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-----------------------------
FOIA Number: 2006-0462-F
FOIA
MAR~~~R
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidential Records
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Terry Edmonds
Subseries:
17509
OA/ID Number:
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
Tax Cut Bill 10/23/99
Stack:
Row:
Section:
Shelf:
Position:
s
0
0
0
0
�.-
REVISED
Final 09/23/99 9: Oarn
dtnonds/ Shesol/ Glastris
c4\D£
;gg SfP 23 AKio:10
~~~-\<b
~
oj-J-3 _lo\
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
REMARK~X CUT BI
/~ROSE GARDEN :~
September 23, 1999
·~
.
�f.)~~ 34'"1
Congress has ·sent me the tax bill I have repeatedly
pledged to veto. In a moment, I will do so -because at a
time when America is moving forward, this bill would
turn us backward to the failed policies of the past.
In the 12 years before I became President,
irresponsible policies in Washington piled Qeficit upon
deficit and quadrupled the national debt. Interest rates
~fl.€_ 'Too ~ tC~
I
and unemployment JAC&l?i ri§iQg, wages were stagnant, and
growth was slow. Vice President Gore and I came to
office determined to change all that. Witlrlliali&IJ.=of
~~
G-engr-~ \Me £Hi~ i-n f5~ a new economic strategy of
fiscal discipline, expanded trade, and investment in our
people.
1
�().
1-
~, "'
:::J-, .5
"l('-
-'7 )
That strategy is working. In the past six and a half
years, it has produced lower interest rates, and ushered in
the longest peacetime economic expansion in Atnerican
w
history~ 8-~101Ry has ettttWud more than 19 million
~~~~t
new jobs, rising wages,~ record-breaking levels of
. -~
home ownership. And by balancing the budget for the
first time in a generation, we have changed;:red ink into
~
black- turning a budget deficit of $290 billion into a
budget surplus of $99 billion this year, with growing
surpluses projected for years to come.
2
�\~u._?>-
r.;c;
The American people understand that these are not
just numbers on charts. The progress we have made is
something they see every day - in higher paychecks; in
the HOPE Scholarships that help send their children to
college; in lower interest rates for owning,a home and for
buying a car. This is the right course for qur people. It is
making a difference in their lives. And they want us to
continue it.
~~
Our hard-won prosperity gives us stm~m~~
gcneratWns
~1e=-ever
had: the chance to invest the
surplus to meet America's long-ter1n challenges. We can
lift the burden of debt from the shoulders of the next
generation; secure the future of Social Security and
Medicare; and ensure a first-rate education and n1odern
schools for our children. 'Fhe::re=a:re-ra.re ami 141 eeiOt!S
owortunities.3
�Unfortunately, the tax bill that Congress has sent
me would deny us these opportunities. This bill is too
big, too bloated, and places too great a burden on
America's economy. It would force drastic cuts in
education, health care, and other vital a.reas. It would
··!,
;.
cripple our ability to pay down the debt,~· save Social
Security, and secure and modernize MedJcare. Nearly
a trillion dollars in tax cuts - and not a dollar for
Medicare. I will veto this bill - because it is wrong for
Medicare, wrong for Social Security, wrong for
education, and wrong for the economy.
Now, many in Congress appear ready to throw in the
towel. That would be a disservice to the American
people, who sent us here to get things done.
4
�.,.-,
J- d- 3 -Tj
{)
r
So instead, I ask the Congress not to go home until
we have worked together- in a good-faith effort- to
meet America's long-tenn fiscal challenges.
First, let's reach a bipartisan agreemeqt to save Social
·:~
Security. The congressional majority's current plan, and
its so-called "lockbox," would fail to protecJ the Social
Security surplus from being spent. Instead of this weak
lockbox, which would not extend the life of the trust fund
~
tu~~~
by even a single day, I 0&411 en Congress\ to construct a real
lockbox that keeps Social Security safe until 2050.
5
�Second, let's work together to secure Medicare.
With Medicare facing insolvency in just 16 years, and
with 3 out of 4 seniors lacking dependable, affordable
private prescription-drug coverage, we know we must not
put off this challenge. Months ago, I put forth a detailed
·:!
plan for Medicare that would reform and niodernize it
with a voluntary, prescription-drug benefit~~ It would
address the immediate, critical needs of teaching
hospitals, skilled nursing facilities, and other priorities,
while extending Medicare's solvency until at least 2027.
Now, I don't expect the Republican majority to support
each and every detail of my plan. But I do expect~:
~
~~~A.U..
that the Republican leadership.""\\rill join me and
congressional Democrats in good-faith negotiations to
meet these goals.
6
�Third, we should fulfill our obligations to the future by producing a real budget that pays down the debt,
brings down interest rates, and makes vital investments in
education and the environment, in national security and
biomedical research. If we do this, we can:pay down the
. ;~
debt in 15 years, making America debt- fre'~ for the first
time since 1835.
So let's do first things first: let's pay down the debt;
save Social Security; secure and modernize Medicare; and
~t"~~~~tw..~
make investments in~c future. In the days ahead, I will
~
ooll=:en the Republican majority to work with me to fulfill
these fundamental obligations.
7
�C)-J-3~4~1
If we can work together to meet these objectives, then we
can work together to provide middle-class tax relief we
can afford - tax relief that reflects the priorities of both
parties and the values of the American people. That
would be
~~~==:~~)Wise~~
,._
Every generation of Americans is
call~+d
upon to meet
the challenges of its time. Our generation has an
unprecedented opportunity:. to meet the challenges not ·
only of our time, but also the challenges of the future. Let
us seize that opportunity. Thank you.
8
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*********************
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CONNECTION TEL
CONNECTION ID
ST. TIME
USAGE T
PGS. SENT
RESULT
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62505
09/22 16:21
01'26
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•Comments:
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�SEP-22-1999
16:05
EXEC. SEC.
TREASURY DEPT
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----------------------·~
Record Type:
To:
Record
See the distribution list at the bottom of this message
cc:
Subject: REVI'SED tax bill veto draft •• please send comments to Shesol or Glastrls
Draft 09/21199 9:25pm
Glastris/ Shesol
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
REMARKS ON TAX CUT BILL
TIIE ROSE GARDEN
September 23, 1999
On the desk at my side is a tax bill that the majority in Congress has sent me. It is a
tax bill I have repeatedly pledged to veto. In a moment, I will do so - because at a time when
America is moving forward, this bill would turn us backward to the failed policies of the past
[iM-tl:te 12 year~fore I became President, irresponsible policies in Washington piled
·
deficit upon deficit ana quadrupled the national debt. htterest ratee flftd _ynemployment were-~
rising, wages were stagnant, and growth was slow. Vice President Goreand I came to office
determined to change all that. With the help of Congress, we put in place a new economic
strategy of fiscal discipline, expanded trade, and investment in our people.
has~
That strategy is working. In the past six and a half years, it
lower
interest rates, and ushered in the longest peacetime economic expansion in American history.
Our economy has created more than 19 million new jobs, rising wages, and record-breaking
levels of home ownership. And by balancing the budget tor the frrst time in a generation, we
have changed red ink into blade--turning a budget deficit of $290 billion into a budget surplus
of $99 bjtlion this year, and growing surpluses projected for years to come.
Our hard-won prosperity gives us something few generations have ever had: the chance
to meet America's long-term challenges. We can lift the burden of debt from the shoulders of
the next generation; secure the future of Social Security and Medicare; and ensure a first-rate
education and modern schools for our children. These are rare and precious opportunities.
Unforrunately t the tax bill that Congress has sent me would deny us these
opportunities. The bill is so big, so bloated, and places such a burden on America's future,
that it will be impossible for us to address our long-term challenges.
SO/GO'd
[600 GG9 GOG
S0:91
5551-GG-d3S
�So I will veto this bill, because it would cripple our ability to pay down the debt, save
Social Security, and strengthen and modernize Medicare. It would force drastic cuts in
education, health care, and other vital areas. It would threaten our prosperity by abandoning
our fiscal discipline. It would be a big step in the wrong direction.
My actions today will clear the path for real progress_ We can now move beyond
proposals that serve special interests more than the national interest. I call on Congress to
work with me to fashion a budget that meets the challenges of the 21st Century ~a responsible
budget that Republicans and Democrats alike can support.
So I say to the Congress: work with me on a budget that pays down the debt- and
~AmericaJebt....free..in 1~ years, for the first time since 1835.
.
~
'5~~\\t.W
Work with me to save Social Security. The congressional majority's plan would not
extend the life of the trust fund by even a single day. Nor would its so-called "lockbox, truly
keep the Social Security surplus from being spent. Instead of a weak lockbox that does not
extend the life of Social Security by a single day, I call on Congress to work with me on a real
lockbox that will keep Social Security safe until 2050.
/2(~ ~ c-1 .F-f-r-..-.·1 ~
I say to Congress: work with me to~edicare, and to modernize it with a
voluntary, prescription-drug benefit. With1 Medicare facing insolvency in just 16 years; with
three out of four seniors lacking dependable, affordable prescription-drug coverage; and with
that number rising every year, we know we must not put this challenge off.
~ ce..
~;c"""<....-
r
~J .
That is why. months ago, I proposed a detailed plan to extend the Jife of the~trust fund,
~[1eep costs in line, improve quality, and add a long·overdue prescription~drug benefit.
vJ
~
ve-t·
Congress has yet to produce its own Medicare proposal. Thankfully, that debate is beghming.
· I challenge the leadership to put a real Medicare plan on the table - and do so by the end of
this month, September 30th. When they do, I pledge to negotiate in good faith to reach an
agreement. For more than three decades, Medicare has eased the suffering and extended the·
lives of countless Americans. We must act together - and act now - to secure it for rhe
decades ro 'come.
Finally, I say to Congress: come clean with the American people. Stop your budget
gimmicks. It is time to give the American people numbers they can trust and investments they
can count on.
fulfill our obligations to the future- from education to the
enviromnen ,
natt a security to biomedical research. I am ready to work with
Congress on n honest bu et that protects America's interests.
Let's do first things first: pay down the debt; save Social Security; strengthen and
modernize Medicare; and make investments in the future. After we meet rhese fundamental
obligations, then I will be willing to work with Congress to develop a package of tax cuts that
reflects the priorities of both parties -and is true to the values of the American people. This
will be a true bipartisan compromise.
S0/[0"d
z~00
cc9 c0c
ld3G
A~nS~3~1
"J3S 'J3X3
S0:9~
666~-cc-d3S
�lnsertfor Medicare
That is why, moJJths ago, I proposed a detailed plaTl to extend the life of the Medicare trust fund,
introduce competition into the provision of health-care services to our nation's seniors, increase
the range of choices they have available L(l them, improve quality, and add a long-overdue
prescription-drug benefit.
·
SO/VO"d
£L00 cc9 cOc
ld3G
A~nS~3~1
"J3S "J3X3
so:9l
666l-cc-d3S
�i.-
SO"d
l~lOl
Every generation of Americans is called upon to meet the challenges of its time. Our
generation has an unprecedented opportunity: ro meet the challenges not only of our time, but
also the challenges of the future. Let us seize that opportunity. Thank you.
Message Sent To:
Terry Edmond$/WHO/EOP@EOP
Patrick M. Dorton/OPD/EOP@EOP
Loretta M. Ucelli/WHO/EOP@EOP
John Podesta!WHO/EOP@EOP
Karen Tramontano/WHO/EOP@EOP
Joel Johnson/WHO/EOP@EOP
Melissa G. Green/OPD/EOP@EOP
Linda Ricci/OMB/EOP@EOP
Fem Mechlowitz/WHO/EOP@EOP.
Lawrence J. StelnMIHO/EOP@EOP
Douglas B. Sosnik/WHO/EOP@EOP
Steve Ricchetti/WHO/EOP@EOP
Richard L. SlewertM/HO/EOP@EOP
Paul D. Glastris/WHO/EOP@EOP
Sonyia Matthews/NSC/EOP@EOP
Michele Ballantyne/WHO/EOP@EOP
Charles W. Burson/OVP@OVP
David W. Befer/OVP@OVP
Bruce N. Reed/OPD/EOP@EOP
Christopher C. Jennings/OPD/EOP@EOP
Devorah R. Adler/OPD/EOP@EOP
Joseph P. LockhartJWHO/EOP@EOP
Jeffrey A. Shesoi!WHO/EOP@EOP
SO/SO"d
[~00
GG9 GOG
ld3G
AdnS~3dl
"J3S "J3X3
90:91
6661-GG-d3S
�Draft 09/21/99 9:25 pm
Glastris/ Shesol
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
REMARKS ON TAX CUT BILL
THE ROSE GARDEN
September 23, 1999
On the desk at my side is a tax bill that the majority in Congress has sent me. It is a tax
bill I have repeatedly pledged to veto. In a moment, I will do so - because at a time when
America is moving forward, this bill would tum us b~ckwar!_to the failed policies of the past.
In the 12 years before I became President, irresponsible policies in Washington piled
deficit upon deficit and quadrupled the national debt. Int
tr
n
lo ment wer
rising, wages were stagnant, and growth was slow.~Vice President Gore and I came to office
determined to change all that. With the help of Congress, we put in place a new economic
strategy of fiscal discipline, expanded trade, and investment in our people.
That strategy is working. In the past six and a half years, it has produced lower interest
rates, and ushered in the longest peacetime economic expansion in American history. Our
economy has created more than 19 million new jobs, rising wages, and record-breaking levels of
home ownership. And by balancing the budget for the first time in a generation, we have
changed red ink into black--turning a budget deficit of$290 billion into a budget surplus of$99
billion this year, and growing surpluses projected for years to come.
Our hard-won prosperity gives us something few generations have ever had: the chance
to meet America's long-term challenges. We can lift the burden of debt from the shoulders of
the next generation; secure the future of Social Security and Medicare; and ensure a first-rate
education and modem schools for our children. These are rare and precious opportunities.
Unf~t~l~he
tax bill that CB,~~ has sent me would deny us these opportunities.
The bill is ~big, oobloated, and places Siiefn?burden on America's future6 that-it-wt1ti.Je
hnpos~o addtes. om long-temr challenges.
::::;:e;;;
this bill, because it would cripple our ability to pay down the debt, save
Social Security, and strengthen and modernize Medicare. It would force drastic cuts in
education, health care, and other vital areas. It would threaten our prosperity by abandoning our
fiscal discipline. It would be a big step in the wrong direction.
My actions today will clear the path for real progress. We can now move beyond
proposals that serve special interests more than the national interest. I call on Congress to work
with me to fashion a budget that meets the challenges of the 21st Century- a responsible budget
that Republicans and Democrats alike can support.
&;;' -t.s-00
,
M~/
- Kc:f
~~~~
�So I say to the Congress: work with me on a budget that pays down the debt- and makes
America debt-free in 15 years, for the first time since 1835.
Work with me to save Social Security. The congressional majority's plan would not
extend the life of the trust fund by even a single day. Nor would its so-called "lockbox" truly
keep the Social Security surplus from being spent. Instead of a weak lockbox that does not
extend the life of Social Security by a single day, I call on Congress to work with me on a real
lockbox that will keep Social Security safe until 2050.
I say to Congress: work with me to secure Medicare, and to modernize it with a
voluntary, prescription-drug benefit. With Medicare facing insolvency in just 16 years; with
three out of four seniors lacking dependable, affordable prescription-drug coverage; and with
that number rising every year, we know we must not put this challenge off.
That is why, months ago, I proposed a detailed plan to extend the life of the trust fund,
keep costs in line, improve quality, and add a long-overdue prescription-drug benefit. Congress
has yet to produce .its own Medicare proposal. Thankfully, that debate is beginning. I challenge
the leadership to put a real Medicare plan on the table- and do so by the end of this month,
September 30th. When they do, I pledge to negotiate in good faith to reach an agreement. For
more than three decades, Medicare has eased the suffering and extended the lives of countless
Americans. We must act together- and act now- to secure it for the decades to come.
Finally, I say to Congress: come clean with the American people. Stop your budget
gimmicks. It is time to give the American people numbers they can trust and investments they
can count on. It is time to fulfill our obligations to the future- from education to the
environment, from national security to biomedical research. I am ready to work with Congress
on an honest budget that protects America's interests.
Let's do first things first: pay down the debt; save Social Security; strengthen and
modernize Medicare; and make investments in the future. After we meet these fundamental
obligations, then I will be willing to work with Congress to develop a package of tax cuts that
reflects the priorities ofboth parties- and is true to the values of the American people. This
will be a true bipartisan compromise.
Every generation of Americans is called upon to meet the challenges of its time. Our
generation has an unprecedented opportunity: to meet the challenges not only of our time, but
also the challenges· of the future. Let us seize that opportunity. Thank you.
�Jeffrey A. Shesol
09/21/99 07:15:01 PM
Record Type:
To:
Record
markpenn@ps-b.com @ inet
cc:
Joshua S. Gottheimer/WHO/EOP@EOP
Subject: tax bill veto draft-- please send comments to Shesol or Glastris
Draft 09/21/99 7:00pm
Shesoll Glastris
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
REMARKS ON TAX CUT BILL
THE ROSE GARDEN
September 23, 1999
On the desk at my side is a tax bill that the majority in Congress has sent me. It is a
tax bill I have repeatedly pledged to veto. In a moment, I will do so- because at a time when
America is moving forward, this bill would turn us backward to the failed policies of the past.
In the 12 years before I became President, irresponsible policies in Washington piled
deficit upon deficit and quadrupled the national debt. Interest rates and unemployment were
rising, wages were stagnant, and growth was slow. Vice President Gore and I came to office
determined to change all that. With the help of Congress, we put in place a new economic
strategy of fiscal discipline, expanded trade, and investment in our people.
That strategy is working. In the past six and a half years, it has produced lower
interest rates, and ushered in the longest peacetime economic expansion in American history.
Our economy has created more than 19 million new jobs, rising wages, and record-breaking
levels of home ownership. And by balancing the budget for the first time in a generation, we
have changed red ink into black, turning a budget deficit of $290 billion into a budget surplus
of $99 billion this year, and growing surpluses projected for years to come.
Our hard-won prosperity gives us something few generations have ever had: the
chance to meet America's long-term challenges. We can lift the burden of debt from the
shoulders of the next generation; secure the future of Social Security and Medicare; and ensure
a first-rate education and modern schools for our children. These are rare and precious
opportunities.
Unfortunately, the tax bill that Congress has sent me would deny us these
opportunities. The current tax bill is simply too big, too bloated, and too great a burden on
America's future. It would make it impossible for us to pay down the debt, save Social
Security, and strengthen and modernize Medicare. It would force drastic cuts in education,
�health care, and other vital areas. It would threaten our prosperity by abandoning our fiscal
discipline. It is a big step in the wrong direction. 1
~
(
l ) d" ~
/'~~~
mo~than
/~~ 15~
So I will veto this bill- and clear the pa for real progress. We can now move
beyond proposals that serve special interests
the national interest. I call on
Congress to work with me to fashion a budget th t meets the challenges of the 21st Centurya responsible budget that Reppblicans and Demo ats alike can supQort.
_ /J <I- ~
flfn
.-11
VIJ
~-
~
-..s~ ~~--k~;..fp:;~ i >G- ht~~ ~~~->
~~
Congress to work with ~ on a budget that pays d~J d'ebt - and makes
n
/s~ - Amer· a debt-~~)"ithin 15 years.
bAd
~ J/ ·~ o_ /} ~f~ A:-+ao, -~ f
~
s_~ ~ M.
~
~.
.
I
~~~,.
~~~~~~J~~
I call on Congpesg. to work with me to save Social Security. The congressional
~+
majority's plan would not extend the life of the trust fund by even a single day. Nor would its s-~
"lockbox," as it is called, truly protect the Social Security surplus. I pledge to work with
~~
members of both parties to keep the lid.on the... lockbox._and)i:~nd the Vfe ~he trust fund ~
until at least 2o5o.
~:z; ~ ~ r ~
,. ,. . . ~ ~ ~
I
!4J:J
J
~~--
cJ~ hii.J1 w €o~ work with me to secure Medicare, and to modernize it with a
·.
long overdue, voluntary, prescription-drug benefit. With Medicare facing insolvency in just
16 years; with three out of four seniors lacking dependable, affordable prescription-drug
coverage; and with that number rising every year, we know we must not put this challenge
off.
~onths
~
Jl. ) 1:>
~b'~A·
tfus~
That is why,
ago, I proposed a detailed plan to extend the life of the
keep costs in line, improve quality, and add a voluntary prescription-drug benefit. C gress
has yet to produce its own Medicare proposal, though that debate is beginning.
allenge the
leadership to put a real plan on the table - and do so by the end of this mont . When they do,
1
I pledge to negotiate in good faith to reach an agreement on Medicare. For more than three
decades, Medicare has eased the suffering and extended the lives of countless Americans. We
must act together- and act now- to secure it for J,he decade~ tp come.
~
,/
~ ~~~
ttVIA-·
~
r
.
Finally, I call on Congress to stop its budget gimmicks .;:~nth to
It is time to give the American people numbers they can trust and investments
they can count on. It is time to fulfill our obligations to the future - from education to the
-i- 1 /) -4--!t~.T--!!
environment, from national security to b~~edical research.
1
~r.
(
~
/1(}
.IA..JI.u--;£; ~
12
~~ ~ ~~ ~ ~~ . .,~
If we ct;fl;;t'ttfings first- pay down the Clebt; save Social Security; and strengthen and ~ .....{f
modernize Medicare- we can meet these pressing priorities and still have sensible, substantial ~
tax cuts. If we do first things first, I will then be willing to work with Congress to develop a
package of tax cuts that reflects the priorities of both parties - and is true to the values of the
American people.
Every generation of Americans is called upon to meet the challenges of its time. Our
generation has an unprecedented opportunity: to meet the challenges not only of our time, but
also the challenges of the futu
. 1_
t);IL
~(#-H/J
J.
. ~
�...
Draft 9/14/99
Glastris
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
REMARKS ON VETOING TAX CUT BILL
OVAL OFFICE, THE WHITE HOUSE
September 16, 1999
~~~Good evening my fellow Americans. TK TK ON HURRICANE FLOYD
When I returned to Washington earlier today from an important overseas visit
with our Asian allies, I found on my desk a tax bill Congress had sent me. I have long
promised to veto this bill, and tonight, I will do so, because I believe America must move
forward, and this tax bill represents a dramatic step backward.
In the 12 years before I became President, irresponsible fiscal policies in
Washington had piled deficit upon deficit and quadrupled the national debt. As a result,
interest rates and unemployment were high, wages were stagnant, and growth was slow.
Vice President Gore and I came to office determined to change all that. With Congress'
help, we put in place a new economic strategy of fiscal discipline, expanded trade, and
investment in our people.
That strategy worked. It produced lower interest rates, and ushered in the longest
peacetime economic expansion in American history, with 19.4 million new jobs, rising
wages, and record-breaking levels of home ownership. And it turned a federal deficit of
$290 billion in 1993 into a budget surplus of $99 billion this year, with further surpluses
predicted for years to come.
Now, our hard-won prosperity gives us something few generations have ever had:
the opportunity to truly shape our future by meeting our long-term challenges. I believe
we must maintain our fiscal discipline by using the bulk of our surpluses to pay down the
national debt. We can make America debt free for the first time since 1835. That will
produce lower interest rates, which in tum will mean lower mortgage payments, lower
car payments, more business investment, more jobs, and greater economic growth in the
21st Century.
I also believe we must also meet the challenge of an aging America by
strengthening Social Security and securing and modernizing Medicare. Unless we act
now, in 16 years, the Medicare trust fund will be insolvent, just as the Baby Boom
generation begins to retire. That is why I have proposed a plan that will use a portion of
the surplus to extend the life of the trust fund; and that will modernize Medicare to keep
costs in line, improve quality, and add a long-overdue voluntary prescription drug
benefit.
We can· meet these and other long-term obligations, continue to invest in vital
areas like education, the environment, science, technology, and defense--and still have
money left over for tax cuts. Tax cuts to help working families save for retirement. Tax
cuts to give American investors incentives to invest in parts of America that have not felt
the full benefits of our current prosperity.
But while I do favor tax cuts, I believe the current tax bill simply goes too far. It
is so big, and so bloated that it would make it impossible to pay down the debt,
strengthen Social Security, and secure and modernize Medicare. It would force drastic
�·'
cuts in education, health care, and other priorities. It would put our nation's prosperity at
risk by abandoning fiscal discipline. And it would take America backwards, when we
should be moving forward.
And so, I am vetoing this tax bill in the hope that now we can move forward. I
ask Congress to join me in paying down the debt, securing and modernizing Medicare,
strengthening education, and providing affordable tax relief. There is time, in the weeks
and .months ahead, to do all of this and more. I have not given up on this Congress; they
should not give up on themselves. If all of us, Republicans and Democrats, put aside·
partisanship and focus not on the next election, but on the next century, we can make a
real difference .in the lives of the American people for years to come
In a message to Congress in 1952, President Harry Truman said: "The current
strength of our economy is our starting point today. We must move forward to advance
that strength." Forty-seven years later, those words ring remarkably true. And so today,
with a strong America as a starting point, let us resolve to advance that strength into the
21st Century.
Good night, and God bless America.
�i
Draft 9114/99
Glastris
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
REMARKS ON VETOING TAX CUT BILL
OVAL OFFICE, THE WHITE HOUSE
September 16, 1999
Good evening my fellow Americans. TK TK ON HURRICANE FLOYD
When I, returned to Washington earlier today from an important overseas visit
with our Asian allies, I found on my desk a tax bill Congress had sent me. I have long
promised to veto this bill, and tonight, I will do so, because I believe America must move
forward, and this tax bill represents a dramatic step backward.
In the 12 years before I became President, irresponsible fiscal policies in
Washington had piled deficit upon deficit and quadrupled the national debt. As a result,
interest rates and unemployment were high, wages were stagnant, and growth was slow.
Vice President Gore and I came to office determined to change all that. With Congress'
help, we put in place a new economic strategy of fiscal discipline, expanded trade, and
investment in our people.
That strategy worked. It produced lower interest rates, and ushered in the longest
peacetime economic expansion in American history, with 19.4 million new jobs, rising
wages, and record-breaking levels of home ownership. And it turned a federal deficit of
$290 billion in 1993 into a budget surplus of $99 billion this year, with further surpluses
predicted for years to come.
Now, our hard-won prosperity gives us something few generations have ever had:
the opportunity to truly shape our future by meeting our long-term challeng~s. I believe
we must maintain our fiscal discipline by using the bulk of our surpluses to pay down the
national debt. We can make America debt free for the first time since 1835. That will
produce lower interest rates, which in tum will mean lower mortgage payments, lower
car payments, more business investment, more jobs, and greater economic growth in the
1
21 51 Century.
I also believe we must also meet the challenge of an aging America by
.
strengthening Social Security and securing and modernizing Medicare. Unless we act
now, in 16 years, the Medicare trust fund will be insolvent, just as the Baby Boom
generation begins to retire. That is why I have proposed a plan that will use a portion of
the surplus to extend the life of the trust fund; and that will modernize Medicare to keep
costs in line, improve quality, and add a long-overdue voluntary prescription drug
benefit.
We can meet these and other long-term obligations, continue to invest in vital
areas like education, the environment, science, technology, and defense--and still have
money left over for tax cuts. Tax cuts to help working families save for retirement. Tax
cuts to give American investors incentives to invest in parts of America that haveI not felt
the full benefits of our current prosperity.
But while I do favor tax cuts, I believe the current tax bill simply goes too far. It
is so big, and so bloated that it would make it impossible to pay down the debt,
strengthen Social Security, and secure and modernize Medicare. It would force drastic
�.~
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, CIJ~S in educati9n, health care, and other priorities. It would pUt"chi~·n~tibti•{pr~~I;~rit/at
, ti'sk by abandoning
fiscal •discipline. And• it would
take America
backwards,
when l we
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should. be moving forward_.,.. , , \ · ...... .-. · · ·
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·And s·0,J am·v:~toing this tax bill in the hope that now we can move forward. I
: ; .< ...... ::.. a..sl\.Congress tq join me in paying down the debt, securing. and modernizing M~dicare, \
. ·. . . .st;engtheniqg~:eCiucation, and providing affordable tax r·eli'ef.~There"'is time~irith.e weeks:,
. :· and"'month~.hliead, to do all of this and more. I have not given up on this Congres~; tpey,
.: should'!10't give up on themselves. If all ~~1 uJ)~-~Pl}qlic<l!ls 1 _~1}~ ·Oe~o.~,r~,t.s~ put~.~side':_ ·
partisanship ancl, fOCUS·f!~~ ..o.n.the nexf\eleefion, J:nit on the next century, we C~lii make a
• • ;. ' l ' real aiffererice in the lives of the American peopie for .years to:come
.
·.·In a message to Congress in 1952, Presid~nt H'aiTJ' Truman said: .~'The tuiTent'
strength of our economy is our. starting point tqday. We must move forward to advance
that strength." . F ort~-.s.~v~n years later, ,those w,01;~~ :t:ilfg r.em~_r.lfap! y tru_e .. : And~,so)ol:I~~·
with a strong America as a starting point, let us resolve ~o ~dvance thatArength into th~
21st Century.··
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E monds/ Shesol/ Glastris
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
REMARKS ON TAX CUT BILL
. THE ROSE GARDEN
September 23, 1999
�Revised Final 09/23/99 9:30am
Edmonds/ Shesol/ Glastris
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
REMARKS ON TAX CUT BILL
THE ROSE GARDEN .
September 23, 1999
�Congress has sent me the tax bill I have repeatedly
pledged to veto. In a moment, I will do so - because at a
time when America is moving forward, this bill would
tum us backward to the failed policies of the past.
In the 12 years before I became President,
irresponsible policies in Washington piled deficit upon
deficit and quadrupled the national debt. Interest rates
and unemployment were rising, wages were stagnant, and
growth was slow. Vice President Gore and I came to
office determined to change all that. With the help of
Congress, we put in place a new economic strategy of
fiscal discipline, expanded trade, and investment in our
people.
1
�- - - · - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
That strategy is working. In the past six and a half
years, it has produced lower interest rates, and ushered in
the longest peacetime economic expansion in American
history. Our economy has created more than 19 million
new jobs, rising wages, and record-breaking levels of
horne ownership. And by balancing the budget for the
first time in a generation, we have changed red ink into
black- turning a budget deficit of $290 billion into a
budget surplus of $99 billion this year, with growing
surpluses projected for years to come.
2
�The American people understand that these are not
just numbers on charts. The progress we have made is
something they see every day - in higher paychecks; in
the HOPE Scholarships that help send their children to
college; in lower interest rates for owning a horne and for
buying a car. This is the right course for our people. It is
making a difference in their lives. And they want us to
continue it.
Our hard-won prosperity gives us something few
generations have ever had: the chance to invest the
surplus to meet America's long-term challenges. We can
lift the burden of debt from the shoulders of the next
generation; secure the future of Social Security and
Medicare; and ensure a first-rate education and modem
schools for our children. These are rare and precious
opportunities.
3
�Unfortunately, the tax bill that Congress has sent
me would deny us these opportunities. This bill is too
big, too· bloated, and places too great a burden on
America's economy. It would force drastic cuts in
education, health care, and other vital areas. It would
cripple our ability to pay down the debt, save Social
Security, and secure and modernize Medicare. Nearly
a trillion dollars in tax cuts - a·nd not a dollar for
Medicare. I will veto this bill - because it is wrong for
Medicare, wrong for Social Security, wrong for
education, and wrong for the economy.
Now, many in Congress appear ready to throw in the
towel. That would be a disservice to the American
people, who sent us here to get things done.
4
�So instead, I ask the Congress not to go home until
we have worked together- in a good-faith effort- to
meet America's long-term fiscal challenges.
First, let's reach a bipartisan agreement to save Social
Security. The congressional majority's current plan, and _
its so-called "lockbox," would fail to protect the Social
Security surplus from being spent. Instead of this weak
lockbox, which would not extend the life of the trust fund
by even a single day, I call on Congress to construct a real
lockbox that keeps Social Security safe until 2050.
5
�Second, let's work together to secure Medicare.
With Medicare facing insolvency in just 16 years; and
with 3 out of 4 seniors lacking dependable, affordable
private prescription-drug coverage, we know we must not
put off this challenge. Months ago, I put forth a detailed
plan for Medicare that would reform and modernize it ·
with a voluntary, prescription-drug benefit. It would
address the immediate, critical needs of teaching
hospitals, skilled nursing facilities, and other priorities,
while extending Medicare's solvency until at least 2027.
Now, I don't expect the Republican majority to support
each and every detail of my plan. But I do expect this:
that the Republican leadership will join me and
congressional Democrats in good-faith negotiations to
meet these goals.
6
�Third, we should fulfill our obligations to the futureby producing a real budget that pays down the debt,
brings down interest rates, and makes vital investments in
education and the environment, in national security and
biomedical research. If we do this, we can pay down the
debt in 15 years, making America debt-free for the first
time since 183 5.
So let's do first things first: let's pay down the debt;
save Social Security; secure and modernize Medicare; and
make investments in the future. In the days ahead, I will
call on the Republican majority to work with me to fulfill
these fundamental obligations.
7
�If we can work together to meet these objectives, then we
can work together to provide middle-class tax relief we
can afford- tax relief that reflects the priorities of both
parties and the values of the American people. That
would be a true bipartisan compromise.
Every generation of Americans is called upon to meet
the challenges of its time. Our generation has an
unprecedented opportunity: to meet the challenges not
only of our time, but also the challenges of the future. Let
us seize that opportunity. Thank you.
8
�'.!
That strategy is working. In the past six and a half
years, it has produced lower interest rates, and ushered in
the longest peacetime economic expansion in American
-Mt/rL.~ ~~
.
history. Our economy has created more than 19 million
new jobs, rising wages, and record-breaking levels of
home ownership. And by balancing the budget for the
first time in a generation, we have changed red ink into
black - turning a budget deficit of $290 billion into a
budget surplus of $99 billion this year, with growing
surpluses projected for years to come.
2
�-------------------------------
The American people understand that these are not
~"" ~ '~ #Y-~0t.9--"-'4
just numbers on charts. ~progress
Wte--tta:v-e--mfifle-l.S_
CM;./;rrl~
som~thing they~ee evefy day- in higher paychecks; in
the HOPE Scholarships that help send their children to
college; in lower interest rates for owning a horne and for
buying a car. This is the right course for our people. It is
making a difference in their lives. And they want 1+8 to ·
continue it.
Our hard-won prosperity gives us something few
generations have ever had: the chance to invest the
surplus to meet America's long-term challenges. We can
lift the burden of debt from the shoulders of the next
generation; secure the future of Social Security and
Medicare; and ensure a first-rate education and modern ·
schools for our children. These are rare and precious
opportunities.
3
�Unfortunately, the tax bill that Congress has sent
~/}.~~
me would deny 1fS these opportunities. This bill is too
big, too bloated, and places too great a burden on
America's economy. It would force drastic cuts in
education, health care, and other vital areas. It would
cripple our ability to pay down the debt, save Social
Security, and secure and modernize Medicare. Nearly
a trillion dollars in tax cuts - and not a dollar for
Medicare. I will veto this bill- because it is wrong for
Medicare, wrong for Social Security, wrong for
education, and wrong for the economy.
Now, many in Congress appear ready to throw in the
towel. That would be a disservice to the American
people, who sent us here to get things done~~ .
4
�So instead, I ask the Congress not to go home until
we have worked together- in a good-faith effort- to
meet America's long-term fiscal challenges.
First, let's reach a bipartisan agreement to save Social
Security. The congressional majority's current plan, and
its so-called "lockbox," would fail to protect the Social
Security surplus from being spent. Instead of thi~ weak
lockbox, which would not extend the life of the trust fund
by even a single day, I call on Congress to construct a real
lockbox that keeps Social Security safe until 2050.
5
�Second, let's work together to secure Medicare.
With Medicare facing insolvency in just 16 years; and
with 3 out of 4 seniors lacking dependable, affordable
private prescription-drug coverage, we know we must not
put off this challenge. Months ago, I put forth a detailed
plan for Medicare that would reform and modernize it
with a voluntary, prescription-drug benefit. It would
address the immediate, critical needs of teaching
hospitals, skilled nursing facilities, and other priorities,
while extending Medicare's solvency until at least 2027.
Now, I don't expect the Republican majority to support
each and every detail of my plan. But I do expect this:
that the Republican leadership will join me and
congressional Democrats in good-faith negotiations to
meet these goals.
6
�-----------------
- - - - - -
--
Third, we should fulfill our obligations to the future '
by producing a real budget that pays down the debt,
brings down interest rates, and makes vital investments in
education and the environment, in national security and
biomedical research. If we do this, we can pay down the
debt in 15 years, making America debt-free for the first
time since 18 3 5.
So let's do first things first: let's pay down the debt;
save Social Security; secure and modernize Medicare; and
make investments in the future. In the days ahead, I will
call on the Republican majority to work with me to fulfill
these fundamental obligations ..
7
�If we can work together to meet these objectives, then we
can work together to provide middle-class tax relief we
can afford- tax relief that reflects the priorities of both
parties and the values of the American people. That
would be a true bipartisan compromise.
Every generation of Americans is called upon to meet
the challenges of its time. Our generation has an
unprecedented opportunity: to meet the challenges not
only of our time, but also the challenges of the future. Let
us seize that opportunity. Thank you.
8
�-------------------------------------------------------
Revis~dJ(raft
09/22/99 7:30pm
Glastrij Shesol
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
REMARKS ON TAX CUT BILL
THE ROSE GARDEN
September 23, 1999
On the desk at my side is a tax bill that the majority in Congress has sent me. It is a tax
bill I have repeatedly pledged to veto. In a moment, I will do so --:-because at a time when
America is moving forward, this bill would tum us backward to the failed policies of the past.
In the 12 years before I became President, irresponsible policies in Washington piled
deficit upon deficit and quadrupled the national debt. Interest rates and unemployment were
rising, wages were stagnant, and growth was slow. Vice President Gore and I came to office
determined to change all that. With the help of Congress, we put in place a new economic
strategy of fiscal discipline, expanded trade, and investment in our people.
That strategy is working. In the past six and a half years, it has produced lower interest
rates; and ushered in the longest peacetime economic expansion in American history. Our
economy has created more thari 19 million new jobs, rising wages, and record-breaking levels of
home ownership. And by balancing the budget for the first time in a generation, we have
changed red ink into black - turning a budget deficit of $290 billion into a budget surplus of $99
billion this year, with growing surpluses projected for years to come.
Our hard-won prosperity gives us something few generations have ever had: the chance
to meet America's long-term challenges. We can lift the burden of debt from the shoulders of
the next generation; secure the future of Social Security and Medicare; and ensure a first-rate
education and modem schools for our children. These are rare and precious opportunities.
Unfortunately, the tax bill that Congress has sent me would deny us these opportunities.
This bill is too big, too bloated, and places too great a burden on America's future. Nearly a
trillion dollars in tax cuts- and not a dollar for Medicare. This bill would cripple our ability to
pay down the debt, save Social Security, and strengthen and modernize Medicare. It would force
drastic cuts in education, health care, and other vital areas. It would threaten our prosperity by
abandoning our fiscal discipline.
This bill would be a big step in the wrong direction. And that is why I must veto it.
I::
But my door remains open.
~~·:engrz\te:!:UtM\~~::t::::lB.
::;;:' i~
targeted tn cuts f9r miittlle e
•
teaB .
~ ·
t
e ,
d
Social Security and Medicare One tbat mah:es the essential irnestments in om people, and
in our future. That's the right kind of bill. And that's the bill I will sign.
~
My actions today clear the path for real progress. We can now move beyond proposals
that serve special interests, and focus our efforts on the national interest. I will say again: my
1
�------------------------------------------------------.
door is open. I call on Congress to send me a bill that meets the challenges of the 21st Century sound legislation that Republicans and Democrats alike can support.
First, it should pay down the debt- and make America debt-free in 15 years, for the first
time since 1835.
Second, it should save Social Security. The majority's current plan, and its so-called
"lockbox," would fail to protect the Social Security surplus from being spent. Instead of this
weak lockbox, which would not extend the life of the trust fund by even a single day, I call on
Congress to construct a reallockbox that keeps Social Security safe until 2050.
Third, it should secure Medicare- and modernize it with a voluntary, prescription-drug
benefit. With Medicare facing insolvency in just 16 years; with three out of four seniors lacking
dependable, affordable private prescription-drug coverage; and with that number rising every
year, we know we must not put this challenge off.
That is why, months ago, I proposed a detailed plan to extend the life of the trust fund,
keep costs in line, improve quality, and add a long-overdue prescription-drug benefit. Congress
has yet to produce its own Medicare proposal. Thankfully, that debate is beginning. I challenge
the leadership to put a real Medicare plan on the table. When they do, I pledge to negotiate in
good faith to reach an agreement. For more than three decades, Medicare has eased the suffering
and extended the lives of countless Americans. We must act together- and act now- to secure
it for the decades to come.
Fourth, and finally, the right kind of bill should fulfill our obligations to the futuremaking vital investments in education and the environment, in national security and biomedical
research.
So let's do first things first: pay down the debt; save Social Security; strengthen and
modernize Medicare; and make investments in the future. Then we can talk about tax cuts - the
right kind of tax cuts that are true to the values of the American people.
Every generation of Americans is called upon to meet the challenges of its time. Our
generation has an unprecedented opportunity: to meet the challenges not only of our time, but
also the challenges of the future. Let us seize that opportunity. Thank you.
2
�;
-
Final 09/22/99 9:30pm
Edmonds/ Shesol/ Glastris
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
REMARKS ON TAX CUT BILL
THE ROSE GARDEN
September 23, 1999
�On the desk at my side is a tax bill that the majority
in Congress has sent me. It is a tax bill I have repeatedly
pledged to veto. In a moment, I will do so - because at a
time when America is moving forward, this bill would
tum us backward to the failed policies of the past.
In the 12 years before I became President,
irresponsible policies in Washington piled deficit upon
deficit and quadrupled the national debt. Interest rates
, ,~ unemployment were rising, wages were stagnant, and
growth was slow. Vice President Gore and I came to
office determined to change all that. With the help of
Congress, we put in place a new economic strategy of
fiscal discipline, expanded trade, and investment in our
people.
1
�~---~
------~---------------------
That strategy is working. In the past six and a half
years, it has produced lower interest rates, and ushered in
the longest peacetime economic expansion in American
history. Our economy has created more than 19 million
new jobs, rising wages, and record-breaking levels of
home ownership. And by balancing the budget for the
first time in a generation, we have changed red ink into
black - turning a budget deficit of $290 billion into a
budget surplus of $99 billion this year, with growing
surpluses projected for years to come.
The American people understand that these are not
just numbers on charts. The pr~gr7ss we have made is
~f~~
something they see every day- in lowefinter~st r-;;a~te~s~o:r-r~~~
owning a home, for buying a car, for sending a child
college. This is the right course for our people.
2
to~
�It is making a difference in their lives. And they want us
to continue it.
Our hard-won prosperity gives us something £
~~~~::..:::.,._
generations have ever had: the chance to
eet America's
long-term challenges. We can lift the burden of debt from
the shoulders of the next generation; secure the future of
Social Security and Medicare; .and ensure a first-rate
education and modern schools for our children. These are
rare and ,ous opportunities.
I~~)L
~ //,/ >_;-
.
~~
~;t_;..r-A
' +~t1J_z--. 6
Unfortunately, the tax bill that Congress has
se~
me would deny us these opportunities. This bill is too
big, too bloated, and places too great a burden on
3
'
�It would force drastic cuts in education, health care,
and other vital areas. It would cripple our ability to
pay down the debt, save Social Security' and seCUI(e
-
n
,/~i~-/4~~
and modernize Medicare.(;early a
trilli~~~!
tax cuts - and not a dollar for Medicare. .
woo
~
~g-st~il'l"'ttie wroo~; and that is ~I ~
7
I
Now, many in Congress appear ready to throw in the
towel. That would be a disservice to the American
people, who sent us here to get things done.
So instead, I ask the Congress not to go home until
we have worked together- in a good-faith effort- to
meet America's long-term fiscal challenges.
4
�First, let's reach a bipartisan agreement to save Social
Security. Let's put the money from Social Security in a
"lockbox." That money should go toward saving Social
Security until at least 2050. Otherwise, hands off. If the
congressional majority has a different lockbox proposalone that extends the life of the trust fund until 2050, one
.
-
that doesn't have an escape hatch- then they should
present it, and we will work on it together.
Second, let's work together to secure Medicare.
With Medicare facing insolvency in just 16 years; with 3
out of 4 seniors lacking dependable, affordable private
prescription-drug coverage; and with that number rising
every year, we know we must not put off this challenge.
5
�Months ago, I put forth a detailed
an for Medicare that
would reform and moderlJl.,i"~;~!Wmo~untary,
( ~·- !J-t:i,
JJJo111P"~ ~ /Mi!Jj~ ~
prescription-d~ benefit(aRd extend its solvency ntil at ~ ,
wUJ
I
~
~
least 2027: Now, I don't expect the Republican majori
to support each and every detail of my plan. But I do
expect this: that the Republican leadership will present a
-
/
9
~
~
11lan that meets these basic goals, and thetrwtll join me
and congressional Democrats in good-faith negotiations.
~~lf~l~r~~~~J~-
~d
~~1~
. Aa 7Jf?b
rea tsttc u dget that'(Javp
makes vtta
by pro uctng
-
~
~
I'
c.-..--->
investments in education and the environment, in national
security and biomedical research. If we do this, we can
pay down the debt in 15 years, making America debt-free
for the first time since 1835.
6
�So let's do first things first:
.
compromise.
Every generation of Americans is called upon to meet
the challenges of its time. Our generation has an
unprecedented opportunity: to meet the challenges not
only of our time, but also the challenges of the future. Let
us seize that opportunity. Thank you.
7
�~~
.
<)60
l ~ ~ . <?~-~ f~
:~~<:t
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So I say to the Congress: Work·,,;,i\j; md
that f,ayfio:r;u;;; debi .:_
America debt-free in 1?_years, for the first ti~~ since 1835.
c;~
me,~o ~ave' Social:,S.~curity~
~ongre~~ibnal\trlajQrity.~.s.plan
'm~'
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ihe
w.ouid
extend the life of the trust fund by eyen a single day. Nor would its.so~called ''lockbox".huly~
keep the Social Security surplus from being spent. Instead of a weak lockbox that does not
extend the life of Social Security by a single day, I call on Congress to work with me on a~ea
1
lockbox that will keep Social Security saf~ until2050.
/\A.:~
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d to modernize it with a
.3
voluntary, prescription-drugb~Ih. With Medicare faci insolvency in just 16 years; with
S
three out of four seniors lacking dependable, affo. rdabl pr~scription-drug covera~e; .and~with . ~!J 1
that number rising every year, we kno~--~e ·ll};u,s.t not .Pl!t.this challenge, off.. . . . ·,.\:. ;. . · .' ~~
proposed·a··~etailed
t::~xte~d t~e, l~fe. ~~; th~ trus~
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That is why, months ago, I
plan
fund, .
keep costs in line, improve quality, and add a long-overdue prescription-drug benefit. Congress ~
has yet to produce its own Medicare proposal. Thankfully, that debate is be innin . I challenge~
the leadership to put a real Medicare plan on the table- and do so by
e end of this month, ·
·
111
September 30 ]. When they do, I pledge to negotiate in good faith to reach an agr
or
more than three decades, Medicare has eased the suffering and extended the lives of countless
Americans. We must act together- and act now- to secure it for the decades to come.
~
Finally, I say to Congress: cm11e clean with the Americarrpeople. Stop your budget
~- It is time to give the American people numbers they can trust and investments they
can count on. It is time to fulfill our obligations to the future- from education to the
environment, from national security to biomedical research. ,I am ready to work with Congn~ss __
;m-an honest budg8t that protects America's interests.
·
Let's do first things first: pay down the debt; save Social Security; strengthen and
modernize Medicare; and make investments in the future. After we meet these fundamental
obligations, then I will be willing to work with Congress to develop a package of tax cuts that
reflects the priorities of both parties- and is true to the values o~the American people. This I/}
will be a true bipartisan compromise. _
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�Draft 09122199 1:30pm
Glastris/ Shesol
PRESIDENT \VILLIAM J. CLINTON
REMARKS ON TAX CUT BILL
THE ROSE GARDEN
September 23, 1999
On the desk at my side is a tax bill that the majority in Congress has sent me. It is a tax
bill I have repeatedly pledged to veto. In a moment, I will do so -because at a time when
America is moving forward, this bill would tum us backward to the failed policies of the past.
In the 12 years before I became President, irresponsible policies in Washington piled
deficit upon deficit and quadrupled the national debt. Interest rates and unemployment were
rising, wages were stagnant, and growth was slow. Vice President Gore and I came to office
determined to change all that. With the help of Congress, we put in place a new economic
strategy of fiscal discipline, expanded trade, and investment in our people.
That strategy is working. In the past six and a half years, it has produced lower interest
rates, and ushered in the longest peacetime economic expansion in American history. Our
economy has created more than 19 million new jobs, rising wages, and record-breaking levels of
home ownership. And by balancing the budget for the first time in a generation, we have
changed red ink into black- turning a budget deficit of $290 billion into a budget surplus of $99
billion this year, and growing surpluses projected for years to come.
Our hard-won prosperity gives us something few generations have ever had: the chance
to meet America's long-term challenges. We can lift the burden of debt from the shoulders of
the next generation; secure the future of Social Security and Medicare; and ensure a first-rate
education and modem schools for our children. These are rare and precious opportunities.
Unfortunately, the tax bill that Congress has sent me would deny us these opportunities.
Thisbill is too big, too bloated, and places too great a burden on America's future. Nearly a
trillion dollars in tax cuts- and not a dollar for Medicare. Those are the wrong priorities for
America, and that is why I must veto this bill.
·
I will veto this bill because it would cripple our ability to pay down the debt, save Social
Security, and strengthen and modemiz~ Medicare. It would force drastic cuts in education,
health care, and other vital areas. It would threaten our prosperity by abandoning our fiscal
discipline. It would be a big step in the wrong direction.
My actions today will clear the path for real progress. We can now move beyond
proposals that serve special interests more than the national interest. I call on Congress to work
with me to fashion a budget that meets the challenges of the 21st Century- a responsible budget
that Republicans and Democrats alike can support.
�So I say to the Congress: work with me on a budget -that pays down the debt- and makes
America debt-free in 15 years, for the first time since 1835.
Work with me to save Social Security. The congressional majority's plan would not
extend the life of the trust fund by even a single day. Nor would its so-called "lockbox" truly
keep the Social Security surplus from being spent. Instead of a weak lockbox that does not
extend the life of Social Security by a single day, I call on Congress to work with me on a reallockbox that will keep Social Security safe until 2050.
I say to Congress: work with me to secure Medicare, and to modernize it with a
voluntary, prescription-drug benefit. With Medicare facing insolvency in just 16 years; with
three out of four seniors lacking dependable, affordable private prescription-drug coverage; and
with that number rising every year, we know we must not put this challenge off.
That is why, months ago, I proposed a detailed plan to extend the life of the trust fund,
keep costs in line, improve quality, and add a long-overdue prescription-drug benefit. Congress
has yet to produce its own Medicare proposal. Thankfully, that debate is beginning. I challenge
the leadership to put a real Medicare plan on the table [- and do so by the end of this month,
1
September 30 h]. When they do, I pledge to negotiate in good faith to reach an agreement. For
more than three decades, Medicare has eased the suffering and extended the lives of countless
Americans. We must act together- and act now- to secure it for the decades to come.
Finally, I say to Congress: come clean with the American people. Stop your budget
gimmicks. It is time to give the American people numbers they can trust and investments they
can count on. It is time to fulfill our obligations to the future- from education to the
environment, from national security to biomedical research. I am ready to work with Congress
on an honest budget that protects America's interests.
Let's do first things first: pay down the debt; save Social Security; strengthen and
modernize Medicare; and make investments in the future. After we meet these fundamental
obligations, then I will be willing to work with Congress to develop a package of tax cuts that
reflects the priorities of both parties- and is true to the values of the American people. This
will be a true bipartisan compromise.
Every generation of Americans is called upon to meet the challenges of its time. Our
generation has an unprecedented opportunity: to meet the challenges not only of our time, but
also the challenges ofthe~future. Let us seize that opportunity. Thank you.
2
�Revised Final 09/23/99 9:30am
Edmonds/ Shesol/ Glastris
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
REMARKS ON TAX CUT BILL
. THE ROSE GARDEN
September 23, 1999
Congress has sent me the tax bill I have repeatedly pledged to veto. In a moment, I will
do so - because at a time when America is moving forward, this bill would tum us backward to
the failed policies of the past.
. In the 12 years before I became President, irresponsible policies in Washington piled
deficit upon deficit and quadrupled the national debt. Interest rates and unemployment were
rising, wages were stagnant, and growth was slow. Vice President Gore and I came to office
determined to change all that. With the help of Congress, we put in place a new economic
strategy of fiscal discipline, expanded trade, and investment in our people.
That strategy is working. In the past six and a half years, it has produced lower interest
rates, and ushered in the longest peacetime economic expansion in American history. Our
economy has created more than 19 million new jobs, rising wages, and record-breaking levels of
home ownership. And by balancing the budget for the first time in a generation, we have
changed red ink into black- turning a budget deficit of $290 billion into a budget surplus of $99
billion this year, with growing surpluses projected for years to come.
The American people understand that these are not just numbers on charts. The progress
we have made is something they see every day- in higher paychecks; in the HOPE Scholarships
that help send their children to college; in lower interest rates for owning a home and for buying
a car. This is the right course for our people. It is making a difference in their lives. And they
want us to continue it.
Our hard-won prosperity gives us something few generations have ever had: the chance
to invest the surplus to meet America's long-term challenges. We can lift the burden of debt
from the shoulders of the next generation; secure the future of Social Security and Medicare; and
ensure a first-rate education and modem schools for our children. These are rare and precious
opportunities.
Unfortunately, the tax bill that Congress has sent me would deny us these
opportunities. This bill is too big, too bloated, and places too great a burden on America's
economy. It would force drastic cuts in education, health care, and other vital areas. It
would cripple our ability to pay down the debt, save Social Security, and secure and
modernize Medicare. Nearly a trillion dollars in tax cuts- and not a dollar for Medicare.
So I will veto this bill- because it is wrong for Medicare, wrong for Social Security, wrong
for education, and wrong for the economy.
1
�Now, many in Congress appear ready to throw in the towel. That would be a disservice
to the American people, who sent us here to get things done.
So instead, I ask the Congress not to go home until we have worked together- in a goodfaith effort- to meet America's long-term fiscal challenges.
First, let's reach a bipartisan agreement to save Social Security. The congressional
majority's current plan, and its so-called "lockbox," would fail to protect the Social Security
surplus from being spent. Instead of this weak lockbox, which would not extend the life ofthe
trust fund by even a single day, I call on Congress to construct a reallockbox that keeps Social
Security safe until 2050.
Second, let's work together to secure Medicare. With Medicare facing insolvency in just
16 years; and with 3 out of 4 seniors lacking dependable, affordable private prescription-drug
coverage, we know we must not put off this challenge. Months ago, I put forth a detailed plan
for Medicare that would reform and modernize it with a voluntary, prescription-drug benefit. It
would address the immediate, critical needs of teaching hospitals, skilled nursing facilities, and
other priorities, while extending its solvency until at least 2027. Now, I don't expect the
Republican majority to support each and every detail of my plan. But I do expect this: that the
Republican leadership will present a plan that meets these basic goals, and then will join me and
congressional Democrats in good-faith negotiations.
Third, we should fulfill our obligations to the future- by producing a real budget that
pays down the debt, brings down interest rates, and makes vital investments in education and the
environment, in national security and biomedical research. If we do this, we can pay down the
debt in 15 years, making America debt-free for the first time since 1835.
So let's do first things first: let's pay down the debt; save Social Security; secure and
modernize Medicare; and make investments in the future. In the days ahead, I will call on the
Republican majority to work with me to achieve these fundamental obligations. If we can work
together to meet these objectives, then we can work together to provide middle-class tax relief
we can afford- tax relief that reflects the priorities of both parties and the values of the
American people. That would be a true bipartisan compromise.
Every generation of Americans is called upon to meet the challenges of its time. Our
generation has an unprecedented opportunity: to meet the challenges not only of our time, but
also the challenges of the future. Let us seize that opportunity. Thank you.
2
�-
-
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
Many in congress are ready now to call it quits and throw
in the towel. That would be a disservice to the American
people.
Instead, I'd like to ask the Congress not to go home until
we've worked together to come forward with a good faith
effort to meet our long-term fiscal challenges.
~
First, let's come to a bipartisan agreement on a social
~~ security lock box that will truly protect the Social Security
~ ~~ surplus and ensure that we have extended the solvency of
~ Social Security until 2050. Ifthe Republicans have a
~, different lock-box proposal that extends solvency to 2050
they should present it and we should work on it together.
~ +- .
The current lock boxes have too many escape hatches and
~~.don't extend the solvency of Social Security by a single
day.
e
Second, months ago I proposed a detailed Medicare
proposal that had three goals: 1) Modernization and
Reform; 2) Prescription Drugs; and 3) Extends the
,.solvency until at least 2027. I don't expect the- Republican
lk'~ Congress to support each and every detail of my plan, but I
~ do expect this: I'd ask the Republican leadership to
~-v£ present a plan that meets these three goals and then joins .
~~7 me a~d ~ongressional Democrats in a good faith bipartisan
\~" negotiations.
(If we can meet these goals and have a realistic budget for
education, Medicare reserve, environment and national
security we can pay down debt in 15 years.)
,.-
•
•
1
_j
~
�Draft 09/22/99 12:30pm
Glastris/ Shesol
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
REMARKS ON TAX CUT BILL
THE ROSE GARDEN
September 23, 1999
On the desk at my side is a tax bill that the majority in Congress has sent me. It is a tax
bill I have repeatedly pledged to veto. In a moment, I will do so- because at a time when
America is moving forward, this bill would turn us backward to the failed policies of the past.
In the 12 years before I became President, irresponsible policies in Washington piled
deficit upon deficit and quadrupled the national debt. Interest rates and unemployment were
rising, wages were stagnant, and growth was slow. Vice President Gore and I came to office
determined to change all that. With the help of Congress, we put in place a new economic
strategy of fiscal discipline, expanded trade, and investment in our people.
That strategy is working. In the past six and a half years, it has produced lower interest
rates, and ushered in the longest peacetime economic expansion in American history. Our
economy has created more than 19 million new jobs, rising wages, and record-breaking levels of
home ownership. And by balancing the budget for the first time in a generation, we have
changed red ink into black- turning a budget deficit of $290 billion into a budget surplus of $99
billion this year, and growing surpluses projected for years to come.
Our hard-won prosperity gives us something few generations have ever had: the chance
to meet America's long-term challenges. We can lift the burden of debt from the shoulders of
the next generation; secure the future of Social Security and Medicare; and ensure a first-rate
education and modern schools for our children. These are rare arid precious oppmiunities.
Unfortunately, the tax bill that Congress has sent me would deny us these oppmiunities.
This bill is too big, too bloated, and places too great a burden on America's future. Nearly a
trillion dollars in tax cuts- and not a dollar for Medicare. Those are the wrong priorities for
America, and that is why I must veto this bill.
I will veto this bill because it would cripple our ability to pay down the debt, save Social
Security, and strengthen and modernize Medicare. It would force drastic cuts in education,
health care, and other vital areas. It would threaten our prosperity by abandoni][}g our fiscal
discipline. It would be a big step in the wrong direction.
My actions today will clear the path for real progress. We can now move beyond
proposals that serve special interests more than the national interest. I call on Congress to work
with me to fashion a budget that meets the challenges of the 21st Century- a responsible budget
that Republicans and Democrats alike can support.
1
�So I say to the Congress: work with me on a budget that pays down the debt- and makes
America debt-free in 15 years, for the first time since 1835.
Work with me to save Social Security. The congressional majority's plan would not
extend the life of the trust fund by even a single day. Nor would its so-called "lockbox" truly
keep the Social Security surplus from being spent. Instead of a weak lockbox that does not
extend the life of Social Security by a single day, I call on Congress to work with me on a real
lockbox that will keep Social Security safe until2050.
I say to Congress: work with me to secure Medicare, and to modernize it with a
voluntary, prescription-drug benefit. With Medicare facing insolvency in just 16 years; with
three out of four seniors lacking dependable, affordable prescription-drug coverage; and with
that number rising every year, we know we must not put this challenge off.
That is why, months ago, I proposed a detailed plan to extend the life of the trust fund,
keep costs in line, improve quality, and add a long-overdue prescription-drug benefit. Congress
has yet to produce its own Medicare proposal. Thankfully, that debate is beginning. I challenge
the leadership to put a real Medicare plan on the table- and do so by [the end of this month,
September 301h]. When they do, I pledge to negotiate in good faith to reach an agreement. For
more than three decades, Medicare has eased the suffering and extended the lives of countless
Americans. We must act together- and act now - to secure it for the decades to come.
Finally, I say to Congress: come·clean with the American people. Stop your budget
gimmicks. It is time to give the American people numbers they can trust and investments they
can count on. It is time to fulfill our obligations to the future- from education to the
environment, from national security to biomedical research. I am ready to work with Congress
on an honest budget that protects America's interests.
Let's do first things first: pay down the debt; save Social Security; strengthen and
modernize Medicare; and make investments in the future. After we meet these fundamental
obligations, then I will be willing to work with Congress to develop a package of tax cuts that
reflects the priorities of both parties- and is true to the values of the American people. This
will be a true bipatiisan compromise.
Every generation of Americans is called upon to meet the challenges of its time. Our
generation has an unprecedented opportunity: to meet the challenges not only of our time, but
also the challenges of the future. Let us seize that opportunity. Thank you.
2
�SEP. 22.1999 2:01PM
NO. 0289
P. 2
"Change That Works for Working Families"
A1 Gore knows how hard families work and the pressures they face. As President, he'll
make a difference for working families, building on the progress of the last seven years to
help expand our prosperity and fight for issues important to our families like education,
health care, and preserving Social Security and Medicare, bringing about change that
works for working families.
In 1970, he saw his father defeated for the Senate because of his courageous stands for
civil rights and for gun control. Gore served in Vietnam and came home doubting that
politics could make a difference. He started to raise a family (he's a father of four and
now a grandfather), studied religion and worked as a newspaper reporter exposing
·
corruption in local government. He came to see he could make a difference for people
and decided to fight back, winning a seat in Congress and taking on the special interests,
like the big polluters dumping toxic waste.
As a. Congressman, Senator and Vice President, Al Gore has been at the center of some of
our most important battles, a principled fighter standing up for working families. He cast
the decisive votes to protect our children from guns, to create jobs, balance the budget,
eliminate the deficit, and create a trillion dollar surplus. A leader protecting our
environment, he has won new commitments for education, health care and to protect
Social Security and Medicare. He played an important role in lowering our crime rate and
welfare roles and creating an economy that is the best in a generation.
As President, AI Gore has the experience to build on what works and change what needs
changing. He is the only candidate able to successfully build on the progress we've made.
AI Gore has a proven record helping the American people bring this economy back to
prosperity and a set of specific jdeas for change in the future- new proposals in
education to raise test scores; new ideas in health care to cover all children and ensure
that prescription drugs are affordable for our.elderly; new measures to protect our
children from gangs, guns, and drugs and a strong commitment to protect Social Security
and Medicare.
Al Gore will continue to build on the progress we've made and continue to move
America forward for every working family.
-./
...
�J' .
SEP. 22.1999 2:02PM
NO. 0289
KEY MESSAGE ELEMENTS
Working Families:
•
•
•
Understands the pressures on working families
Stands up for you over special interests
Expanding prosperity and growth
Change:
• Right kind of change
• Change that works for working families
• Continuity and change: change that builds on accomplishment
• Change based on principles, not the needs of special interests
• Change that can be accomplished
• Experience to bring about change
Issues;
•
•
Strengthen Social Security and Medicare (including prescription drugs)
Improve health care coverage, quality and cost, including all children covered by .
2005 and strong Patient's Bill of Rights
• Improve education, including universal pre·school
• Ensure equal pay
• Fiscal responsibility: balance the budget or better, reduce the debt
• Keep guns away.from kids and criminals, including gun licensing
• Guarantee privacy
• Protect children on the Internet
Bio:
• Principled fighter
• Values of faith and family
• Committed father and grandfather, married 29 years
• Vietnam
• Public Service: Cast deciding votes for gun control, standing up to radical right
P. 3
�PRESIDENT'S MEDICARE PLAN
./
Private Purchasing Tools for the Traditional Program
./
Price Competition For Managed Care Plans
./
Affordable Prescription Drug Option In All Plans
./
Medicare Trust Fund Solvency to 2027
./
Moderates Balanced Budget Act Payment Reductions
�PRESIDENT'S MEDICARE PLAN
J
Private P~rchasing Too~s for the Traditional Program
./
Price Conipet~tion For Managed Care Plans
'·
.
J
~
....
.
Affordabie ·Prescription .Drug Option In All Plans
~·.~~;
1 •..,
'
I
J
Medicare Trust Fund Solvency to 2027
J
Moderates Balanced Budget Act Payment Reductions
-----------600~
- - - - - ·- - - - -
XVd tc:c1
---
66/66/60
�I Ht: VVHl l t::. ·nuuvc.
Christopher C. Jennings
0 eputy Asststant to· the Prestdent for Health Policy
216 Old· Executive Office Building
washtngton~ DC 20502
phone: (202.) 456~5560
.faX: (202.) 456-5557
Facsimile Transmission Cover Sheet
To:
~, Lrr-1
Fax Number:
\
:£.r, d fa'" (
0,
\
lJ;
Telephone Number:
I
-0-505
----------=-----------
Pages (lnctudtng Cover):---~----------
--·
..
.
~.. ......
___ _
, _,_.--
- - - · -- - - 100~
XVd vc:c1
66/66/60
�-z_') 'l '\
Co~'X..
Y'
Draft 09/22/99 8:30pm
Glastris/ Shesol
('\ 1"'{-\.\ ~
~~~\
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
REMARKS ON TAX CUT BILL
EN
99
On the desk at my side is a tax bill t at the majority in Congress has sent me. It is a tax
bill I have repeatedly pledged to veto. In a moment, I will do so -because at a time when
America is moving forward, this bill would tum us backward to the failed policies of the past.
In the 12 years before I became President, irresponsible policies in Washington piled
deficit upon deficit and quadrupled the national debt. Interest rates and unemployment were
rising, wages were stagnant, and growth was slow. Vice President Gore and I came to office
determined to change all that. With the help of Congress, we put in place a new economic
strategy of fiscal discipline, expanded trade, and investment in our people.
That strategy is working. In the past six and a half years, it has produced lower interest
rates, and ushered in the longest peacetime economic expansion in American history. Our
economy has created more than 19 million new jobs, rising wages, and record-breaking levels of
home ownership. And by balancing the budget for the first time in a generation, we have
changed red ink into black- turning a budget deficit of $290 billion into a budget surplus of $99
billion this year, ~owing surpluses projected for years to come.
The American people understand that these are not just numbers on charts. The progress
we have made is something they see every day - in lower interest rates for owning a home, for
buyin~ a car, for sending a child ~o co~lege. OJ!f economic strat_egy is \\iOrking1 ~n~ the t! A. ..... )/~
Amencan people want us to contmue 1t.
~, M_.,~ tv-<- ~~ .A4 ,,_..,_- t
Our hard-won prosperity gives us something few generations have ever had: the chance
to meet America's long-term challenges. We can lift the burden of debt from the shoulders of
the next generation; secure the future of Social Security and Medicare; and ensure a first-rate
education and modem schools for our children. These are rare and precious opportunities.
Unfortunately, the tax bill that Congress has sent me would deny us these
opportunities. This bill is too big, too bloated, and places too great a burden on America's
future. It would force drastic cuts in education, health care, and other vital areas. It would
cripple our ability to pay down the debt, save Social Security, and secure and modernize
Medicare. Nearly a trillion dollars in tax cuts- and not a dollar for Medicare. That
would be a big step in the wrong direction; and that is why I must veto this bill.
My actions today will clear the path for real progress. Now, many in Congress appear
ready to throw in the towel. That would be a disservice to the American people, who sent us
here to get things done.
1
�So instead, I ask the Congress not to go home until we have worked together- in a good
faith effort- to meet America's long-term fiscal challenges.
First, let's reach a bipartisan agreement to save Social Security. Let's out the money
from Social Security in a "lockbox." That money should go toward saving Social Security until
at least 2050. Otherwise, hands off. If the congressional majority has a different lockbox
proposal- one that extends the life of the trust fund until2050, one that doesn't have an escape
hatch- then they should present it, and we will work on it together.
Second, let's work together to secure Medicare. With Medicare facing insolvency in just
16 years; with three out of four seniors lacking dependable, affordable private prescription-drug
coverage; and with that number rising every year, we know we must not put this challenge off.
Months ago, I put forth a detailed plan for Medicare that would reform and modernize it with a
voluntary, prescription-drug benefit; and extend its solvency until at least 2027. Now, I don't
expect the Republican majority to support each and every detail of my plan. But I do expect this:
that the Republican leadership will present a plan that meets these basic goals, and then will join
me and Congressional Democrats in good-faith negotiations.
Third, we should fulfill our obligations to the future - by producing a realistic budget that
makes vital investments in education and the environment, in national security and biomedical
research. Ifwe do this, we can make America debt-free in 15 years, for the first time since 1835.
So let's do first things first: let's pay down the debt; save Social Security; secure and
modernize Medicare; and make investments in the future. After we meet these fundamental
obligations, then we can talk about tax cuts- the right kind of tax cuts that are true to the values
ofthe American people. That would be a true bipartisan compromise.
Every generation of Americans is called upon to meet the challenges of its time. Our
generation has an unprecedented opportunity: to meet the challenges not only of our time, but
also the challenges of the future. Let us seize that opportunity. Thank you.
2
�Draft 09/22/99 1:30pm
Glastris/ Shesol
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
REMARKS ON TAX CUT BILL
THE ROSE GARDEN
September 23, 1999
On the desk at my side is a tax bill that the majority in Congress has sent me. It is a tax
bill I have repeatedly pledged to veto. In a moment, I will do so -because at a time when
America is moving forward, this bill would tum us backward to the failed policies of the past.
In the 12 years before I became President, irresponsible policies in Washington piled
deficit upon deficit and quadrupled the national debt. Interest rates and unemployment were
rising, wages were stagnant, and growth was slow. Vice President Gore and I came to office
determined to change all that. With the help of Congress, we put in place a new economic
strategy of fiscal discipline, expanded trade, and investment in our people.
That strategy is working. In the past six and a half years, it has produced lower interest
rates, and ushered in the longest peacetime economic expansion in American history. Our
economy has created more than 19 million new jobs, rising wages, and record-breaking levels of
home ownership. And by balancing the budget for the first time in a generation, we have
changed red ink into black- turning a budget deficit of $290 billion into a budget surplus of $99
billion this year, and growing surpluses projected for years to come.
Our hard-won prosperity gives us something few generations have ever had: the chance
to meet America's long-term challenges. We can lift the burden of debt from the shoulders of
the next generation; secure the future of Social Security and Medicare; and ensure a first-rate
education and modem schools for our children. These are rare and precious opportunities.
Unfortunately, the tax bill that Congress has sent me would deny us these opportunities.
This bill is too big, too bloated, and places too great a burden on America's future. Nearly a
trillion dollars in tax cuts- and not a dollar for Medicare. Those are the wrong priorities for
·America, and that is why I must veto this bill.
I will veto this bill because it would cripple our ability to pay down the debt, save Social
.Security, and strengthen and modernize Medicare. It would force drastic cuts in education,
health care, and other vital areas. It would threaten our prosperity by abandoning our fiscal
discipline. It would be a big step in the wrong direction.
My actions today will clear the path for real progress. We can now move beyond
proposals that serve special interests more than the national interest. I call on Congress to work
with me to fashion a budget that meets the challenges of the 21st Century- a responsible budget
that Republicans and Democrats alike can support. (
�j
'i
t
'
So I say to the Congress: work with me on a budget that pays down the debt- and makes
America debt-free in 15 years, for the first time since 1835.
Work with me to save Social Security. The congressional majority's plan would not
extend the life of the trust fund by even a single day. Nor would its so-called "lockbox" truly
keep the Social Security surplus from being spent. Instead of a weak lockbox that does not
extend the life of Social Security by a single day, I call on Congress to work with me on a real
lockbox that will keep Social Security safe until 2050.
I say to Congress: work with me to secure Medicare, and to modernize it with a
voluntary, prescription-drug benefit. With Medicare facing insolvency in just 16 years; with
three out of four seniors lacking dependable, affordable private prescription-drug coverage; and
with that number rising every year, we know we must not put this challenge off.
That is why, months ago, I proposed a detailed plan to extend the life of the trust fund,
keep costs in line, improve quality, and add a long-overdue prescription-drug benefit.. Congress
has yet to produce its own Medicare proposal. Thankfully, that debate is beginning. I challenge
the leadership to put a real Medicare plan on the table [-and do so by the end of this month,
September 301h]. When they do, I pledge to negotiate in good faith to reach an agreement. For
more than three decades, Medicare has eased the suffering and extended the lives of countless
Americans. We must act together- and act now- to secure it for the decades to come.
Finally, I say to C_gn.gress~lean with the American people. Stop your budget
gimmicks. It is ti~ogive the American people numbers they can trust and investments they
can count on tls time to fulfill our obligations to the future- from education to the
enviro ent, from national security to biomedical research. I am ready to work with Congress
on honest budget that protects America's interests.
Let's do first things first: pay down the debt; save Social Security; strengthen and
modernize Medicare; and make investments in .the future. After we meet these fundamental
obligations, then I will be willing to work with Congress to develop a package of tax cuts that
reflects the priorities of both parties- and is true to the values of the American people. This
will be a true bipartisan compromise.
Every generation of Americans is called upon to meet the challenges of its time. Our
generation has an unprecedented opportunity: to meet the challenges not only of our time, but
also the challenges of the future. Let us seize that opportunity. Thank you.
�'
.,
11
Revised Draft 09/22/99 7:30pm
Glastris/ Shesol
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
REMARKS ON TAX CUT BILL
THE ROSE GARDEN
September 23, 1999
On the desk at my side is a tax bill that the majority in Congress has sent me. It is a tax
bill I have repeatedly pledged to veto. In a moment, I will do so- because at a time when
America is moving forward, this bill would tum us backward to the failed policies of the past.
In the 12 years before I became President, irresponsible policies in Washington piled
deficit upon deficit and quadrupled the national debt. Interest rates and unemployment were
rising, wages were stagnant, and growth was slow. Vice President Gore and I came to office
determined to change all that. With the help of Congress, we put in place a new economic
strategy of fiscal discipline, expanded trade, and investment in our people.
That strategy is working. In the past six and a half years, it has produced lower interest
rates, and ushered in the longest peacetime economic expansion in American history. Our
economy has created more than 19 million new jobs, rising wages, and record-breaking levels of
home ownership. And by balancing the budget for the first time in a generation, we have
changed red ink into black- turning a budget deficit of $290 billion into a budget surplus of $99
billion this year, with growing surpluses projected for years to come.
Our hard-won prosperity gives us something few generations have ever had: the chance
to meet America's long-term challenges. We can lift the burden of debt from the shoulders of
the next generation; secure the future of Social Security and Medicare; and ensure a first-rate
education and modem schools for our children. These are rare and precious opportunities.
Unfortunately, the tax bill that Congress has sent me would deny us these opportunities.
This bill is too big, too bloated, and places too great a burden on America's future. Nearly a
trillion dollars in tax cuts- and not a dollar for Medicare. This bill would cripple our ability to
pay down the debt, save Social Security, and strengthen and modernize Medicare. It would force
drastic cuts in education, health care, and other vital areas. It would threaten our prosperity by
abandoning our fiscal discipline.
This bill would be a big step in the wrong direction. And that is why I must veto it.
But my door remains open. I call on Congress to send me the right kind of bill: One with
targeted tax cuts for middle-class Americans. One that pays down the debt, and saves
Social Security and Medicare. One that makes the essential investments in our people, and
in our future. That's the right kind of bill. And that's the bill I will sign.
My actions today clear the path for real progress. We can now move beyond proposals
that serve special interests, and focus our efforts on the national interest. I will say again: my
1
�-------------------;--------------------------
door is open. , I call on Congress to send me a bill that meets the challenges of the 21st Century sound legislation that Republicans and Democrats alike can support.
First, it should pay down the debt- and make America debt-free in 15 years, for the first
time since 1835.
Second, it should save Social Security. The majority's current plan, and its so-called
"lockbox," would fail to protect the Social Security surplus from being spent. Instead of this
weak lockbox, which would not extend the life of the trust fund by even a single day, I call on
Congress to construct a reallockbox that keeps Social Security safe until 2050.
Third, it should secure Medicare- and modernize it with a voluntary, prescription-drug
benefit. With Medicare facing insolvency in just 16 years; with three out of four seniors lacking
dependable, affordable private prescription-drug coverage; and with that number rising every
year, we know we must not put this challenge off.
That is why, months ago, I proposed a detailed plan to extend the life of the trust fund,
keep costs in line, improve quality, and add a long-overdue prescription-drug benefit. Congress
has yet to produce its own Medicare proposal. Thankfully, that debate is beginning. I challenge
the leadership to put a real Medicare plan on the table. When they do, I pledge to negotiate in
good faith to reach an agreement. For more than three decades, Medicare has eased the suffering
and extended the lives of countless Americans. We must act together- and act now- to secure
it for the decades to come.
Fourth, and finally, the right kind of bill should fulfill our obligations to the futuremaking vital investments in education and the environment, in national security and biomedical
research.
So let's do first things first: pay down the debt; save Social Security; strengthen and
modernize Medicare; and make investments in the future. Then we can talk about tax cuts - the
right kind of tax cuts that are true to the values of the American people.
Every generation of Americans is called upon to meet the challenges of its time. Our
generation has an unprecedented opportunity: to meet the challenges not only of our time, but
also the challenges of the future. Let us seize that opportunity. Thank you.
2
�Draft 09/22/99 12:30pm
Glastris/ Shesol
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
REMARKS ON TAX CUT BILL
THE ROSE GARDEN
September 23, 1999
On the desk at my side is a tax bill that the majority in Congress has sent me. It is a tax
bill I have repeatedly pledged to veto. In a moment, I will do so -because at a time when
America is moving forward, this bill would turn us backward to the failed policies of the past.
In the 12 years before I became President, irresponsible policies in Washington piled
deficit upon deficit and quadrupled the national debt. Interest rates and unemployment were
rising, wages were stagnant, and growth was slow. Vice President Gore and I came to office
determined to change all that. With the help of Congress, we put in place a new economic
strategy of fiscal discipline, expanded trade, and investment in our people.
That strategy is working. In the past six and a half years, it has produced lower interest
rates, and ushered in the longest peacetime economic expansion in American history. Our
economy has created more than 19 million new jobs, rising wages, and record-breaking levels of
home ownership. And by balancing the budget for the first time in a generation, we have
changed red ink into black- turning a budget deficit of $290 billion into a budget surplus of $99
billion this year, and growing surpluses projected for years to come.
Our hard-won prosperity gives us something few generations have ever had: the chance
to meet America's long-term challenges. We can lift the burden of debt from the shoulders of
the next generation; secure the future of Social Security and Medicare; and ensure a first-rate
education and modern schools for our children. These are rare and precious opportunities.
Unfortunately, the tax bill that Congress has sent me would deny us these opportunities.
This bill is too big, too bloated, and places too great a burden on America's future. Nearly a
trillion dollars in tax cuts- and not a dollar for Medicare. Tho_se a'lf the wrong f~~or
America, and that is why I must veto this bill. ,.- ~ ~~ ~ t ....
~
,v"\
I will veto this bill because it would cripple our ability to pay down the debt, save Social
Security, and strengthen and modernize Medicare. It would force drastic cuts in education,
health care, and other vital areas. It would threaten our prosperity by abandoning our fiscal
discipline. It would be a big step in the wrong direction.
My actions today will clear the path for real progress. We can now move beyond
proposals that serve special interests more than the national interest. I call on Congress to work
with me to fashion a budget that meets the challenges of the 21st Century- a responsible budget
that Republicans and Democrats alike can support.
1
�Draft 09/22/99 6:00pm
Glastris/ Shesol
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
REMARKS ON TAX CUT BILL
THE ROSE GARDEN
September 23, 1999
On the desk at my side is a tax bill that the majority in Congress has sent me. It is a tax
bill I have repeatedly pledged to veto. In a moment, I will do so- because at a time when
America is moving forward, this bill would turn us backward to the failed policies of the past.
In the 12 years before I became President, irresponsible policies in Washington piled
deficit upon deficit and quadrupled the national debt. Interest rates and unemployment were
rising, wages were stagnant, and growth was slow. Vice President Gore and I came to office
determined to change all that. With the help of Congress, we put in place a new economic
strategy of fiscal discipline, expanded trade, and investment in our people.
That strategy is working. In the past six and a half years, it has produced lower interest
rates, and ushered in the longest peacetime economic expansion in American history. Our
economy has created more than 19 million new jobs, rising wages, and record-breaking levels of
home ownership. And by balancing the budget for the first time in a generation, we have
changed red ink into black- turning a budget deficit of $290 billion into a budget surplus of $99
billion this year, ~wing surpluses projected for years to come.
Our hard-won prosperity gives us something few generations have ever had: the chance
to meet America's long-term challenges. We can lift the burden of debt from the shoulders of
the next generation; secure the future of Social Security and Medicare; and ensure a first-rate
education and modern schools for our children. These are rare and precious opportunities.
Unfortunately, the tax bill that Congress has sent me would deny us these opportunities.
This bill is too big, too bloated, and places too great a burden on America's future. Nearly a
trillion dollars in tax cuts - and not a dollar for Medicare. This bill would cripple our ability to
pay down the debt, save Social Security, and strengthen and modernize Medicare. It would force
drastic cuts in education, health care, and other vital areas. It would threaten our prosperity by
abandoning our fiscal discipline.
This bill would be a big step in the wrong direction. And that is why I must veto it.
But my door remains open. I call on Congress to send me the right kind of bill: On;r~~h,.., )
targeted tax cuts for middle-class Americans. One that pays down the debt, a.JlEI"saves vv
Social Security and Medicare. One that makes the essential investments in,-(ciucation, the
environment, defense, and biomedical research. That's the right kind of bill. And that's ·
the bill I will sign.
~
·crvo_.
My actions today clear the path for real progress. We can now move beyond proposals
that serve special interests, and focus our efforts on the national interest. I will say it again: my
1
�door is open. I call on Congress to send me a bill that meets the challenges of the 21st Centurysound legislation that Republicans and Democrats alike can support.
First, it should pay down the debt- and make America debt-free in 15 years, for the first
time since 1835.
Second, it should save Social Security. The majority's current plan, and its so-called
"lockbox," would not extend the life of the trust fund by even a single day. Instead of this weak
lockbox, I call on Congress to construct a reallockbox that keeps Social Security safe until 2050.
Third, it should secure Medicare- and modernize it with a voluntary, prescription-drug
benefit. With Medicare facing insolvency in just 16 years; with three out of four seniors lacking
dependable, affordable private prescription-drug coverage; and with that number rising every
year, we know we must not put this challenge off.
That is why, months ago, I proposed a detailed plan to extend the life of the trust fund,
keep costs in line, improve quality, and add a long-overdue prescription-drug benefit. Congress
has yet to produce its own Medicare proposal. Thankfully, that debate is beginning. I challenge
the leadership to put a real Medicare plan on the table. When they do, I pledge to negotiate in
good faith to reach an agreement. For more than three decades, Medicare has eased the suffering
and extended the lives of countless Americans. We must act together- and act now- to secure
it for the decades to com~ )J
tJ#W
"P ~
Fourth, and finally,.i'f should fulfill our obligations to the future- from education to the
environment, from national security to biomedical research.
So let's do first things first: pay down the debt; save Social Security; strengthen and
modernize Medicare; and make investments in the future. Then we can talk about tax cuts - the
right kind of tax cuts that are true to the values of the American people.
Every generation of Americans is called upon to meet the challenges of its time. Our
generation has an unprecedented opportunity: to meet the challenges not only of our time, but
also the challenges of the future. Let us seize that opportunity. Thank you.
2
�..
09/22/99
141 001
WED 18:46 FAX
.~
/
Document No.
WHITE HOUSE STAFFING MEMORANDUM
Date:
~r'-~
Subject:
AC'riON I CONCURRENCE/. COMMENT DUE BY:
~¥n ASA-P
. . i<GIIJSEO (1J12•12~ v'E;ro n€SSA6";,ACTION
"'_,
VICE PRESIDENT
~
PODESTA
ACTION
FYI
FYI
D
LOCKHART
D
D
MARSHALL
D
D
D
MOORE
D
0
NASH
D
D
RICCHETTI ·
~
LEW
0
D
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.,
0
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D
0
REED
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D
BERGER
D
D
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D
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~
~
D
SPERLING
D
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JOHNSON, B.
JOHNSON, J.
LANE
LEWIS
D
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J. . .
REMARKS:
RESPONSE:
----------------------------·····-·----···Staffmem 9/2/99
Office of tho Staff Secretary
Ext. 62702
�09/22/99
141002
WED 18:46 FAX
TO Tiffi HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
I am retur.aing herewith without my approval H.R. 2488, 1he '~Taxpayer Refund and
~
.
..
.
.
.
.
..
~.
'•
Relief Act of 1999," because it ignores the principles that have led us to the sound economy we
enjoy today and emphasizes tax reduction for those who need it the least.
We have a strong economy because the Administration and Congress have followed the
proper economic course over the past six years. We have focused on reducing deficits, paying
do\Vll debt held by the public, bringing down interest rates, investing in our people, and opening
'
..
markets. There is $1.7 :trillion less debt held by the public today than was forecast in 19.93. This
has contributed to lower interest rates, record business investment, greater productivity growth,
low inflation, low unemployment, and broad-based growth in real wages -- and the first
back-to-back budget surpluses in almost half a century.
H.R. 2488 would reverse the fiscal discipline that has helped make _the American
economy the strongest it has been in generations. By using projected surpluses to provide a risky
tax cut, the bill could lead to higher iq.terest rates, thereby undercutting
. any .benefits for most
Americans by increasing home mortgage payments, car loan payments, and credit card rates. We
must put first things first, pay down publicly held debt, and address the long-term solvency of
~
Medicare and Social Security. My Mid-Session Review of the Budget presented a framework in
which we could accomplish all of these things and also provide an affordable tax cut.
The magnitude of the tax cuts in H.R. 2488 plus the associated debt service costs would
. be virtually as great as all ofthe on-budget surpluses.th.e Congressional Budget Office projects
for the next ten years. This would leave virtually tion~ ofthe:projecte<l on-budget surplus
available for addressing the long-term solvency of Medicare, which is currently projected by its
Trustees to be insolvent by 2015, or of Social Security, which then will be in a negative
cash-flow position~ or for critical funding for priorities like national security, education, hea.lt:J.l.
care, law enforce:tllent, science and teclmology, the environment, and v9terans' progralns .
..
The bill would cause the Nation to forgo the unique opportunity to eliminate completely
the burden of the debt held by the public by 2015 as proposed by my .t\dministrati~:J:·-:::
�09/22/99
WED 18:47 FAX
Mid-Session Review. The elimination of this debt would have a beneficial effect on interest
rates, investment,, and the growth of the economy. Moreover, paying down debt is tantamount to
cutting taxes. Each one-percentage point decline in interest rates would mean a cut of $200
billion to $250 billion in mortgage costs borne by American consumers over the next 10 years.
Also, if we do not erase the debt held by the public, our children and grandchildren will have to
pay higher taxes to offset the higher federal interest costs on this debt.
Budget projections are inhere:q.tly uncertain. For example, the Congressional Budget
Office found that, over the last eleven years, estimates of annual deficits or surpluses five years
into the future en-ed by an average of 13 percent of annual outlays -- a rate that in 2004 would
translate into .an error of about $250 billion. Projections ofbudgct surpluses ten years into the
future are surely even more uncertain. The prudent course in the face of these uncertainties is to
avoid making fmancial commitments-- such as massive tax cuts- that will be very difficult to
reverse·.
The bill relies on an implausible legislative assumption that many ofits major provisions
expire after nine years and all of the provisions are J:epealed after ten years. This scenario would
create uncertainty and confusion for taxpayers, and it is highly unlikely that it would ever be
implemented. Moreover, this artifice causes estimated ten-year costs to be understated by about
$100 billion, at the same time that it sweeps under the rug the exploding costs beyond the budget
window. If the tax cut were continued, its budgetary impact would grow even more severe,
reaching about $2.7 trillion between 2010 and 2019,just at the time when the baby boomers
begin to retire, Medicare becomes insolvent, and Social Security comes under str~. If the bill
were to become law, it would leave America permanently in debt TI1e bill as a whole would
disproportionately benefit the wealthiest Americans by, for example, lowering capital gains rates,
repealing the estate and gift tax, increasing maximum IRA and retirement plan contribution
limits, and weakening pension anti-discrimination protections for moderate- and lower-income
workers.
The bill would not meet the existing pay-a'3-you-go rcquiremen~ of the Budget Act,
141003
�09/22/99
WED 18:47 FAX
which has helped provide the discipline necessary to bring us from an era of large and growing
budget deficits to the potential for substantial surpluses. It would also automatically trigger
across-the-board c:uts (or sequesters) iFl a number of Federal programs. These cuts would result
in a reduction of more than $40 billion in the Medicare program over the next five years.
Starting in 2002, they would also lead to the elimination of numerous programs with broad
support, including: crop insurance, without which most farmers and ranchers could not secure the
financing from banks needed to operate their farms and ranches; veterans readjustment benefits,
denying-educatiorl and training to more than 450,000 veterans, re$ervists, and dependents;
Federal support for programs such as child care for low-incom~ families and Meals on Wheels
for senior citizens; and many others.
As I have repeatedly stressed, I want to find common ground with the Congress on a
fiscal plan that will best serve the Am~ricail pe,o:ple. I have profollnd differences, however, with
the extreme approach that the Republican majority' has adopted. It would provide a tax cut for
the wealthiest Americans and would hurt average Americans by denying them the benefits of
debt reduction and depriving them of the certainty that my proposals for Medicare and Social
Security solvency would provide as 1l1ey plan for their retirement.
I hope to work with Members of Congress to find a common path to honor our
commitment to senior citizens, help working families with targeted tax relief for moderate- and
lower-income wotkers, provide a better life for our children, and improve the standard of living
of all Americans.
[4]004
�- - - -
------------
Many in congress are ready now to call it quits and throw
in the towel. That would be a disservice to the American
people.
Instead, I'd like to ask the Congress not to go home until
we've worked together to come forward with a good faith
effort to meet our long-term fiscal challenges.
~
First, let's come to a bipartisan agreement on a social
~i__ security lock box that will truly protect the Social Security
~ ~~ surplus and ensure that we have extended the solvency of
~
Social Security until2050. If the Republicans have a
~~' different lock-box proposal that extends solvency to 2050
they should present it and we should work on it together.
~, .
The current lock boxes have too many escape hatches and
~~.don't extend the solvency of Social Security by a single
day.
1
>
'bt
Second, months ago I proposed a detailed Medicare
proposal that had three goals: 1) Modernization and
Reform; 2) Prescription Drugs; and 3) Extends the
_,.solvency until at least 2027. I don't expect the Republican
lk'~ Congress to support each and every detail of my plan, but I
do expect this: I'd ask the Republican leadership to
~~ present a plan that meets these three goals and then joins
~
me a~d ~ongressional Democrats in a good faith bipartisan
negotiations.
b.
':7
\1r "
(If we can meet these goals and have a realistic budget for
education, Medicare reserve, environment and national
security we can pay down debt in 15 years.)
..--
.
'
-=-1-
�10/05/99
~
TUE 22:45 FAX.
10/5/99 8:50pm
David Halperin
PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
REl'rf.ARKS ON THE COMPREHENSIVE TEST BAN TREATY
WASHINGTON, DC
OCTOBER 6, 1999
Sen. Glenn; fanner JCS chairmen Gen. Shalikashvili, Gen. Jones, Adm_ Crowe; Dr. Townes and
other Nobel laureates; Sec. Cohen; Sec. Richardson; Gen. Shelton & JCS members; NSA Berger.
Senators, from both parties, who have shown tremendous leadership on the Test Ban Treaty_
Members of the House. The many dedicated and distinguished advocates for national security:
. The Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty is even more critical to America's security than when
President Eisenhower proposed it ... thari when President Kennedy pursued it ... more critical,
even, than when I signed it three years ago. Because nuclear technology and know-how ha.s
continued to spread, and the ri.sk that more and more countries will obtain nuclear weapons is
more serious than ever_ The single best way to constrain this danger is to stop other countries
from testing nuclear weapons. And that is what the Test Ban Treaty will do_ So I want to say to ·
every member of our Senate: A vote to ratify the Treaty is a vote to protect our people from the
threat of nuclear war_ A vote against risks setting in motion a much more dangerous future_
Today, America e:njoys unmatched influence in the world, with peace and freedom ascendant.
And the end of tbe Cold War has made possible agreements to cut U.S. and Russian nuclear
arsenals by more than 60 percent, reducing the threat Americans face_ But nuclear peril persists,
especially this growing danger that the weapons will spread-- in the Middle East, in the Persian
Gulf, in Asia -- to areas where American troops are deployed, to regions with intense rivalries, to
leaders with few restraints, to terrorists with the worst intentions_
A nuclear attack, anywhere on Earth, would be devastating for a]] of us, with the potential for
massive deaths from blasts and fallout; disease and environmental damage; and the specter of a
more turbulent world. Is it inconceivable? Not if the number of nuclear nations increases_ We
have to seize vital opportunities to stop this. We have one, right now_
I sent the Test Ban Treaty to the Senate in 1997. For two years, opponents refused to hold a
single hearing_ Suddenly, they have set a vote, up or down, six: days from now. This is a tough
fight, but building a safer world for our children surely is worth fighting for_ And I will fight.
154 countries have signed the Treaty, 'including Russia, China, Japan, South Korea, Israel, Iran,
and all our NATO allies_ 47 countries have already ratified. But it cannot go into effect unless
the United States and other designated nations ratify. Once again, we need American leadership
to protect American interests.
The reasons we should ratify are underscored by a letter sent to the Senate today by 32 American
Nobel Prize-winnlp.g physicists, nine here in this room. They agree with the heads of our national
weapons labs: We don't need more testing to maintain a safe and reliable nuclear force_ We've
conducted over 1000 .nuclear tests. We're spending $4.5 billion a year on proven programs, using
advanced technology, to maintain a strong nuclear force without testing. We conduct key
explosive tests below the nuclear threshold. And I have told the Senate that if we ever find that
these efforts are 11ot working, I would be ready to withdraw from the Treaty and resume testing.
14Joo1
�\..
10/05/99
·~
TUE 22:45 FAX
141002
2
The United States stopped nuclear testing in 1992. Russia, China, Britain and France have
joined us_ Since we don't need nuclear tests to protect our security, why in the world would we
reject an agreement that can prevent other countries from testing nuclear weapons? Why would
we want more nuclear weapons activity by other countries when we have a clear technological
edge today? There is no good answer, no good reason.
Last year, nuclear tests by India and Pakistan shook tb.e world, and continuing tension between
them i_ncreases our concern about a nuclear confrontation. Both countries have indicated they
will sign the Treaty. But if our Senate defeats i~ will they forego more nuclear tests? If our
Senate defeats this treaty, what will prevent Russia, China, or others from testing new, more
destructive nuclear weapons and then deploying them?
We have been working with Congress on :missile defense, to protect us against a nuclear attack if
one occurs_ But our first line of defense must be preventing countries from developing nuclear
weapons in the first place. It would be the height of irresponsibility to rely solely on the last line
of defense: to wait until enemy missiles are in the air before taking action to defend our people.
That is what the Test Ban Treaty is about It's about maintaining America's strength, while
helping keep other countries out of the nuclear weapons business. Voting down this treaty would
send a terrible message to the world: go ahead and test nuclear weapons --we don't mind a bit.
Some say that treaties are too risky because some COWltry, somewhere might conceivably cheat.
But think about that argument. With no Treaty, other countries can test without cheating, and
without liroit The Test Ban Treaty will in fact strengthen our ability to dete.rmine whether other
countries are engaged in weapons activity, by supplementing our intelligence capabilities with
new tools: the right to request on-site inspections; and a network of over 300 sensors aroun.d the
world- 31 in Russia, 11 in China, 17 in the Middle East. We will have these tools only if we
ratify_ And if we see cheating, we can and we will do what is necessary to stop it or counter it.
Four former chainnan ofthe Joint Chiefs of Staff-- David Jones, Bill Crowe, John Shalikashvil~
all here today, and Colin Powell-- endorse the Treaty, along with the current chairman, Hugh
Shelton_ These men. know what it takes to defend our country. They say the Treaty, with the
safeguards we've established to maintain our deterre.nt, will strengthen our security. La"WW'ence
Eagleburger, Secretary of State under President Bush; Paul Nitze, a top security adviser to
presidents from Truman to Reagan; and former senator Nancy Kassebaum are among the many
others who agree_ John Glenn-- from Mercury to Discovery, through a distinguished Senate
career-- bas always been at the cutting edge of technology's promise. He strongly backs this
Treaty, so we can minimize dangers and seize the future's brightest possibilities_
The Nobel laureates here include Dr_ Val Fitch. As a young soldier assigned to the Manhattan
Project, he witnessed the very first nuclear test, 54 years ago in the New Mexico desert_ He and
his colleagues understand as well as anyone theTealities involved_ Their letter tells the Senate
today, ''It is imperative" --imperative -- "that the Test Ban Treaty be ratified_"
The people in this room, with so many decades of experience, are saying: Let's end this centUlY
with a powerful commitment to make the nex.t century better and safer. Together, we say, let's
ratify this treaty and build a world where fewer countries possess nuclear weapons~ and America
stays strong_ The Senate should carefully deliberate, air all the issues, and vote yes.
###
�REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
UPON DEPARTURE TO PENTAGON
South Portico
3:13P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon. I am delighted to be joined this afternoon
by Secretary Shalala, Secretary Herman, and leaders of some of our nation's top health,
consumer, and provider organizations, including Dr. Thomas Reardon of the American
Medical Association; Beverly Malone, the President of American Nurses Association; Judy
Lichtman, the President of the National Partnership for Women and Families; John Seffrin, the
CEO of the American Cancer Society; and Ron Pollack, the President of Families USA.
Before I leave for the Pentagon to sign legislation to enhance our national
security, I want to say a few words about legislation to enhance the security of patients and the
health of our families.
Tomorrow the House is set to begin the long-awaited debate on the patients' bill
of rights. We are here today to urge Congress to act responsibly and pass strong, enforceable,
bipartisan legislation to protect working families with the real health care protections they
sorely need.
We have had enough of tragic stories from every corner of our land -- families
forced to switch doctors in the middle of pregnancy or cancer treatment; parents whose
children had to bypass one or more emergency rooms before they received care; Americans
who saw their loved ones die when their health plans overruled a doctor's urgent
recommendations. The fact is Americans who are battling illness shouldn't have to also battle
insurance companies for the coverage they need.
Our administration has done everything we could to protect patients. Through
executive action, we've granted all the safeguards in the patients' bill of rights to more than 85
million Americans who get their health care through federal plans. This past week I announced we'll publish rules
to extend similar patient protections to every child covered under the Children's Health Insurance Program.
Many states are also making progress. But no state law, no executive action, can do what
Congress alone has the power to achieve. Only federal legislation can assure that all Americans, in all plans, get
the patient protections they need and deserve.
Congressmen Charlie Norwood and John Dingell have a bill to do just that. It's a bipartisan
patients' bill of rights that would guarantee Americans the right to see the medical specialist they need; the right to
emergency care wherever and whenever a medical crisis arises; the right to stay with a health care provider
throughout a program of treatment; the right to hold a health plan accountable for harmful decisions.
�But before Americans can be assured these fundamental rights, the Norwood-Dingell bill must be
assured a fundamental right of its own-- and that's the right to be offered on the House floor, with a straight up or
down vote. No legislative poison pills. No weakening amendments. No parliamentary sleights of hand.
Let's be clear: This is about more than congressional rules or legislative prerogatives. It's about
providing Americans basic rights. It's about making sure medical professionals are able to do their jobs; about
providing families with the quality care they deserve; and above all, about putting patients' interests above special
interests. That's what all of us standing here, and our allies in both parties in the House of Representatives, are
committed to.
Now, I'm told this morning some Republican leaders sat down with insurance company lobbyists
who are fighting to defeat a strong patients' bill of rights. On the eve of this vote, I'd like to ask them to think
about sitting down with America's families instead.
This is not a partisan issue anywhere in the United States except Washington, D.C. The
legislation that we endorse has the endorsement of more than 300 health care and consumer groups across
America, including groups where I would imagine most of the members are in the Republican Party.
The support for this legislation across America is broad and deep. We cannot allow a small
group in Congress, representing a large, well-financed special interest, to thwart the will of doctors, nurses,
medical professionals and working families. We can't allow some parliamentary trick to litter this bill up like a
Christmas tree and then have people vote for it to give people the impression, therefore, the patients' bill of rights,
when they are, in fact, against it.
So again, I ask Republican leaders to be straight with the American people. Instead of
watered-down provisions, just give the people an up or down vote. Let the will of the people prevail. Let them
see where every member of the House stands on this profoundly important issue. Let's have a fair vote. If we
have a fair vote, there will be a bipartisan majority for the patients' bill of rights in the House of Representatives
that reflects the overwhelming bipartisan, even nonpartisan feeling for it out in the United States of America.
Thank you very much. (Applause.)
Q
Mr. President, do you believe after meeting with Senator Roth today that you'll get a
competent Medicare reform program this year? And where might you be willing to compromise to get that?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, first of all, I had a very good meeting with him, and I'm going to put
out a statement about it. We talked about Medicare reform. He and Senator Moynihan assured me they're still
committed to that, and will work on it a timely fashion. They also talked to me about the need to restore some of
·the restrictions or cuts in funding from the '97 Balanced Budget Act to some of the medical providers. I strongly
agree with that, and I think we should do it.
We talked about some trade issues, the importance of the research and experimentation tax credit
and a number of other issues that I think are quite important that affect all Americans. So we had a good meeting,
and I prepared and signed off on a statement which goes into greater detail about it.
Q
Mr. President, do you think you could try to postpone a vote on the treaty?
THE PRESIDENT: On the test ban treaty?
Q
Yes.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, let me say this: I think for the Senate to reject it would send a
�----------------------------------------------------------------------------.
terrible message. It would say to the whole world, look, America's not going to test, but if you want to test, go
right ahead. We're not interested in leading the world toward nonproliferation anymore.
I'm going to have a dinner tonight and talk to a number of senators about it. I think a lot of
thoughtful Republicans who normally support us in matters like this are, number one, under enormous political
pressure not to do so; and, number two, have the legitimate feeling that this very important issue, which in
previous Congresses would have received 8, 10, 12 days of hearings, a week or more of debate, is for some
reason being rushed at an almost unprecedented pace.
So we're going to talk through this. I'm going to make the best case I can. I'm going to tell
them why I think it's in the national interest. But I think it is a very curious position that some of the leaders of
the opposite party are taking that they don't really want us to start testing again and they know we have the most
sophisticated system in the world for maintaining our nuclear stockpile without testing -- but they don't want to
vote for this treaty even if that says to Pakistan, to India, to China, to Russia, to Iran, to everybody else, you all
go on and do whatever you want to do, but we're not going to do it. I think that's a very curious thing to do and
would be very, very damaging to the interests of the United States and, even more important, to the safety of
children in the 21st century all across the world.
We have been a leader for nonproliferation, including for the concept of the test ban treaty since
the time of Dwight Eisenhower. He's the first person who recommended this. And before this Congress it would
have been unthinkable that a treaty of this kind, with these protections -- particularly with the strengthening
reservations that I have offered to work with Congress to put in -- it would have been unthinkable before this
Congress that such a treaty would not pass. So I'm going to work and do the best I can, and we'll see what
happens.
Q
Sir, there seems to be the complaint it cannot be verified, and that the integrity of the ,
arsenal cannot be maintained absolutely -THE PRESIDENT: Well, I would like to respond to those two things. Number one, on the
compliance issue. Keep in mind what the reports say-- that you cannot, with 100 percent certainty, detect small
nuclear tests everywhere in the world. That's all they say. Our national security people, including all of our
people at the Pentagon, say that any test of the magnitude that would present any sort of threat to the United States
could, in fact, be detected, number one.
Number two, if we don't pass this treaty, such smaller tests will be even more likely to go
undetected. Why? Because if the treaty goes into force, we'll have over 300 sophisticated sensors put out in
places all across the world, and we'll have the right to on-site inspe'ction, and we will also have the deterrent effect
of people being found violating the treaty.
Now, if you don't-put the treaty into force-- no sensors, no on-site inspections, no deterrent-and if the United States walks away from it, the rest of the world will think they've been given a green light. So I
think that argument has literally no merit, because nothing changes except our ability to increase our determination
of such tests with the passage of the treaty.
Now, on the first argument-- the idea that, some say, we can't with absolute, 100 percent
certainty, maintain the integrity of the stockpiles. That is not what the people who lead the energy labs say.
That's not what the Joint Chiefs say. Some people disagree-- they do; they say they're not sure that forever and a
day we'll be able to do that. I have offered the Senate a reservation to the treaty which makes it clear that if ever
there comes a time we think we can't preserve the integrity of our nuclear stockpile, we can take appropriate steps
to do so, number one_
Number two, we spend $4.5 billion a year, with by far the most sophisticated system in the
world, to maintain that. Now, if all the-- this treaty doesn't go into effect unless all the nuclear powers and
�several dozen other countries agree to it-- 44 in total must agree. If they ali agree, I'm sure that all the people
who are making this argument would acknowledge that our system of maintaining the integrity of our stockpile
without tests is far in advance of what anybody else has. So our relative security will be increased, regardless.
Final point I want to make: None of these people will stand up and say, let's start testing again.
So what they're saying is, okay, America won't test, but if everybody else tests, well, so be it. I think it would be
a big mistake.
END
Message Sent To:
3:30P.M. EDT
�draft 10/2/99 3 :00 pm
David Halperin
PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
REMARKS ON THE COIVIPREHENSIVE TEST BAN TREATY
WASHINGTON, DC
OCTOBER 4, 1999
I've just met with [
] to discuss the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty-- an historic
agreement, signed by more than 150 countries, to end the testing of nuclear weapons forever.
This treaty is very important to America's future, and we need to ratify it. The treaty will
strengthen our security and protect our people --by reducing the risk that more countries around
the world will test and deploy nuclear weapons.
A treaty to ban nuclear tests was first proposed by President Eisenhower -- 41 years ago. We
finally achieved it in 1996, and I sent it to the Senate in 1997. For two full years, opponents
have refused to hold a single day of hearings devoted to the Treaty. Now suddenly, they have
scheduled a vote on ratification, up or down. That doesn't leave much time --just eight days -but the stakes are so high that I will do everything I can to b.ring this issue to the public's
attention and get this treaty ratified.
The case for the Treaty is clear and strong: Our leading nuclear experts conclude that America
doesn't need more nuclear explosive tests to maintain a safe and reliable nuclear force. We
already have conducted over 1000 nuclear tests. We spend $4.5 billion a year maintaining the
integrity of our nuclear stockpile without testing.
The United States stopped testing nuclear weapons in 1992. Russia, China, Britain and France
have joined us in ending tests. Since we don't need nuclear tests to protect our security, why in
the world would we reject an agreement that can prevent other countries from testing nuclear
weapons? .Why would we want more nuclear weapons activity by other countries when we have
a clear technological advantage today? There is no good answer, no good reason.
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Terry Edmonds
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Office of Speechwriting
James (Terry) Edmonds
Date
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1995-2001
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36090" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7763294" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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2006-0462-F
Description
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Terry Edmonds worked as a speechwriter from 1995-2001. He became the Assistant to the President and Director of Speechwriting in 1999. His speechwriting focused on domestic topics such as race relations, veterans issues, education, paralympics, gun control, youth, and senior citizens. He also contributed to the President’s State of the Union speeches, radio addresses, commencement speeches, and special dinners and events. The records include speeches, letters, memorandum, schedules, reports, articles, and clippings.
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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635 folders in 52 boxes
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Paper
Dublin Core
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Tax Cut Bill 10/23/99
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Office of Speechwriting
James (Terry) Edmonds
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2006-0462-F
Is Part Of
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Box 3
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2006/2006-0462-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7763294" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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12/9/2014
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42-t-7763294-20060462F-003-001-2014
7763294