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FOIA Number:
2008-0700-F
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MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidential Records
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
Speechwriting
Series/Staff Member:
Heather Hurlburt
Subseries:
19910
OA/ID Number:
FolderiD:
Folder Title:
[Foreword to President's Public Papers 7-1-99- 12-31-99/ 1-11-99- 6-20-99]
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�Foreword to President's Public Papers
l/01/99- 6/30/99
As 1999 opened, and we marked the last year of the 20 111 century, Americans took stock
of our blessings. And they were many. We had the longest peacetime expansion in our nation's
history, nearly 18 miflion new jobs, low inflation, peace at home and strength abroad.
We looked ahead to the next century, and sought to meet the challenges it is bringing.
We announced grants that will bring 30,000 new teachers into our nation's classrooms, to
prepare the leaders oftomonow. We proposed the Medicare Modemization plan, to secure
Medicare for the next two decades and offer our citizens affordable prescription drug coverage.
And I asked C011gress to commit 60 percent of our budget suwlus to Social Security for the next
15 years, to put it on a sound footing for our generation and for those who follow us.
Overseas, America stood fim1 with those who stand for peace- and against the forces of
aggression and hatred. Our NATO Alliance celebrated its fiftieth anniversary, admitting three
new members- the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland. With our NATO allies, we defeated
ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, and kept the peace in that troubled corner of Europe. Together, we
put the integration of the Balkans into Europe high on the international agenda. And our
relationship with Russia stood up to challenges as Russia helped make and keep the peace in
Kosovo.
The accords reached between Israelis and Palestinians at Wye River Plantations, in
Maryland, helped revitalize the Middle East Peace Process. Northem Ireland installed its first
institutions of self-government, the result of free and open elections and power-sharing
agreements.
We celebrated one of the most important achievements of our century, and looked back
on our progress, when we presented Rosa Parks with a Congressional Gold Medal for her
courageous leadership in the civil right movement. Looking ahead to the future, I created the
White House Office of One America, to promote racial reconciliation in the century ahead.
But we were also faced, again and again, with the tragedies and difficulties of our modern
age. As a nation, we struggled to make sense of the senseless shootings at Columbine High
School; and we pressed to pass commonsense gun safety legislation to make such tragedies less
likely.
In my State ofthe Union, the last ofthe 20 111 century, I reminded Americans that, 100
· years from now, Americans ~ill end a 21 51 century shaped in so many ways by the decisions we
make here and now. "Let it be said of us then," I said," that we were thinking not only of our
time; but of their time; that we reached as high as our ideals; that we put aside our divisions and
found a new hour ofhealing and hopefulness; that we joined together to serve the land we love."
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..
Draft 03/2 7/00 5:OOpm
Heather Hurlburt
FOREWORD TO THE PUBLIC PAPERS OF THE PRESIDENT
7/01/99 -12/31/99
In the second half of 1999, the nation's attention turned to meeting the challenges of a
new millennium- and seizing the oppmiunities presented by our strong and growing economy.
Our economic expansion became the longest in America's peacetime history. The count
of new jobs created since 1993 passed the 20 million mark, as unemployment reached its lowest
level in 20 years, and unemployment among African-Americans and Hispanics fell to record
lows.· At the same time, America experienced the fastest and longest growth of real wages in
two decades - and inflation fell to its lowest since the 1960s. We achieved our first back-to-back
budget surpluses in42 years.
With support from members of Congress on both sides of the aisle, I launched a New
Markets Initiative, to reach those parts of America that economic growth has passed by. We
began with the principle that, just as we give companies incentives to invest in developing
markets overseas, we should give them incentives to invest in inner cities, poor rural areas, and
Native American reservations right here in America. As l traveled from Watts to the Mississippi
Delta to the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation, I met a stream of talented people, eager for
opportunity and ready to work. With investment incentives, loan programs, and support for
business development, our New Markets Initiative is helping put them to work- and helping
keep our economy growing.
Working with Congress, we made a bipartisan commitment to put 100,000 new teachers
in our schools and 50,000 more police on our streets. We doubled funds for after-school
programs. We provided, for the very first time ever, funds to help school districts tum around
failing schools or shut them do~n. We funded 60,000 housing vouchers to help people move
from welfare to work. We passed the Kennedy-Jeffords bill to allow people with disabilities to
move into the workplace and k~ep their government-funded health care.
We also reaffitmed our commitment to global leadership for peace and freedom in the·
century ahead, by reaching agreement at home to pay our arrears to the United Nations. We
reached a ground-breaking agreement that will, if Congress agrees, allow China to enter the
World Trade Organization in exchange for China opening its markets to U.S. goods. We helped
ensure major progress toward peace in the Middle East, by working with Israel as it negotiated
with both Syria and the Palestinians at the same time. We concluded the adapted Conventional
Armed Forces in Europe Treaty, which will help ensure military stability and predictability in
Europe; and Russia committed to withdraw forces from Georgia and Moldova. We helped
conclude a Caspian pipeline agreement that can help assure our energy security and reinforce the
�inclependence of the new nations of Central Asia. In our own hemisphere, we handed the_.
Panama Canal back to the govemment and people of Panama.
We also gave strong support to the democratic transitions in Nigeria and Indonesia,
which allowed the passage of more people to freedom in 1999 than in 1989, the year the Berlin
Wall fell. And we led in negotiating a historic debt relief initiative for the poorest countries of
the developing world.
But we recommitted ourselves as well to meeting the challenges we face at the dawn of a
new millennium, abroad and at home: the need to keep Social Security and Medicare safe and
sound for future generations; the need to make sure the trade that keeps us prosperous becomes
not just freer, but fairer; the need to bridge the digital divide between those who have and can
use a computer, and those who do not or cannot; the need to manage the implications of new
technology, new science, new ways of doing business. And perhaps the most imp01iant
challenge of all: the imperative not to give in to complacency, but to use our prosperity for good
- and for a better future.
�Jan-June 1999 POTUS Major Accomplishments
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$99 billion surplus in the budget
Announced Medicare Modernization Plan
Announced $1.2 billion in grants to hire 30,000 new teachers
Proposed legislation to close gun show loophole and pass common-sense gun safety legislation
in the wake of Columbine shooting
Met with NATO leaders and troops to discuss future in Kosovo
Met with Kosovo refugees in Macedonia
Presented Rosa Parks with a Congressional Gold Medal Award
Presented new EPA proposal for cleaner air:
-All passenger vehicles required to meet tough pollution standards
-Cut the sulfur content of gasoline by about 90 percent over the next 5 years.
-Beginning in the year 2004, manufacturers would start producing vehicles that are
75 to 95 percent cleaner than those l·olling off the assembly lines today
Signed the Education Flexibility Partnership Act of 1999 into law
Established the Interagency Commission on Crime and Security in U.S. Seaports
Spoke at NATO's 501h Anniversary Summit
Visit of Premier Zhu Rongji of China
Announced a Review of Security at the Department of Energy Weapons Labs
Visit of President Rawlings of Ghana
1
Spoke at Dinner Celebrating the 90 h Anniversary of the NAACP
Spoke at the Welcoming Ceremony for Pope John Paul Jl in St. Louis, Missouri
Proposed Affordable Child Care for Early Success and Security Act
I
Visit of President Carlos Menem of Argentina
�middle-income seniors. None of them would be covered by this plan.
In 1965, when Medicare was created, some in Congress used these
very same arguments. They said, we should only pay for hospital and
medical care for the poorest seniors. They were wrong then, and they're
wrong now. More than half the seniors today without any prescription
drugs at all are middle-class seniors. I want to say that again. More
than half the seniors without any prescription drug at all are
middle-class seniors. On average, middle-class seniors without coverage
buy 20 percent less drugs than those who have coverage, not because
they're healthier, but because they can't afford it.
And even though they buy 20 percent less medication-- listen to
this-- because they have no insurance, their out-of-pocket burden is 75
percent higher. Without insurance, 75 percent higher.
So I say, let's do this right. This is voluntary; we're not making
anybody do it. But we ought to offer it to everybody who needs it. It
doesn't tak~ much, if you're a 75-year-old widow to be above the
so-called federal poverty line. You can have a tiny little pension
tacked on your Social Security and you can be there. But ifyou've got
--as you've just heard-- $2,300 worth of drug bills a year-- and a
lot of people have much higher-- it's a terrible problem.
Now, some other members of Congress are proposing a tax deduction
to help subsidize the cost of private Medigap insurance. If any of you
own Medigap, you know what's the matt~r with that proposal. This
proposal would benefit the wealthiest seniors without providing any help
to the low- and middle-income seniors. And the Medigap marketplace is
already flawed. Today-- listen to this-- in Washington, the General
Accounting Office is releasing a report that shows that Medigap drug
coverage starts out expensive and then goes through the roof as seniors
get older. On average, it costs about $164 a month for a 65-year-old to
buy a Medigap plan with drug coverage, and premiums rise sharply from
there.
For example, in Ohio, an 80-year-old person would pay 50 percent
more than a 65-year-old person for the same coverage under Medigap.
This is not a good deal, folks. We don't want to put more money into
this program. It is not a good deal. Even those ·who offer Medigap
plans say the approach wouldn't work, because it would force Medigap
insurers to charge excessively high premiums for the drugs or to refuse
to participate at all.
Now, there's another problem that we have in the Congress, which is
that the congressional majority just last week voted on budget
�Foreword·
The first half of 199.5 wa~ a time of challenge and change. The election of a new Republican Congress set the stage for a fundamental public debate over the role of government,
the country's values, and the way we cduld move forward a~ one people. Throughout this dehate, I remained firmly committed to this ideal: America is strong only when America is united, and when we leave no one behind.
As I made clear in my State of the Union Address, we have an obligation to offer the American people a new kind of government for new times. My Administration recognizes that there
isn't a program for every problem, but that we can produce a government that works better
and <.'Osts less. We launched a top-to-bottom overhaul of Federal rules in an effort to bring
mmmon sense to often complex regulation. We streamlined the regulatory process by abolishing 16,000 pages of regulations. We reformed environmental workplace safety and pharmaceutical regulation and we trimmed red tape and business burdens, without hurting public
safety and health. We eliminated the 10,000 page Federal personnel manual and we cut
1.'36,000 positions from the Federal work force.
As we celebrated the 50th anniversary of the end of World War II in Europe, we reaffirmed our commitment to lead for peace .and freedom. At a summit meeting in Russia,
I joined the Russian leader in advancing the security of our people and the world-by deepening our <.'Ommon efforts to reduce the nuclear threat, agreeing to improve our cooperation
against terrorism, and pledging to work as partners for an undivided Europe. In Haiti, I
thanked our troops for securing the transition from •dictatorship to democracy. And at the .50th
anniversary of the United Nations, we took stock of half a century of achievement and pledged
to adapt the UN for the challenges of the 21st century.
Pursuing our mission to create a safer world, the United States led the international effort
among 170 <.'Ountries to secure the indefinite and unconditional extension of the Nuclear NonProliferation .Treaty. And by applying steady, patient pressure to North Korea, we secured an
agreement that froze its dangerous nuclear program.
In furthering our commitment to open markets and expand opportunities for U.S. exports,
we reached an historic agreement with Japan to open further its automotive market to potentmlly billions of dollars worth of American cars and parts.
In April, our Nation wa~ shaken by the tragic terrorist bombing of the Alfred P. Murral1
Federal Building in Oklahoma City. One hundred sixty-eight Americans lost their lives. But
moments of tragedy often bring out the best in people, and thousands of Americans turned
their energy and prayers toward helping the people of Oklal1oma endure and overcome their
·:normous loss.
v
�Foreword
The period from July through December 1995 was an exceptional time. On fundamental
issues-the role of Government, our role in the world, and how we can build a strong American community-our people came together after intense debate to forge new approaches that
applied our enduring values to the challenges of new times.
During this period, the American people engaged in a great national debate about how best
to balance the budget. I proposed and fought for a plan to balance the budget in a way that
reflected our values, by strengthening Medicare, Medicaid, education, and the environment.
The congressional majority put forward a plan that I believed did not honor our fundamental
values; I vetoed that plan. By year's end, after the congressional majority twice shut down
the Government, it was clear that the American people had rallied to our view. We need a
smaller Government, but one strong enough to give people the tools to make the most of
their own lives.
America also decisively reasserted its role as the world's indispensable nation. On my remarkable trip to Northern Ireland and Ireland-and to Jerusalem, for the funeral of Israeli
Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin-Americans were once again reminded of our unique obligation
to lead and to be a force for peace where possible. And in Bosnia, America led the way to
. bring to an end the bloodiest conflict in Europe since World War II. By committing our
troops to help maintain the peace in Bosnia, we recommitted ourselves to being the world's
strongest force for peace, freedom, and prosperity.
Perhaps most important, this was a time when we worked to find common ground and
bridge the intense divisions of race, religion, and geography that threaten to pull us apart.
In a series of speeches, I called on Americans to find common ground. At Georgetown University, I urged a new tone of civility based on the common values that bind us together.
In speeches on affirmative action at the National Archives in Washington and in Austin, Texas,
I called on all Americans to clean their house of the racism that is still too real among us.
And I spoke about the proper role of religion in our lives and communities, arguing that our
schools need not be prayer-free zones.
The closing months of 1995 set the course for how our Nation can move confidently toward
the 21st century. By holding true to our values-opportunity for all, responsibility from all,
and building a strong American community-our Nation passed through this moment of decision stronger than ever before.
v
�Foreword
In 1996, our Nation strived to make the American dream a reality for all who would work
for it, to continue as the world's strongest force for peace, freedom, and democracy, and to
build a stronger country.
In my State of the Union Address, I discussed the age of possibility in which we live and
issued seven challenges to the c-ountry: strengthen families, improve education, enhance economic security, preserve our natural environment, fight against crime and drugs, maintain our
world leadership, and reinvent Government. I said we would meet these challenges by working in partnership with all of our citizens, through State and local governments, in the workplace, in religious, charitable, and civic a~sociations. The era of big government is over, yet
we cannot go back to the time when our citizens were left to fend for themselves. We must
give all our people the tools to make the most of their own lives.
During the first half of the year, I worked to enable the American people to meet these
challenges-by helping those communities that wanted to instill discipline in young people
through c-ommunity curfews, school uniforms, and truancy enforcement; by handing the teleVision remote control back to parents through the v-chip and a television ratings system; and
by calling upon the tobacm industry to stop the ma~sive marketing campaigns that appeal to
children. In all the actions I took, my paramount goal was to help families meet their responsibilities, and suc-ceed both at home and at work.
During this period, I also worked beyond our borders to advance our Nation's interests in
security and prosperity. At a special summit in Moscow, President Yeltsin and I took important steps to reduce the threat of nuclear weapons. \Vith our partners in Japan and South
Korea, we strengthened our military alliances and our common efforts to increa\e economic
growth for the future. In the wake of a series of terrorist attacks in the Middle Ea\t, I traveled
to Egypt for a landmark "Summit of the Peacemakers" that the United States co-hosted,
bringing together an unprecedented number of regional leaders who are committed to building peace \vith security. We also saw, once again, that our global leadership can impose great
sacrifice. ,Americans felt tremendous sorrow after the tragic death of my friend, Commerce
Secretary Ron Brown. That loss strengthened our determination to c-ontinue his mission so
that economic rec-onstruction goes forward in the Balkans and peace takes hold.
In a series of commencement addresses, I set forth the challenges that I believed our country faced a~ it approached the new century, culminating in the national goal, announced at
Princeton University, of making the 13th and 14th years of education-the first two years of
c-ollege-a~ universal a~ high school is today. To meet that goal, I proposed a Hope Scholarship tax credit to help every American get the education he or she needs.
This was a time when America began to regain its self-confidence, c-oming together around
shared national goals, and realizing that when we work together, we can act-and act effectively-to meet our challenges and protect our values.
v
�Foreword
In 1996, the American people came together in a spirit of new optimism about ourselves,
our country, and our future. It was a time of significant legislative achievement. Most notably,
I signed into law landmark welfare reform ending a system that had trapped millions in a
cycle of dependency. Within days, I also signed into law an increase in the minimum wage,
signed legislation making it possible for people to take their health insurance with them a~
they move from job to job, and announced unprecedented steps by the Food and Drug Administration to protect children from the dangers of tobacco. These and other steps, and the
continuing success of the American economy, inspired in our people a renewed sense of hope
and confidence that our political system could meet our challenges.
Above all, this was a time when I sought to challenge the American people to turn toward
the future. In August, at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, and in talks with
voters' across the Nation, I declared our mission must be "to build a bridge to the 21st Century." I have used this metaphor for years. But in the hundreds of hand-painted banners at
rallies, in the handmade bridges that were sent to my office by the dozens, in the thousands
of letters we received, I could see that this time, this image had touched a nerve. Why? I
believe "the bridge" evoked both the hope and the challenge of the new century. Our people
know that this new era, with its stunning leaps of technology, rapid globalization, and many
social changes, offers remarkable opportunities for our people. But they also know they need
education, skills, and c.'Onfidence to reap the rewards of this time. As I told so many audiences,
it must be a bridge "wide enough and strong enough for every American to walk across."
Vice President 'Gore and I were humbled and deeply gratified when the American people
chose to ratify our course and return us to office for a second term. The election amounted
to a ringing endorsement of the "vital center"-a call to both parties to set aside narrow agendas and work together in the national interest. That is what we pledged to do. And as I told
the American people on election night, before the Old State House in Uttle Rock, Arkansas,
"We've got a bridge to build-and I'm ready if you are."
v
�Foreword
On the morning of May 2, 1997, on the banks of the Tidal Basin, I participated in the
dedication ceremony for the Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial, honoring this great leader
of the "American Century." Later that afternoon, in Baltimore, Maryland, I announced an historic agreement to balance the Federal budget. These two events-<>ne, a reflection on our
past, the other, a promise for our future-embodied the new American consensus on the role
of Government that I have worked hard to forge since my first days as President.
We have quelled the contentious debate between those who view Government as the problem and those who view it as the solution. It is neither-as I stated in my Second Inaugural
Address, which I had the great privilege to deliver. The challenges of a new age require not
time-worn slogans but action. They require a limited, flexible Government characterized by
fiscal discipline, enlightened innovation, and a commitment to creating opportunity for all
Americans. The Government's role-and its responsibility-is to affirm these cherished values
in changing times.
·
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Committed to these principles, America entered 1997 peaceful and secure, prosperous and
stable, and determined to meet the challenges of the 21st Century. We discarded outdated
dogmas and forged new relationships. In our own 'hemisphere, we celebrated the close friendship between the United States and Mexico, redefining our partnership in the face of new
priorities-from combating drugs to preserving the environment. Across the Atlantic, where
the barricades of the Cold War once stood, we built new alliances for global security and commerce. We completed new agreements: from the ratification of the landmark Chemical Weapons Convention, to the Founding Act that joins NATO and the Russian Federation in practical
cooperation. In Helsinki, President Yeltsin and I agreed to pursue even deeper cuts in our
nuclear arsenals. And in Denver, where I hosted the annual summit of the world's industrialized democr~cies, we worked to combat new security threats, prepared our countries 'to succeed in' the global economy, and opened a new chapter in the history of Europe.
Here at home, too, we set new and higher goals, refusing to grow complacent in our success. America's economy was the strongest in a generation. Inflation remained low while employment surged, defying conventional wisdom, and both crime rates .and welfare rolls were
down. dramatically. And to ensure that all Americans will share in the promise of the new
century, I launched a national campaign to lift our standards of education. In my State of
the Union Address I called not for a Federal mandate, but for a national commitment to
tough, smart standards in education basics.
In June,· at the University of California at San Diego, I opened a national dialogue on another challenge: race. When we finally lift the burden of race, it will not be because a law
made it happen. It will be because the American people confronted and dispelled the myths
that divide us. Americans of all backgrounds have responded to this challenge, leaving me
more confident than ever that we will not come apart but come together; that we will enter
the 21st Century not as separate, distinct groups, but as one America-at once diverse, and
as the Founders declared, indivisible.
v
�Foreword
Nineteen hundred and ninety-seven was a year of great and growing confidence for our
Nation. America moved forward, forging a new vision of how Government can best equip our
people for a time of great change. After years of partisan division and decades of deficits,
the two political parties worked together to enact a balanced budget that reflected our values
and protected our priorities-the first balanced budget in a generation.
This achievement meant much more than numbers on a ledger. Our balanced budget heralded a new era of fiscal discipline. It accelerated a virtuous cycle of rising economic growth
and falling interest rates. It did nothing less than save Government from its own excesses,
making it again a progressive force-one that lives within its means while making historic investments in our people. The budget contained the biggest increase in aid to higher education
since the passage of the GI Bill 50 years ago and will open the doors of college to every
person willing to work for it. The budget also made the largest single investment in health
care since the creation of Medicaid in 1965 and will help provide health coverage for up to
5 million uninsured children.
As I said in September at American University, after years in which the two parties seemed
capable of little more than conflict, we finally found a way for Democrats and Republicans
to work together for the national interest. America is working again; and now, at long last,
Washington proved that it could, too.
I also sought to find common ground and lead our Nation to higher ground on another
challenge we face at the end of the 20th century, the dilemma of race. My Initiative on Race
sought to promote a dialogue in every community about this issue and develop concrete solutions to enduring problems of prejudice and discrimination. For me, the most powerful reminder of the distance we can travel together as a Nation came on a sunny morning in Little
Rock, Arkansas, when we celebrated the achievement of the Little Rock Nine. Four decades
earlier, on September 4, 1957, when they tried to enter the doors of Central High, the Little
.Rock Nine were turned away by jeers, threats, and the implacable resistance of institutional
racism. But on this day, 40 years later, when those same individuals walked up the steps of
that imposing brick building, a President of the United States was there to welcome them
and hold the door open. We have many steps to climb as we approach the new century. But
as the Little Rock Nine reminded us, our Nation moves forward and upward when we move
together, as one America.
v
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
From:
The Staff Secretary
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�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
January 12, 2000
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v
MEMORANDUM FOR SEAN MALONEY
FROM:
SUBJECT:
TIM SAUNDERS(:)
Executive Clerk
Forewords for the Next Two Volumes of the President's Public Papers
(1/1/1999- 6/30/1999 and 7/111999- 12/31/1999)
As you know, the Executive Clerk serves as White House Liaison to the Office of the Federal R~gister.
I have received the attached from the Office of the Federal Register requesting Forewords for the next
two volumes (13th and 14th) of the President's Public Papers.
The Federal Register asks to have the two Forewords by April 3, 2000.
When completed, we will take care of getting the signed Forewords to the Federal Register.
To you for appropriate staffing.
Thank you.
!.
�National Archives and Records Administration
Office of the Federal Register
Washington. DC 20408
January 3, 2000
G. Timothy Saunders
Executive Clerk
The White House
Washington, DC 20500
Dear Mr. Saunders:
.The. Office of the Federal Register, National Archives-and Records Administration, is currently preparing
. theJiJth and 14th volumes of the Public Papers.ofWilliam J. Clinton. Each volume customarily contains
· . 'a FoFeword signed by the President. Please provide us with TWO Forewords: one covering the period
·January 1; 1999- June 30, 1999, and a separate second Foreword covering the period July 1, 1999December 31, 1999.
The Foreword is an opportunity for the administration to highlight or summarize events or
accomplishments which occurred during the period covered by each volume. Enclosed are copies of
Forewords used in previous volumes.
We need to receive both signed Forewords by April3, 2000. in order to meet our contract deadline.
If your have any questions, please feel free to contact me or Karen Ashlin at 202-523·5230 or Michael
Sullivan at 202-456-2988.
Sincerely,
-~i/.2d7p
GWEN H. ESTEP
Chief: Presidential and Legislative Publications Unit
Office of the Federal Register
Enclosures
National Archives and Records Administration
�
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Heather Hurlburt
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Heather Hurlburt
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1999-2001
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Description
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Heather Hurlburt's speechwriting collection consists of speeches, drafts, correspondence, and background research. Hurlburt worked as Special Assistant and Speechwriter to President Clinton. Her speechwriting files date from 1999-2001. As a speechwriter, Hurlburt prepared remarks on primarily domestic issues ranging from health care to the Special Olympics to the Mississippi Delta Region to the Kennedy Center Awards. She wrote remarks for policy speeches, radio addresses, commencements, taped video remarks, and award ceremonies or tributes. She also prepared a few speeches for the First Lady, and one undelivered speech for Sandy Berger on the topic of military reform.
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Extent
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128 files in 11 boxes
Text
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Original Format
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Paper
Dublin Core
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Title
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[Forward to President's Public Papers 7/1/99, 12/31/99, 1/11/99, 6/20/99]
Creator
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Office of Speechwriting
Heather Hurlburt
Identifier
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2008-0700-F
Is Part Of
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Box 6
<a href="http://www.clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0700-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/7431953" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Format
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
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Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
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12/15/2014
Source
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42-t-7431953-20080700F-006-011-2014
7431953