advisors kept you almost entirely out of those two
areas of the country. Can you be reelected without support
in the South and West?
A.
People in the South and the West care about the same things
as people int he Midwest and the East. Sometimes we create
artificial divisions among our people. But the fact is that
·all Americans, regardless of region, regardless of race,
regardless of economic position, care about the same things.
They care about the education and safety of their families;
they care about their own economic security; and they care
about securing a better future for their children and their
country. I intend to continue to make these the top
priorities for my Administration, and I am comfortable
taking this message to every area of the country.
�9.
Many of the moderate southern Democrats who joined you in
founding the Democratic Leadership Council were soundly
rejected by the voters in their states. You have been
criticized by these candidates and others for deserting the
moderate wing of your party, and some attribute their
defeats to the liberal agenda you followed during your first
two years in office. How do you react to these criticisms?
A.
The agenda I have followed is not a liberal agenda; it is
not a conservative agenda. It does not follow any rigid
ideological lines. It's an agenda for moving America
forward. We have cut the deficit, Federal spending, and the
size of government. We have passed anti-crime legislation
that continued tough enforcement provisions and put 100,000
more police on our streets. Trade is not liberal or
conservative. Education and training are not liberal or
conservative. Fighting crime is not liberal or
conservative. We need to get away from these artificial
categorizations of what's liberal and what's conservative.
My Administration is not going to move left or right. It's
going to keep moving forward.
10.
Many leading Democrats have attributed the historic losses
suffered by your party in this election to your personal
unpopularity. Do you agree? And· what do you intend to do
about it?
A.
This election was a referendum on Washington and the way
government and politics has been practiced here for far too
long. We have made some progress in bringing change to the
way Washington addresses America's problems. But clearly we
have not brought change quickly enough .. Americans expect
more from all of us -- from Democrats, Republicans, the
President, the Congress, and everybody else who works in
Washington. And they deserve it. We who hold the public
trust have got to deliver the change they are asking for.
11.
You have had a rocky relationship with Senator Dole over the
past two years. He has disagreed with you on nearly every
major domestic initiative you have sent to Congress. How do
you expect to accomplish any of your domestic agenda with
him as Senate Majority Leader?
A.
While Senator Dole and I have disagreed on much, we have
also agreed on some things. I believe we can work together
for the good of the American people. I hope the first thing
we can do together is to pass GATT, which he and I both
support, when Congress returns later this month.
12.
Senator D'Amato is likely to be the Chairman of the Banking
Committee in the Senate next year. He has said that he is
likely to use his new position to investigate more fully the
Whitewater affair. Would you be willing to cooperate fully
with the Congress, including appearing before the Committee?
�A.
As we have in the past, we will cooperate fully with the
Congress.
(If there's a follow-up on appearing before Congress)
There has been no such request, and I'm not going to comment
on hypothetical questions. Let me reiterate that I expect
everybody in my Administration to cooperate fully.
13.
With Republicans controlling a working majority in the
Congress, will you be adding Republicans to your
Administration?
A.
Yes, I believe the Administration should seek the best
people from both parties. That's entirely appropriate, and
I've included Republicans already, such as David Gergen. I
expect this to occur in the future as well.
14.
In view of the election results, are you going to shake up
your Cabinet and the White House staff as other Presidents
have done in similar circumstances?
A.
I think the people in this Administration have worked hard
and served with distinction. But this is not the time or
the place to discuss such matters.
15.
Who will you be naming to head the Democratic National
Committee to replace David Wilhelm?
A.
I think David Wilhelm has done an excellent job under
difficult circumstances at the DNC. In the coming weeks, I
will nominate his replacement. Now more than ever we need a
strong Democratic Party that represents the interests of
average Americans. I will be looking for a strong voice to
make that case.
16.
Yesterday, voters in eight states endorsed term limits for
Members of Congress. That brings to 23 the number of states
that have endorsed term limits for Congress. This idea has
been approved every time it has been put before the voters.
Yet your Administration plans to argue before the Supreme
Court that term limits are unconstitutional. Are you
prepared to endorse term limits for Members of Congress?
A.
As you know, while I sympathize with the frustrations that
cause people to support term limits, I don't think term
limits are the answer to the problems in our political
system. I believe other reforms such as campaign finance
reform and reducing the influence of lobbyists would have
far greater impact on the way Washington works. The fact
is, the voters have an opportunity every two years to limit
the terms of their Members of Congress, and they have
exercised it. (Use best statistic on the next Congress.)
�((But the people have spoken with a clear voice on this
issue, and I'm not going to stand in their way. But let's
make two things clear. First, it should be done legally -by Constitutional amendment that lets each state make its
own decision. Second, if it's going to be done, it has to
be real. The Republican proposal for term limits would
grandfather in all current Members of Congress for 12 years.
If they're serious about this, it will take effect
immediately and apply immediately to current Members.))
17.
A factor in the defeat of a number of candidates was their
support for the Brady bill and the ban on assault weapons.
Does this spell defeat for future effort to control guns?
A.
Let me be clear. I will fight any attempt to water down
either the Brady bill or the ban on assault weapons. It
would represent a betrayal to our law enforcement officers,
and it would represent the worst kind of politics -catering to a special interest that puts its own ideological
agenda ahead of the nation's interests.
18.
Some have said that your Administration has had difficulty
in prioritizing your legislative program. Do you intend to
provide a better focus in the new Congress in your
legislative program?
A.
When I was elected to this office two years ago, the
American people were demanding change. There were vital
national issues involving the security and the future of
working families throughout this country that had been
neglected for twelve years. We took on those problems. We
didn't just pay lip service to them, we acted. And we took
important and credible steps in addressing them, from
reducing the deficit and fighting crime to reforming
education, making student loans available to more middle
class families, and opening world markets for American
products. And the results have been a steadily growing
economy with low inflation, more than 5 million new jobs,
and important investments in the American people that will
pay off in the long run for working people and their
children.
In this election, I don't think the American people were
asking us not to continue to change. They don't want us to
slow down on the fight against crime, they don't want us to
stop opening markets for American exports, they don't want
us to stop striving to bring prosperity to all Americans,
and they don't want us to stop reforming government and the
way Washington works.
So we will focus in this next Congress on the problems that
most concern working families: we will continue to work for
responsible budgets in government and economic prosperity
for the American people; we will continue our efforts to
�But if what you are suggesting is that the Republican agenda
is their Contract, then my answer is emphatically no. This
election was about moving the country forward. I do not
intend to jeopardize the steady progress we have made on the
deficit and the economy with policies that offer a trillion
dollars in unfunded promises.
But if Republicans are prepared to work with me and with
Democrats in Congress to maintain fiscal integrity and
reform the way government works, then there is a lot we can
accomplish together.
22.
Most of your party's Senate and gubernatorial candidates
asked you not to campaign with them, and many of those for
whom you did campaign were defeated yesterday. Aren't you
largely to blame for your party's losses?
A.
Let's face it; we had a bad day yesterday. There were some
notable exceptions, but I am not pleased with the results.
However, the message from the voters was a signal to both
parties that they are not satisfied with the amount of
change and the pace of change. We must continue to fight
for the needs of middle class Americans and make their
government representative of their interests.
23.
Congress is reconvening at the end of the month to vote on
what you have described as the most important trade
legislation in a generation. Why in the weeks .leading up to
this vote are you spending your time overseas or out of
Washington?
A.
Since the start of my Administration I said that I was going
to have a hands on approach to advancing America's economic
interests around the world. My trip to the APEC is part of
that strategy, as is the Conference of the Americas in Miami
in December, as is the GATT agreement. All three are aimed
at increasing markets abroad for American products and
creating jobs here at home. And this will continue to be
one of the top priorities of my Administration.
24.
A number of current Democratic members of the House and
Senate are going to be unemployed come January 3rd. Do you
plan to give any of them jobs in your Administration?
A.
I don't think this is the time or place to discuss personnel
·issues. A number of these individuals are very talented and
qualified to hold important jobs, and I wish them well. But
now is not the time to talk about personnel matters.
25.
A number of senior Democrats in the House were defeated (the
Speaker, Rostenkowski, Brooks, Neal Smith, Gibbons). These
members were closely identified with you and with your
agenda in the Congress. Until this year, these members
�faced little difficulty in getting reelected.
defeat more of a comment on you than on them?
Isn't their
A.
These men have had distinguished careers in public service,
and no single election can take away from that. They have
years of accomplishments on behalf of their constituents and
the country of which they can be extremely proud, and they
are all going to be missed.
26.
How do you intend to respond to the approval of Proposition
187 in California. Will you cut off Federal aid to
education in California?
A.
First, I intend to continue our efforts to combat illegal
immigration by improving enforcement at the borders and
assisting the States with the costs of illegal immigration.
I will be asking the Justice Department to examine the
issues raised by Proposition 187. Until the Attorney
General provides me with a recommendation as to further
action, I will not have any comment on that question.
27.
Are going to run for reelection in 1996?
A.
It's a little early to be talking about the 1996 election.
I'll get to the answer to that question in due time. Right
now, I think the American people deserve a little rest from
politics and a little more work on solving their problems.
That's what I'm focusing on now.
28.
Republicans turned out for yesterday's election, and
Democrats didn't. Do you have any insight into why?
A.
I don't think this election was about political party. It
was about change. I think the right to vote is one of the
most precious rights that people have in this country, and
I'm always disappointed when any American -- regardless of
party -- does not exercise that right. One of the reasons
we need to reform our political system is to restore
people's faith -- regardless of their party-- that
government is working for their interests.
�,.
DRAFT
Raaarka of President Williaa J. Clinton
Press conference Stataaent
Bovember 9, 1994
There is no way to deny that I am disappointed about the election
results.
But there is no way, either, to deny that yesterday's results
represent a serious message from the American people to all of us
in government. I was sent to this office because the American
people were afraid that the American Dream was disappearing.
People see that our public institutions aren't changing fast
enough to help them keep that dream alive. People want us to move
beyond the old fights between Left and Right and get on with
solving problems that stand between them and the lives they hope
to build for themselves and their children.
The American people believe that government doesn't spend their
money wisely. They believe that too many of their politicians
don't look for their interests. they believe that government
doesn't reprsent their values. And too often, they are right.
I was elected because people believed we could change the failed
way Washington has done business for decades. And we
~
made an
important start. We cut the deficit. We cut the size of
government to make it work better. We have started a serious
assault on crime. We have begun to fix our schools and the way we
1
�train people to meet the challenges of the global economy. Our
economy is coming back.
But we must do more, and we must do it fast. These are times of
great pressures on our workers, our families and our communities.
In the face of so much, the American people deserve an end to the
partisan hostilities. They deserve to have everyone they send to
do their business focus on one thing, and one thing only: solving
the problems that are holding them back.
In every community, every school, every workplace, we must deal
with the changes and challenges, with the great problems and the
much greater promise of the future. We must turn from the past
and embrace opportunity for ordinary Americans to build strong
families with good jobs and safe communities. And we must serve
the American people with a limited government that neither
interferes with our lives nor walks away from us, but that
challenges us to make the most of our God-given potential.
The voters have told us loud and clear they want us to work
together on all of this. I have heard the message. I am going to
do everything in my power to reach out to work with Republicans
and Democrats alike, to put an end the partisan tug-of-war and to
start pulling together across party lines for the sake of the
American people. Now that the control of the branches of
government has shifted, Republicans and Democrats must share in
2
�the responsibility to produce results for the American people. It
won't do to
We have to move soon on a number of issues. If people are qoinq
to believe we can qet anythinq done for them, we have to make
major chanqes in the way we do the people's business. People in
Washinqton have talked for a lonq time about dramatic reforms in
the flawed process of politics. We have to act now -- in this
next Conqress -- finally to put our words into deeds. It is time
for major political reforms to overhaul lobbyinq and campaiqn
finance laws and to consider seriously fundamental chanqes in the
way our democracy works. [more?]
[From here on is not completed. Outline is as follows:]
We have to find a nonpartisan way to solve problems that are
holdinq America back as we head into a new century.
Education and traininq.
Welfare reform
Incremental health care reform.
Nonpartisanship will not mean allowinq anythinq that will explode
the deficit and set back the economic recovery.
GATT
3
�,
\
I know this has been a bitter campaiqn. Now we have to put it
behind us. The voters didn't send us here to fiqht with one
another. Too much is at stake. We owe the American people and our
children better than that.
4
�~rl--~~
"otel in Los Angeles,
r;emight. The followreturned to Washing-
~itle
Act
prOVISIOnS of these
·, we all can enjoy
•pose with regard to
claims.
ved November 4, was
'), 99-598.
he
0\r
Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1986 I Nov. 5
this bill.
Second, H.R. 4961 directs the Administrator of the Federal Aviation Administration
to establish an airport liability insurance
clearinghouse and, with the Secretary of
Transportation, to prepare reports on the
increasing ~osts of general liability insurance coverage for airports and the implications of those increasing costs for airports. A ,
finaJ report would . include recommendations for actions that the Federal government might undertake to assist in ameliorating the liability insurance difficulties of
airports used by the public.
.·
Many Americans are caught by the spiraling costs of liability insurance. While I am
not unsympathetic to those who are bearing
the cost of rising insurance premiums, I be-
lieve it would be inequitable and unwise for
the Federal government to address this
issue on an industry-by-industry basis.
For these reasons, I am compelled to
withhold my approval from the bill. In so
doing, I reemphasize that the disapproval
will not disrupt the NTSB's activities in
1987 and that my Administration remains
firmly committed to ensuring safe transportation.
/S/RONALD REAGAN
The White House,
November 4, 1986.
Note: The original was not· available for
verification of the content of this memorandum.
Remarks at a White House Briefing for Senior Staff on the
·Congressional and Gubernatorial Election Results
November 5, 1986
987, 1988, and 1989
·ieral government to
industry-by-industry
problem of liability
·ns of this legislation
! bill would author:-.JTSB in 1988 and
i million, or 20 per•jections in my 1987
hese authorization
·tions by the followIlion in 1988-$25.4
llion projected and
-$27 million versus
Given our current
ize of the Federal
~ increases is unacthat the NTSB's
n 26 percent in the
ny budgets provide
! NTSB to maintain
:eover, since funds
Jropriated for the
ivities will continue
' my disapproval of
you
Well, thank
all very much. Based on brought fairly good news, though we lost
my previous experience, I ought to quit the Senate. We realized many gains in
right now. [Laughter] And I thank you, other areas. We won unprecedented victoGeorge and Don and Mitch and Haley. ries in governorships, gaining eight-resultWith the Mets coming in next week to the ed in Republican Governors serving more
White House, I sort of thought it'd be a than half the population for the United
,good idea if we got our own championship States. And additionally, against overwhelmteam together. And as I look out upon all of ing historical odds, we kept our base in the
House of Representatives virtually intact.
\'OU, I sort of thought it'd be a good ideaiwt only that, but you've served such long · The rest of the story is we came up· short on
hours and with such unstinting devotion. keeping our Republican majority in the
You who have, through your own dedica- Senate. We did so because we lost six cliff.
tion and sacrifice, made it possible for us to hangers in which our candidates each rechange our nation's history. I can't help but ceived 49 percent or more of the vote.
thinking, they're amazing. And you are Now, this _is not the outcome we sought.
amazing. So, the first order of business for But our agenda remains unchanged, and I
me is to simply-my friends-and we've look forward to its attainment.
been through enough together for a real
We traveled 25,000 miles. We worked
~l'nse of friendship to develop, haven't we?
with candidates, took our message to the
\I y friends, I thank you . .
people, and demonstrated our commitment
:"Jow, before turning to the works of the. to the major issues. I think it's worth noting
next 2 years, a word about the results of that, even in this hotly contested race, we
yesterday's election. First, my congratula- enjoyed widespread support on the issues
tions to all those who won-Governors, Sen- that we campaigned on: our economic poliators, and Representatives, Republicans and cies of low taxes and spending, judicial
Democrats-and mv condolences to those nominees who are firm with criminal
who lost. Overali, yesterday's election wrongdoers, and a strong defense, especial1517
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�Nov. 5 I Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1986
...
ly SDI. So, in a sense, our message-that
same message of limited government and a
firm foreign policy that we enunciated from·
our first day of offic~id get across and
continues to get across. So, I want to take a
moment to personally thank the many,
many people who made this effort possible.
In addition to all those in this room who
have done so much, I want to extend to all
the candidates, to all the volunteers and
staffs of the party and candidates, my heartfelt thanks. As I say, the political spectrum
continues to move in our way. All our candidates, their staffs, and volunteers can feel
heartened by this.
To all those on Capitol Hill, I look for~
ward to Congress' return. By then; the election will be behind us, and hard work and
bipartisan cooperation will be ahead. You
have my pledge to seek solutions where
problems exist_ and progress· where barriers
may arise. In a word, the challenge now
before us is simply this: to complete the
revolution that we have so well begun.
Three aims must be met: We must make
America more prosperous, more productive, and the world more peaceful.
My first aim, a more prosperous America,
involves a redoubling of our efforts to get
big government off the backs and out of the
pockets of the people themselves. The
spending restraint that we've pushed for so
unceasingly ever since 1980 must fmally be
achieved. And that means permanent structural reform of the entire budget process.
This town was kind of shaken up to discover that we were serious about the line-item
veto and the balanced budget amendment
during our first 6 years. Well, we've seen to
it that the line-item veto and the balanced
budget amendment have received serious
consideration in the Congress. And serious
opinion has already begun to shift in favor
of both these reforms. Even so, you can
take it from me: Washington ain't seen
no thin' yet. We can achieve these two reforms. So, let's go after them.
As budget reform enables government to
become more productive, we'll need to
foster still greater productivity in the private sector if America is to go on competing in the global marketplace. We'll do all
we can to keep regulation down and capital
formation up, so that high technology can
1518
flourish and make American agriculture and
traditionally-or traditional industry more
innovative and competitive. And now we
have our new corporate and individual tax
rates. No less a figure than Prime Minister
Thatcher of the United Kingdom has commented that; at 28 percent, the top American individual tax rate will be lower than
the lowest British individual rate.· We
intend to protect .those low rates, to recognize them for what they are: the greatest
spur possible to entrepreneurial growth. At
the same time, we'll keep in mind that 50
percent of our gross national product is ac- '
counted for by services. So, we'll be looking
at ways to achieve greater producti\'ity in
services of all kinds, from financial services
to transportation to government to health
care. And if I could interject something
here: With inflation under control, I just
have to believe-and I'm sure you agreethat the time has come to get the cost of
health care under control.
And something else: Nothing represents a
heavier drag on our productivity than drugs
and crime. Drug abuse destroys families. It
keeps young people from getting the education they need and means that tens of thousands ·of adults are often absent from the
workplace, are demoralized and sick at
heart. The loss to the economv can be
measured in the billions of d~llars, ·but
there's no way to measure the loss to the
countrv of all those ruined lives. Crime likewise e~acts a toll from us, a toll of lost and
destroyed property, high insurance rates,
and mounting burdens on police and other
law enforcement officials. But perhaps the
heaviest toll is the toll of violence, personal
injury, and fear. So let's carry out our
pledge to the people. Let's win our crusades against drugs and crime, because a
productive America is an America that's
kicked the habit and put criminals behind
bars where they belong.
I have to just tell you a little experience
out there on the road. In virtually every big
rally that we held in the last days of this
campaign-this is a little something encouraging. You know, not too long ago, Nancy
was speaking to a school class in Oakland,
California, and a girl asked a question. She
said, "Well, what do we do when someone
�.Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1986/ Nov. 5
rican agriculture and
:onal industrv more
titive. And now we
e and individual tax
than Prime Minister
l Kingdom has com~ent, the top Ameriwill be lower than
1dividual rate. We
, low rates, to recogey are: the greatest
·eneurial growth. At
·ep in mind that 50
tional product is acSo, we 'II be looking
ater productivity in
m financial services
vemment to health
'.nterject something
1der control, I just
n sure you agree-to get the cost of
1.
othing repr~sents a
uctivity than drugs
lestroys families. It
getting the educa~ that tens of thoul absent from the
ized and sick at
economy can be
s of dollars, . but
~e the loss to the
lives. Crime likea toll of lost and
insurance rates,
police and other
But perhaps the
·iolence, personal
; carry out our
t's win our crurime, because a
America that's
~riminals behind
offers us drugs?" And Nancy said, "Just· say
no." Well, out on the road-because there
were hundreds and · hundreds of young.
people at every one of these rallies, very
much present, and I would always try to
recognize their presence there. And then I
told them that I had a message from my
roommate that she wanted delivered .to
them. And I would tell them that for their
own sake, for the country's sake, for ·their
family's sake, and for their future-with
rt•gard to drugs-just say r:to. And in· this
limited time these young people. in every
rally would come to their feet, and in many
instances would say the "no" before I got to
it and then would chant: "Just say no! Just
say no!" It was very heartwarming, and I
found out that since that answer to a question iri Oakland there are more than 10,000
just Say No clubs among our young people
across the country.
Well, our third aim is as straightforward
as a phrase I used again and again during
the campaign: peace through strength. And
you know, after using these words before
audiences across the country, I just can't
help thinking that for this administration
pt•ace through strength is more than a
policy; it's a promise, a promise we've made
to the people and a promise we intend to
kt•t•p. Hope alone can never lead to agreellll'nt with the Soviets. We must maintain
our military preparedness and push forward
with new technologies-and, yes, that
•nt·ans SOl. So, the bridge to real arms re' luction and a just peace rests on two gird' ·rs: military preparedness and the pursuit
of advanced technologies like SOL
Well, in brief, then, this is our agenda.
\:ow, of course, there are those who say it
,.annot be done. You'll remember they first
'aid that back at the beginning of the
"'cond term. And that was before we'd en·~<'IPd all aid for the freedom fighters in
Nicaragua:, achieved progress toward genuine arms reductions at Reykjavik, and
passed the most sweeping, far-reaching
reform of the tax code in history. There's
one nice thing about it, you know, when
you · haven't been around the · town too
much and then you come here. You discover that some of the things you can't do can
be done.
·
Well, the truth is the voters reelected us.
in 1984 to keep the revolution alive-not
just for 2 years, but for 4. And believe me,
if you'd been out on the campaign .trail
with me hearing all those chants of "4 more
years!" you'd know just how much the
country is with us. I told them that I assumed that they were suggesting I live 4
more years and I was in favor of that.
[Laughter] There's much more work to be
done: State of the Union, budget preparation, and arms negotiations. There are those
who will continue to harp upon the obstacles, who dwell upon what they consider
the certainty of failure. The only real certainty is that if we do nothing, nothing will
be achieved. To those who say it cannot be
done, I'll only say this in reply: The only
thing that cannot be done is to allow the
stirring challenges that face us to go unanswered. For 2 years more, my friends; let us
make history together.
Thank you for all you've done. God bless
you.
Note: The President spoke at 1:47 p.m. in
Room 450 of the Old Executive Office
Building. In his opening remarks, he referred to Vice President George Bush;
Donald T. Regan, Assistant to the President
and Chief of Staff; Mitchell E. Daniels, Jr.,
Assistant to the President for Political and
Intergovernmental Affairs; and Haley Barbour, Special Assistant to the President for
Political Affairs. who also spoke.
little experience
~tuallv every big
ast days of this
nething encour:mg ago, Nancy
ass in Oakland.
a question. She
when someone
1519
�Nov. 3 I Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1982
Proclamation 4996-National Alzheimer's Disease \Veek
November 2, 1982
By the President of the L"nited States
of America
A Proclamation
Alzheimer's disease, a major brain disorder, results in the progressive loss of mental
faculties, often beginning with impairment
of memory, learning, attention, and judgment. While some types of dementia are
curable, Alzheimer's disease is not. In time,
it erodes thought, feeling, and behavior and
leads to death. Family members and friends
of the affiicted full,.· comprehend· the special suffering imposed by this depersonalizing illness.
Alzheimer's disease a.'1d related disorders
represent a health problem of enormous dimensions. Thanks to progress in neurobiological research, we know that Alzheimer's
disease is not, as .once thought, a normal
consequence of aging. Rather, it is a pathological deviation from the norm-and as
such must be susceptible to prevention or
treatment once its underlying cause or
causes are known. Alzheimer's disease is
being fought through several approaches;
promising early studies are spurring further
vigorous research.
The fight against :\lzheimer's disease
needs many allies. I salute the many Americans who are working for ;.,creased public
awareness of this baRling disorde~ and the
scientists whose research holds the promise
of hope.
Now. Therefore. !. Ronald Reagan. President of the United States of :\merica, in
accordance with House Joint Resolution
496, do hereby proclaim the week beginning :'liovember 21 through :\ovember 27,
1982, as "~ational Alzheimer's Disease
Week," and I call upon government agen·
cies and the people of the Cnited States to
observe this week \l-ith appropriate ceremonies and activities.
In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto set
my hand this 2nd day of ~ov., in the year
of our Lord nineteen hundred and eightytwo, and of the Independence of the United
States of America the two hundred and seventh.
RONALD REAGAS
[Filed with the Offict! of the Federal Register, 10:30 a.m., Nor:ember 4, 1982]
Note: The te:rt·of the proclamation wa.t re·
leased by the Offu:e of the Press Secretary
on November 3.
Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session With Reporters on the
Congressional Elections
·
November 3, 1982
The President. We've just decided that have not only maintained control of the
some of you must be sleeping late, because Senate but that when we started 2 years
your ranks seem to have diminished here ago we had 53, and we now have 54 Reafter the long night. But we've been publican Senators. :\nd we look forward to
through the long night and just wanted to · working with this Congress now in a bi·
say to you that we're ~.-ery pleased with the partisan fashion to solving the major problems that still have to be solved.
results.
Q. Senator Dole said that you're going to
Our target in the one House had been, as
we said, somewhere between 17 and 27. have trouble getting your programs
Well, apparently it's turned out between 17 through.
and 27 that we've lost in the House, but the
Q. Mr. President, what about a midcourse
main point is, and we're gratified, that we correction?
1420
�..<\dministration of Ronald Reagan, 1982 I .Vov. J
The President.. What? 1
Q. Should there be a midcourse correction, Mr. President? They did vote 25 seats
fewer for your party.
The President. That fellow out there. I've
heard his. You're saying that Senator Dole
said that we had our-we would have troubleQ. You'd have trouble getting your programs through, given the new makeup of
the House.
The President. Well, Bill [Bill Plante, CBS
News], we've had trouble for 22 months.
It's been a struggle every foot of the way.
But we approach this-there have been
concessions and compromises in ·both direc·
tions on all of the major issues, and we
expect to· continue to work with the Congress in that way.
Q. [lnaudible}-do you think the message, Mr. President, was that there should
be a midcourse correction, that you should
moderate somewhat the fundamentals of
your program?
.
The President. Well, I heard all of that,
and· I think some of that is. rhetoric of the
campaign season which is now over, because the truth of the matter is, we've had
some midseason course changes. We never
achieved all that we had asked in budget
reductions. We. compromised very broadly
. in the tax program. We started asking for a
30-percent cut across the board retroactive
to January 1st, '81. We settled for 25 per·
cent beginning in October of 1981. And we
then further, in order to get further budget
· · cuts, we were willing to compromise on the
tax package in which we agreed to certain
tax increases.
So, I think there has been a fair exchange
and a willingness to meet other people's
views.
Q. Sir, do you expect to have a-Q. Are you willing to compromise on the
defense budget, Mr. President?
The President. What's that?
Q. Are you willing to compromise on the
defense budget and, also, on the third year
of the tax cut? Tip O'Neill says you have to
compromise more .now, and you sound
• Airplane noise from Washington .Va·
tiona/ Airport made heoring the reporters'
questions diffiCUlt.
more conciliatory.
The President. Well, as I've said, we will
work with them in a bipartisan fashion in
an attempt to solve these problems. We
won't compromise on principle-of what
we absolutelv believe is essential to the re·
covery. And 'we go into this session with the
awareness that even·one must ha\e, and
that is that what haS been done so far is
·apparently working very successfully.
Q.SirThe President. Sarah [Sarah McClendon,
McClendon ~ews Service]?
Q. ~o you plan to have some conferences with the leaders of both parties. not
just those in Congress but others-a coalition of conferences here to plan programs
for the Nation on agriculture and housing
and international fmance?
The President. Well, Sarah, we've done
that regularly throughout these past 22
months. I meet in that Cabinet Room with
bipartisan leadership groups. And I
meet-Q. But I mean outside of Congress. I
mean bringing the two political parties together for the good of the Nation.
The President. Well, we have met with
leaders, both De1pocrat and Republican, in
the various fields that you've mentionedwhether it's business, finance, agriculture.
We've done that as a regular matter of
course.
Q. Are the Republicans in a weaker posi·
lion for 1984?
The President. I don't think so at all.
Q. How about your own candidacy?
The President. What?
Q. How about your own possible candidacy?
The President. Well, it's not time to talk
about such a thing yet. I've said that many
times.
But let me just say, first of all, there's a
smile on our faces, and intentionall~· so. If
you look traditionally at what has happened
in a situation of this kind,' we have every
reason to feel good. A President. newly
elected and who has brought in with him
one house of the legislature-or the Con·
gress in his election-this is the first time
since 1928 that he has not lost, 2 years
later, that House majority that he brought
1421
�Nov. J I Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1982
in with him. The average in times of economic stress--the average loss in this 2-year
election iS 46. We feel very good about
what's happened. Sure. we'd like to have
won everything, but we knew we weren't
going to.
Q. Now that this election's over, could
you give us your assessment of what sort of
a campaign it was? ~fan)· have charged it's
one of the most backstabbing ones we've
ever had. There were some tough words
between you and Speaker O':'loieill, particularly on unemployment and social security.
Give us your assessment of the election and.
the campaign, how it was run.
The President. All in all, I think it was a
very good campaign. But you can't make a
blanket assessment. Individual campaigns
are run by candidates. Their own personalities and beliefs set the tone for their campaigns. But out in those States that I went
to, the campaigning was on a positive basis
·that I saw and observed. And the Vice
President here has gone much farther than
I have in traveling around the country and
in seeing this. George, have you seen too
much of-Q. Well, what about social security and
unemployment? They said a number of
things about that. How do you think that
worked out? ·
The President. Well, yes, I think that seizing upon both of those-1 said before and I
will repeat-the charges that were made in
order to try and frighten voters into voting
one way, the charges that were made with
regard to social security were absolutely
without any foundation whatsoever. There
was no truth behind them. There never was
any secret plan written by us. And we're
waiting for the Commission to come in with
its recommendations on the needed reforms
that must be made if that program is to
remain fiscally sound.
Q. Mr. President, 2 years ago-18 months
ago, you were hoping to try to regain-or
gain control of the House. Now you've had
a· 25-seat loss. I was wondering why you are
so optimistic today, why you think that's a
good result.
1422
The President. Well, partly, I go by histrr
ry. I gave you what the average was--<.r
the average loss for when the economy was
in the condition that the economy is today.
but even the overall average loss is 31. So.
we beat the odds.
Q. Mr. President, what are the two ;,r
three issues that you think will dominate
this Congress that was just elected la.st
night?
The President. What are· the issues th.:.t
will dominate it? Thev will continue to be
the economy, to continue doing the thin~;
that will reduce unemployment, the resoh.
ing of the issue we just talked before, th;,t
there has been a long·time postponement.
The first time that I ever made a spee~~~
pointing out that social security was actuar:ly out of balance-and at that time by $.3(•)
billion-was in 1964. And in all the Yea~;
since, nothing has been done to do anythiq
about that. And now the imbalance r..os
caught up with us, and within the next se\·
era! months, we're going to have to actually
face the issue of where the money's comin~
from. So, I think that's an issue that can no
longer be swept under the rug.
Q. Are you going to stay the course with
high deficits?
Deputy Press Secretary Speakes. Last
question, please.
The President Are we going to stay the
course with high deficits? We're going to
stay the course, because the best way to
reduce the high deficits is to continue the
reduction of unnecessary Federal spending
and the necessity of restoring the economic
base, because the high deficits have come
about through several factors. But one of
the most important is the high unemploy·
ment, which has taken people off the tax
rolls and at the same time has increased the
output for subsistence for those people who
are penalized by unemployment. So, when
.we can get the economy back working
again, that will take care of the revenues
that are necessary to help us reduce those
deficits.
�Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1982 I Nor; . .]
Mr. Speakes. Thank you. sir.
Q. [/naudible}-have to wait for the
economy to get going-The President. He said that-·Q. --again in order to get back to
work, is that it?
Mr. Speakes. That's the last question.
The Presideni. What's that?
Q. The ones who aren't working, they
have to wait for the economy to get going
again to get back to work?
The President. No, Bill, if you really analyze the unemplorrnent situation, there is a
.constant returning to work and others-this
is not a steady pool of individuals who have
formed that unemployment. I'm trying to
remember exactly the figure here, but I can
tell you that it is a third or better of the
people that are unemployed, are unemployed for less than 6 weeks and a figure
that gets up to around 60 percent are unemployed for leu than 16 weeks. And so,
there are-part of the present increase in
unemployment was not additional people
losing jobs, although some did. But a .por·
lion of the increase in unemployment was
new people entering the work force for the
first time.
Q. So, you don't think unemplo}ment will
go up any further?
The President. It may; it may go up a few
fractions of a percentage point. But what I
am saying is that the unemployment problem is one of an ever-shifting pool of unemployed, and what we have to do is get the
economy going, creating the new jobs to
meet the increase in the work force-that
the work force is constantly increasing i.n
size.
Q. Are you going to miss making fun of
[California senatorial candidate] Jerry
Brown? [Laughter]
The President. I am just smiling broadly.
California, as you might know, was one of
the happier moments in the evening for me
last night.
Q. Did you put [!'levada senatorial candidate) Chic Hecht over the top? Are you
takirig credit for that?
The President. No, he's a good candidate.
Chic Hecht won. I wouldn't take that
credit.
Note: the President spoke at 10 a.m. in the
Rose Garden at the White House. He u·as
accompanied by the Vice President.
Nomination of Two Members of the National Council on the Arts
November 3, 1982
The President today announced his intention to nominate the following individuals
to be members of the National Council on
the Arts, National Foundation on the Arts
and the Humanities, for terms expiring September 3, 1988:
Raymond J Leany would succeed William H.
Eells. He is president of Agricultural and In·
dustrial Corp. in New York, N.Y. He is also
publisher of Agrinde Publications, Ltd. He
serves as a trustee of the Whitney Museum of
American Art and on the executive committee.
He is a graduate of the Wharton School of
Finance and Commerce. He is married, has sill
children, and resides in New York City. He was
born October 16, 1935.
George L. Schoefer would succeed Harold Prince.
He is president of and producer/director for
Compass Productions, Inc., in Los Angeles,
Calif. He received Emmy awards for show of
the year (1960, 1961), for best director (1959.
1961), for best single dramatic show (1968.
1973), and the director of the year award for a
· radio-lV daily (1957, 1960, 1963, 1965). He
graduated from Lafayette College IA.B., 1941•.
He is married and resides in Beverly Hills.
Calif. He was born December 16, 1920.
1423
�[431]
Nov. 3
Public Papers of the Presidents
As a matter of fact, I think one of the
reasons that predictions have been so bad
lately in American politics, and also in
British politics, is that there is a tendency
for somebody to go in for 24 hours and
say, "That is the way people are going to
vote."
The reason my '66 predictions were
pretty good was that I really knew the
country. I got a feel of the country, a feel
of the men and the people in State after
State and city after city, and then I made
.the prediction about 2 weeks before, and
it was on the nose. I was lucky, too.
If you remember, I predicted 40 Congressmen, three Senators, six Governors,
and 550 State legislators, and it was right
on the nose.
This year I think we will do better than
the general off year party.
As you know, the off year tradition is
that the party in power that has the Presidency loses Senators, Congressmen, and
Governors. We will do better than that.
How much better will depend on what has
happened.
But I won't make a prediction on the
numbers at this time.
Incidentally, that is rather a subtle suggestion to all the members of the press,
the pollsters, and all the rest, that. before
.,;,
II
il
432
making predictions, it is very important to
go into the State or the city or the area,
and get a real feel of the people. Because
your first impression, the impression fi'OQa
a rally, the impression from just seeing
somebody here or there, may give you a
superficial view; whereas, in this case,
there are major issues that seem to be the
issues, and then maybe other issuea
underneath.
An individual really can't predict vezy · ·...:
effectively unless he gets in there and get~
it in depth.
Now, that doesn't mean that those that
have made the rather substantial predictions for our candidates not doing well are
going to be all proved to be wrong. I am
only going to suggest, however, that if they
got in, they might find out some~ ·:.
different.
The President spoke at 8: oo a.m. at
the San Clemente Fire House, San Clemente,
Calif. Preceding his remarks he thanked firemen who had extinguished a minor blaze at
the President's residence in San Clemente 011
October 29, 1970. ·
The transcript of a news briefing on the '·
1970 elections by Roben H. Finch, Counsellor
to the President, Herbert G. Klein, Director of
Communications for the Executive Branch, and
Ronald L. Ziegler, Press Secretary to the Presid.ent, was released on the same day.
NOTB:
R~marks
to Reporters on the Results of the
1g7o Elections. November 4, 1970
Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen:
As is usually the case in an off year election, I note that both parties are making
claims of victory. Chairman O'Brien, 1
1
.
Lawrence F. O'Brien, chairman of the
Democratic National Committee.
with justification, points to the fact that
in State races his party picked up several
governorships. On the other hand, we are
very happy to see that in the two biggest
States, California and New York, Governor Reagan arid Governor Rockefeller
won overwhelming victories.
�c
[432]
Nov. 4
Public Papers of the Presidents
stronger men as a result of the loss, if they
just don't let the loss get them down.
One little personal note with regard to
the election. I pointed out yesterday that
this was the first vote for a couple that
has been very close to our family for the
last 6 years, Manolo and Fina Sanchez,
who are refugees from Cuba.
Mrs. Sanchez told me just before she
voted that she didn't sleep all night. She
said' she felt that having the chance to vote
was the greatest thrill that she had ever
had in her life. And she summed it up
simply by saying, "Just think, my vote is
. just as important as that of the President
of the United States."
I hope all the American people realize
that now the majority has spoken, the real
majority in this country. There have been
433
NOTE: The President spoke at 12:35 p.m. at
the Western White House, San Clemente, Calif.
Statement About the Death of General Charles
de Gaulle of France. November I o, I 970
THE PASSING of General Charles de
Gaulle reminds us of the qualities that
make men and nations great; His was the
. quality of character that enables men to
surmount all obstacles, to call up reserves
of courage, to tum adversity into triumph.
His was the quality of vision that could
see the grand sweep of history at a time
when others focused on the events of the
· moment. He provided inspiration to an
434
hard-fought races. It has been a hard.
fought campaign.
But particularly in the field of foreign
.policy and national defense policy, I am
most grateful to the American people, to
that majority that has spoken, not in a
partisan sense but simply iJi the sense that
I have tried to present to the country.
I believe that our hand has been
strengthened. I believe the chances to win
a full generation of peace have been increased as a result of the fact that the
President can now speak with a stronger
voice because he will have stronger backing in the United States Senate than previously was the case.
Thank you, ladies and gentlemen.
age in danger of being overwhelmed by
the commonplace and, therefore, his passing is a loss not only for the French Nation
but for all mankind.
NOTE: The statement was released at Key Biscayne, Fla.
General de Gaulle, President of France from
1959 to 1969, died on November 9, 1970, of
a heart attack in his home in Colombey-lesDeux-Eglises, France, at the age of 79·
Letter. to President Pompidou of France on the
Death of General de Gaulle. November I o, 1970
I WAS deeply shocked and grieved at the·
passing of General de Gaulle. This coun. try knew General de Gaulle as a steadfast
ally in war and a true friend in peace.
Greatness knows no national boundaries,
and therefore France's loss is the loss of
mankind. The people of France and you,
Mr. President, have the heartfelt sym-
�.. .
..
.\'ov. 3 I Administration of RoruJid Reagan, 1982
Proclamation 4996-National Alzheimer's Disease \\'eek
.Vovember 2, 1982
By the President of the United States
of America
A Proclamation
Alzheimer's disease, a major brain disorder, results in the progressive loss of mental
faculties, often beginning with impairment
of memory, learning, attention. and judgment. While some types of dementia are
curable, Alzheimer's disease is not. In time,
it erodes thought, feeling, and behavior and
leads· to death. Family members and friends
of the afflicted fully· comprehend the special suffering imposed by this depersonalizing illness.
:\lzheimer's disease and related disorders
represent a health problem of enormous dimensions. Thanks to progress in neurobiological research, we know that .\lzheimer's
disease is not, as once thought, a normal
consequence of aging. Rather, it is a pathological deviation from the norm-and as
such must be susceptible to prevention or
treatment once its underlying cause or
causes are known. Alzheimer's disease is
being fought through several .approaches;
promising early studies are spurring further
vigorous research.
The fight against Alzheimer's disease
needs many allies. I salute the many Americans who are working for ;.,creased public
awareness of this baffling disorder and the
scientists whose research holds the promise
of hope.
Nou:. Therefore, I. Ronald Reagan, President of the United States of America, in
accordance with House joint Resolution
496, do hereby proclaim the week beginning ~ovember 21 through :'1/m;ember 27,
1982, as "~ational Alzheimer's Disease
Week," and I call upon government agencies and the people of the L"nited States to
observe this week with appropriate ceremonies and activities.
In Witness Whereof. I have hereunto set
my hand this 2nd day of ~ov., in the year
of our Lord nineteen hundred and eightytwo, and of the Independence of the United
States of America the two hundred and seventh.
ROSALD REAGAS
[Filed with the Office of the Federal Register, /0:30a.m., November 4, 1982]
Note: The te:d· of the proclamtJtion tt•aJ released by the Office of the Press Secretary
on No~:ember 3.
Remarks and a Question~and-Answer Session With Reporters on the
Congressional Elections
November 3, 1982
The Prmdent. We've just decided that have not only maintained control of the
some of you must be sleeping late, because Senate but that when we started 2 years
your ranks seem to have diminished here ago we had 53, and we now have 54 Re·
after the long night. But we've been publican Senators. And we look forward to
through the long night and jwt wanted to · working with this Congress now in a bi·
say to you that we're very pleased with the partisan fashion to solving the major problems that still have to be solved.
results.
Q. Senator Dole said that you're going to
Our target in the one House had been, as
we said, somewhere between 17 and 27. have trouble getting your programs
Well, apparently it's turned out between 17 through.
Q. \fr. President, what about a midcourse
.md 27 that we've lost in the House, but the
main point is, and we're gratified, that we correction?
1420
�Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1982 I Nov. 3
The Preside11t. What? 1
Q. Should there be a midcourse correction. Mr. Pr~sident? Thev did vote 25 seats
·
fewer for ~·our party.
The Prcsdc·nt. That fellow out there. I've
heard his. You're saying that Senator Dole
said that w~ had our-we would have troubleQ. You'd have trouble getting your programs through. given the new makeup of
the House.
The President. Well, Bill [Bill Plante. CBS
~ews], we've had trouble for 22 months.
It's been a struggle every foot of the way.
But we approach this-there have been
concessions and compromises in both directions on all of the major issues, and we
expect to continue to work with the Congress in that way.
Q. [lnaudible)-do you think the mes·
sage, Mr. President, was that there should
be a rnidco~ correction, that you should
moderate somewhat the fundamentals of
your program?
.
The President. Well, I heard all of that,
and I think some of that is . rhetoric of the
campaign season which is now over, becawe the truth of the matter is, we've had
some midseason course changes. We never
achieved all that we had asked in budget
reductions. We compromised very broadly
in the tax program. We started asking for a
30-percent cut across the board retroactive
to January 1st, '81. We settled for 25 percent beginning in October of 1981. And we
then further, in order to get further budget
· cuts, we were willing to compromise on the
tax package in which we agreed to certain
tax increases.
So, I think there has been a fair exchange
and a willingness to meet other people's
views.
Q. Sir, do you expect to have a-Q. Are you .,.,illing to compromise on the
defense budget, Mr. President?
The President. What's that?
Q. Are ;..·ou ....i!ling to compromise on the
defense budget and, also, on the third year
of the tax cut? Tip O'Neill says you have to
compromise more now, and you sound
J Airplane noise from Washington National Airport made hearing the reporters'
questions diffJCUit.
more conciliatorv.
-:-7
The President.· Well, as I've said, we wil~
\
work with them in a bipartisan fashion in
an attempt to solve these problems. We
won't compromise on principle--of what
we absolutelv believe is essential to the recovery. :\nd ·....-e go into this session with the
awareness that everyone must have. and:J
that is that w~.at has been done so far is
apparently working very successfully.
Q.SirThe Preside1lt. Sarah [Sarah McClendon,
\fcClendon ;\ews Service]?
Q. --do you plan to have some conferences with the leaders of both parties. not
just those in Congress but others-a coalition of conferences here to plan programs
for the ~ation on agriculture and housing
and international fmance?
The President. Well, Sarah, we've done
that regularly throughout these past 22
months. I meet in that Cabinet Room with
bipartisan leadership groups. And I
meet-Q. But I mean outside of Congress. I
mean bringing the two political parties together for the good of the Nation.
The President. Well, we have met with
leaders, both Derpocrat and Republican, in
the various fields that you've mentionedwhether it's business, finance, agriculture.
We've done that as a regular matter of
course.
Q. Are the Republicans in a weaker position for 1984?
The President. I don't think so at all~
Q. How about your own candidacy?
The President What?
Q. How about your own possible candidacy?
The President. Well, it's not time to talk
about such a thing yet. I've said that many
times.
But let me just say, first of all, there's a
smile on our faces, and intentionally so. If
you look traditionally at what has happened
in a situation of this kind, we have every
reason to feel good. A President, newly
elected and who has brought in with him
one house of t.he legislature--or the Congress in his ele<"tion-this is the first time
since 19:2.8 that he has not lost, 2 years
later, that House majority that he brought
1421
�Administrotion of Ronald Reagan, /982 I Nov. J
Mr. Speakes. Thank you, sir.
Q. [lnaudib!e}-have to wait for the
economy to get going-The President. He said that-Q. --again in order to get back to
work, is that it?
Jfr. Speakes. That's the last question.
The President. What's that?
Q. The ·ones who aren't working, they
have to wait fer the economy to get going
again to get back to work?
The President. :":o, ·Bill, if you really analyze the unemployment situation, there is a
constant returning to work and others-this
is not a steady pool of individuals who have
formed that unemployment. I'm trying to
remember exactly the figure here, but I can
teO you that it is a third or better of the
people that are unemployed, are unemployed for less than 6 weeks and a figure
that gets up to around 60 percent are unemployed for le'IS than 16 weeks. And so,
there are-part of the present increase in
unemployment was not additional people
losing jobs, although some did. But a por·
tion of the increase in unemployment was
new people entering the work force for the
first time.
Q. So, you don't think unemployment will
go up any further?
The President. It may; it may go up a few
fractions of a percentage point. But what I
am sa~ing is that the unemployment problem is one of an ever-shifting pool of unemployed, and what we have to do is get the
economy going, creating the new jobs to
meet the increase in the work force-that
the work force is constantly increasing in
size.
Q. :\re you going to miss making fun of
[California senatorial candidate] Jerry
Bro~'Tl? [Laughter]
The President. I am just smiling broadly.
California, as you might know, was one of
the happier moments in the evening for me
last night.
Q. Did you put [~evada senatorial candidate) Chic Hecht over the top? Are you
taking credit for that?
The President. l'o, he's a good candidate.
Chic Hecht won. I wouldn't take that
credit.
Note: The President rpoke at /0 a.m. in the
Rose Garden at the White House. He u:as
accompanied by the Vice President.
Nomination of Two Members of the National Council on the Arts
November 3, 1982
The President today announced his inten·
tio.n to nominate the following individuals
to be members of the National Council on
the Arts, National Foundation on the Arts
and the Humanities, for terms expiring September· 3, 1988:
Raymond J Learn; would succeed William H.
Eells. He is president of Agricultural and Industrial Corp. in ~ew York, ~.Y. He is also
publisher of .\grinde Publications, Ltd. He
serves as a trustee of the Whitney Museum of
:\mericari Art and on the executive committee.
He is a graduate of the Wharton School of
Finance and Commerce. He is married, has six
children, and resides in New York City. He was
born October 16, 1935.
George L. Schaefn would succeed Harold Prince.
He is president of and producer/director for
Compass Productions, Inc., in Los Angeles,
Calif. He received Emmy awards for show of
the ~·ear (1960, 1961). for best director (1959,
1961J, for best single dramatic show (1968,
1973,1, and the director of the year award for a
radio-TV daily (1957, 1960, 1963, 1965). He
graduated from Lafayette College /A.B., 1941).
He is married and resides in Beverly Hills,
Calif. He was born December 16, 1920.
1423
�Nov. II [250]
I wish that it were possible to keep effective price controls on building materials in
furtherance of the Veterans' Emergency
Housing Program, under which we have
seen· an unprecedented acceleration both of
homebuilding and of the production of
building materials. But price control on
building materials alone, with no price control on products competing for the same raw
materials, would drive these materials away
irom housing and defeat the objectives of the
program. The removal of price ceilings on
building materials will obviously necessitate
a change in the approach to some of the
problems in the housing program. I am
asking the Housing Expediter to report to
me prompdy in this regard. We must continue an aggressive · program of building
homes and apartments for veterans.
The removal of price controls leaves no
basis or necessity for the continuation of ·
wage controls, which have operated, in most
industries, only as an adjunct to price controls. Accordingly, I have issued an Executive Order terminating all wage and salary
controls under the Stabilization Act of 1942.1
This does not affect, of course, the statutory
provision governing changes in terms and
conditions of employment in plants operated
1
Executive Order g8o1 "RemovinJ Wage and
Salary Conuols Adopted Pursuant to rhe Stabilization Act of 1948" (3 CFR, 1943-1948 Comp., p.
s83).
250
by the Government pursuant to the War
Labor Disputes Act.
I have asked the Bureau of the Budget, in
consultation with the agencies im·olved, to
prepare plans for the reduction of operations
resulting from today's action, and to devise
the most effective and economical methods
for administering the functions which
remain.
The lifting of price controls and wage cont:ols results in the return to a free market
•..,·ith free collective bargaining. Industry
Ius sought removal of price controls while
labor has pressed for removal of control of
wages. Both have insisted that removal of
these controls would lead to increased production and fewer work stoppages.
High production removes the hazard of
inflation and brings prices within the reach
of the mass market.· Wage rates not justified
by labor productivity and prices not justified
by manufacturers' costs may bring the illusion of prosperity. In the long run, however,
good wages, full employment and sound
business profits must depend upon management and workers cooperating to produce
the maximum volume of goods at the lowest
possible price.
Today's action places squarely upon management and labor the responsibility for
working out agreements for. the adjustment
of their differences without interruption of
production.
The President's News Conference of
November
II,
r946
Gentlemen, I have a
statement for you, which I will read to you.
Then it will be handed to you in mimeo- •
graphed form as soon as the conference is
over.
mE PRESIDENT. [1.]
"The American people have dected a Republican majority to the Senate and to the
House of Representatives. Under our Constitution the Congress. is the law-making
body. The people have chosen to entrust the
477
�[250] Nov. II
II
i
Public
Pap~s
of the Presidents
controlling voice in this branch of our Gov·
exclude any attempt to tamper with the
ernment to the Republican party. I accept · public interest in order to achieve personal
or partisan advantage.
their verdict in the spirit which all good
citizens accept the result of any fair election.
"The change in the majcrity in the Con"At the same time, and under the same
gress does not alter our domestic or foreign
Constitution, the duties and responsibilities
interests or problems. In fcreign affairs we
of the Chief Executive and the executive
have a well<harted course to follow. Our
branch of the Government are entrusted to
foreign policy has been developed and
executed on a bi-partisan basis. I have done
me and my associates.
"Our Government is founded upon the
my best to strengthen and ~:<tend this pracconstitutional principle that the three
tice. Members of both pa!"::~s in and out of
the Congress have particip;.:ed in the inner
branches of the Government are independent
of each other. Under this principle our
council in preparing, and ~ actually carrycountry has prospered and grown great. I
ing out, the foreign policies of our Governshould be less than candid, however, if I
ment. It has been a nationa! and not a party
omitted to state that the present situation
program. It will continue to be a national
threatens serious difficulties.
program in so far as the Secretary of State
"Only by the exercise of wisdom and reand I are concerned. I fi.--::1.ly believe that
straint and the constant determination to
our Republican colleagues ?>~o have worked
.intelligently and cooperative:y with us in the
place the interests of our country above all
other interests, can we meet and solve the
past will continue to do so ::::~ the future.
problems ahead of us.
"My concern is not abo~t those in either
party who know the serious::ess of the prob"The stake is large. Our great internal
strength and our eminent position in the
lems which confront us in our foreign ~ffairs.
world are not, as some may too easily assume,
Thase who share great problems are united
indestructible.
and not divided by them. ~{y concern is
lest any in ·either party should seek in this
"I shall devote all my energy to the discharge of my duty with a full realization of
field an opportunity to achieve personal
notoriety or partisan advaouge by exploitathe responsibility which results from the
present state of affairs. I do not claim for
tion of the sensational or by rhe mere creation
myself and my associates greater devotion
of controversy.
to the welfare of our Nation than I ascri~
"We are set upon a hard course. An effort
to othen of another party. We take the
by either . the executive or the legislative
branch of the Government !a embarrass the
same oath of office. We have at one time or
another been equally willing to offer our
other for partisan gain wo~d bring frustration to our country. To follow the course
lives in the defense of our country. I shall
with honor to ounelvcs and with benefit to
proceed, therefore, in the belief that the
memben of the Congress will discharge
our country. we must look beyond and above
their duties with a full realization of their
ourselves and our party interests for the true
responsibility.
bearing.
"As President of the United States, I am
"Inevitably, issues will arise between the
guided by a simple formu: to do in all
President and the Congress. When this
cases, from day to day, w:::.hout regard to
occurs, we must examine our respective
narrow political considerat:::1S, what seems
positions with stern and critical analysis to
�..
.~.
.
[250] Nov. n
Public Papers of the Presidents
Administrative Assistants that you have, sir?
THE PRBSIDENT. Well now, you bad beaer
talk to Mr. BiBle about that. I have no comment to make on that.
[1o.) Q. Mr. President, is there a possi·
bility of a special session of Congress?
THE PRESIDENT. Not at the present time.
I know of no reason why I should call the
Congress into session.
[u.] Q. Mr. President, is Paul Porter
going back to the FCC?
THE PRESIDENT. I can't answer that
question.
[ 12.] Q. Mr. President, is Chester
Bowles being considered for Ambassador to
the Court of St. James?
THB PRESIDENT. Not that I know of.
[Laughter]
(13.) Q. Mr. President, a certain radio
commentator last night said Mr. Ross would
immediately resign.
THB PRESIDENT. Mr. Ross is not going to
resign. There have been all sorts of rumors
about one or the other resigning. They all
seem to know more about it than I do.
Q. Is anybody going to resign, Mr.
President?
· THB PRESIDENT. Not that I know of.
Q. That's settled.
251
THE PRE.SIDENT. Not that I know of.
[Laughter)
[14.) Q. Here's one that hasn't been
asked for several weeks. Is there anything
in the air on a Big Three or Big Four
conference?
THE PRESIDENT. No. No, the Big Four
conference is going on in New York right
now.
Q. With the foreign ministers? I mean
with the heads of states?
THE PREsmENT. The Big Four co::ference
is going on in New York now-Q. Butnot-THE PRESIDENT, --and it MS :ny full
backing.
(15.] Q. Mr. President, you sp-c~e there
in your statement of people still exploiting
sensationalism and starting controversies.
Are you-you mean by that that you fed that
that may run into investigations just for
the sake of investigating, on the Hill?
THE PRESIDENT. The statement speaks for
itself.
Reporter: Thank you, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT. You're welcome.
NOTJI: President Truman's eighty-ninth news con·
fucnce was held in his oJ!ice ar the White House ar
JO a.m. on Monday, November II, 1946.
Letter to Francis Biddle in Response to His Report on the
Niirnberg Tribunal. November 12, 1946
Dear fudge B;ddle:
I am profoundly impressed by your report,
which I have studied. with careful attention.
When the Niirnberg Tribunal was set up,
all thoughtful persons realized that we were.
taking a step that marked a departure from
the past. That departure is emphasized in
the verdict and the execution of the Nazi
war criminals and in your recommendations
for the guidance of nations in dealing with
480
like problems in the future. An undisputed
gain coming o.ut of Niirnberg is the formal
recognition that there are crimes ~gainst
humanity.
Your report is an historic document. It is
encouraging to know that the dissent of the
USSR was not on the fundamental ?rinciple
of international law but over the irierences
which should be drawn from co:~.Bicting
evidence.
�~rl--~~
·otel in Los Angeles,
'Jernight. The followreturned to Washing-
~itle
Act
prOVlSlOns of these
• we all can enjoy
·pose with regard to
claims.
'Jed November 4, was
'· 99-598.
Rr
Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1986 I Nov.. 5
this bill.
Second, H.R. 4961 directs the Administrator of the Federal Aviation Administration
to establish an airport liability insurance
clearinghouse and, with the Secretary of
Transportation, to prepare reports on the
increasing ~osts of general liability insurance coverage for airports and the i~plica~
tions of those increasing costs for airports. A :
final report wc)uld . include recommendations for actions that the Federal government might undertake to assist. in ameliorating the liability insurance ditficulties of
· airports used by the public..
. .
Many Americans are caught by the spiraling costs of liability insurance. While I am
not unsympathetic to those who are bearing
the cost of rising insurance premiums, I be-
lieve it would be inequitable and unwise for
the Federal government tp address this.
issue on an industry-by-industry basis..
For these reasons, I am compelled to
withhold my approval .from the bill. In so
doing, I reemphasize that the disapproval
will not disrupt the NTSB's activities in
1987 and that my Administration· remains
firmly committed to ensuring safe t,ransportation.
·
·..
Is/RoNALD Rcic~N
The White House,
November 4, 1986.
.............,.
Note: The original was not· available for
verification of the content of this memorandum.
Remarks at a White House Briefing for Senior Staff on the
·Congressional and Gubernatorial Election Results
November 5, 1986
1
I
1
987, 1988, and 1989
leral government to
industry-by-industry
problem of liability
ns of this legislation
bill would author~TSB in 1988 and
· million, or 20 perjections in my 1987
hese authorization
tions by the followIlion in 1988-$25.4
Ilion projected and
-$27 million versus
Given our current
ize of the Federal
) increases is unacthat the NTSB's
n 26 percent in the
ny budgets provide
· NTSB to maintain
·eover, since funds
>ropriated for the
ivities will continue
my disapproval of
•
Well, thank you all very ·much. Based on brought fairly good news, though we lost
my previous experience, I ought to quit the Senate. We realized many gains in
right now. [Laughter] And I thank you, other areas. We won unprecedented victoGeorge and Don and Mitch and Haley. ries in governorships, gaining eight-resultWith the Mets coming in next week to the ed in Republican Governors serving more
White House, I sort of thought it'd be a than half the population for the. United ·
good idea if we got our own championship States. And additionally, against overwhelmteam together. And as I look out upon all of ing historical odds, we kept our base in the
you, I sort of thought it'd be a good idea- House of Representatives virtually intact.
not only that, but you've served such long · The rest of the story is we came up· short on
hours and with such unstinting devotion. keeping our Republican majority in the
You who have, through your own dedica- Senate. We did so because we lost siX clifftion and sacrifice, made it possible for us to hangers in which our candidates each rechange our nation's history. I can't help but ceived 49 percent or more of the .vote.
thinking, they're amazing. And you are Now, this .is not the outcome we .sought.
amazing. So, the first order of business for But our agenda remains unchanged, and I
me is to simply-my friends-and we've look forward to its attainment.
been through enough together for a real
We traveled 25,000 miles. We worked
Sl'nse of friendship to develop, haven't we? with candidates, took our message to the
\ly friends, I thank you ..
people, and demonstrated our commitment
:'-olow, before turning to the works of the. to the major issues. I think it's worth noting
next 2 years, a word about the results of that, even in this hotly contested race, we
yesterday's election. First, my congratula- enjoyed widespread support on the issues
tions to all those who won-Governors, Sen- that we campaigned on: our economic poliators, and Representatives, Republicans and cies of low taxes and spending, judicial
Democrats-and my condolences to those nominees who are firm with criminal
who lost. Overall, yesterday's election wrongdoers, and a strong defense, especial1517
'
- - -. .
~
- · -..............
'
~---·--......._-"""'__. _ _ _ _ _ .:..l,..;.l, ..... _ _ _ ~~~------ .....
- - - - - - - - - - -
�Nov. 5 I Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1986
-·.
f;:·,
-~·
,"~.>
: ....;·
:..
!;
ly SDI. So, in a sense, our message-that flourish and make American agriculture and
same message of limited government and a. traditionally-or traditional industry more
firm foreign policy that we enunciated from innovative and competitive. And now we
our first day of. offic~id · get across and hav~ our new corporate and individual tax
continues to get across. So, I want to take a rates. No less a figure than Prime Minister
·moment to personally thank the many, Thatcher of the United Kingdom has commany people who made· this effort possible. mented that; at 28 percent, the top AmeriIn addition to all those in this room who can individual tax rate will be lower than
have done so much, I want to extend to 'all the lowest British ·individual ·rate: -We
the candidates, to all the volunteers and intend to protect .those low rates, to recogstaffs of the party and candidates, my heart- nize them for what they are: the. greatest
felt thanks. As I say, the political spectrum spur po5sible to entrepreneurial growth. At
continues to move in our way. All our· can- . the same time, we'll keep in mind that 50
didates, their staffs, and volunteers can feel percent of our gross national product is ac- ,.
hea.rtened by this. .
courited for by services. So, wt:i,'ll ·.be looking
To all those on Capitol Hill, I look for~ at ways to achieve greater productivity in
ward to Congress' return. By then, the elec- services of all kinds, from financial services
tion will be behind us, and hard work .and to transportation to government to health
bipartisan cooperation will be ahead. You care. And if I could interject something
have my pledge to seek solutions where here: With inflation under control, I just
problems exist and progress· where barriers have to believe--and I'm sure you agree-may arise.. In · a word, the challenge now that the time has come to get the cost of
before us is simply this: to complete the health care under control.
revolution that we ·have so well begun.
And something else: Nothing represents a
Three aims must be met: We must make heavier
drag on our productivity than drugs
America more prosperous, more producand
crime.
Drug abuse destroys families. It
tive, and the world more peaceful.
My first aim, a more prosperous· America, keeps young people from getting the educainvolves a redoubling of our efforts to get tion they need and means that tens of thoubig government off the backs and out of the sands ·of adults are often absent from the
pockets of the people themselves. The workplace, are demoralized and sick at
spending restraint that we've pushed for so heart. The loss to the economy can be
unceasingly ever since 1980 must finally be measured in the billions of dollars, · but
achieved. And that means permanent struc- there's no way to measure the loss to the
tural reform of the entire budget process. countrv of all those ruined lives. Crime likeThis town was kind of shaken up to discov- wise exacts a toll from us, a toll of lost and
er that we were serious about the line-item destroyed property, high insurance rates,
veto and the balanced budget amendment and mounting ·burdens on police and other
during our first 6 years. Well, we've seen to .law enforcement officials. But perhaps the
it that the line-item veto and the balanced heaviest toll is the toll of violence, personal
budget amendment have received serious injury, and fear. So let's carry out our
consideration in the Congress. And serious pledge to the people. Let's win our cru·
opinion has already begun to shift in favor sades against drugs and crime, because a
of both these reforms. Even so, you can productive America is an America that's
take it from me: Washington ain't seen kicked the habit and put criminals behind
nothin' yet. We can achieve these two re- bars where they belong.
. I have to just tell you a little experience
forms. So, let's go after them.
As budget reform enables government to out there on the road. In virtually every big
become more productive, we'll need to rally that we held in the last days of this
foster still greater productivity in the pri- campaign-this is a little something encour·
vate sector if America is to go on compet- aging. You know, not too long ago, Nancy
ing in the global marketplace. We'll do all was speaking to a school class in Oakland,
we can to keep regulation down and capital California, and a girl asked a question. She
formation up, so that high technology can said, "Well, what do we do when someone
~-
-~,-~_/:
:;.
1518
�. .Administration of Ronald Reagan, 'J98(r/ No~. 5
•
.
rican agriculture and
ional industry more
titive. And now we
e and. individual tax
than Prime Minister·.
l Kmgdom has com::ent, the top Ameriwill be lower than
1dividual rate. We
low rates, to recogey are: the greatest
reneurial growth. At
!ep in mind that 50
tional product is acSo, we'll be looking
ater productivitv in
)m financial se~ices
vernment to health
interject something
:1der control, I just
m sure you agree! to get the cost of
Jl.
-Jothing repr_esents a
ductivity than drugs
destroys families. It
. n getting the educans that tens of thoum absent from the
tlized and sick at
, economy can be
lOS of dollars, . but
·ure the loss to the
!d lives. Crime likeIS, a toll of lost and
~h insurance rates,
m police and other
Is. But _perhaps the
f violence, personal
~t's carry out our
Let's win our crul crime, because a
an America that's
1t criminals behind
1
offers us drugs?" And Nancy said, "Just say
no." Well, out on the. road-because there
. were hundreds and hundreds of young.
people ·at every one of these rallies, very
· . much present, _and I would always try to
recognize. their presence there. And then I
told them that I .had a message from my
roommate that s~e wanted delivered to
them.·. And I would tell them that for their
own sake, for the country's sake, for their
family's sake; and for their future-with
reg!lrd to drugs-just say JJ.O. And in· this
limited time these young people in every
rally would come to their feet, and in many
instances would say the !'no". before I got to
it and then would chant: "Just .say no! Just
say no!" It was ·very heartwamiing, and I
found out that since that answer to a question .iri Oakland there are more than 10,000
just Say No clubs among our young people
across the country.
.
Well, our third aim is as straightforward
as a phrase I used again and again during
the campaign: peace through str~ngth. And
you know, after using these words before
audiences across the country, I just can't
help thinking that for this administration
peace through streng~h is more than a
policy; it's a promise, a promise we've made
to the people and a promise we intend to
lwl'p. Hope alone can never lead to· agreernl'nt with the Soviets. We must maintain
our military preparedness and push forward
with new technologies-and, yes, that.
rm•ans SDI. So, the bridge to real arms re. oluction and a just peace rests on two girdo•rs: military preparedness and the pursuit
of advanced technologies like SDI:
Well, in brief, then, this is our agenda.
\ow, of course, there are those who say it
o·annot be done. You'll remember they first
~aid that back at the beginning of the
wo:ond term. And that was before· we'd en·•dPd all aid for the freedom fighters in
.
: .• :.::• .:. ••• 1.. '.
'• .. i' .,. .
'~ ••• ~ :}·
.
•
Nicaragtia:, achieved progres~ t~ward g~~u>' ·
ine arms. reductions at R~ylcjaVik, imd ·
· passed .the most sweeping, fiif~reachjng .·
. reform of the .tax code in ~oiy~~:There~s
one nice thing about it, yoti ~kiiow, when · -'
you havtm 't .been aroun.d ~thl;?'to~ .·too
·much and then you come here~ Y()u-·diseover that·some 'of the things youcanit' do can .
be done. . · · . • . . : ,, .. :, .· ;-,·:::>it':.~<J£~~·;~:t·,. ':·;·1:::.. •• ·;·.
Well, the truth is .the voters 'reel~ted'us, . .
in·l984 to keep the revolution''iillve-not · ,.
jilst for 2 years, but for .4:. And J)~{ieve me,
if you'd been out on the canipiiign ·.tiail ·
with me hearing all those chants of "4 more
years!" you~d know just how niuch the.
cou~try is with us. I told them. that I. a5swried that they were suggesting.· _I live 4
more years and I was in favor: of. that.
[Laughter] There's much more 'work to be·
done: State of the Union, budg~(preparation, and arms negotiations. There. are those.
who will continue to harp upon the obstacles, who dwell upon what. they .consider
the certainty of failure. The only, real cer7
tainty is that if 'we do nothing, nothing will
be achieved. To those who say it caimot be
done, 111 only say this in reply:· The. only
thing that cannot be done is to allow the
stirring. challenges that face us to go unanswered. For 2 years more, my friends~ let us
make history together.
Thank you for all you've done. God bless
you.
·
Note: The President spoke at 1:47 p.m. in
Room 450 of the Old Executive Office
Building. In his opening remarks, he. refemtd to Vice President George Bush;
Donald T. Regan, Assistant to the. President
and Chief of Staff; Mitchell E. Daniels, Jr.,
Assistant to the President for Po/Uical and
Intergovernmental Affairs; and Haley Barbour, Special Assistant to the President for ·
Political Affairs, who also spoke.
-
a little experience
: virtually every big
1e last days of this
something encour·
lO long ago, Nancy
,[ class in Oakland.
:ed a question. She
do when someone
1519
�.
GREENBE~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~RESEARCH
INC
515 SECOND STREET NE
WASHINGTON DC 20002
TEL 202 547-5200
FAX 202 544-7020
Date:
October 10, 1994
To:
President Bill Clinton
From:
Stan Greenberg
RE: THE PRESIDENT'S PRESS CONFERENCE
The press conference was extremely successful, in my view, on a number of fronts.
On both the situation in Iraq and Haiti, you communicated clearly our intentions and goals.
You showed a firmness and sense of purpose that was no doubt reassuring at home, even
as it advanced our foreign policy goals abroad. Moreover, you were positive and confident,
even as you faced tough questioning on the difficult political situation at home.
The press conference represents a major advance on the communication of our
message for 1994. It leaves me confident that with persistent communication over four
weeks, we can shift the direction of the public's thinking and the electoral balance. The key
ingredients were these:
1.
You said repeatedly that the country faces a choice -- going forward
with this struggle to make America work for ordinary people or going
back to policies that hurt them.
2.
You described our achievements as a start that is ''beginning to work
for America."
3.
You focused in on the main areas of advance (putting our house in
order, fighting crime and college loans) and the main areas that we
cannot afford to go back to (tax cuts for the wealthy, exploding deficits,
jobs exported and Medicare cut).
4.
You introduced and elevated the "contract" as the Republican promise
to take us back to the Reagan-Bush years.
I think that your attempt in the press conference to put health care into "perspective"
sets just the right tone: 7 years to pass the Brady Bill, 7 years to pass family leave, 6 years
for the crime bill. That description says this is a fight to make progress for people. It takes
time but you have to persevere. That perspective shows you assuming the responsibility and
demonstrating the determination to take our country forward.
----------------~-
-- - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
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002. memo
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
Stan Greenberg to President Bill Clinton; RE: The President's Press
Conference (3 pages)
10/10/1994
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Communications
DonBaer
OA!Box Number: 10139
FOLDER TITLE:
Press Conference 11/9
2006-0458-F
db1245
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�
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