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Clinton Presidential Records
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First Lady's Office
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Laura Schiller: Events, Awards, Lectures 9/98
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Vital Voices in Belfast 9/211998: [Correspondenceand Background Information] [3]
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�Women
itl
Northern lrthmd
cnillo!ics as earl)' a1 November 1959,4 i1 was the protest organised in spring and
by IorLy y{)ung ca11:Lolic Dungan.non women th&l helpe~ llllleash
a cnaln of evenn tba.L e,•e;ntualt;• led l!:! l.he. lolllldins of the Northern Imb Civil
Rights Association. SimiLac to thousands of lliorking-cLass cathoiic WO.IllCil in
Nortllern Ireland, thesl! Dungannon w""Omen were struggli.IJ8to raise thei1 families"io. woefully <»"er-crow'ded, expensil•e end often um.a.nltary private houses
and Ra IS. The r,everit~· of conditi()llS i.n Du:ngartnon Was evident in kJcalnewspaper reports or rat-infested quarters 1md o{ as many as c:.ight catholic couples
living in ~.me house where tbey shared two cookeiS ~md·l\Yo h:illel.s for a rent of
£27 per week! Although tbe Dungannon Urban DisLricl Council had built at
least 194 houses since tbl! Second World War, allocaticms comistently went to
newly mllrried proleStanL oouples !llld in 58% of the cases to prote&taiits CrOll!
outside lhe co:nsti1uent)', leaving married Dungannon. catholi£ couples with
ymmg. children on. !.lie ooun~il housing waiting list for as long as eight to ten
years.~>
.
·Inspired parlly by lhe contemporary civil rights movem.ent in the United
Slates, these young women beg;~n to question lhe i>JSLerniltlc denial of decent
public hou&ing for Dungannon's wor.ldng-dass catholics. Ullder the initialleadeiSbip of Mrs Angela Mctl~tal, the g[oup drafted a pelition doc.unumtiDg their
boll&ing grievances and sul:!mitle4 ll to l..be council at i~ regular meeting on 13
May 1963. Convinced bytbe negative reaction of lhc ccunciUon lhat nolhing
would be done, Angela McC!ystal and her ~alei> called a public meetinr, in
SL Patrick's Hall, formed llte Homeless Citizens League and bega.n a series of
pickets of the oount:ilO,eC.fini!s..TThese demo.aslrations fealured m<Jtheri dressed
liDi'ieirSunday be.sl, p\jshing bal:!y:.jmu!\S IIIith .I!! any toddlers in low. Looking
beck at Ibe newspaper pictures Mod ac:c.Cunts, theM! e\'e:iits appear·quaillUy naive and innocent. Yet tQ"¢se Wl)men. led primarily by Angcla )..kCrystal and
Patricia McCluskey, Lbe'\\'ife of a local cal.holic: dodo( who joined \he H~C.L.
shortly after its formation. began oo.llecling i:rrefutable evidence proving the
subQance of lhe orlgloal allegatio.as that the •Dungaanon Urban Council dJ:s.
criminated against aitnoliei.in housing allocation.
These actions by orW.OaxyDu.ngiumon womtm raised a potenlially explosive
political issue rJ.ru:e qualification for the local government tranc.hlse in North·
em Ireland depended upon being a tegi!lered householder. I:a. !hose areas,
IIIOSlly IVest of lhe River Ba!l.ll, where protestanls almost equaJJed or outnumbered the catholic population, as in Derry. Unionis1 i»uucilli used housing allo·
caHon~ to preserve their po!iUcalmonopa!y. In eventually .takinslbeic housing'
grievance to Stormonl, these women mounted & direct clJalle:Dge to oDe of the
main bulwa:rks Gf fnrly 'ears ot prowianl Ullion.il>t domiriaUcin arul catholic
Nadooalh'l exclusion. Their assertiveness OD this fundarilental rlgntto adequale
ltou<.~ing •vas. in ~tark contrast to l:he irredentist rhelo'ic ag_d aQ5tentioot pro·
ille that had· characteriSed the local nation11I1'St c:ouncillon as well as lhe siK •
Nationalist members at.Storm~.mt for yea11.
At the end of August 11nd inspired further by the wide media eover.age during
&W'I'lJIIe.r 1963
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20 Women in Northern Ireland
Caiileri~le
B. Shanuon
. origins nalure of Lhl! extensively. bas engulfed about the
T since 1968 bas bee11 analysed oon11icl making writingNorthern '1•ouHE
aad
that
ircJand
. bles' one of the few growth induscrles in the economica.Uy devastated prov!m:e.
Although a complete bibliography now would oootaln over 7,000 ilell.IS, until
quite rccentl.j• the impact oflhe political violence onlhe role and status of Northern Irish womeQ has been virtually ignored.'The reasons for lhislacun.a are neil
hard to eppreciale. They derive from tbe.same subL!e, often unconscious, yet
pervasive patriarclu!llnfiuenoes llw.t dominated mast historical and social science researchers and methodology Wllit lhe 1970s and early 1980s. ThissUence
has been compounded by the exLri:me tradllional.lsm of Ulster's ehurenes and
schools as weU as b)' an eooru:unic structure that kee~v/omen who work in sexsegregated, low-paying, and often part-lime jobs. Approximately 54% of ecol)()mlcally ~Li'le W<Jmen are employed, but Ill% of these are in part-lime jobs,
and 18% ot plll1-limen work lesi tlian sixteen ilou.n;thus disqual1t"yJng~t1Je:m
Crom pension or maternity rights.l Mo.-eover, Ihe political necessity to document the dlscrlminal.ion againsl northern c~tllolk:s as wdl as 1o analyse the
attitude& o{ catho~ and prolestanls regardln11, the oonlroveriial issue of the
~:onstilutioa.al link wich Brit11in delayed mucn social s:ience research on the
gross ine.qu.alities o{ gender thai oontinue to chari!cterise Northern lrl~>b $0ciely. Pnrtunat.ely, considerable progress has been made Lo close this gap by the
publication since l989 of a dozen or more articles wrlllet1 by university academics. and su1veys commissioned b;· the.Equal ~fiPOrtunilles Commission.~
From House Rights to Cll'll RigbtJ
A glaring example of northern women being wrluen out of lite nistory oi the
'!rouble~' is the faiLure o{ most bistorlcat acccun1s to mention l.b.at L.be very lirst
prolestll agelns t discrimiwu.<Jry ·housing policies b)• Unionist dominated local
government cauncils were initiated by ''''omen.
Although Woll).en from the Sprlngto'\\'11 es1a1e in Derry bad disrup1ed rOO.etings: of the L~.mdondeny City Counc:i:lto prote:sl inatleqUale housing ror Derry 'l
f. /ct.,:, t\"a}U:./niN;RfdlJIJJ •~C''IIr lF~J:I(ftl {UUOid.lWl),
Z l'""'ok:M""""""'r:y ond Cl<lia OeVl!;. 'A ..,.,...~ pi""' In .Konh•m lr<ltnd'
SlriJ13<r "'<l CliiUaa
~. lcda), &daiaflimdc.<t"n- ,y.,,JIImr Jr.!GNJ {19'111-91 <di~..._ Belrau, 1'191), FP 1-4-7!. leo olso Cl:h.a
D&tl•• ..:d Eilllae )fclu.;dllln. (•do)..lV.:om,.., «IIJ'i"1•ln'OI.-m 10<!ulpatlr; lo .Vordi.r.r l"''rt•.:l:fl~
p<IS1pon<>1 (Bdfosl. J'i!JJ).
J Sot: copecilJ!r Monico lol.:17/11lbtmtt, 'Women 10 Norlbcfll r..bmi.an m"r~le•' oll:d H:!D::I Marrio!y,'&o.
nomic tf.&ap ..:d tho pasnlon of ""m"" ic. Not.Um llofand'la .Em:onn HvP<-& (cd.), c..rw.. mrtJ ,.,..w.,
Ill /iol'lll<rR lr<lo•rd, l9111him(t...tdan.l991j; C'orrool Raulil<tn, '\li'aoMl on the mrn~:io: lhc ""'"""''~
mcniiAI<Iocth.:m llolond,l!l'T.I-I'liiB'In Sti_r ..d s,...,.l)',tal, Sl,r:u 1(l~).pp1t9-ll6,
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11i016.
5 ~,...,., Dll>ml<l',ll Milr. t6Scf<.I!I6J,
6 f/;Jd, <I Sept.lq61;,... ·l'll.o ll<tb l'utdit:, ~l!irr in tfteJ!nY.tr:JJ..
Of lhr<i•U •lf/ll• ,.,.....,., Jn
ll'o.r"trm frdond~,l!l90j, p.IJ.
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nnd. Potrida M<Owiq< 14 lol"l' l 'l'1L
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lbe summer of Uoiled Slates civil rlgbts marches wllich culminated in tne
tin Luiher Ktug ..led \Vashing1on marel1 of 2A August,3 a few memben '
Homeless Citizens League look more decislve action after lhe't>WJgaonou::!
Council refused a request lr~mH .C.L..IDllmbers Lo llU!k:e a••ailable. Ill homelesS'
c:alllolir:s pre-fabricated. housing alFairmounl Park tb~>n being ncated b}'prol·'
es.!anl larnilies moving to a newly buill council estate. A squat was organised
1\'bich eventuall)' involved thirt)'·seven women and _their families. In some in·
s.!ancel'o, tile vacating protestant tenants handed over their keys lo the incoming_
squat te.rs ins Lead of council offk:ials.9 Wilhin a week the Min isler of Heallh and
Local Govem.meil t, Mr William Morgan. agreed 1o receive 11 delegation o{ ~ ~
Homeless Citizens League_ at Sto/mont. The combination of wide&pread cc\>-er:
age of the squat by tile Belfast media and lhe detailed 11ature of lhe statistics
presented by tbedelcptioo 1\'llsSUCiicientlo force Stormont to pul pressure on
!.he Dungannon Council who were ob!igedlo abandon their plans to ejecr for-·
cibly lhe squ alters. and make provision for homelesi cal holies more quick l)' by
rushing Lhe completion o! a new BaUygawley housing estate in the naliomdisl
West ward.~ '
The cov~rage given to !he actions of tlle Homeless Citizens League in the
summer and CaU oi 196.1 elk:ited a deluge of supporting leuers from nmi5.'i North,
em Ireland which .indicated that tlle minority's aequiesoence in the face of Unionist misrule 1vas wellring thin. This led Lhe McCiuskeys and tbeir associates to
examine the related issues of discrimination against C.athoocs in public employment arsd how widea:pread gerrymandering of liX:Rl electoral dlstricls and the
·local e!et:tor!!l francblse o(~us\nest.?WI~~rs virtually guaranteed Unionist dcmi·
nation of local counclls even in areas wheie Ilie cat'ifolic p~tpulalion oumumbered the protestant minority. In orde£ to address these issues on a prcwince·
wide basis, ll:te Campaign for Social JusHce waa formed in January 1964 by a
ccllllili.ttee o! !weh•e tb.BC included Olive Soott, Maura Mullally and Patricia .
'Mc0wkey.11 Over the neicl lew yeats the C11mpaign for Social Justice, largely
ma..t~aged b)• Mn MeCJuskey and her husband Conn, ayslematicaDy coUe.cted
and publis.hed data tllat pro11ed widespread discrimina1ion against catholics in
boUii.ing o.nd public employ=t in other oommunitier sm:;h as Deny, Enniskillen
and Lurgan. They disseminated llleir fillding.'l' to inte£ested croups and public
Ubrariea !l:trougitout Ireland, !.he United I<!Jl8dom and tlle United Stale~.!, one
• of the first significant O~X:asions being Patricia McCiusk:e~,·s presental ion o{ C.S.J,
data Lo the National Council of Civil Liberties meeting in London on lJ Aolarch
1965, In addition, the CSJ, members encouraged those of tile nrinority population who qualified. Lo gel on lhe voting register. Mrs McCluskey and Mrs
McCrySlal were particularly acuve in efforts Lo have DUDgannan's calholii:S Oll
the register for tile nelrt lo~aJ electio.o.:s..ln May 1964 a slate oi seven C.SJ, can·
didales, which included PaL:ricia McCluskey, Angela McCryoslal and Brid
McAleer, ran for llle Dung.aunon counCJ1 on the slog.nn of 'Vote fo1 Justice.
Voce tor Lhe Team.' Wilh a 9'7% voter turnout, four .of the sc'llen, including
Patricia Mc:Ciuskey were el«led. 11 Mrs Brid Rodgers, wno later became i leading member of the Social DemocratiC and Labour Party, began her political
& Doslfl'J•- ObiU>w.IB:liOf.ll SCjll. 1961
p l'lor4iellall!lu lo "'' rt........ p.8B.
10 loli.t.ppSW:C<mn M<OukcJ; L'pojfikcirto~a (Dubli.a.,Jst9~pp ll-IJ.
ll lbld-W ll'.-17. "''N< C$1 ranllwld bui<allr • coii!Dlk ~nio&llan despite imllol dforiO lo r<o:noil lib=l
p>o!O:SIBDII ..t.o t.Jd - U o d IIJ1l1PIIh)' with
ll ).icau.o!u!y. "I'
rit. p.IJ.
.
lis alniL
~iovul\•omcnl when she rollccted tlaLa on Lurgau for Hte C.SJ. As a r!:SUll her
baud"s dental practice fell b)' 40% when his protestant palien1s bo~·ootled
pr&cticc.u
Appreclatin& !hal the Govei1l.ll1enl of Ireland Acl cf !92.0 v<::llted ultimale
aad specific responsibility ia Westminster to protat lhe northern catholic. mi~
nodi:)• from di~crllllination and injustice by any norlhetn Irish authorilies, Mrs
Mc0u'>key presented the CSJ. da4 a lo Consen·eth·e PrimeMinisrer Alec Doug·
las Home and the Labour Party oppositioo.leader, Harold M'wn, in a protruc!J:d conespoodence in lhe summer of 1964, Neitl:te£ party leader was willing lo do anything despite lhe extensive documentation of discrimlnatilin and
· Stormont's indifference contained in four CSJ. publications.'~ .
Meanwhile, a. group G[ sixty Labour back-bencllets and party regular.t long
concerned about Northern Ireland and supplied wU.h c.SJ. data established the
Campaign ior Demoaacyia Ulster in earl)' 196:5. Mrs McC1uskey spoke on the
housing question al their in1mgullll meeting in the House of Commons the followingJuly. Under the leadership of Paul Rose, the Labour 1\.fl' for Blackley and
PBdd)' Byrne, the C.D.U. eventuaily had over 100 p.arliamenlary supporte.rs. The
group supported lbe CSJ, demands for fuiJ parliamentlir}• inquiries into tbe
Strumont adlilinislration, witbpartieularrefetence lO diliaiminarion in housing,
public employtllilnl 1nd the \lie oi pollee powers. In ~pril1967 the C.D.U. sent
a fatt-finding delegation 1o Northern Ireland aad found l.be in;uslices there
11
.· oolll{Jarable Of WOISC than emled in Indiaand South Africa. 'The e.'tpectations .
of Northern [risb catholics that redress might oome li:om London proved temporary for it was on!yafte1 Ihe oulbreak ohiolence in early 1969lbat Westmins!edl!unched!>!lrllamenlary i~vestigations of the Stormont regime.
By raising the eipiorive housin& iss".1e·and 5l!ti,~-ing that re~re_ss rould not be
achieved eUher through the highest legislative or judicialauthorlW:S,llie women
of the Homeless CW.z.ensLeague and in lbe Campaign for SociilJUSiic:e played
a si.gnifil:ont role in heightening tne catholic sense of grievance and in preparing large segments of the nortbern catholic community to move beyond pers.onal and loCJ!l grie-.•ances to embrace tl\e brooder political ideology or civil
rights. Thus lhe loundlnr, o! the. N or!.hem Irisb. Ovil IDgblS Assi:lciation is as
muc!J the result of their groundwork as of the various trade noio», republican
and civilliberlies groups that joined in establishing· the organisalion in April
1967. Within 18 JILOnths large segmeniS or llle c:athoUc cOJlllllUnily were fully
mobilised behind tite programme and marehillg ta.ctics o! N.l.C.R.A. The ccu- ·
rageous example of !be Homeless Oll:mns League .and Jlle women alii!Oci.ated
with the CS.l w1s reflected in !be invoh·emenl of a o.umbcr ol women in lbe
initial eeth'i.ties of Lhe Northern Irish Qvil· Rfghls Association. ·Patricia
Mt£1uskey and Brid .Rodlels o.E CSJ, as v.'ellas trade umonkst leader Betty
Sinclair, and a cadre of young womr.n students; including Bernadette D~lin.
Bills McDerrnotL, Inez McCormack, Ann Hope and Madge Davison wexe to
have pro.minent roles in various civil rights campaigns over the next four }'ear.s.a
ll A'oliMr'•tot-ioo: \\kh B<id ~.q,:rt.looi. 19111.
r.Jo(;ludcc~ Up &}frlt<J.A.ottt.pp :n-J.'Th• r..... pu.llculonl .,,,. T/>11 pi.W IIMofC l.ondoftdu'}<O"'"""'•
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ao.d ,Val.lb•111 r..r d: &JOI..W •• "~'~"'"' .U.mioo..
,;.,.,,. litrly.A£C<ead<dtclllll a11llrpo!.ltn rnttAovao pui:IWuld In lPlll N><lt<priclod *in In 1'.1'12.0... ,
IIOJIOO"""""' ~"to&uibul<d "l' ti>l91S.
U, l~Y. lq><iff61<b lac..,.. p. 251.
•
lfi WillifmVan V.ti< \iollltrtoll:tt'II.I<r;on ""'' d - • Y (A,.,'hmi.J97S): Olllhar't in len"="'',.;,~ llcmU<k'tlz:
Devlin, 16hl)' 1'192: 1\ilh hill Hopo,-41""" 19'l'J; wilh ]net M~:Cormaclt,Jon. .1191;"itb M~ D.,Ua:l,10
A:.toc 19Ba.,.illl Bdd ll.odfl<".lllo.l98l';y;lob P•ui<inM.Ciuooke~'Apr.l'im.
14
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Chatrel, Sen•ont or
The Early Troub1e:s, 1969-005
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The high h()pes o! the ci\·il rights marehes or 1%&-69 t\'ere s.oon crushed in
escalating cycle o( sectarian rioting. police brutality, rising republican and
ulist para-mllilai)' tenorism and by a repressive po !icy of counter-terrorism
~·
b~· the Stormool adminislrslion and aubsequenll}' by lhe British govermnenl.~
The human costr since 1968 have been staggerlo.g.ln a population
ha!L million up to l9fJ1 !here hue been appro!d.mately 3.100 lei _
serious lnjurie11, 12.,000 shoolin[!li. D, 391 explosioos, and Q;JUntless insl&nees
intimidllti.on. Ju111 over two lmndted oftbe d~d bave been women who
in age from infancy to the Ver)' eUkr!y. They lncl.u~ women from every
life: !.he daoghlet of Rjudge., the wife of BJlOlher judge., seven police
a Roman cathnlic nllll, Sister Catherine Dunne, who WitS kiUed D)•
landmine which also killed three [I'Olicemen on the Klllylea Road near
em 24 Jul)• 1990. Marie Wilson, a )'<lUng prolestant nurse Is £emembered
as the innocent victim of Lbe November 1987 Ennhkillen bombing. In
19!11 a: twenty·'silC. year old catholic molher ofl\VQ, Fbilomena Hanna, was
sllSsill:a.ted apparently by the loyalist Ulster Freedom Eght.er.!! while she w&~
wor.k..i.ng al a Belblst ~nemi&l sbop where she setved autome!ll' from both the
catholic Felli Road area and Lhe prole.slisnt Sbartkill.
Gender has nor exempted poULica.lly active women from al!.1BSsinalion as the.
murders of twG prominent republican supporters. Maire Drumm and hliriam
Daly, in the lale 19701 demonslrslcd. In the eii!Jy 'eighties _an unsuccessful at·
tempn~:H:ssas!male Bernadette Decv14t lefL he~ severely wounded. In October
1992, B l'I\'Cnly-nine year old Sinn Fein local goveinriu:.n( councillor arid iaw
student, Sheena Campbell, \W5 gunned down withiD the slladows of Queen's
Univecsit)~ Women married lo polliicians, poUc.ernen, judges, and even lawyers
lived with the daily realily lh.at !.heir husbl!Ild's poUtical convictions or ocrupa·
Lion mlgnl ha-.·e r5ulted in a sudden md premature widowhood.
A poignant Cl(pression oi the communal and personal pain these grim Lacts
have in[Jicted came from the !ale Kathy Har.k..i.n, a dedkaled community worker
ftom Derry when she obset11ed:
War is ultimately 11Ulle. ll is-the 17>'1Hru:n who liS gi~~ll u1lire 5~ fft:r iu a war wtu:n the
Jives they lu!ve produced IIlli deslroyed.llitlbe :womeu who .are leA to g.rieYe, 10 mouro,
lo oursc. the sick !lAd Ibe wuuoded,to keep families Logelher,lo keep loOCiely'uormal'.
They act 111 a buller iD war, l:lying to ptolec:t theit chlldreo hDm IL Aod wben the war ;s
(1\'C:r it !$the womeo wbo a.re left lo pick up lllld rebuild the. oomlllunitie:s- mit is the
women wbo make the bi!!8er w:riiiceP
While Harkin's confiation of war primarily wlth maleness is problematic hls.Lorically, bet obser11alion is signific.anl nonetheless k!_ecause it goes be)'ond the
usual portrayal of oortbem women as mere victims, and suggests what ordina.r}•
women have done individual!}~ collec:lively o.nd, usually outside tb.e official and
public palriarchaistruclures,lo prol«t l!Jid til minimise Lite impac1 of political
vloienoe on 1ncirla.milies nnd communlties, It is Ibis aspect nC nortbem wom,
en's experience thai the remai.nder ofth.is a.rtide willemph.a.sisc:Jirsc b~ focus. in& upon Llle responses of catholic women lo the deterioratiag political situa·
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(tomlan. 111114}."' .l6.
ill Norrhun frelaml
.1-'+.J
!rom 1969 to 1914., then b)' examining the response o1 protestant women to
Provisional I. R. A. \'iolence after 19"10, and finally to some iostanc:es
them \\•omen have crossed tne politital ~nd re\igjou' divide til copUilluit of common goals.
response oi cnthol.il: women to the besiegement of their oommunitics
intern.menl of their men was vi&olOU'li a.nd often vel)' i.D.ventive. For
du1ing Lhe August 1969 'bal.lle of tbe Bogside', women deviKd home·
masks f.tom nappies snaked in lelllDn-juice, ..,iD,ega.r and 1\'Bt-et to disto Lhose being bombarded by the pcBce with C. S. gas. Eileen Doherty,
.of a proniin.enl Bopide.leader, recalls cnnvecling her Willi11m Street kiwhen
·a -ijltulll ta1~1erialO feed the male defelJdeLS. 19 1be youth WOO raioed pel·
JODibs down oo Lhe police trom the top o( Rossville Flalll gol their supplies
##l_teeu-aged girl.x who lugged crates of milk bottles and stones up to the
firsL cudew imposed by the British anny w Cl(ecule an atm5 sea.rc:b in
lower PaDs Road area 'in early lul)•1970 "*women impriw.ned in
homes and UllB.ble to shop for two m<i a half days.;rbe curfe·w was b-roken
,when waill.6Il from other pa.rt9 of Lhe cl.t.y au'ived wilh 1uppUea of badl )'needed
.b~d and milk for their friends and relatives. Afler goi.og str!dght Lhroush and
·
· the bani cades lll1d ttist.ribuling these goods, lo tht: dis.may nf the soldiers
lhe1r o:ffil:ers,tne wolllCll then marcl:u::d arow:W lhe'dlotricl for a couple of
hams singing c:ivil rlgllls songs.lll The teSen.lmelll whlcn lhese sean:hes caused
ill oo~w.cUon with the leers spawned by various secWilin ri.otuinee January
1969 brougllt new recrulls to the 1. R. A. and the newly formed Pro'l'.iaional
·l R. A.; bringing 1tu:-e5.tim~ted repuQii_cB_ll acti'lisls lo !lOO by December 1970.
'I)Ie response oi the St.cnnont government. now 1eii b>•.iiriau Faullmer, was lhe ·
in~toduclion of internment without l:rial on 9 August 1971.
Internment prpved a huge $eCUrlty and political blu:iider. OUtdated police
inL.elligenoc enabled most acdve cepubfu::anS to e.scape the imtial round-up.The
partisan nalure of the initial operation, which neglet:ted to lift known loyalist
paTa-miliLIIJ:ies.,fiutller incensed the nationalist communil)•. Subsequent swoops
in cath?licareas over lhe .nen few yean were namperw great!)' by women who
~rued of im:nllnent sec.urity searches by bang.ing di~Sl·bin lids aod blowing
whistles BS soon a! aonoored vehicles entered catholic estates. Meanwhile,
women were the p1incipal instigators and organisers of the, ral.e and rent sJ..Iilre
that was endorsed on 10 August by a broad spectfllm of niti.onalisiS to proles.l
agaillst tb.e internment policy. This exercise in civil disobedience, adopted. b)'
'30,000 families in public housing esletes occupied by the nationalist population, put co11side1able fuumcial pres5UCe upon Lne go,-em.ment. FOr instance,in
West Belll!sl's'furf Lodge eslat.J:, the 411 tamilies thai pul rent sl.rlke .notices in
their windows; cosL the governmenL!123J per week in l0£1 revenue. Tlie following Deoember the usual p05tal revenues fell oonsiderably ~;llen women organisedaauistmascard boycott. In the tong ran. there11tandralesttike proved
rostl)' because lhe ori!!,inal &d\·ial of the organisers from the Civil Righls 1\sso·
cillllion to ha\'e women orga11ise sl.reet oommiUees to collect end depo!i.i.t reniS
in bank&. was M:t aside when S.D.L.P. politicians ad\'Qatted a renl spend
1B N>JI>or'o;id,...U: .. ~11nE.Ild:<c~y.JIIIy JSB5.
.
]9 I<xuuh&n llardon, TIW 6is11N7 of!Jltt<r {ScU..l, 19!1l},pp 51&-'lll ~l,ci)Q milk hulll.. ,....., lao from ono
doD)• clwUia llu: 'boUle a! tbc Bogsid.,'
lll .....ll>or15lD!or•l..,, ~i•h Madge Davison, !Mt :M..:Ccln::!u:t, •P· dl.
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approach, ad vi« wl:tich many, but nol ~u families loiiowe.U. Thus the strike
timately caused Increased hard&hip when lhe short-lived power-wring
live and later. the Brii.WI government deducted arrean from social securi .
.eflll!IUld in some cases from par cheques. However ill-advised in hindsight,
renl st.rl.ke was lbe onl1• option that working-clan women, traditional oc
len of tbe !amily purse strin~ bad available lo protest the fundamental
lion o{ c;ivil rights lhallhe internment policy repres.ented} 1
Manv women participated in weeki}• ma.n:hes protesling internment
next sii monlbs, lhc 010st infamous being tbat on 30 1anuaxy in Deii}'
·which 14 unarmed demonslrators were shot by soldiers from the British ParaLrooper Regimen{Lon from most historical accounts islbe ract thai, despite a .
government ban 011 marches lllld grave teen of a potential repetition of Deny's
Bloody Snnday, !be Newry marcl\ of 20,000 held one week later, was led by
seven young women ch•il righls activistli including Bemadelle Devlin, EiJish
McDermott, Madge 0.&\•ison and Ann Hope who had been 1\'0Ullded iD Derr}'
·lhe pre violA Su.n4:1ay.22
J'!!.e abolition of the Stormont parlilllllC.nt and the imposition Of direet rule .
from London in late March 1972 brought little relief to women in nationalist
areas. Over lhe next three yean, in their efforts to defe&l an increasingly active
Proristooat L R.A.,lhe sec:urity farces conducted brutally invasive early mom·
i11g house sean:ber. whlcb le1t homes completely ransaclted and often were ac- .
compllllied by the beating o1 men in front of their lam.illes. In 191.l, tbere were
73,000 sean:hes in a communiiy ol·400..000·hO".w.:bold&a
·
In Belfasl's worki:Dg·ci8S.'I esLates,. wome.o. organised 'hen patrols' to act as
lookouts lllld rai&e the tradltional dustbin alarm upon the arrival oi the army
and polioe. Often worldng in groups of wn, tbey followed the saeps of the pa·
trollmg sold.ien;, not 1impl1' lo hariiSS lhern but 10 monitor their conduct 1iod to
try to,prevent COli.CronLalions betweens.oldlen and teenagers that co.uld easil)'
be«Jme vial.ent. In Odober1976 after aninnocent:tb.irteen-year-old boy, Brian·
Stewart, war shot b)• a. British soldier in. the midst ot a mil~e between patrolling
~oldien lllld Thrf Lodge youlhs, womea iD 1\u'f Lodge kept the army out of
tneil disuict for a manU! b}· organisin.& road block5. 10 Les! public actions w
protect lhe youlb of their communi!)• were taken by women in Derry. In the
earl}' 1970s. a number of Deny .women stood dally guard at lll'lilY check points
wbUc their c:hildreu were going to and returning Crom sclioolto preve11l harassmen! by soldiers.Si.m:e lhe early 19706 WOllleil ill Derry'll Pefll:e ani! Rcwncill·
ation group have fll:lcd as observers to insure that the legal righll! of young men
detained for questioning are upheld. Their medlation has been credited with
reducing considerably f.he tensions between Deny's youth and Lbesecurily officials iD recent years.
·
By 197li with 3()00 men in jail, Natlhem Ireland h&d lhe highest and young·
est male imprisonment rate in Eutope."The cencellati_on o( political &latus [or
I
V.·"""'"'
21 :l-'bda•D•Yl""' lnmniow 01111 ... rt<ce memoir In Lin... Hall Llbnuy, e~ifa,~.,
Cclb<rtionand l'l>ll.tl·
ul CaBecdon, ll.tU. lli2.
21 luttluJo't In&< mow .,;111. M><l&e D"'l-.111 Amo I~;,,...,,_. lt"P"'""·!O i'cb.l9'l2; lth!J 1loms,7 i'cl>.l9'l2.
13 laJO tOJI-.,1/-. ond 200
.
_,.1-.:11 and. ianprltoncd l!iAhout Idol bci.W,.u 1971 end l111S.
RJr mtllllcallnli>nrotlon ... ••p...,laU, l.ll•rb,l' (od.}.l'\wt.loenoJufma4Jiir lo<q,.,..i.,."' a,.
(&c~
1\>s!, J'lll6r, N~·I~od }',,...,., .llo!polf"" ..., rorl •I •Jof""'r n:fllllo,io• lobo f>'IN(i!><l., tris• abll {Dublin.
l~lt•n411""""'n O"X..Oo1J ud.lolln ~<(J•r'l·t•d.o). 11l•l"''•llrro/..414r~•rsuo (Lawloi>,J9!Jl)..pp-.
14 Aulhor"•ln~<rvi.,. w~h Lilj· Flwiomuu,Jolr l'l87: lt. \lo\wd ••d M.T. M<Gi'icrn,'l""'!es ol W<m>'..4ln .tlarllo;
em lrdsrul" ill c..,.,61\r. \"01. ~. nCL I (19 }. pp lif>..1l,
2! !lncq<>n-.l•nt r"'""' In U.. Unlb<d Sc•,...,..uld bclmillian.
-IIA1 """'
"''"fl.l=•
O:pimunilitary prisoners onl March 1976 provided yet anolber catalyst for poli.liamcDg catholic women."' A few Ballyrnurphy women form.ll(j the
,ction Commiltee in February 1976 and w1Hrln ~ year there were
br&~hes. members of whlch were tile chief organisc:a l!lld parlit:ipants in
ovef condiuom in the Maze Prisoo in the. late 1970' during the blanket
md no wash campaign. by republican prisOOJA:rs. Many of the \\'Omen
demrmsttated every Saturday al Dublin's General Paf.l O.llice, en ob~i·
symoolic site, i.n an elrorllo enga&e soutnern r,yrnp&tby !or l.he p:rilionen'
All bough the Relatives' Action Committee was eventually absor:bed inm
·~in, it! \WHlle:ll were especially prom.iDetJt in the public demonstlalions
~siooed by the 1981 hunger slrike. It was IIU'gel}' "-'OI!lell visi.tinR ·their hilS·bands, sons lllld brothers in the Maze who sustained conimunk:ation between
~'! prnoners and tbe Provisional's Anny Couril:il &dd S"mn .F6in dUring this
lenr.e period from January 10 August 1981.11 In the 19ros \\'omen were in tb.e
;'forefront of organising public demnn~IIalions 1111d launching appeal' agaim.l
the unoorroborated testimony cf-supergrass in{ormei& to obtain con·
•. ,~~"---Indeed, there was co-operation between l'l'omeA from republk:a.o. and
areas in lhelu~lice!or Ufers oi'Janisatio.alo bave the sent.enre!l of men
convicted revie'\'r'ed lll!d to pressure the go~--ernmenl tci eRd this practice lo
laiD OODVittiollS.II
.
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·
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: Gcneralisation~>aboul mGti'Y!Ition are always probJ.ema~an.d especiaUy when
e'l'i.dencr:: w~ being gathered in the midst cl conlinuing confU~. Bow~ver .lh~
. evidence suggcsts that from 196&-1974, their ltadi.tional roles as guardians oi
~ir Camili~ rnl b.er than ideologkal factors, initiaUy motivated women in nationalistareas t~ uildiiliake ihe acliollll·del!cribed..'Ihese responses &bare si.mi~rioo with pallenw ol. behaviour lhat Karen Offen bas desiribed ai'n:lati.or.at
femimsm' in her analysis of women's rates in Buropean l'e\'Oiul.ionary s.itu.aJiocs in. the late nineteen til cenlUry."Wbile it Is widely acknetwledged tbat tile
'cult at Maxy generally provides a pa.Wve. role model for talho~ women, i.n. i~
II;sh manifer.lation f.he Marl&n cult often strongly emphasi'Ses a positive role
for !he Virgin Mother as interces1:or to secure salvation. ThUll inany mothers
JmY ltave been ilispired to engage in activities Lbal pre'iiou.sly the)' would have
deemed l!mpproprlate or beyond their capabilities. Recitations o( the ro6ar}'
were pau o( the \'l'eelrly pickeling ritual at lhe Cookstow police station in the
·early !!nOs lllld ~'ere a frequent ieai:Uee of the street corner meetinp during the
Hunger Strike of 19S1. Ma!)' Nelis, a Sinn Feln supparlei" m Derry, wbo had
two sons in the Maze in the mid-1970&, including one on the dir t)• plotesl, risked
wide community opprobrium when she and two olber womC.n 11tood barefoot
and clad only in a blwnet outside :Bishop Edward Daly'' residence lo pretest
what Lbey perceived as the t::hutcb's indi.fiercince the wltbdrawal of potilit:et
status.. She Jece.lled Leeling •.•. liJce Mw:y, lhe Mother Gf Jesus doing the sla~
wms of the CroS& .•• on the bill oi Cah•ery. >liiThe west BeHa5t gable painting
lha.t depicts a fallen Provisional I. R. A. soldier, draped with tbe tricolour and
to
ll6 DlYid.lkr..tord. Trn ""'" d..,d {t..ond;m, l ~8'1): Flir.,..llw:<, lfcO""""-''t ant! Md'od7...._ Onq dl• <hm
"'"fr<r·
.
17 Bcm.trnal, <¥tdl .• p lll
78 li>r4'l(jllt.S M171!i86. O.'i' 6X1 ""''"" b>d bem CC>dlo ouedon lh• 'Ill""'""' oC Zhgf'C<p.u mrtXIliCm by
l.btl&
liJ ICU111l OJL:n, -x.;h...,-, oqudily end juo!i"" J., ,..,..;,, lis< 1boa<1 811d P'Oo:ti<:• a( I<:mh>losn Ia. nln-1k·
""""tl"liwop<' In 1\, Bdd..R.llld, Cleudlall:llocu: Oll.llSu.an :SJUard (c&}.Jiic"""'aq vldbfr.
En,...
I""'Jldooo>y(lro:hdn.,:U...Ion.li087).PJ1ll~7J. ·
·
)0 Allllu>;'t in~<ni<.w "llh Muy Ndil; lui! l!ilSS, Juno 19!1§.
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in Norrkern Ireland
Challel, Se1va111 or
after being intimidated out of her Suffolk home after internment, was
in orga.nilling support services for families of IO}'allit prisonm and
curb crimmal ra.ck:eteeriDg b)' some of its memi:Jexs. She eventually
eorganisalion and presenUJ·I.here is little evidence of active invoivemelll
hero by his mother ln the fashion of )t[ichclangelo's Pieta surely is more a
to activism than passivity. The cardul maintenance of ihe murai suggests
eldenL to which republican leadeiS appreciate and us.; ils potential for erLCQil!'·.
aging female activism. The nistocical rewnance of this rnolif can be traced Lo
sin:lilitr rep:resentations In Dubllo. following, the execution of Patrlct Pearse, the
leader of the 1916 rebellion, and eMrnples of conunUJJ.al recitations of the ro·
SIU)I during tbe W4f of independence from nt9-21.
On lhe other hand, yoUDger republican women senmg in Armagh in the.
early 1980's folllld 11 more satisfying role model in the mythleal Celtic god~.
Scul.hatb who had tutored the larnOU! Oichulainn i.o. his martial skiUs. More
recently, there is evidence of greal interest among republican and SU:m F6in
women in Mary Condren 'a portrayal of pre--christian Gaelic goddesses as figures of independence, power and aulhority.n
Undoubtedly, some catholic wom=, especlall)•those with Iamil}· links to the
old I. R.A. became activists liS a result of more conscious politic&:! convictioru;
regarding lbe. basicle.gilimacy of lhe nor'lhemsla1e and lhe administraiion ofits
polioe ind judicial system. Otheili were poliliclsed by !he very nature of the
trauma which their communities endured trom 1970 to 197S and by the grlp that
a prison culture held over wban catJwlic neighbourhoods once large numbers .
en lhtir meil ba~ been interned or convicted. The newly revived republican
movemenllostJLo lime inefC01Cs to enlist this female support.Asearly as January
1~1 Republium News was eaoouragingyoungDlltionalisl women to folklw the
e.xample3 c! Maude. Gcnne a!ld 9Ju~te~ Markievicz: by joining CurnaUD. na
mBan. Home-made leafiets seekiltg women re&uia to the organisation-were
distributed frequenl.ly in West Belfast's nationalisl. estates in lhe early 19701.1l At
pn:sent, evklenceallesling lheesaclJlumberofyowxgwomen who joi.ned.Oirnann
na mBan or even moved on lo beregularmemben;oflhei.R .A.lsnot available.
By 1~6 there were 236 women held in ArmaBfl gaol as convicted prisoners or
internees. Over the years lhe convictions for republican women have been chieJly
for aiding and abetting terrorist ac.tivity by storing guns and &llllllunition, keeping safe houser.!IJld washing clothes and serviag ai lookouts. Aa:ordiog to a high
ranking securil~· official the Iire-bombins campaign in London's department
stores in wio.ter 1991-92 was eJ[CCJJted largely by women republicans.'lbe more
·. Jcthalp.a.ra-miliLary activity lblll.M4ir6ad Farrell was allegedly involved in prior
Lo her bei.n,g ~hol by the S.A.S. in Gibralla r i.n 1988 seems to be the exception
nther l.hm th.ll rule for wornea in the l. R.A.31
The deteriorating political s.ltuation be! ween 1969-1974 was aol without serious impact on many \\"Orkln,g-clas.:s protestant ateiiS, e!ipecial!y in Belfast. Re·
seaTcb on loyalist women is stiU at the plelimina:ry &tage, but there is evidenoe
that some provided iuppon servU:es for vanoua klya!W. para-mllitary organisations. LO}'lilisl women were <Ktive &l variollli lccatiom during the Uls!er Worker's Council strike l.n l974 !.hat helped lo topple the power-sharing executive. .
Indeed, the Ulslcr Defence Associ ali.on haAi a women 'I division until l!n4 when
it wu disbaDded !Ubseqlleo.l to Ibe oonviclioo of l:h:rce ol i1$ members for the
mllrder of A:m Ogilby."ln ll!.e late 1980s, a woman who ho.d joined the organi-
Beenadelte Deovlin of People's Democracy bad moved onlo the main
stage when she won the mid-U:bler Westmln:i.ter.seat as a Unity candi·
Apri11969, il was noluntll the mid-seventies lhat a small number of
from the narioDlllist areas became involved in lo.IIILill party politics..
choices reflected Lbe llistotic divisions within Irish aatiooalism, i.e.
constitutionalism on the one hand, and physic:al foroe as tut aa:eplable
to win independence for the entire island of Ireland on lhe olJler. The
Sodal Democratic and Labour Part)• founded in Auf!u.sl l!nO·represeniS the
fiisl tradition while Si11n F'~in represenes the lat!er.
,. · Female aell visls within Sinn Fl!in have tended lo be women whose male rela· .
tives or hi.emis were interned fr<lm 1971to 197:5, Of Who witnessed as teenagers
lheir fenow catholia being intimidated and bll!lled oul9f !heir hol:nes arul sbop5
in' mll.ed neighbourho<l<bi. The mell!Clries of tJwse experlenc= are deeply
:imbedded in the po;yche of SinD FEin supporters.l6 Unemployment, poverty and
~e:U-founded fears for theJr ownsecuri.l)• keeps many acUve SilmF6in womert
as welfas men·physlca.llpoo soci!llly. isol~ .in their own neighb<rurboods. ·
B)• the early l!ISOs, younger Sinn F6iD wo.IIICii, especl.iil.iy fonner.J>rlsvner.s,
empowered by their roles in sustainirl.g comrnlllll1y soJ:idarily and panly b}' the
international felllinlstlennent, began to seek positions of leademhip within the
mo..-ementand 1.0 demand that women's issues be addressed alOIJ&side !he oon·
&litutional issue in the party programme. In 1983 a separate Women's Depart·
ruent wa! e:.labJi&be.d and women wete guaranteed eight ou' of thirty-two seats
on the Sinn Fein national eKecutivC. The adoptio.n oi Ierni.n.ist plattks has nm
been wilhout stress and ~!rain as evidenced by the party's reversal in 1986 of a
p:revious rewlutioD recognising a wornan 's right to cilOIJ6e an abortion. Kncwledgeable observers conle.nd !batlhere i£ often a huge gap between stated party
polk.y on women's equality and il:s acceptance by lbe male rank !IJld fUe in dail}'
31 Mar,......Ja D"A-.q; TIN"'-•"''Y-"""'lll.cndon, lllal);dio:ll- .. l{.uy AIVI W.:Ch!<l•o Hi'llericol So ..
al'j' Conlcron<<.ldud> 1!191.
'
'
Jl Sllmplu ol $Ul:h "'«Uidog l'l:all<to ••• iD <h• LiD=hall Llar•l}' I'VIIIical Call<ulon.
lo:1 Tb• ldmlf<r o( thll N'onhorn lxlond 061Cil orlldallt ""'fidcntiol.
ll l'alnl•ollu:r, M•~ •nd ;)lcfa<l)~rm. O"lt• r.lo •h"-'t "'"'"" p.l8).
3f !llfd'.,{lf2lll,:Jal.JO!I;alllhor\i<:un£ld""llalla~r.nl...-.Wh 1/ll/\ ,.........,9 Ally !981;18Jidy 1!119,
:l6 i'io>uuL1a O'Co;nnor.lrt
•f • r:..te: c.albontT In N~" lrtlontl (DclfotL lw.t). lnllniew.t U....ia.
Ol'lr:r:l slroouJy IQ- m...,rl""
:rt Soc Callu:dn• 8. Shorman, 'CL<holic '"'1111at and llu: Norllu:m ltl1b lraublcr' in \l:mlh Ab<xtAdcr ood AI.,.
o·ooy l•d•),J~~ rtm>nllr
L~). pp '234-:)111:
\W:U: Wuihollwt. 'lie~...... •
r«t ond • bud plioe' h• ~jln[sltrol n...Jotw•: c:uu;t•<IA tlrlnll6 ,._..;.,. '""""''''"' (!lolllu1,19D). p.lS.
.we;
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.
Women who became members o( the Social Demoaalic and Labour Party in
lhe mid to lam 1970s genaally bad more financial security and educsticn than
th.ose that joined Sinn Ft!in. Often their experience ot working outside ofNorthern Ireland or having grown up in mixed neighbourhoods prio1 to 1969 were
!actors in their decil!ioos to iiuppOl't e. COII!ititutional approaeh.1he majority of
S.D.L.P. women currently holding council seats in 1992. joined lhe party at this
lilllc and diil B great deal ofsen<ice work in fund raising 11nd Cll!l\'a.ssing prior to
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Challel, St:tvmu or Citi:ct:n
nwning for co!!!ldl seats. Brid Rodgers is the most promioenl female S.D.LP.
politician. She serve4 as party general secreU!l)' in tb.:; early l98Cs, was .a 9el·
egate to the New lre!&ld Forum in 1983 and twiee has con!e.liled the Upper:
Bann Westmins[eT ooDSUtuency against Ulster Unionist incumbents. She iie.rved
two terms on Craigavon Council for a ~ons!ltuenq• that include3the protestant
&lrongbold of Portado\Vll, She worked diligently lQ persuade her 'I•Ub:Jerable
c11tholic constituents in PortadQwn's housing estates not lo look to the Provi·
dona! L R. A. for protection against loya&lnllacb dur:iDg times of heightened
seclarian tens.ions in the ailerrnath o( lb.eAngl<rlmhA&reemen{ and dlll'ing
·lheseason ot Orange pa.rnder in 1986 and !987.
In the last four years, a few yoooger women members with universily de·
g.rees have been active in parly mllJlagemenl &nd .P'Qlicy illld are working bard
to have the S.D.L.P. plali01m address the intereslll and nee& of women, 11dmit·
ted!~· a difficult taslr given tbe oow;.ervalive middle-class cadtolic altitude! pre. domiDant am.ong il.s male leade£5 and membenhlp, Qne female oouncillor acknowledged Lhe. need to allracf more working-class members lo the parly, but
indicated lbat such dlorts b)• lwo women in her conslilueru:y were abandoned
wbin bomb threats on their homes were made. Similarly, a twenty-five-yearold woman li\'ing near the interface o[ lhe Palls Rood l1lld the Sh.ankill Road,
. who as a teenaget had worked for Silln P€ln.anq was interrogaled b)' the police
llt sbrt.een, was Soe\'erely harliSsed by female neighbours w.l:ten she worked for
the S.D.LP. iD the WeSlmlnsler election of 1987. Her SU.pPQrt \l.ru especially
courageous !iven lhal unquestioning loyalty lor Sinn Fein and the
P:rot'Wo:oal I. R. A. is lil!ell by many cil hetoeighbou.rs .ii1 :be cn..ly detence against
loyalist para-militaries l'com the nearby Sban.kill Road. She atlributed her po· ·
liti.ca!migralion to her con\'iclkmthat the republiasn campaign was doing nothing ~o alleviate llllr own unemployment or lO provide s b!ltter future for her
Mllall child. Although sbe did not bworoe s pasty member, she volunleeroo l'ler
services again in the holly contested 1992 election in w.b.ich Lbe S.D~.P. candidate., Dr Joe Hendron, defeated tbe SiDll f !!in P:t:esident OerJy Adams for lhc
West Belfast seat. Electoral returns from the last lwo Westminster cleelions
indicate that tbe S.D.L.P. holds the support ofn&'tionallst voters by a margin of
.2. to 1 over Sinn Fern. Recent surveys examining polilical altitudes by ,gender
suggesling no marked differentials between male and lemale altitudes on 1he
constitutional question would indicate that I he '2 to 1 margin probably holds for
women in the nationalist oommunities.lll
Meanwblle, the .mwll non..Sec&arian Alliance Parly, \vhl«:ll supporb' lhe link
wilh Britain, provide! space ror catholic \\'omen 1vho ..-eject both the S..O.L.P.
4nd Sinn Fein.. Many oflbese \lo'omen are middle class aud.ha,·e had better than
average education, Quite a lew acl.ive ADiaru:e women members were drawn (O
. t11e parly as tl'le only logical poUtk-;11 choice resulti:og fram. their being in mixed
marriages. P.rotestanl members, the reUgioUJ majority in Alliance., reject the
poUI.Ia o{ the lllllin Unionist parties as e8Sentlally secta:d.an. The Alliall.ce part)'
il distinguished by the largest number or women members and had the highest
percentage of women candidate!! in lhe 1989 local goverlll:lle.nt eleclions a.nd
egain iD 19!12 when 33% of its candidates were \\'omen. One quarter of its 44
couac:illoiS nre women.ABiance was lbe party of choice ior 7% of women polled
in a 1991 sun·ey whereu Sinn Fein received only I% lillpport.•
.
38 V.'krle Morpo, ~!he. divldo'ln .!'""""•1111~ ...,.,..y,-19914 (Sdr..t, l'l'.ll),p. m,
:1!1 111/rJ,
party invoL ''ement by women in the protest ani community has grown
more slowly. This is not s1.1rprisinll. given the Calvinist theology that in·
Ul~ler presbyterianism, the majority .sect of norl.be.rn protesLa.nts. Alter
invoh-e.n:u:nt ol aristocratic 111lrl upper-mi!l<!le.-cls:ss women in the· Ull!ter
l,ljllonist Pafty Lhal had characterised lhc erslrom 1910 to 1921 decreasedA>iead.o thai by tbe 1!1(ills the Unionist Party structures hlid a very male eth05.41 ln
197{ls a.nd eady 1980s the majoJit)• of protest1111L women, feeling besieged
l:IY lhc Provisional I. R. A. amllhreatened b)• absorption. into the Irish Repub·
lie, were content to leave politics and the defence of their stal.e to the traditiQa.al male leadership. The fragmentation o{ lhe protestant church structure
may have contributed lO isolation and a reluctanc.; lo pumJe politieal and wGial grievances through lbe type of collective action that nationalist women
bave used. Survey data fwm the mid-l980s sbowed middle-class protestant
women over thirty-five as especially conlelll wilh I.Iilditional prlvatised roles
and adve.n;e lo aclive political participation.• Women prominent in the two
mirin unionist parlies have Lended to be the wives 01 daugblen of male politicians, such as Hazel Bradford ia lhe OflJCial Unionisl5, or Rhonda Pai;s!ey and
Iris Robinson in the Democratic Uniorrlsl Party. In Lhe 1993 local go\'emment
electiom; women consl.ituted 14% of Official Uniooisl and 10% of Democralic
Unionist tall<fidale&. ('These percentages are compar&ble to !he rat.iD of women
candidates for lbe S..D.L.P whieh bad 16% and Sinn Fein 11.5%. The Iauer
figure was dovm4% from 1989, undoubted!)• a result of tbe. frequency of assas&lnation attempts on Sinn P6in councillors ill recenl j•ears.) Ye-t a recent sUIVey
showed a larger number of prolesumL than catnolic women wlllliig to indicate
!1rm supportfor a political party.'21besignificam:e oi this f:i:ndi!lgin relation lo
earlier e'·idence of lacli: ofpolilital p.articlpati~!'l is .rwt enl..iteJ.y clear.
Nonetheless, during the pasr four yean !here has been a riliiilg politi~&l con"
sciouSDess am.ong protestml 1\'ork:ing-dast wor:nen \Vhicl:J Is putting pressure
yn bo!tt the Official Unionis. Party and the Democralic Unirurlsl Party lo address critical .issues fot women, espec,ially in the areas of clilldcare, education
a.nd lm~ and .social security benefits..lucreasin,gl)' they have become aware
!haL main-liDe unionism. has'liLtle to oiler their cb.ss and gender. A.r one.\voman
actk•e in the proleslant Shankill commw:tit}• put it in 1991~
· . i<nl:tllal
••• 'The pmteslaa4 community just wua'! awue of t.bt: dl.sc:rimlne.tion.. but tbey B..re noll\
We were told we wer~ Gad's oM! peopll!. Stcrn10ol wouldlook a:f!e.r liS md alltb.e I est
ot it, We d.oo'l believe titat &ll)' longcr, We na\•eo'l beUe,..ed that for tblny yeallllllld we
.lll'e figbtia1 bade. I doii'L.feellll'SCrilllioatioo il any Wls on the praCeste.auide lban it is
on lhe catholieside, I tbiall. aU womcD &u.lfcr !he same disaimiiUIUoll wllelhcr 11 be bv
tbe dnm:b or b)•lhcate.le (}f whatever;"
·
·
·
·
· •
Similar to lheir calbolic sislers,lhey f.ace immense obstacles in Lbe conserval ive
values &bared by the male catholic and prolestanl church leadas ·and poHliclam who ~tnute a deeply entrenched ecuawuca.Lpalriarchy that will not
be ea5.ily defeated. Despite their biller dir:lerenoes on the const.ituti1Jnal question, Utece was an unanimous opp05ition amor.ig lhc m.ale lead~s of th~ S.D.L.P.,
..
.CO Dime ISI<jtlbut,'Tho u~Ji.rv.·..,,,,., Unlonht O:f"""il,l9ll-I\\Ul' {OIII(><I'blirbcdW.A.d;..w;on. 0....,~
Unlv!Oiky, IWI'IOt, 19!11).
·U loluL D.ltc..,...om! DuoiCUrry.AmiVo'u"'~""""'""'""lal>\wr&-1""""",(8•1tul..l91!5).
~t ~n,qp. rlt,p.l)"'.
. 43 1\\Jilux't into!Yitw -..ilb Wins \\'o!doll, 2D 'lklov. IWI.
.,
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31
the O!!ldal linionists and Rev. Ian PSJ.sley's Democcatit Unionist Party to·
ward !he siting o( al3rook Oinic: in Beifasi c,iur'mg 1991-92. Brook C'llnics provide famil}' planning services and sex educat~on lo young girls.. The .lleed !or Ibis.
sen>i~ Is undeiWOred by the sky-r<H:.keling rate of teenage prepncy wilb 15%
of mothen under twenty being single:. M Clinic opponents tear that 1he more
Lenient criteria for abortion that pertain in Ihe rest of the United Kingdom will
be e:l.iended to Northern Jretand. Howe\ler, with coa:stderable cross-ooi1111'111·
nil)• and cross-class support from northem women Lb(} clinic opened 1n Sep"
tember 1992. On lbe opening day, the Re;•erend Ian Paisley arrived lo preach
his mes<Jage of damnation, but he beat a hasty retreal aftera number ol women
outside lhe entrance started danciAg to the b.ymn 'Rode l>f ages' when it came
bJ.ari:Dg over his sound system,"
Despite signs(){ rising political consc:iousness,tne number women actively
involved in formal party politics remains. ''ery small. Weslminstet· and European parliamenl seats remain 11 male monopoly. and "'omen constitute ()nly
11% of local government councillors. Women CW!didales in lhe last local electioll5 dropped b)• IS from 14% in 19891o 12% in 19!1:1. Only 34% oinorlbem
women lite willing tc indicate a particular party allegiance while tb.e 47% who
are unwilling lo r.late a party preferenoe·undoubtedly reflects the Irrelevance
of bolll orange and green nationalism. to women's preS!iing dail}' needs.~• Manr
working-class WOl'lll:ll express fnlstraLion ihat the absence of s northern Irish
labour pllr1)' prohibita lhero from registering lbc:l.r opposition to lhe consel'\•apve el;!;mo~c and social policies of llle British Tories; Meanwhile,llllllly rniddle-clllliS femiriiSI.s ifre invoived-in·campa!gns.for leg;~land ~ial ~nns lo
remove lhe dtsabi!ities which. all nortflem women suCier in areas ol wage, F>b
and educational diseriniination &lid !01' better protection from oomesttc violence. Such women have been ~peciallr active in efl'orts 10 ensure lh.al lbe full
benefits o(the European Social Olartec beextelldoo lD Northern Trisb. women."
E\·enfocwome.n who are polilice.ll)' interi:SI.oo,lbe pressure of fainily duties,
lack of money and Juffit:imt encouragement from the male dominated part)•
struclures present seriollll impedi.ments to active participation e'l'en allhe oauncil
l<:VeL Yet lack ofin11olvementlafomlal partj' politics does no~ necessaril-y ttanslate into polilkal indifll:lrence or ignorance. A IlUIUber of recenl conferences .
such as lhe Worker's Eduution-Assoclalkln's 'Women in the 199Ds'.and sur·
veys indicate !hat northern women's political views b&\•e beoome more varied,
complex, wphistic:aled, and indeed fle~ible lban is orten_ assumed. Factors oi
class, educalional aU.ai.amen1, age, geographic locatio11 of raidence a.ru:l per.sonal experien~:e of the 'troubles' are far greater influences onlbeir polilic11l
priorities and party choices than pa.ssi'e aoc:>eplanc.e of !he natlona.lisl or union- .
iS!. loyalties Gf llJe.ir menlollc or dislricts.. The diverstly ol women's experiences
and polilli:al \'iews even wilhin the MIUIU coitfines o( Belfast, lei alone !be geographic: breadlh of !he province, is· greaL fur ii\Stan~:e, a middle-dasr Roman
calho& woman living in lbe Malone 'Road 11rea WDuld find life only four or live
mUe.s away in west Belfast'& Ballymurph)' d.islricl quite alien 1.0 her ellperience
and values. Likewise, a catb.oll~ nationalisl women Jiving in Portado11111 would
feel 1M more tbrc.ateued by sectarianism than b.er counterpart in Dell'}'. The
of
I
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I
I
I
44 Soaof~Uot.:cn,...,r<fXNfof~«rof&WJ•"""""'"''"'Ihlitt,HWSO (9cl!osLlW2).'l'al>l•l4.
1'•1\ byJa.. ~am~~et lohton Puhlbolllni)'S)mpooium ... lritb'A\:m)ea.VbfBr.l!l!ll.
\'lllw Morrm,op cil..l' 1:17.
·.0 ll<<llloaJtillo& lcd.),tYDr.ll>llm lralwu1H,_7 Eluop""' pl•(.orm(IIIIITIIS1, lmj.
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Wontl!'n in Nor/hall lrcllam-1
CJ1111td, Servarri <JI Cililt!ll
·"Ynerienoe of .& protestant woman living in T1gc:r's Bay in north Belfast would
little in cDmmcn with a protesunl \\'oman living in Holywood or Cull111
:where the pcli!lcal oonffic\ rare!}' intrudes on Lhe daily 6ves of its uppermiddle-dass residenes..'"·
r.Jtea.cldng tor Common Goowul:
o•
'.~ ..
"pver the past decade there nav~; been many instances where norlhern women,
while acknowledging their polilical and religious differenoes,b&ve co-operated
ues of conoern to all women. One such instance arose in ·lbe early 198&
lhe lalgely 1emale N.U.P.E., "\Vh(l5C membenbip spans both communities,
able to work through !he contentious political implicalions of the strip-_
!lc!arc.bing ol female re~bllcan prisouers and condemill.he practic.e as a violn ·
-lion ofthe sexual and personal integrity of all women:'"~
Povert}• h the oomroon reality that approximalely 80.,000 catholic and prot-·
e.stant Belfast women sbare as widows, divortees, single parents and wives or
Frisone:n; and unemployed men, Their frustration \>ilb the lrnlevance of party
- politics b often e1.pressed by tbe s!ogar1'Neither o1lhe two fiags can )'OU (ry up
in· the p8ll lor brealdllit.' ll \'I'Bs in this spitit lhal the Women's Infonoation
Oroup was estab6shed in 1980 lo enable proLestant end calbolic women from
ditlerent sectioll5 of lhe cily to meet and acquire information regan:fing medi- cal benefits, wcial security, lo~:ation! of sbelwn for victims ot domestic \'io·
lenoe and opportunities lor adult educatio.o.. Their moo! Illy meetings at dilleren~ !ocalions..in l1Je city represenL.ed a piGneeiing e.ftort to· br-eak. dDwn lhe
ideological prisons anD secblrien isolatkin t!:at h!s chua.cterised worl!:ing~clnss
areas since tb.e early 1970s.
Sinoe lbe .mid-198fls \\'Omen have been particularly active in conducting in·
vestigalloDs and surveys 10 document depiorable housing oonditions in working-class areas Gf Bel!a.sL Ev:idenl:tl collected br women living in Divia Flats
.~ond 1\Jd Lodge showed the impact or poorly buUI and badly maintained hous."
ing on their families •health and helped bring aboutthe demolition of Divis and
renovations in Thtf Lodge. In the last five ye111:s, &imilar resean:h projects have
been compiled by "'omen lh'i.ng in Andersonstown, tbe Upper Shankill,
Ballybean and Ardoyne whicb. highlight the impac~ of poYerty, unemplo)•menl
and ln:adequate education, housing and b.eallh care on their t'ami.lies and co.mmuoities..=•sucb iln•estigalious are n<1 longer confined to Belfast .~os rural \\'Omen
are now banding together to dooument their needs and lobby for increased
.·
·
tinanciallillpport. n
·
Re~:ently womeo have co--operated witn pto1essiona! researchers t<J docu·
ment the pervasiveness of do.meslie vi.ol.em:e acrosa the provillc.e and in cve1y
wdal stti!Lum. The incidenGC is especially high in lhe disadvarllaged urban a,..
eas where rhe presence of armed men can plil WOI!llll:! in vulnerable p05Uions i(
they call the police into their rommwlities. The beighlened public!ly given lo
<Ri S..: O'CCIII!<IT.lA...,.,.:hG{ulial< !ort<UIIpl.. <llb.!liill.llci:ILboW:"""'QIIlnil}'.
49 Alllh.or't lnl<r•i>W v.ilh Inn M<Cmm""k, lin. 1981.
.
!ll Anlo1n• \1.\;on ... ~ a...o.n:h l'IOJO<L u~6rori>-"Yj(Ufl<ll~ ntv.b Ill" <Aio)a(Belllul.tm):Ailoan Rock•
E<klT<:lF•, llbmmm And.......,_, (Bd!os~ l~r};
·~• rJppu ~kill (l!ellii<1.198S).
:11 s tar e~, A•lla Kilmurroyend C.tmclilndlo)'•.lloral"""'"' r..:Soui'A A,...• •
...
«113 ""pi,.U,.u
(!l<lla.tL. i\1!/.I,Jopl. 1991).
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1.hi.s issue and determined lobb)'illg has ler.l Lhe police to i11stitulc lrai ning prcr
52
gra.romes lo prepare offlcen lo deal more eriecuvely n'ilh the p~ob!em.
lack of adequate childcare lacililies for children under four is a hug_e problem con!ronling women who wanllo work or acquire training and further education. Northern Ireland has onl)' half lh.e nursery place& per capita as are pro·
vided in lhe resl of the United Kingdom. This lea~es it at the very bet tom oflhe
lisl in comparison La ll:Je Europe~n Colillllunit)• member slates.
·who fiUs l.hl.s childcare gap? Al always ll ill women working eitherihrough
churches or local women's centres whl) ha"'e estabLished mother and toddler
groups enabling young mothers in disadvantaged areas Lo e&cape lhe i&olalion .
or lheir homes. Often partidpatiBn in these groups has been lhe calwyst lor
young mothers who have few educallon.al qualifications to enrol in pem;~nal
development, assertiveness training. literacy and computer !raiDing eounoes.
Many of these OOUMS an: organised by lhe Women's Education Project. Increasingly women completing their programmuenrol at further educuiioo colleges and some eventu aUy go onto unlversit)•le\•el education. Reflective of the
low priorUy gjveu lo women's needs by government bureau tracy is thal despite
a decade of success, Lhe Women's, Education Projecl struggles to obtain ad- .
~u.ale funding and i'efwOUII:eS Lo meelllle growing demands for its se[Vic:es.
The anwunl of voluntary work lhal women in Northern hela11d do locally
fl)r Lhe elderly, the haomcapped and those atrecled by Lbe poEtical violence is
impressive. lf mnges from counselling l.he wido~~ol! of policemen, teaclllng in
.[ilris()_ns and helping Lhe families of prisonm cope will:J emotionally draining
and time-cQrlSuliUng.'prison~·islli (() p:m'idinl: re£pi!e !lelp_and_bain_!ng for )•oung
mothers with handicapped and &pecial needs children. Women have beell- al
the !oref[OnL in organisins programmes aimed al keeping teenage boys away
from potential recruitment by para-mililaries, and in the Ll!Dre widely known
reconciliation work al Corrytneela and with organisations like Lli.e Peaoe Peo·
ple or Families Ag11inst Intimidation. To a huge extent this is work tl!al know&
no potitkal and &ectarian boundaries and should be emulated bya wider repre·
senLalion ofNI)rlhem Irish men than ~s:now lbe case.
The increas.ing willingness of Norlhem Irish wome.n to-work fer common
goals irrespecth•e oftbelr polidcal differences was graprut:ally illustrated in 19g0
when Lbe Unionist dominated Belfast OLy Couru:il1hreatened lo rerno\•e iiB
~ani irom the Palls Road Women's Centre which is silualed in 1me ol the sU'Ong. est poclcets of Sinn Fein's support. Protests against this obvio11sl)' partisan decision were lortlloo:mlng even from predominantly protestant women's group5 &l
lbe Shanll:iU'sHummLngbird Centre and me Ballybean Women's Centre. The
independ.enl Union.ist councillor Elizabeth Seawright, whose husband George
had beeo assB&&iDaled by lhe ProYi&iouall. R. A. in Dec:ember _1987, was e:>pe·
. cl11 ay vocal in protesting this decision and worked wilh Sinn F~in women to get
tbe funds .n:stored. lt is &igDiiicant lhaL the contac.ls this episDde established
between the Falls Road and tile HUIDIIlillgbinl centres ultimately resulted in
Llleir joint invitation lo Prer.ident Mary Robin~on to come lO Belfast. Her February 1992- visit during which sbe met wo:111en from all sec.lions of Ihe rommunity was l.be first by ulrish president to Northern Ireland. The oo-operation
begun iD 111ra£l8illg President Robinson's ~isit also led to the wablishmenl of
~2 WDnia loltWUJianu ud lo;uoalol<Ki<rn.,, Btlr.P., it auf ior rl.o ~¥""· o-:<slir •1o1m"' j,Q Nord>< on lnl,..,j
t]L\~ Boolloo~,
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Women's Support Nelwork, a clearinr, house or informaCion !or 192. wom·
groups and the acrvi~ they offer across I he pJovinceY
·.No less !han in the Uoited Stales, fcroi11ism remains a problc.mlltic wotd to
IIDY Northem Irish women, particularly i'or Lh06e lu :he w!!rking class. Yel il
undeniable lhat a !eminist coD5Ciousness is bei11g nurum:d then:. While Lhis
.. does DOl neoessaril}' guarantee progress in endiDg Lhe bitter political and reli·gioU& divisions, iL ha1Lhe potentiel to [oster a l''ider aLJnOsphere oE trUSt and
abilily to deal with di[{erellce. As om: high nnld 11g security official observed to
J!le in tm, 'Wilhoul the women, we might have a Yuc.osl11vi.a <uatioll be-re.'
Gerda Lerner in her recent book defines feminist eonscioUSlless as
~~~
. , , . Lbe awareness of vromt:.n thai the)' beloD& 10 a ,ubordina.le group; Lhal
Lh~Y have
-ll!ilieJed Yo'tlln&i as a youp; lhat Lhcir rolldltioc of soboimnalion is nol nauual, bul is
$Qcietally delcnn;ned:, 1bal tney [!lUSt joill wi.lb otlle;r \lo'O[IIen to remedy Lhesc wrongs;
'eod linally LbaLihey
aod
pll1Vide an allemative 'ti&ioo or aociDlal organisallon
lo Yo"blcb women as wei! as men will
autoo()my and stlf-dele.rnUnal.ion..,
m11~1
c~n
e~~j()y
po.·er lhe lasl decade,I\'Ornen in Northern [reland have gone a long_ Wfl.Y down
Ibis road. 'The)' slill have miles to go, bUt tbere are grounds for hope and con[idence that their eoutinuing efforiS are mllkinl! a significant contribution Lo imp[oving lire !or the entire community in Northern Ireland.
~
·'
·
~ RUllo 1\iliOn {<d.), l!IPl r/Jrol,darJ ofVKJIIItn~ ~ orpon...oloi\SIII 1/otdlma l,..a tlldJool, I 119'1).
~ Om<la Lcru<r,Thr,.....llon ofQJronlllbt -";,,.• .m(""-'" York..I9Vl},p. n4.
·
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f 'rtliJoot.U V
J.J Wt J Jl~•vt
Y
country'. 11 1vould be almost 60 years before WIIJ>F was l'e-i!st.a~
lis.hed In lre.ia.hd. 111
•
What irnerpretatiari ca.ri we put (rom this distance on tbe loun.·
dering of WILPF in lreland7 Can it be seen as a cliSUa.lty of Irish
mW.tarisml That there was debal2and canQ!nl from 1915 among
Irishwomen on the issue of atilltansm is beyond question. Inaeasingly &uch concem focused an militarism within Ireland. Strong
pofitl cal aUegiance.s, allied to radically dlffering criteria qf pad.fi.sm,
ultimately proved too strong for 5Uch a group to cantinue. Oul&lde
the organJsatian, attitudes to a paci.fu.t stance regarding the Irish
· que!tion were hostile. The'actian al Cumann na. mBan in the U.S.
in 192.1 suggeslled ~t the!'~! was a recDgnilion by nallcnalists that
the views of a pacil:lst group with strong international cannectiorui
could be damaging. The iDSue of justifiabLe war:liue was divisive in
many naticnal sections ol WIL:PF - up to and a.lter the Second
Wocld Wu. Ireland i.n the 192119 was a coun.try recently emerged
from Lruurrection and civil war, and in which many women believed tflat the struggle for national independence IVBS not yet
complete. While condemning militarism in ils imperialistic mode,
some women ao:epted !he need Jor lu.rtt!er military ecl:ion to attain
national objectives. Such views 'the really paciflit grDUp' Jn Irish
W!lFP rot~14 ~t aa:ept. It is a sad irony that the 'group .should.
founder on differing emphasis oehveen 'ill.:. words 'pellce' ani:!
'freedom' in ils t:itle. ·
The Woman Writer as Historical Witness;
Northern lreltmd, 1968-1994.
An Interdisciplinary Perspective
Catherine B. Shanrwn
bttri!dlldlon
During lhe par.t lwo decade6 considerable progress na& been made
in breaking the long historiographical illence suiroundil'lg the role
of "'omen i.n the !ihapin-g cl modem Ireland. Indeed, .M.arge.rei
MacCurtain hl15 contributed signif!amtly to thlJ; piocess by encourag!or. the application o! 1he interdisciplinary methodologies and
class !Lild gender analyse& BSsociated with women's hlstot)' an lhe
bistotical ex~e. Gendered reCtlflsid.eration!i of t£aditional Irisharcllivemiltmals i.Od_exploxalion.
of hllhertu negiected primary tnall!rials from literary,lo!klore, oral
family and religious IIOUl'CE:S ail! re.flected in !:be flew pexspectives
oo Irish women's bistoril:alexperie.rule canblined inlhls volume.
In the Republic of heland, there is a growing awareness of the
central ro:le ol Irish women in mlljor historical eventa and develop·
ments of the modem era. Enrol.menls i.n women's hlsfory cOt.uses
ail! rising, and articles and books an th.e hi&tarical experience af
Mna .na h.Ei.u:ann are atl:l:acting generall'l!llder& a' well a11 academe.
Even :more encouraging ail! sign~ of a heightened concern to integrate or 'mainstream' lhe new NSeuch oil h:ish women in one
recenllr published •w:vey on modem Irellll'ld.l Progress has been
.mucl:t slowet in UIIoo>redng !he hislxlry of women in Ncrt:hem
inb:matiooill rotage to the Trlsh
~~
.
Searcld.rq: fer &GW'I!U
While the origins .tnd uatme ot the Northern lrilih conflict bave
bun reselll'Ched exhaustively since the 1!110a, &ehol.arly analysis on
the rol.es of rwtl:tem IJish wo:menln the 'Troubles' and the impad:
a( protracted sectariiU\ and political strife. Clli their daily Uve& was
virtwdl.y non-exi~tent until ihe late 1980!1. The reasons for this
�J'
Jacum( derived. from the same subtle, C>flen WlCansdous, pal:rlard\a.l attit-.u:!ee !hat irrJluenoed most historical and social sclenoe
methodology unlil the lale 1970s. This sl.lenm wa~; aJmpQunded by
the very tr1.1ditional rol~s ascribed t:o women by the region'a
Churdu!r and schllo~ and by an economic structure that al:loroed
northern women litth! time or teliOurce~ to have their t:onQ!Il\5,
needs or experience as women &tudied.
Thll!i 'women' as a category were largely le.ft out of research
whiclt primarily .dorumeniEd t.ne· discrim:ination experlenoed by
rtOrthern Catholics and. analysed llte attitudes of Cathol.irs aru:!
Ptotestanls regarding Lhe"CMtrovetSial polifil:al issue of lhe COIIBti·
tutionallinlc with Britain.l
·
An inleresting u.ample of thil; ll!ndency is that, while published
&l:atistics an OOilllkt-related death! have focused on v.f.dims' rel.lg·
ious affi6alian, civilian or security form statu5, para-military in·
volvement, and location of residence, there are no sum.:aun:y
statistic& on deaths categorised by gendl!E. Yet WllmeO repzese11t
bel:\veen 7111'1d 8% ol the total c:asualt:i.es. Over 251 women rilllging
· in ase from Infancy io o!d ~. end from fl!'lery clau and waU.: of
life, have been ldiJ.ed. Po!Ukally active women have been exposed
lo great risks, ar the aslla!lllinatiDru~ in the late .l970s of republlc.an
activists MAtre I;>rumm and Miriam Daly and of Sinn Fein aJWl.cil·
lor Sheena Campbellln OciOber 1992. h'ave shown. Ten >Vvme.;
· sezving in the Royal Ulster Constabulary and the Ulster Defenu
Regiment have Jest their lives. Women victims have constituted a
large proportlan ol the casualties in the most deadly bombing
incidwis Juch as OCl:l.lm1ld at the Abetttllll Restal.ll'ant in Belfast ·
city centre an 4 Mlln:h 197.2, in Dublin city centre on 17 May 1974,
at the LaMon House RestaurantC?n 17 February 1978, at Bnnis.killen
on 8 November 19.!!7 end cnl:he ShankillRoad o.n 23 Oclober 199:1.3
Women mar:ried to politidans or' men associated with ·the judi;
cial and law enforcement .system lived with l.he dail}' reality that
their husband's political C"Onvictions or oa:upafiDn could re.suJt in
a sudden and premature widowhood,
Women in .milced religious ml.l.I'Tlages have faced slmi!ar risks
and have often been Nbject to &e~~ere intimidation and even a!lllasllirlatian ~vhen their very presence In same areas was pera!ived as
-a threat to the dominance oJ the rival pal.iti.cal iWifor.religlous
tradition.
As molhers,.!lister.s, daughter.'! and wivee,ncrthem women have
been leit literally tc pick up the piece!! ol !amilil!s iWi .communities
fragmented and. lracbu'ed by 3,226 .killings, 39 ,.an serioll8 injuries,
35,32.4 shootings, andl4,.%7 explouioru;, E'.spedaUy lr\ the working-
~
...:
0
..,
...,
class areas of Belfa~t and Decry where approximately 80% ol the ·.
violence has occUll'ed, women have had their lives constricred and
constrained by grinding pvverty, debilitating unemployment,
4
para-mil.ilary violence and repressive gvvemme.."l'\t j11rveillanm.
Eavan Boland's plea that women'~; experience of the 'wrath and
g1ief' of h:lslt history must move beyond trivial cl.icllf:s of'Cath!een
Ni Houlihan' and 'Mother Ireland' on the one band, or 'Orqe Lil'
on the other, has pariicu.lan:esvrumoe fornorthem wotnen.5 For up
t:o 198S; the. lew works relatin~; to women's opeilence oC the
c.anflict focused p1incipa1ly uparuepublicanwomen activists in the
nationalist aJil\II\unity, and provided few imignlli into the expl!rl·
enc:e of women in Protestm~t loyllllit areas.' 'lhe tiles of the maJor
Irish newspapers zeveal rare and mostly episodic rather !hal\ lll.llllylical coverage of tile impact of thecordllct on northern women's
lives. Moreover, the tendency of the British tabloid pie!18 to po:rllay
northern l¥omen as pa!llllve viCtims of para-mWtary mob&tet& or
bomb-throwing viragoi!S arul gOii.tnDtbers of hate ignored the Jaby·
; rinthine complexities thal goveD.'!£d. .the lives of WOII'li!II living
amidst a conflict described as the nttlSt lnli!IISe, protracted and
pervasive in Irish history or indeed, l¥ith the exceplkln of Bosnia,
in any Buropean counlty s.ince World War IL' Eif.fctts to coned
these omissions and distortions have been ongoing siru::e the late
191lQs. The pubfication of a .nu:mbet of articles &lnm 198!1 on the
economiC 1111d soCiZi »illhiil of I'WtL~em.w<>inen p,royides the nec:e&sary contextual framework withlJl whlt:h historical anal)'liis of the
roles and respooses of particular women and groups of women ID
the conflict can pi'OW!d.s .
Yet difficulties 1emaln ·regarding the avallabUil.y bl prlma.ty
s6urces &ina::E the lettere, diaries and memi>h'8lllatnorthem women
mayhavewrlttenduringtheTtoublesareoolyetavailab!.e.hldeed,
it i:i problematic whether women living irl the disturbed areu af
the north had the t:J.me or lndi.nalion to Iecotd their expenen01!8~
Undoubtedly a desire to preserve anon)'m.il:y regarding'their_personal political 'iews 1\lld. eKperlence of the conflict was Ear many·
women, but certainly net fm all,. inllmllrel)' Ji:nked to pei&Onaland
~famlly security from aectar'ian iNimlda.licn and/odntrueive sur\'ei.ll!lAce by the Raya1 Ul.ster CollSlabulary and Brllisl\ anny. The
Provisional I.R.A. a11d COmbined LDyalist M.Uitary Couunand
cea.se.fu:es oi aut\UM 199~ have brou.;ht a change ot a.lmosphere
wl.ili:h may e:ncounge the eventual publiCAtion of re\•ealing perlillruU accounls !hat can further cnir. hist.oric11l underslanding of
women's role in and ceaponses to .the con1lid. ·
·
I
I
�Using OnJ Source
Ml.!illlwiille,smce u'l.e rrJd.J960~ t..l)e te<:hnique5 of oral history have.
been employed w:ilh some &uoc:ess Ill reieal how norlhem \ltomen
attempted to preserve some semblance of normality in thelt lBDI;i- ·liea and c:otr~.munitie&. A ~eful pioneering work of this genre was·
··Only the Rltlm Rem Fret.' Compiled immediately alter the emotiv~
1981 Provisianal I.R.A. hunger strikes, the focus was pr.lmarily
republ.iaiii women who had been Llnpriso.nedarui women IAlpport·
e:tS from West Belfast and tkrl)'. who perceived the Provis!onlll.
T.R.A.a.s freedom fiahteu a.nd ddendt!.l'!l of their communities. The
material Cll.ptures lhe bumlligsenseof grievance amongnalionaUst
women lllat was spawned by the discriminatory policies of the
Stnnnont regime and subsequently nurtured-by ln!t:m.meru w:ilhoul malin lWl, Bloody Sunday in January 197l, the heavy .su1VIdl!ant:'l.! plaOid on Catholic nationalist area~; by the Royal Ulster
Constabuliuy and British Anny from 1912, and l'inaUy by the 1981
hunger 'trikes. The views and experle.nce of Protestant \Vomen
llvirtg In loyalist areas of Belfast who lelt besieged by the Provi·
sionallllA. and abandOI.le.d by Britain are portrayed in Till Crack
If Be!fast Yem by Sally BeUrage. Thisaa:ount 1vas e&peclally effec:tive
in drawing atcen&n to women I rom beth nationslist and loyalist
II[$.!!, for wh{)!tl_pmrerty a_nd sadal depdvation were more pressing concems than party politics and religious 'divisiim.s. Fior.n;."Jili:
O'Connor's recen!/11 ~earr:h of 11 State, based on inten'iewl; wilh a range of northern Cathol.iG, records a considerable heterogeneity
in the political views of oontemporary notthem Catholic ll'omen
and shows how educational ad vsncement and. social mobllity have
oontributed b:l11hl.lt:ing p.atflems ot politlad support and diminishing communal coheslvene&S 1n lhe Catholic community ali a
whole,1.0This volume fills an importanrvoid in eulier works in the
attention gi.\'l.!.n to women associated with the Stxial Democratic
snd Labour Party, which oommands ihe support oi the m.ajority of
norlhem netionali!;t&.
My own interviews with _a wide variety oi northem women
demoostrale !Jul.t factors o1, dasa, educatiorlal attainment. -geographic: .location, • and personal temperament and ellperience
are inaeasiJ:I&ly more important inllueruies on .narlhem women' a
politic11l and paily allegiances than the entrencbed natinnalist or
unionist views oE lhelt menfolk or commllllity, Many profess varied bierarchi.es of personal identity, at odd' with the dgid Irish,
Britiah or Ulsler CDiesories emp!oyed by the Identity demographer• and male leaders ol U1ster'r p<Jl.arised political id.eclogies,
The oral ww:ces Jn gen.eta.l have underscored the cru.cial roles that
on
~
..
~
~
women played during the early civil rights cwnpaigM, in oommu·
ruty development initiatives lo combat povert)•, U11.1!I11ploymenl,
peer tu.'!!l!llng and hul!h condition&, as well as Jn reconciliatioo
work and voluntary support services for priscnen;, childll!n and
those bereaved by the confl.lct,ll
The wrfw u .Htnorulll Wltuess
Rlooeurlan literary thecry, 1vhiclt empha!ll:iei lhe m.imefu: llnkagero
between a writer's time and hxation with lhe perceptiollllcl r:eality
contained in imagined fili!racy ari2f&ctJ, SUggt!&ts lflat creative
litel'llture by llnd about northern wqmen whD have lived thaoush
the ooilfllct constitutes anolhe£ polenj:ially. rich body o( material
1vorlhy of exall'lil\alion. The benefits of carefullllld flensiti~e li!udy
of literature u historical evidence which reveals ~ authOr's pa:r~
licular c1>na:m1 and kn.rerpretelion of hlslorical evenlli .are di9cu&s.ed In the proceedings of the 1955 Co.nferen~e of Irish
Historians, The Writer llS Wi!flo!lSs: Uler~IUre as H/sttJriCal Evidence.
Acico1ding to the Irish historians Oliver MacDonagb' and Tom
Dunne, provided a writer's bias and motivalio:ru; are understood
and taken into accounr, lil:tlmull works have lh.e capacity to vivify,
penlOOallse and render cr.w:rele !he atmosphere and mentlalill of
specific. historical moments.11 n is striking nnw a nwnber of I1lCel\t
. navels., short slorie' and plays by norlhem women writers do
provide il'.l!!gh!s.an the_exp~ences, ai.titude! snd dtt.umstana!J ol
norlhem wom.en over the p.,;l&t qua~tl.uy. Moreo'!/l!l',. ~
works often reifr the complell cf)'l'lilliiia of inl:l'II·C:OltllllWloillldeo- '
logicallen,ioN over class, gender 1alet and poliuCil allegiance&
that olten are not.explored eaaJ].y tluough oral interviews. It Is ftmn
this perspective that rwW ex:arn.ine the writing of.Aru:1e Devlin, and
some work of lhe Crai~Vtl!l Women Writen, as elWJI{lle!i of
U12rary sOUICes tbil can pi'O'iide useful perspectives on lhe expel'iena!s ol pa:rti.cu!arwomtn O£groups of women atspeclfred slaps
of the con.flict,
·
· ·
Anne DevUn'slitc.tionlll Perspe~ti,·e on 1968-74
In her shart story coll«.tkm The Way--pJifieT and especially in her ·
play OcuseliiU Allllle, Anne Devlin .explo11!B variDU& baniel'll that
northern Cath.olh: women have faced when !hey cbs.lle:npd tbe
political and religious orthodoxy ll.lld tradifums of their co(nmunity and church in pursuit of personal Uberatilm.llldeed, the quest
· forpersona.lfuliilmentis a corui.sb!ntthemein allDe.vlin'liwrlti'og.
Her fictional and dra.matU:: vola draWl! on her own expedenc£ of ·
the early yell.l'!l of the coofl.id a~ well as her family backgtound 11>
the. daughter of Paddy Devlin, a BelfiiSI: Catholie trade union acti''·
�t1"Uuu...;. \.)
illt;~t_••uttuHy
lot w!:>..o, as a found.illg member ol the Northemireland Qvil Rignts
Association in 1968, played a prominent roie in civii rigl.ds
. marcite1;.ll
Two stories .in~ Wag-piZVeT collecl::ion recreate them~jor events ·
and atmosphere sur.rou.nding political disintegration in N orl:hern
Ireland betweenl%8 and l'i74.h\'Jm the pecsp«<:i\•e ot two young
women iacing traumatic: times lind dllficult dilemmas. In PRSSrzges,
Devlin c:o.nveyr ~~trough her a!nlml C:haracll!!, Laura, lhe initial
hopes lhe civU r:lghta campaign in 1968 held lor the typical Catholic:
femal11 univel'llily student, aewly eXposed to then-trendy Mlli'Xisl
interpretations of history. This approach c:h11llengui bOth the ex~
dusionist official British history as taught in thE Prot:estant state
schools, and the i.rredenti&l asr.wnpfums of Irish histo!:y contained
in the curricula of many northern Catholic secondary school!. Ali
.. Ui.ura exp.la!n~
ltwas'lhebeglnn.ing oi !he civil ~IS mo,•ement. when educated
Catbcllishad awakened 10 political cof!S:ic~. Coming lrom
Pwtsle\vart, l :neve had An)' sense of d!Jcriminatlan that Catholics in !he city seemed ID feel. Yt never occurred !D me that there
\\'el'e oHicLaltnd unofficial hlstorla.. Or I hat Protestants could go
· lhroughsclu:dneverhilvlnglwardaiPar.neUorlheLandLeotgue.
, lejw;ty~ l~ght lha.l !Witory \\'llllsl.mp!y a maHer of$dv.llarshlp.
In the .sexnl.ruini i.IUitiigmy firsl year at ll:te U."l!Vc::::.i!}' ~~~tudtnls
YR.tl! flghtl"8 ana hacldng and forging out of die whole mesa of
klt.!Drbl detail a theory which made it J~~.tm right C01 11\em to
mlll"Cb lh:rough lbe streeC& at BWf.ut to demand equal rf,ghts tor
Catholics.U
Laura'll rejection of her parents' deferential attituds to lhe Prole&-.
tant regime by her participation in a mardi t1:l Derry is a fictional
replication oi the famous People'e DemOClli.Cy march tO the Maiden
Qty In fanuary 1969, which rm;tpropelled Bermd~tte Devlin. then
a Qll2en's University student, to fame. The anxieties of m~V:Ly
parents of Catholic: studenls, that they were risking hard-won
academic opport:unUie& and inviting a violent unionist baclclas.h, is
reOecb:ld in her father's response to the stud~ protests tllat bad
begun lhe previous autumn. 'The tools and bouble-makers, lhat'e
what !hey lire, a. fine pea.Cieiullitt!e~un!Iyhere. What do they want
to go making trouble fofl" When Laur.11 publicly ctilici&ed bel father
for exhibiting petty bourgeois &e!I-.Lnterest, after. he said he cou.ld
not airord a po.lltkal vlewpolnt regarding the controven!les of
Northern Ire!1111d polilics, lll1d. for delending the U15ter unionl.st
Prime Mirll~;ter 'l' ennce O'Neill as a det:ent £elk11v, he ~e..ponded
1n 11118er:
That's tbe stufff You young ones wllh your educ:a lion wiU tell
lhl!m boys at Stormont where !D get om ... It thai's all lllegood a
~
"'
..
0
un.i~erslty educ:ation basd.orue for you I rue theda)' yu~a e1o'erwent
!hat pia.~~ .~ \'lJUl mother and f broke OW bach saa.pi.ng and
lo
s•wi.t•g ro give yo!! a chana. If thU is flow you Nfl'l!Y us you ca.o
lake you.rself out I}{ he:Ie badt 10 your friends in ilflrasl w!!h !h!!ir
cLever remarks IIIld .s.mart ways; but don't ever mml! here again,
shaming me In front of my frien.ds.U
Hls attitude reflected the ll.nllleties ol those middle-class Catholks
wllo wanted to give O'Neill time ID implement the modest electoral
Rru:l hou11ing relacms he promised lhe previ~us November. In
&dditian t:he.re were f11ers, even among some civil :rights activists,
ihat the provocative marching tw:tics a<!vocated by the stud~· led
People's Democrw:y would fuel hard-line uniooist le&i.stance to
reform, as Wl!ll as md~ger the modest gains Catholic• ha,4 made
sinceWoddWariLifi
.
·
Anne Devlin's fictional replesent.ation oJ severe 1.11'\lanist back·
lash and serious rommunal discord in lh.is &lorj' resonates. with the
w:tua.l billtorlcal reality. Her father, who actw!Uy endorsed the
Derry march, 'helped in aw:celillluJ efforts to prob!ct the 'students
from loyalist attacks in the early Jtages olthe People'» Democracy
march. However,atBumlolletBridge, a fewmileslrcimDetty,and
belcre the eyes of the maWy Protestant auxillaly poLice ·force,
known as the B-specials, lfte students were viclous.ly attacked by
cudgel~vinging Prote&tant mobs whotie ire had been whipped up
by the fiery Presb}"terian pn:eche:r 1m P!!i!>!ey. lind .,J!4or Ronald
Bunllng. Anne Devlin. then a &tw:lent at Colezaine, was ~~moog .
those. injured when she m~ knocked. unconscious into the river and
BUbse.quentlywashospitalisedlotai:Cl'l.CIJsstan.l7 Over the next sill
rrumths, the e:ivU lights agenda was o••en\ilelmed. by sectarian
•latins In Newry, LI.Uillll; and especially Belfilllt, sub&tiiJ\I:ial:i:nt; the
fe11n of DlllllY ~~rate Catholics wdt II& ~·represented by ltl2
fictional father.II 1n the siDry, Laura's dolan, immediately fa!·
lowing these. brutalattaclc$ ak Bumtollet Bridie ami later in Derry,
to jetti&on her sbick Catholic lrainifls by sleeping with her Mauist ·
boyfriend, sugge&is pwing pessimism 1egardl.ng the effioicy of
the civil rlghl!i appwad\ in the face ol deep sectarlim divl&ian. The
author's own co:wictkm, and lnde11d her iather'e, lhal Northern
Ireland began a steady de~K£nt into madness ln 1%9, p.redsely·
wtum civil :right~ and &«lalism. were •wamped by rising unionist
pas:anoia ll.l1d the recrudeeoenQ! of i:rredenfu;t 'fl::bh 1epubllcanism,
is symbolised by the mental breakdown Laura suffered shortly
after l!he lc6t both her srexuallllld intellectu.al .lnnol:mce. Devlin
does not address here the important lS6Ue of the Brili&h govern·
·ment'sculpability lor the d11eperili:tg crisis, given its ongoing failure
to proteet the Cathalic minl:l1il:y by. funely inte1ven!lon, an IICtiiJn
�L'>M>
VVUrJ~J fJ JJJ)14 f2'=illl.t ~
!h~l IVould have been legally justifiable under the Govemment
o1 Ireland Ad, 1920. Devlin deab wi1h _l.!'te conBequence, of
belated and ultimately bunsled British intervention in another
. story.
The short story 1\T~ming the Names is set aga.insll:he background
o{ a
deteriorating potitioalllituation begi:nning- with the anival ol
British troops in Be.!.fast in August 1969 .through to 1974 when the
level ot viol.eru:e wu at its peak,i9 Sent ostens.ibly ia pl'Qtect the
-nationalist populal:il:m from attacks by enraged loyalists, the British
anny's tole wu quickly ll'liJISfoDI'Ied into one of cotmter-insw·
gency against an expanding and lru:re1151ngly effective Provisional
UtA.
Devlin explaiN w'i!h some sympathy how -~ typical teenage
Catholic girl_ whom she cal.l6 F.inn McQuillen, might have bam
drawn into pctive support lor !herepublic.anpara·militar:i.es during
this period. S1nce her parents' home was roo crowded, Finn lived
with her aippled Granny, who, by telling F'mn S-tories ot having .
once mel Eall\0!\ de ValeraiUld Countess Marldevlcz, nvo heroes
olthe 1916 Easb!r Rising, exposed her granddaughter io 1epublican
1olldore which, in actual fact. IVlls preserved only in a small seg· .
.ml!nt of Wer.t Bellas! l.amilies >'l'ilh links to lhe old UtA. Finn's
romantic tepublkan iympa.!hies bealme l!'.O!e militant after her
grandmother narrowly escaped death on lol August 1969, when
Protestant mabs from the neariry Shankill torched beT Conway
Stre:ethome and other streets and factories on the lower .P&lls Road,
whlle local pollee stood idly by. Wl!hher grant.imotherhospltllised
md herself homeless, Finn never retumed to school. Two years
later, after laking a job in a second-hand boobbop on tht> bombrcaned FaUs Road, Finn met tbe nlii\, appa:rently with Pro.vishmal
I.R.A. a>nnectionJ, who had rescued her grandmotherwhlle dodging a hail of bottle, IUld sf.onet thrown by a Protestant mob. Immedlalely after the lrltmductian o( Internment Jn Augu~>l197l, F'mn .
a!!ered her servroes lo lhe mo~t lihe now coni.idere:d hec ·
protecror, Her first duties were to use lhe shop as a eover C:rom
which to pay weekly allotment& m the wives at .n!publican internees. Thro~ her Job, she met illld became mendly w1th e young
hlstorian resea1clliJ13 an Odard thesis: on G!adsbJne ll.lld Home
Rule. When their casual discUS5iCll'ls about l.rlsh history and his
-gtirldfather's service in Ul&ter Volunteem oi 1911-14 revealed his
lW<s to !.he Ulster ProtestAnt establ.i4lunent, Pion fa.ced a real
dileu:u:na ovuwhere heri.Oyaltiulay. This wu particulady_KI after
she w111'11!S1ied an army paltol shoot a young Provisional LltA. man
trying to e~>Cape arrest. He was a childhood friend and his father
4~
had rescued her grandmother. When she finally rea.llsed ehe had
laUen in love wiih her historian friend, it was too !are: Finn had
at..-eady reported 1o the movement !hat he was the son of a judge.
· Al!housf:l she realised 'he was my lat>i link with lite •..' and that she
would forever carry her guilt. Mle dld not refuse th.e Provisional
l.R.A. request to set up the ytJung·man for assassina.tion, nor did
she revelll m the policea:fll!r her a.rrest the nameG o( any1epubih:ans
involved in h murder. instead, &he simply repeated a ll~yofthe
names oi tiny West Belfast streeb; recently oblite£ated by a combinllion o1 bombings ll.lld u.rban redevelopment 'Abys&inla, Alma.
Balaclava, Balkan, Belgrnde, &s.n.ia'.
.
_
Devlin's rendering in a )oycean manner ol the deterionl:ing
politiCAl situation, depre¥ing physical debills and ghe!~d at-·
mosphere.lhat chamderiied the WIU"lom lower Falls during the
early 1970s draws upon her intimate knowledge of this area and
· lhe11e evenl:!i.Her father, grandparents and p-eat·gnmdpall!nts had •
once been .refiidents o! <Anway. Sl:reet. Paddy. Devlin pnwna!ly
witnessed the failure of the Royal Ulsll!r Coostabulluy to l:nteriere
when l~U&tJ iar<ll!d the Conway residents, many of lhem elderly
former nclshboun;. from tbe.!r hmnes prior to toiching the hawies
on 14: August 1969,20 Subsequently he was involved in securing
accommodation and fmancial help lrom StoPl'IOnl ol!icials as weU
as.th.e Dublin government for thesnictims. Inteuuption obcllo_ol- ·
ing owing kittretunnoiloll%9-'Jlwa~ a cDIIIJlllJr\experie.nceofa
number oi repubticm women whom I have .i.Atemewed; Dlstrlb~:· tian ot funds lo farn.illell of internees from ntOne)' a>ll«ted fr01n
republicansympathiseu in the Republ.il.:offrellU'Id ~the u~
Staies did !alee place in the early stages of infenunent Even more
powerful is the author's imagined understanding of how the· amfluent preS5urei of political allegiance, comm?Jfl.illoyall:y end per·
.sooal Indebtedness tor past protection d!Jri.ng these ll'aw:rlatic years
might drive a youn~rwoman to actively &1.1-P.Port H1e Provisional
I.R.A.by providing intelligenal atld other servi.cl$, in:espective of
the t.Ol'lfleCtUeru:es 1or her own personal happiness. On a &ymbollc
levei, Fini,''sslory is a pl!l&OlliiU:ation of the principal .fadomwhich
enabled the Provisional !.R.A. to gain greater -iiUppotl llll'llmg
young peOple in nationalist West Bel£lst by the mid·19?0s. ·
Ann.e Devl.i.n's Dramatic Pusped.tve. on 1'81-84
Devlin's 1984 stage play Ourselves Afarre h.a1 a heavy ideolog:i.clll
cnntent, yet It &tUl provide!i telling insts!Jta reg11.rcfing the conditions and atmOsphere in staunchly republk.an areas of W, est Belfast
in the early 191!10r..21 Allh~then residing in Bng.land, an extended
�.. ,
sta)• ill Belfut In 1983 enabled Devlin m frame her strong critique
of Irish republli:an....~ in ~, dialogue illld p!Qt that replicate
cl&.;ely the conditions after the 1981 hunger strikes which ll'igge~Yd
a dramatic rise In popular and evenl:ualJy electoralwpport for the
republican political wing, Provisional Sinn Fein. n There weu still
hundleds of PtDvision.al I.JtA. men in jail, leaving their wive~~ and
girlfrlendl to cope with increased fllllll.ly obligations and Qften
socili.l Isolation. This period also featured bitter discord between
the Provisional UtA. and Official I.R.A. and their respeclive poUtic:d w:i:ngi, Provisional Sinn Fein and the Worken;' Party, the latter
having rejected para-tnilitarf v.ioleru:E toz a const!tutianal approach to SllCU.Il! social and eamomic reform beneficial to both
Catholic and ProtestantworkerJ. Women's righ!S we:re ju&t begin·
ning to enter pubUc: debate ln the north, in response to viglllous
l.obbylngeffutis by feminist activists as well as to the bitter abortion
debate then 'raging prior to lhe 1984 rek.rendwn which made
abortmn uncanslitutianal in the &pubfu: of Ireland. Indeed, by
. l9Bl Provisional Sinn P&, in defe1ence to tit£ rising femmist
oonsclousne:;s of its younger female members, il number of whom
had served in prison, set up a \\!amen's Department, allocated a
quarter ot its thirty-two ex:eculive council seats ID WOIIle:n and
pioclalineda' party polk;• ill; oppo!itionjo aJtkmns oC oppression
against WOIJ.'Iell,tl This era itl&O w1tnessed llllUlng IriSh canstitulional nal:i.ooa.lists a questimllng of tile tradi!ionid int:ezpretaliollS
ofl!ub!r 191 f) and the War of Independence that glorified the ta!len
dead and the ~enti11t goal$ oflrl&h. nationa.lbm.:.!
Agaitu;t this historical background, Anne Devlin pllllr!IYS her
perception of a republican movement flawed by patriarchy and an
indifference to the damaging impact of its 6li.Clifidal naditions on
the. nationalist OOD\11\unity, and espedally l.hl1 women; whom_it wa.'
supposed to be Uberati.ng. The play'.r tide provides an i.rcnh: twist
since Sinn Fein, the Gaelic name of the Provisional J.R..A. political
wiitg, l:ranslates lif.eraUy to 'OiiJ'I>t!lve~~ Alone'. fn :relating lhe stories
of tluee BeUast women in lhelr late twenties, Devlin maintaim that .
even women deeply Co.tnm.itb!d ID the republican cause, or simply
to the men ill.lt, Y."efe often used and abused by in&eeure and
egot.isfu:al men in the name of natiooa.l liberalion. Joile McCoy
symbolises lhe first type 1vhile Danna, her common-law sister-inlaw ,represenls the latter. AI the com.m.on-lawwHe oJ Liam Mc.Coy,
Donna is a pathel:b: figure who, upan bect:lallng pregnant in her
teens, wag forced lnto .a l.ove!ess marriage to save her family's
:reputation. She had to pve up .her &Orl wher! she left the child's ffl.ther
to Hve with Uam.. who WIIB jltiled shortly later mr para-military
offenoes. Marooned ill her house, Donna. spends her days awai.tlng
t.iam's return, popping tranqu..i.lliJera, and providing hospitality
and hiding for any volunteer whom Liii.O'\' s father, Ma.La.dly, a h;lcal
republifan boss, brl."lgll i.>W:l her home. Signifi.canUy, Donna is
ne\•er COXllildted about the use o£ her home fm para-mUitaty piAn·
· ning sessions or as a hide-out for arms and .met~, despite the tact
that a previous army search left her hou1e and nerves in slwnb.les.
Jcu;.ie, I.iilll\'s sister and Malachy's d.a~, t:biftB inlx> active
republic:an service basically frOill family. ttaditicm. She becomes
more militant in response. to xepxes.sive surveillance policies aru:J
the religi()US and political discrimination that keeps her unem·
o&ie'
played d.e&pite her university degree. 1 5 competent service
as a courier catches the attention ol a lOcal republican com·
mmder, Cathal O'DoMell. Fa11cinateli by hi$ power a.ni:t status,
Jciie become& his lover even though he never leave& his wife and
children.
Frieda McCoy, Jo.sie's younger sister, 1eels little obligation to
sac:rilic:e her personal iUIIbltiDns and. dreams Iol the republican
callM! and thereby represen\'5 the authorial vol.c:e of .Anne. Devlin.
Somethil:lg of a l:rel!. spirit, she plans to ~ve up her Job as a ~
dresser anoe her talents as a tillger and. 11Qngwriter are d~overed.
f'rleda prefers rock and roll, but her pattom in the local repubUcan
dr~ dub U11W1Uy pte6i her for patriotic songs that blend 'i_Vell
. with the wlillaecora1ilw., pcrtralis ofthe ten dealihunge-r-etrike:rs.
In fact, the opening scene in whl.ch Frieda siilg5 'The mer. behl.".J!
the wile' reflects the adual al:mosphere, appearance and enterlil.inment that then prevailed In l.otal republi~ dubs such u the
Felfli\'& Club in West BeUast,lS
Space doe not pl!l'llUI an ew.tenJive elaboration of the p.!ot,.but
a. few Instance that illustrate the presswes confronting women ill
republican areu In the e.a!ly 1981R axe notew01thy.. Oral material
a' wenasofffcialstudil!!l.haveshown thatwo.tnenillheavily-anned
areas of the north were mere vulneT.ibk! to sex-ual harusment,
~plcll:alian. and domesl:b: \Wieace, owing to lhe easy availability
of guns. Many were reluctant 1u seek polia! help for fear of ~tali·
ation for brJns.ing the police into the area, or because this might
· ~er a republla.n or lndeed a l.oya!W KtMst .whose polltical
poiitian they otherwise aupported.u Such condiliaMare hinted at
in the play, when Frieda reports havl!'s felt exueme!y inlimid~f.ed
when a rehe!l.l\ilallell her l.hl1 only woman IUlUlllg 11 group of men
in the dub and. when her father strike's her beCause she wu con·
sOrting with a 'Sti.ckie:', John Mc:Oer:mott. Her father is espedally
enraged becauSe M::Dermalt, a. Ptoteslant, was solidting support ·
�Wanren & Irish History
250
for the Work.er5' Partycampaignagain<St the referendum calling for
a constitutional ban ori abonion .i.n lf.e scu1.!1..17 HavLT\S had her
ideological loyalty as wen as ber \riltue questianed by her lather,
she leaves west Be!fast to take up resid.e:nl:e near Queen's Univer-
sity with McDErmott.
• The abortion ref~rendum alluded li> here .!lucoeeded and
brought a comtl.tutlooal ban Oll. ebodl.on in the republ.k i,n 1984.
TM Sirm Fein leadership we& reluctant to 0ppo5e vigorously this
comtltul:ional ban,. maintedning initead. that !I was un.necesaacy
since a.bortl.on Will already illegal under lrish ''""· Malachy'a reac·
tian to McDermott partially reftec:ts the attitudes of the INlre con·
serva!ive Cs.tholks wlthin lfJ.e republican comm~ty. Allhough
two yean latera pto<hoh:e reooluti.an was passed by a narrow two
vote& at the Sinn Pein pa,rty c.onventioo, this was reversed the
following year. Again the Sinn F& leadexshlp feared that a prochoke policy would alienate i.ls more coosez:vative Catholic sup·
portel'll. What is perbap5 more significant is thet all eight women
on lhe party eKeCUtiw voted ta reverse the new policy in 1986.
Desplle the incorporation of fem.iiUsl planks into the Sinn Fein
party platfun:n 1n the early 198&, knowledgeable obsez:vem, includi.rlg the late Cathy Harkin ot Derry, ~:ootinued to see a hv.ge gap
beh-ieen the stah<d:po!lcy-on wornen~s eq~ty ~d its acceplimc.e
by l.he male rank and file in daily liCe.18 On the otherhanf:l, rep®·
!ian women were not as wweringaslhe pia)• suggests, for in early
1984 republh:an women ac:tivislll were included amons the 500
tvorldng-<:lass nationalist Yt'Ome:n who paxlidpated in a 'Women
Reclaim the Night' ma•ch ialmetllately foUowing two 5e1Cual as·
l!al..db in WESt 13elfast.19
The fear of in••asive police sean:hes, and the llllXiety felt by
watrll!n in republican families when theU men were on a n:Ussicfl,
are lUIJt!trated b)' a s~;;ene ln whk:h OCN'ia and Josie hear rattling
bin lids in the background, the .r.ignal fn:quently used 1n .republican
ateas to warn ol an impending raid. An obviously n.ervol:CI Donna
says:
I':mgladUam'ainprison-Codfurgl.vaiTUl-ilrnea.nsidOJI'thave
to lie.a"""ke-wailingforthemto COillllfurhlm. Lllltcnlng,IDwety
.soLIJlli. Twou.tdn'tgo\Nough lhal again formvthlng. I he~ they
liN not going lOT aid us. I only gPt the carpets down at Cbdttmu.
l'llliiiVer get the doors lo do.&e, That happened lhe last time they
tame. They pulled u.p the carper. end h.alflhe lloorboarda. That
. 'vaulteryourbro-1hw g.oUmatedandl'd110one I~Jhelp me put
them ba.c:k.3°
·
·
· Donna's dependence on tre:nqu.Ullsel'll to cope with her lanl:!iness
and her a.rudeties reflects the contemporary stathtics showing an
~
"
-l
~
annual tranquillise£ consumption rate for Northern Ireland of 35
million by the early 1980., with women having twice the pre&erlp;
lion rat& of mcn.31 Moreover, Donna's feu oi MlOther raid has an
hlstori.cal aulheruicity given the relatively high l'ol:i:S of ~ea."Ch.!l&
that slill preva!led in republkan neipbourhoods through to
1982.:1l
. During the 1970., the tl!pubUcan ll'IOV:etnent actively em:DUraged yoliiig female recruits to emula12 women l1b Countelll
Markievia or Mar)• MacSwiney, whose c.ontrlbutians to the strug·
gle for independence behveen 1!n6 acd 1911
legendary.
Adic!es on heroines 1n the republh:an pan.lheon, on female i.ntemees as well as interviews with mui.hel'll ot setl/ing repcl;llh:an prlsone.rs and those on ~er strilu!., frequently appealed in An
Pkobla.th~ ar Repub!iam ~!ems. Duxing 1M H-Blac:k campaign, the
same paper occasionally repotted publi.c dem.on&bationl and protests whith. featutl!d remarla by old women with peroonal and
family Jlnks lo republicanism of the 1916-w-1922. era. Until a few
yeaiS ago, a mural depicting m lrlsh ll'lOther holding her dead
Pl:1:lviaional I.R.A. pan In a Pieta-like portrait wa'!l carefully main·
taine.d on a west Belfast gable wall, provbling a Yisualteminder of
the c.entrality of 1M aaaifi:cialmotif within the republh:an l:r&ditlon.
SiuUlar appeals to this sat:rlfu:lal Mother lreland tradition ue
illustrated :md !l!e.n conde~ed ln lbl! play through Devlli\'s
authorial voloe, when.Frleda proclaim& tllat, unlike he: .::lster.,!Qsie,
she will not be a comp.liantmesee.rtgeronlytoe:ndup like their Aunt
Cora. During the falled republican campaign ot the_1950s, Corahad
lilBt both her hands and her eye&ipt while moving hid~ illl!lllU·
nitttm for herbrotherMa.lachy. Bven dlo~J~h the curtent Jead~ip
'stick her (Cora] out at li1e fumt of the parades every II() oflen to ·
show the w-omen of Ireland l'lhat lhm palrlotlc duly &bould be',Frieda i~ not stirred by such appeals.. She refuses ID consider the
hunger-st:rila!Iw unble:m.i&.hed heroes and repeats to her f.a.tller the
wldely..cJrcu.lated .t'llll10ur that Bobby Sands beat .his wife. She. Mill
him 'We are the dying. Why are we mourning them7'l3 Indeed, she
rejects the whole republli:an enterprise by decla1i.ng her totat indil·
krenceto the goal oi Irish urdty, and Insists that Brll:i&b withdrawal
will do noih!ng to llbetate }ollie and Donna from li!e of 6e1'Vke
and &aeri.fica for their m.en.M
·
The sexual re!ation,hipe depicted in the play mirror a gr.1dual
loosetling of strict observance of Catholic .IIliJral codes 'and an
b:u:rea&e in premarital aJ-habltatian of young people from the most
deprl~'eli areas of west Belfast. On the ol.her hand, the obsessive
jealouiy of the play's male chaiactel'll towards thelt wives and
were
a
�g;irl.trien.cl$ highlighl5 the a~nte:mpcrary pii!SBu.res put upon panr.e.."! of imprisoned tepuhliCIIIlS to remain 'faithful',:IS Yet Josie's
serv.loe to lhe republican cause and her iaithiul.ness to O'Dotiiieli.
came tQ nothing, tor he refused leave his wife and ten dilldren.
Josie subsequently falls in love with a n:oently-vrived republican
activLst, ]tJe Ccru:m, whom she had interrogated for her superiors.
Her subsequent pregmmcy by Comm pumtpts an a:dmissillrt of
w~wea.Tine:ss and a pOignant longing for a norma! lite.
I'm tired.. Tired o( lhbr. endla~ .night watch. I've been manrnng
lh.a barricade• al.na! 'Bixty-nlna. I'd~ !o vlop for a whlle,loG.k
IU'Owu:i ~ plant a garden. ~n for other SOLI:nda; the bxeathing ·
ot a dilld 110mewhell! oo.liiide AndetSDI1$Iown.lb
However, Conran proves to bt. a llrit:isb agent wbo11e intellig.ence
eventually secures lhe l:rre!it of O'Danrtelland other republicans.
Josle andMalad:ly &ldcrced to .leave Belfast, fearing retaliation by
the leadershiP, lor her failure to diswver Conran's true ldmtity
du.ri.ng her inlerrogation. Certainly, the Provisional I.R.A. Js .knOTA'll
to have executed membem suspettecl of lletr11ying the organisation,
but we dCI not .know the clJsciplinary ac:tioru which might have
followed tai.lwes Uke Josie's, or even Jt 11lemale volunteer would.
have conduded the kind of interrogation depicted In the play.rr
PrJ~~ clJscovers. thllt living with McDennott In the allegedly
neutral un.ivm1t)i dtitrkt 'if iia.rdiy m impruvi!ii~Ent cv~:r-...,'eSt
BeiJasl:. She feel& wah:hecl every tim2 ·.ne leavee the house aru:l
worries that his amn«tlons to the Wcrkers' Party will invite
h01tility from their nel,ghbours. Ult!malel)•, Friecta detidl51o leave
for Bngland, lliter a brick CoJ:IleS fiying through the window with a
note proclaiming 'This Js a Protestant 'treel.' h\ reality, wh.ire
intimidation had fallen $igni.fiamUy ai.ru:e lhe early 7119, it had not
disappeared entirely, and the are1 near the University known as
lhe Holy Land experienced 11uch Instances in. the eady 1980s.
~. Devlin •ecalled in her N1oif shlry Fi!JI! Nota Aftu a Visit,
and in a 1986 intervjew, her own illlldety .regarding her persoruU
safety liS a Catholic living in a Prorestanl ma.ll
. rn the. play, Prie.da is the anly one who defies the canstrainb
imposed by patriarchy and the republlam hadlllon In order to
!ecu:re her own liberat!orL ln bldd.lng good-bye to DOIUta, she
prodllirns: 'I'd rather be.loo.ely thm $Uifocafe ... II is Ireland I am ·
leaving' - ii perora&n which echoee James royce, liS well II& the
author's view that happlness ill'ld fulfllm.ent willonly come to those
women who refuse to serve the 1epubl.kan cause and tO be constrained by the patriarchal influences within nor them culture and
sodety.
to
~
...
~
"'
Evaluating this play a5 h.islorical evidence requires that it be
on two levels- fust for its specific sociological and historical
detBll, a,nd second as a lilerii.IY example ol the coo~mporary de·
bates regaxcling the reia.tionsr.i.p of ~publli:!Wsm to femini&m, as
well as the content of republicill'l ideoklgy and ita acoepbmce of
violence lo achieve a wrlted. Ir~land. On the first' level, as ooted
llbove,.the play effectively conveys how unemployment, poverty,
and weY-foun.ded fea.n; for their. own setWity kept republican
women adivisls and .mm physically md aoclaUy isolated in their
own neighbourhoods, living in wh.al ane authority has binned 'a
prison r.ulture' ."' These a~OOltions, alrmg with the rigidity of MargateI Thatcher't northern policy, increased republican resolve and
made much quesfuming of tfte 11pproprialmeM of lepUblJCBII fll1:•
lies by rank and file men like Malachy, Liam and O'Donktell less
likely. Indeed, there was good deal of optimlsm wilhin. the.
republican ranks at this jl.ltldure, OTAirlg Ia the inl:emational &ym·
pathyandattmtion.gene:ratedllylhehungersb'ikei.andSI.nnP&'i
success in winn.l.ng over 100,000 votes and'the west Bell.ast seat in
lhe 1983 Westminster election. By her actioN and especially in her
dial~ with Josie, Frieda arm liB a foll to Josie's republics.northodoxy and unwavering COII'IIliitment. She symbolises and arlir:ulata
thC views of tiwse who dld.not aa:ept the J.egitilnaq of the republiam analysis of the cause of the conflict, or the use of violela! for
polltlal eiids. By ·ecboblg·~ects of ltle ronlell_JJ.'~'i!XY and 'bitter
debates then being waged between the aJn&tiluliorullllllfuiiWijlli ·
lUlG cepubllc.a.n&, between revisiorust ~~nd e.nli·1evis.iooist hl&tori·
!UlS, and between republican wollli:l\ activili!ll lU1.d. their Iem1ni&t
critir::s, !he play does indeed persona&e and render concrete l.be
atmosphere of the time.
· ·
Yet the. inteNity of Devlin'e hostility to omtemporary republicanism ine\'itably obsclll'I!Sihe existence of ta.rs:e g1oups oii'IQ!nen
in republican areas whose resporu;es were not 1.15 siereotypkal as
)osl.e'6 and Donna's. Ad have oh5erv~ elsewll~ IJlllliY warldng·
cllwl west BeUast \vomen, induding Sinn Pfin 1Npporlen, campaig.ned actively fo.r Improved ha\Wng, health Jerllioe5 and a
women's cenhe on the Falls Road where women experlend.ng the
difficulties represented by Danna wuld seek help and advil..'e. The
female charac:teiS do nat convey 1l\e st.ruggle of younger 1vomen
wilhln Sinn .PSn in !be early liJSOs to eNure that a p~ogre&sive
policy on women WIIS reflected in the p.uty platlo:rm, nor that they
saw no contradiction between fishting for lhe DbemtiQll· of their
country and the liberation ot wollli:l\. Par them patriarclly tu.uf
imperialism were two sides,of lhe same ooin and the fight to
s~ad
a
�~
..
..
"
ruta O'Hare arUcu!aled thh position in her 19.80 An! Fheis speech a.nd these views
we11: echoed by other activists at lhl6 time, Nanethel-eos, t.k..: play
does reflect the contenlio.ns of ,some feminists that the slated party
policy on women'I equality hadnotyetmade m impact upon the
vieWII and actions ol the male party rank and lile.41
lt is important tD stress that, W1.liJie the factional Frieda, .most
west Belfast women who ~t ha\•e agreed with aspects of
Devlin's critique of repubfu:anism did not have the optioo of exile.
As recent research ex.amining politicAl 11ttitudes by gender :Sug- ·gests, there w11s probably M m11rked difference between male and ·
female electoral choices in the holly amtested 1983 we:sl Belfast
parliamentary election. u Thus it is reasonable to conclude that
many west. Belfast women regis.terd their reservaliOilll about the
republicsn arudysls Md taclks b)• casting \'otea-fot roe Hendron,
theS.D~.p. candidate, and Gerry FlU, the independent incumbent.
Together these two candidates reoeived 47.8% of the votes cast,
cOillpared to the 36.9%. whJch went lo Sinn Fein'11 Gerry Adams.
Some oi the m06t c1edicab!d party workers tor the S.D.L.P. are·
women, and the p1111:)"11 central office is run by Gerty Cosgmve,
who lives in the lower Palls area or WESt BellaS{. u
J\Me _Devlin rerlainly was not unique in her view th11t ·the
-ideology, &lmdure a.nd tat:t:iG oh:on(empt:re:y :epooli(anism
were in.imkal to ltte be11t inteTI!sl& ol women. Simila:r indis:tmenh
were made by other northern women such as the late- Cathy Harkin
of Oetry, who believed issues of domeu,tk vhlleru:e, easier access In
conlraceptiDn, divon:e, Md equitable employm111nt conditions
_
\'fere greater priorities.-'~
!t is important ta nole that the theoretical doubts lhat Anne
Devlin held about republia.nbm's compatibility with leminism. as
well as about the legilim.iu:.y ol nation111ism, were undoubtedly
exaoerbaled by the dUf'JCultie!l her !amlly experienced as a result of
. the political positions advocated by her father during this era.
Paddy Devlin's public citil:ism of Provisionall.R.A. violence and
· also of ihe hunger strikes provoked an orchestrated campaign of
haraliSment and intimidation against hJm by repub.ll.ca:n exl:remi&ta.
Hls Andel'IIOllStown home was beaie~ lor a month foUawing the
5 May 1961 death of llobby Sands, the hunger slrllw who had been
elected M.P. fcl' Permanagh*Tyrone in a Wes~ter by-election
in April. Devlln's sans we:re a~ulted at school and neighbours
who llied to as!list the family were also intimidated, ultimalel.y
iord.r13 lhe fainll)• to leave AndelliCinstawn for a north BelfaJt
residence. Devlin's electoral popularity suffered a severe reve:rsal
devalue beth had lobe waged simultaru:ously. 10
in the polarised atmosphe1e that sui-rounded Belfast City Council
elections on 20 May. He received only 1,343 lii&t preference vole&
w,mpared to tf:le 7,000 he polled in lffl.~5 Two years later, in the
bitterly conit.tiied 1983 Wes!:!Itirn;te-r ele.ctions1 Sinn Jle4:l won 13.4%
.of the total poll and 1)\'eJ 4{1% of the nationalist vote. Gerry Fitt, a
fonner S.D.LP; colleague of Paddy !Rvlin who also opposed the
. hurlger strikes; lost the west Belfast .seat he had held since 1966 to
Gen:y Adams b)• 5,000 vo~l!- Obviously, these wece very dist:u:rbing
tesulls to Anne Oevlin.on bDth ideol.Dgic.at and pmanal grounds.
Thus the intensity of the critique of cepubllc:anism in Ourselr;es
AIorr£ doe not rest solely on opposition to pal:riardty, but undOl.lbt·
edJy emanatenloo from the authors infi!IItian lxl deli.veras strong
B can.demnatian Of the :repu~J.k.an movement and the Sf.!darian
politics of Northern Ireland as poesibh!. Her auO:eas in doing so
was reflected perhaps in the wann reception. Ourselvts Alone :re*
ceived fro.m London critics and audieru:e& as wen all by th£ awards
tl1l!. play received:" Devlin's play iJ a lelling example of ho\V a
talented dramatist Cllii entertaiJ:l her audieru:e and ~>imul.tMeowJ.y
engage .in 'politics by other: meant~'. On the eve of her August 19U
Royal. Court opening, Devlin acknowledged that in wlitins Duratv~ lilo11e, she was attempting to work out her political and
personal l'ieW!l. She had .klst faith in abottact theotetical oo1utions
promisint; a better Jutu:re and inc:relisint;ly judged politic:all)ptiOl'lll
an<i . pr!)!:eSS,~ by what they offered an individual now. Pl)litical
allegianc:es oou.ld not tie W\'On:ed:f,om·pcrs:~no:!,mm·aJity ... Oevlin
concisely &Uilllluu ised the politial message she Intended in the
following comment:
Uycu are reqtlired to die l'ar a cause, it ll.u to offer somelhlng
beller than what you have got. Lefs look at our Nlalkmsll.ips,
look at what you've got. I1 you butdler and mu.tder :and klll to
g-et somewlu!re, Uwon't &top when you get the;e,4.'1
Thus Devlin's entertaining and sw::as&lul play quallfses a& hJstoric:al ~n'i.ileru:e which paovides useful insights regarding a sped.fil:
· period of the conflict, but whicll, like aU funns of. ~orical evidence, must be carefully evaluated 50 lhat its bias, motivation and
limitations are acknowledged and urcd.erstood.
·
Reeen1 Wriling By and Abou1 Northern Womeo
l:n the decade since Anne Devlin "Y<'l'Ote her play, a ieminist: con·
sciOI.Ililless bas developed llliiOng an increasingnumber of nor\hem
WIJll'ten. There is greater recognition t.l)at they have .liWfered com·
man. wrongs and that their suflordinaiion is &Ocietally detiermin.ed.
N01khem women dis-play an im:rea5i.ng willinpless, despite differ-
�-
p.
enoes in political allepces and religiow backgrounds, to ad
to remedy these wrongs and to prcv:lde an illtema-
ro-operati~ely
tive vision of society conducive io au10nomy and self-del:erm:ina.!:ion lor both. women and men. Significant sreps to alleviate
communal Isolation, to tadl.ltale cross-community contacts and to
deal with pmetic gender problems have been taken by ·the
Women'& Wonna!icn Grou.p and more recently the Wam.en'a
Support NehYork. an umbrella organls11tion of 192 women's
group!, which co-crd!nates information on servicet available to
· women. In 1990, Protestant women lrom the Shanidll joined with
Catholic women in protests which eventually overtumed the deci·
sian of the unionist-dominated BeUnt Oty Coundlt:o cut funding
lor the FaJ.lsRoad Women's Cenlte. The mutual trusiand good-will
flowing hc~n theJe efforts eventually led to the Belfast visit in
February 1992. of President Mruy Robinson, dw:lllg wblch she ~nel
women hom aU sediom of the community. Th.ls was the !irsllime
an Irifh pll!sldent hlld. crossed the border, and wu !olknved by
other pre&klenti11l visits conducive to better cro&ll-bordet relations.
The benefits of such cross-commlliiity co-operation in pwsult of
clliiUNln goals has not gone unnotil::ed by men .from lhe deprived
worldng-class areas of Beltut and Deny• .At a public session in
llos!o;m in lata October 1994, represantaliws cfltle Combined I.Dy·
allst J.l.filltary Command adcnoWledgedl:heiilfluenceof the women
In lhel.r c:ornmunities in ctmvincing lhe~n to replicale the Provi·
sionall.lt.A. oeasl'lire. The Reachlng Common Ground oonterence,
held in &&len two weeb latu, provided conslderable evidence
that northern women, while i!.Ckru:lwledglng their differences, are
deil!rmined to support ~ ongo.lng peace prott!ss.-~S
This growing confidence and political a.wa:reness i.llld co-operalion of.ncn:them women is evident in the process that produced two
anlhologle! of writing by the Cra.lgavtu1 Women Writ:ers.411 The
group, called the Dolly Mlxture11, is religiously and poUti.ally
mixed and ccnsists mostly o£ women lrom w:orking-class back·
grounds who live in or near Cralg~von's Brown.lcw estate. Initially
lnll!nded as a model estate with e~ access to employment ma
local lire factory, Jiving condi.ti~ in Brownlow det1i!rlcrated
sharply in the 1910s and 1980s owlng to econamk recessian, govemmenl.negleclmd the impact ol !he1canllic:t. The Dlllly Mixtures
. meet weekly to di&CW~s their poems, .slbt tlorles, essavs and even
plays, aU of which reflect B!ipeds of v}0men's experientt! ol the
'Troublei', Much oi the writing Is then1~tic, helping wam.en who
have lose husb1111ds. pi!Tents, dilldren and1frl.eru.:ls in the ctmllict to
deal with !heir grlel and pain. The volumis wnvey a &trong sense
\1\}~~sw~
~
~
;..
ol the emotional and psychological impacl that poverty, u.nemployrnent, and sectarian ronflld have had on these Cralgavon
women and their families. Some amtribulions reflect a srowi:ng
anger over the arrogance of both republiam iiiid loy~!istpaia-m!U·
tariell taking life ror 'their CI!Use', \VhiJe OihelS leflect frustration
with the British government's slow response in answering cherges
of human righiS abuses by security force~.
The anthologieg were oonc:eived by Philomena Gallagher, a
mothe.r of three, who returned to school in bet mid-lh:lrlies to gain
~SECOndary school credentials. Her contributions are note.worthy as
remembranae of inn001!:!1l individuals who have been kiUed. Her
writing and that of Madge Steele rclled lhe growing efforts of
nodhem women b::l p1omote tolerance, compassion end. unders1.a.!:tding in their divided oommW'Iity. Ovemll th.e message that
emerges from these volumes Is· the women's deb!n:nine.tion to
malre peace an everyday ~ea!ity. One poem in particular,by Madge
St!!ele, nfieds the .!>UIXI!SS of the Cnigavo:n women in findin3 their
oornn:wn humarot)•.
Weave the thre~td.s of re<~l frler..:lsb!p
With lhe coloun. of life
Use the paU~::m of Peace
And lea\•e 011t the strife
'I'Iue&d the mends !hal 11'1! young
Alcng with the old
And )'OU'U lind on· your .loom
Afabrk:ofg~ld.SG
·
Cooduldon
The anthologies o1 the Dolly Mixtures a.re lileracy artefacts !hat l'Kem·
.plliy the 001:1tinuaus e.fforls of miiDy northern liish WO.Im!n;especially
~~ in the working dllSS, to over<D!Il.e the bil:teme!i5 and hatreds
rooted.in the ncrth'stllrbub!nt history by openly l'KpreS!lhlg their past
hurts, cw:rent fears t'lll well as hopes lll'lfi aspirati.om for the future. In
doing so,l.hese women a.re di!;covednginudadwed comm.on ground
and they ace helping to plant seeds of toll!rlUlce and trust \I pan which
a jushndlasting peace ullmm.tely depends.
·
Significantly, a heightened political awareness i.llld a des.i:re to
b-uild upon previous O'OS!I-wmD\unlty co-opemlive initiatives of
women became apparent in the wake ol the 1994 ceasefi.res and l.he
publication i.n Februacy 19515 of the Joml Fmmewatk Documen~l
by the llrit:mh and Irish goveiiUl'leilt&. Wilhin two weeks of !heir
publication, vaxious loc:al women's groups canvened meetings to
eJ(a]Dine the impllation& of the fr!llllework propl)sals lor WOKll!n
. ~(\_v-J.L ·~~
~L- u
vv• ·
.vr
�and began to insist on a role lor women in the shaping ot any new
sin.ictu= !o em<l:rge from the proposed multi-party peare tall<s.ln
late spring 1995, a committee of twenty-five wolltE:n ri!pre:senting
the voluntary, trade union. academis:, religious; md looll com,munity sectots organiied the oonterence 'Women, Politics a.nd Wa)'!i
Forward', which was atteruled by 160 \Vo.men at the Rural C.OIJege
in Dnperstow.n on 2.4 June 1995. Vatiou~; tadia and strategies
des~ to J.naease women'i participation in publ.ic bodies, in
politial parties, and especially J.n the peace process, were proposed. Th:is was an historU: O«:l!Sion, as it was the fust time that
women from all political spectrums gathered to discuS~; the serious
political issues· regarding nortl:u!ll'\ women's e~«:lusio.n from deci·
'ion-making bodles and the poolic.al piOI:lSs.Sl Four monl:hi; latu,
over 400 l;Vomen from alhvalks of life convened in BeUa&t's Eu1opa
. Holel. on 4 November 1995, 1oi the 'Women Shaping the Future
Confere.na!. In addition to higlillghling the past IX!ntributions of
\VDml!n J.n NStaining the social infrastructure of Northern In! land.
during a quarter-cenh.tr)• of conflict, recommendilticns were made
. to increase the in:flu.ence of \W.tnerl in northern polll:ks through
networking, information shart.ng and linally by estabiJshJ.ng aossparty poUI:kal grouplngs.5J
Jn.addressing women's political participation as a human tighls
issue and in streSs.ing.lhepoieniialconl:cibulio..'"! whlch WOI!!I!I'\'s
unique s.ki.IJs and eMpedence amld make Jn negotiating a permanent political settlement, the Draperstown and Belfast: oonferena:s,
in conjuc:lion with consistent lobbyU'Ig between 19'12 I!Ild 1996 by
the Northern Ireland BUlopean Women's Platlonn, helped to lay
lhe groundwork tor the. establl,hment of the Northern Ireland
Women's Coalition (NJ.W,C.) in April 1996. The coaUtion had
seventy women candldaier. in .the special 30 May 1996 electiom
which were held to determine the level of pol.iiical party repre·
sentatlon at the olffcial pea~:enegollationsin June. The election also
selected delegares to the·Nodhem !leland IWum, a consultative
body,modellecl on tlt'e Republic oi Ireland's Forum fur J'ea.ce I!Ild
Reoonciliatian, lllld designed tD promote consensus through dialogue. The N.LW .C. campaigned. on a manllesto that stressed pDlicies of political Inclusiveness, equity and respect ror human rights.
While aclmowledglns that their candidates oftenhad conllkting
pollttcal perspectives on the amstitutional questlcm, the coalitiOn
maintained that there was IXInsensus an the need for a bill of Iigh!li
as well as an an army ot social lll'td eeonm:nlc il;sues affecting
women, families anti local communities. While strong political
convictian5 an tile CO!IStitutlonal msue led many oortbem 1vomen
to \'Ote for the existing political parties, the coalition poLled 7,f;JJ
votes, enough to secure two seats lor N.I.W.C. at the negol:ial'io.n
!!lble and in the Norihem Ireland Fon.uri.M The two delegate!!
elected reflect the t:roSS<-OOIIUllunity principles of the coalition.
M9ni.ca McWlllilu:nr., a university lectu1er with ~~.siva 211'perlence in lobbying and campaigning for civil and women's rights, is
a Catholic from a nationalist and lUr.l1 backgnxmd, while Pearl
· Safar l9 a Protestant l:rom east Selfru;t with ex.tensive experience iii
COIIUI\I.I.Ility politia:~ and development. Al!haugh it u too early to
determine the long-range polll:kalluture of the IXIalitiOII, it was 11
sig:nlfu:ant IUstorical breakthrough iD have two IVomen parlidpat.· ing as elected representatives in ongoing negotialiollS clellig~:~ed to
shape democrali.c, polilical11r1d c.cinstilulional stiUclures .for the
people ofNortl:u!m Ireland.
· .The obr.tades which the region'r mttenched poUI:kal, teligious
et:ariOIIlk dlvisions p~e tor .femlrlisi politi(li and unity, and
Indeed for a pen:n.;ment peace, are slill imlnense. 55 There is, howewr, a dawning recognition that significant progreEoS in building a
jur.t ooclaty in Nori:hem In;land will be ellha.nmd liy drawing an
and J.nslitutio.nalising the enetgies and commitment of llle large
numbers of women who are exper:iented in community poliiks,
but who hilve been excluded heretollll'e from ihe formal political
and economic power struclures.
,
Tl!e \YO!~ ex.ai:l\IDed in thls essay &!l well liS th05e oi other
northern wzitiml provide ma.1y ir.sighll9 .Into the huge CQ6ts that
protncted pOlitical c.on!lict have meant fill' northern women a.nd
their families. 56. \" et all these wodu ha>•e additional histodcal &ignificance to the extent that they flame important theoretical debates about ieminism's relationship to republir:anism a.nd loyallsm.,
I!Ild about !he tole of women in northein society In gelll\!ral The}•
po:se
their readers quiStiOM that d1a.llalge both green and
orange nationallsm to purse their respective traditions of patciarchal, an:ogant and exclusivist eleulents. Onl)' time aru1 future
hlsUlrilUis am tell whether the ris~ feminist corisciousne55 documentedin these works will eventually succeed in bringing real and.
substantial U:nprovernent to the everyday .lives of women, as well
as to the entire Northern 1rish cOI!UI1unity. ·
and
for
�EMORAN.DUM
Datte:
June 11, 1998
To:
Theresa Loar
Senior C(xlrdinator for International Women's Issues
:RtairHall~
Embi:ISsy London
Subject:
V;tal Voices: :Northern Ireland Agreement J•rovisioJ.s Relevant to Wnmen
Ovenlll, the 'Good Friday' Agr~'mcnt .has lhe potential to enh<mce the position ofwnmen in
. Northc..-rn Ireland even though that wa" not a specific foctL"\ of the negotiations. There arc few
guarantees. however, and much depends on developing the political will to include gender
equality at the heart of the agenda. This suggests an obvious crmfcreuce goaL
Implementation of the Agreement's central political, constitutional and security arrangements is
likely to remain contentious for some time, with ProtestanWUnionists und Catholics/Nationalists
continuing to disagree on key issues and interpre~tions. At the same time, there appears to be
more broad-based consensus on the Agreement's economic, social and cultural aspects.
Therefore, we probably wi11 do best if we disuggrcgate those element.;; specificalJy relevant to
women from the overarching implementation issues. The idea is to move gender issue:; lo a
more central position in the debate of new arrangements ill NHrthern Ireland while avoiding
partisan political controversy. ·
a
There arc two explicit references in the Agreement to ·women in political and public life:
• · The parties afiirmcd "the right of women to full and equal political participatiun.u [Human
Rights, 11].
•
Pending the dcvolutinn of powers to the A'lscmbly, the Uritish government undertook to
prorilolc "social inclusion, including in particular community development and the
advancement of women in public life." [Economic, Social and C'ultural Equality Jssucs, ,II]
In addition, there are many references to issues which concern wumcn.· ror example, the
Agreenumt in several sections states new institutions rnusl b~ inclusive of all sections of the
community. Tn the Northern Ireland context, ..inclusiveness" i.s generally understood to refer to
•
�the sectarian divide: Protestant/Unionists and Catholic/Nationalists. The challenge will be to
ensure that ''inclusiveness" is not defined solely in sectarian tenns.
•
Among the other references to issues relevanl lo women arc:
•
The Agreement established l.t Civic Forum to act O.."' a cowulta.tive mechanism on social,
economic and cultural issues. It wil1 be comprised of rcpre..qentatives ofthe business, t.rade
union and voluntary sectors. as well as from other sectors designated by the Executive.
[Strand One, Relations with Other Institutions, ~34].
•
The British government pledged to:
-+ Incorporate the European Convention on Human Rights into Northern Irela.nd law
fHuman Rights, UK Legislati(ln 1 ,2t
.
--) Require public authorities to promote equality of opportunity, including with regard
to gender [Human Rights, UK Legislation, ~3];
-4 Establish an independent Human Rights Commission "with membership from
Northern Ireland reflecting the community balance" [Human Right, UK T..egis, ,21;
~ Create a new Equality Commission to assume the roles now played by the Fair
Employment Commission, Equal Opportunities Commission; Commission for Racial
Equality and the Disability Council. [IIunum·Rights, New Institutions, ,5].
'
•
The Assembly may create a new Department of Equality [Human Rights, New Institutions, ,7]
•
The Irish government pledged to establish a Human Rights Commission and introduce
equivalent equal status le~:,ris]ation for the Republic. [Human Rights, Irish Steps~ ~9]
••
'!'he participants pledged support for organizations which om~r help to victims of violence
and promote reconciliation between the traditions. (Human Rights, Reconciliation, ~12,1Jj.
Women an~ vt!ry active in these organizations.
·
Several of these provisions clearlyJcud themselves to themes for workshopdiscussion and we
· will take them into account when JoAnne lakes a first crack at a draft program.
~
Clearcd:POL IT\Vagner
~
I .
.;
cc: GIIWI - Alyse Nelson
Belfast - Kathy Stephens, Anne To<.llan, Kerry McGum
EURIUBI - Steve Kashkett
Munich - Dave Pozorski
�WOJ:.:tEN AND THE PEACE PROCESS IN NORTHERN IRELAND
Anyone looking at television foota,ge of political leaders
assembling for the all party talks.or giving.interviews about
"progress" or anyone casu~lly. reading local or internationcil
.
.
newspapers corrunenting on current political developments in
Northern Ireland could be forgiven for thinking that women have
a very limited imiol vement in the peace p:rocess.
.
Many people and indeed most womeri in Northern Ireland, however,
know that the reality is very different. Women have made a
distinctive and significant contribution to the search for peace
in Ireland over many years and today they are playing a vital
role at many levels.
Women have achieved this against a background of considerable
difficulty. Within a society which remains in many ways
traditional and conservative and where until very recently
women's roles were defin~d pri~arily in relation to home and
family, acceptance of a public, still less a political, role was
hard to gain. Some of the women involved in the early phases of
the Civil Rights Movement remember vividly participating in
marches and demonstrations demanding "one man, one vote,"
without any consciousness of the implicit anomaly. Such
contradictions held true across both corrununities and were
accentuated by the religiori~ and social structures through which
women were elevated ·as symbols of corrununity identity and bearers
of tradition but precluded from a public role in the negotiation
and re-negotiation of.those traditioris.
In addition at a practical level women have faced ma~y problems
in becoming involved in the long series of corrununi ty 'initiatives
and activities which provided an essential background to the
·initiation of the peace process. Many have had to combine
corrununity and campaigning activities with heavy responsibilities
to family, home and employment, many have had tocontent with
very limited resources for example lack of personal transport to
attend meetings. Amid.all this many have also suffered terrible
personal tragedies, loss of close relatives or friends and
disruption of family life, as a direct result of violence. Such
experiences erected barriers of suspicion and fear between women
and it is hard to overestimate the effort that has been needed.
to begin the process of dismantling them.
�2
But out of all these problems, perhaps partially because of
them, women have consistently made a vital and distinct, if
undervalued, contribution to the search for peace.
In the initial phase of the current "Troubles" during the early
1970s, women were involved in the first· groups, such as Women
Together and Women for Peace, which emerge~d struggling to put
some control on the spread and impact of violence, to keep
communities together through disruption and intimidation and to
begin the long process of building and rebuilding bridges across
the community divide. Pioneers such as Sadie Patterson and
Margaret Dougherty took courageous steps in a hostile
environment to begin the .search for reconciliation.
The major outpouring of feeling against violence whi6h was
channeled into the mass marche~ and rallies of the Peace People
during 1976 and 1977 brought many women into a more public role
since the movement was largely led and supported by women,
notably Betty Williams and Mairead Corrigan ..:. indeed Mairead .has
gone on working with the group for over twenty years. The whole
experience of that period showed women trying to move outside
the existing political structures, a distinctive and recurring
theme in the contribution women have made to the peace process
in Northern Ireland. Whilst some judgements have labeled it as
a phase of nal.ve optimism and ultimately as a failure which did
little to reduce violence or break the traditional political
mold, for many women it was a crucial experience. They gained
insights and understandings that led them on to involvement in a
whole range of groups and initiatives focusing on practical
social issues, inter-denominational contacts and community
reconciliation.
As a result the 1980s, which superficially seemed a period of
marking time for women's influence, it can now be reassesse~ as
a decade of "quiet revolution." Women became increasingly
·active at all sorts of levels in community groups, professional.
organizations and the trade unions - focusing on social,
economic and environmental problems. WomE:!n worked on the
provision of employment opportunities, expansion of childcare
provision, promotion of life~long education and awareness of
women's health problems. Through their ci3.mpaigning, difficult
questions such as domestic violence and rape became part of the
public policy agenda and women took active steps to provide
women's refuges and help lines. Women also continued to be
heavily involved in organizations combating intimidation 'and
'sectarianism, supporting victims of violence and their families
seeking increased understanding between the churches with many
�3
individuals actively networking across a \vhole range of groups.
In addition to the practical benefits of these actions there was
also immense gain for future public and political -involvement as
women learnt and refined a whole range of skills of
'
communication and presentation.
They also, critically for the peace process, forged r~al,
meaningful links across the community divided in order to
address problems that transcended. political divisions. Also of
vital importance was the fact that these developments drew in
women from urban and rural areas, women o:E all social classes
and age groups.
Although in many ~ases women overtly rejected the description of
their. activities as political, throughout the __ 1980s they built a
basis for inputs to the peace process through establishing
credibility and the practical value of their cotitribution.
Indeed by the late 1980s and early 1990s community groups led by
women were playing a significant role in defusing tensions .
around sectarian murders and intimidation and building local
accommodations and understandings. This 1Nas in a real sense
"second track" political activity carried on often out of the
limelight and with limited access to resources but of enormous
benefit to all sections of Northern Ireland society.
At the same time women were not afraid to face the "difficult
issues," areas which were bound to provoke controversy in a
divided society. The relati6nship between feminism and
nationalist and unionist ideologie~, the appropriate response to
the treatment of women prisoners convicted of offenses related
to the conflict. Through handling such contentious questions
and accepting that there would be serious differences, rooted in
principle and ideology, women were able to work out strategies,
which allowed ~hem to accept differences in some areas without
r~jecting the possibility of working together on a whole range
of other issue. Seeing diversity as a_normal, even in many
areas a positive attribute, rather than a threat, is a lesson
which many of them hope will not_be lost on male politicians.
After the experiences and community-based successes of the 1980s
it was perhaps not surprising that with the cease-fires and the
beginning of the negotiation process women's ~oices have begun
to be more clearly heard -- even if some amongst the media and
the politicians are taking a little time to.catch up. Women are
now more actively involved in most of the political parties,
some of which now formally recognize the importance and value of
having a proportion of women representatives and the formation
�4
of the Women's Cbalition has had both direct.and indirect
effects.
The whole process through which the Womenj' s Coalition came into
existence is a clear example of the reflective and mature
contribution which women are now making t0 the peace process.
There was extensive debate amongst women in a spectrum of
organizations with links across geographical, sbcial, economic
and generational differences - spch ·as Th~ Northern Ireland
Women's European Platform, The Derry Women's Centre~ the
Shankill Women's Forum and the Women's Information Group·. They
considered carefully.the central question of whether women
should seek to engag~ in the peace process primarily by working
through the existing political groupings that reflected their
community allegiances or whether they should form a new
organization.· They sotighf to· engage in dialogue with the
established parties tq gain inclusion of vvomen representative
groups and delegation's and to ensure that issues that impact on
women's lives were addressed in·patty platforms. Only whe~ it
became clear that most .of the parties were not receptive to this
approach did they move to estab"lish the Ccbalitiori. In
developing policies and positions within the Coali·tion women
have also provided pointers for the peace process by thei~ ·
decision to put a formal view on the "constitutional p~sition"
on hold in order to ~llow open discussion and the possibility of
real negotiation and accommodation.
There has also been a vital contribution to the peace proces~ by
many women who are clear that they are "not tnvolved in
politics." Their activities in such thing$, as "Talking and
Listening Circles,"· and "Women in the Chu~ches" project, the
Women's Festivals held in small towns, '·and the "Beyond Violence"
conference - linked to the. ongoing work o1.: Family and community
Centres_.:.. contain implicit actions· and demands that. are
inseparable from the pea~e p~ocess. De~elopmenfs in .sorrie of
these spheres may be .assist~d by access to resources, for
example the European Union's·"Special Support Programme for
Peace and Reconciliation," but the existence ot funds is not a
panacea and applying for support imposes its own problems in
terms of administratiye requirements that small groups may find
it difficult to accommodate to.
In addition of'coUrse, women involved in all these ways continue
to have to run risks in terms of potential .criticism from family
or community, possible damage to existing social relationships
·and sometimes direct p~ysical threats. So over almost thirty
years an:d in ways adapted to their varied circ.umstances women
�'(if:,'
..
r·
,!
.'
•
The Background
When PlayBoard first produced 'Play Without Frontiers' in
1990 it was in response to issues identified by playworkers
who were finding difficulty in dealing with sectarian prejudici!S
in children, parents and themselves.
As a consequence, PlayBoard undertook general
research throughout its membership. Questionnaires were
.- sectarianism is a widespread problem in
playschemes
.-generally, playworkers are unsure of how to deal
positively with sectarian incidents
.- the majority of playworkers have had no training
in the promotion of community relations
.- many playworkers would welcome practical guidelines on how to deal constructively with sectarian
incidents and how to prevent them occurring initially
sent to all members and the replies
confirmed that:
PlayBoard saw the need to produce
practical guidelines. To get a real understanding
of the problems which playworkers face more intensive
research was carried out in six playschemes. These were:
Divis Play Project
Duncairn Playscheme
Glebe House
Holiday Projects West
Laurencetown Community Association
.
Mourneview Playscheme
)
t
These provided a representative sample of our membership covering cross community and single religion,
residential and after-school projects in both urban and
rural settings.
A wide range of schemes was selected to ensure
that the guidelines would be applicable to ALL. Time
was spent observing, participating in activities and also
in one-to-one and group interviews with playworkers.
The research confirmed questionnaire findings and
helped identify specific instances of good practice in prClmoting community relations.
�,-~~---------------------------------------------------------------------
These guidelines have been prepared from playworkers'
real experiences .and highlight what every playscheme could
I
f
'·
do to improve community relations.
S!nce the initial findings in 1990 PlayBoard has continued
to bE:) at the forefront of community relations work and has
been committed to developing antisecmrian strategies.
This has led PlayBoard to recognis~ the continued need
for training and support for playgroups and playworkers.
PlayBoard's experience is that secmrianism is still endemic
in our sodety and is still polluting the lives. of children. As a
consequence of this it was felt that it was timely to update and
relaunch this practical guide to handling
secmrianism in the play environmEmt.
. Play has been around as long
as people have been around.
It has occurred throughout
history in all cultures and
touches all aspects ofchildren's
(and adults) lives. There are
many different forms of play,
Play &
Sectarianism
all ofwhich have one common
theme - enjoyment
· Play is universal and as
children play it helps them not
only to realise their own
potential, but to acquire a
knowledge of adult life and
'v
the social values of the society
in which they live. They leam
to communicate, adapt to
changing circumstances, take
risks, explore and leam. In
other words, play is crucially
Restricted Play
If play is positive and unrestricted then
it allows children to explore the world
at their own pace and to make their own
deductions about what is happening. If,
on the other hand, play is restrict·ed by
prejudice, hatred or other limimtions it
. will give children a less complete view
of the world. If they are not allowed to see how other people
live and have no conmct with those from other cultures or
traditions then they form opinions through guesswork which
often have no bearing on reality. These may be re-enforced
· by adult prejudices and languagi~. and thus divisions within
communities not only remain but widen.
Play and Sectarianism
important for children's
The impomnce of ensuring that 'play is of good quality cannot
progress to adulthood.
be over-emphasised.
This is particularly necessary in Northern Ireland where
society is divided and embittered and attitudes are passed on
from generation to generation.
Secmrianism is inherent in the very fabric of society here
�The effects of Sectarianism on play
In reality many children in
Northern Ireland are relegated
to sub-standard or unbalanced
play in repressive environments
and the negative outcome:
• In an environment where
sectarianism is rife children will
quickly learn to be bigoted
and possibly violent.
• They will learn that in certain
circumstances (ie in interaction with the other side)
violence is not only acceptable
but praiseworthy rather than
sanctioned or punished.
They will· see violence as
acceptable and may continue
to use violence particularly
against the'vulne_rable. In
other words they may
become delinquent.
• They will learn that from
sectarianism one can only
win at the expense of others
unlike in a normal play
environment.
f\
;, 1.
I·.'·
-~_/- ''·
Sectarianism has strong
effects on children.
A recent study by the
NSPCC indicates that over
50% of children worry about
the "troubles". It is likely
that this figure is higher in
areas of high tensi?n and
excessive political violence.
But what sectarianism
does to all children is that it
denies them their fundamental
human rights as laid down in
the United Nations
Convention on the Rights of
the Child.
�Children are our future and
and so affects everyone of us. It will continue to be propa-
play offers an ideal medium
gated from generation to generation until we recognise it as
through which we can foster values
a problem which we want to combat. Through our children
of understanding, acceptance,
we have the opportunity to develop a future society based on
mutual respect and equality.
the principles of equality, understanding and mutual respect.
Values such as these have much
Play has increasingly become the medium for gaining
to contribute to the process of
respect for people from different cultural and ethnic back-
building a more peaceful society
grounds.
in Northern Ireland.
PlayBoard, recognising the
The
divi~ions
within our society which lead to sectarianism
have fundamental effects on children. They create a climate
role that play can fulfil in teaching
in .which free and spontaneous play is replaced by isolation
children how to live together in
from a whole group or culture with whom they share their
peace and equality, has incorpo-
environment and this in turn can often lead to violent con-
rated the following aims into its
frontation between their isolated groups. It restricts the child's
policy:
ability to roam and explore the environment freely. The ability
• to promote equality in all
aspects of playwork.
age not to go into certain areas, cross certain streets or play
• to reduce unnecessary segregation
of children in the community.
• to lessen the exposure of children
to war, violence and destruction.
• to highlight that play is an
important element of the culture
of all groups and societies.
• to encourage understanding and
. sharing of the values of different
cultural traditions.
to explore the world is limited as children learn at a very early
in particular playgrounds. They be•:ome defensi've of their own
territory and fearful of being attacked in other children's territory. Ironically, often this territ:orialism and confrontation
develops between groups from the same tradition and sectarianism and bigotry create splits within single religion
communities and not between those of different cultures or
traditions as some adults would prefer it to be.
Many children, particularly in our cities and larger towns,
constantly find their play environment being reduced by prejudice, bigotry and violence.
Play environments, which at b•est are limited and dangerous
such as the street and derelict sites, become 'no go' areas as
parents keep children at home during times of heightened
tension and violence within our community. So the ability to
roam, even within the restricted territory provided by their
own culture, is replaced by playing in the home. In reality this is
often watching television or a video which is no replacement
for interactive and stimulating play.
�Children have
Rights
Traditionally children were not seen to have
rights, but rather that they were totally answerable to their parents and other adults and that
whatever rights they had were conferred on
them by adults to be given or taken away as they
saw fit.
In more recent times there has been a
recognition t~at children do have rights that
are separate from, and additional to, the rights
of adults.·
This has begun to appear in law. One of
the central principles of the recent Children (NI) Order is
that the child has the right not only to be heard but to be
consulted in matters pertaining to his I her welfare..
Perhaps the most important document is the "United
Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child". While this
does not change any other legislation there is a recognition
that nations should have laws which are compatible with
· the Convention. There is no way that.the "Conventicon 'on
the Rights of the Child" can be enforced. It is rather an
accepted framework in whi<:h all
matters pertaining to
children should be
set. It is a
Within the Convention children
have the right to expect that:
• "State parties shall assure the child
who is capable of forming his or her
own views the right to express those
views (;eely in all matters "
(Article 12)
• "The child shall have the right to ·
freedom a( expression; this right shall
include freedom to seek, receive and
impart information and ideas of all
kinds, regardless of frontiers .. "
(Article 13)
• "State parties shall respect the
rights of the child to freedom of
thought, conscience and religion"
(Article 14)
• "State parties recognise the rights
of the child to (;eedam a( association
and to r;eedom a(peacefUl assembly"
(Article 15)
• "In those States in which ethnic,
religious or linguistic minorities or
.Persons o(indigenous origin exist, a
child belonging to such a minority
or who is indigenous shail not be
denied the right, in community with
other members of his or her group,
to enjoy his or her own culture, to
profess and practise his or her own
religion, or to use his or her own
language".
(Article 30)
• "All children affected by armed
conffict should be ensured protection
and care" (Article 38)
document
which has been
signed
by· ·the
Member States of the
United Nations. It was ratified by
the United Kingdom in 1991 and the
Republic of Ireland in 1992. It commits States to working
together to provide the highest possible standards for children.
Finally,
Rights and Play
In order to achieve these rights children are entitled to ·
good non-adulterated play which will help to develop them
• "Every child is entitled to rest and
play and to have the chance to join
in a large range of activities".
(Article 3 I)
�Defining Sectarianism
Sectarianism is a form of discrimination which in Northem Ireland
is. usually based on religion. It is
prejudice which translates into
behaviour which damages others
unreasonably .
If you do not give others the
into well balanced mature adults, ·confident and assured of
their own cultural identity and tolerant of other cultures.
"Sectarianism interferes with Children's Rights"
Th~y cannot roam freely, play freely, express their feelings and
culture freely. They are behind the barriers of sectarianism and
all its fellow travellers hate, fear, intimidation, stress,
anxiety and sometimes death.
same rights as you give yourself
and you treat them unfairly, then
you discriminate against.them..
• Discrimination because of
gender is sexism.
• Discrimination because of
colour is racism.
• Discriminatipn because of
religion is seaarianism.
In our society the manifestation
Who is responsible
for Sectarianiism?
All, of us have to take a level of responsibility for the
divisions in culture within our society.
Some of us are actively involved in the politics of
of sectarianism has been
'us and them'. The dehumanisation· ()fa whole culture
responsible for the deaths and
or parts of a culture where people are described by
maiming of thousands of men,
negative and cynical terminology.
women and children. It has had
a profound effect on the lives
of all our children. '
They are 'lazy', 'scroungers', 'bastards', 'murderers', 'can't be trusted', 'the only good one is a dead
one'. Graffiti steeped in the culture of sectarianism reflects
where dehumanisation takes place. Where· slogans celebrate
the deaths of human beings from another
culture of religion. We all know of
examples along the lines of:
"IRA/UVF 3 PRODS/TA/GS 0
Ha!Hal"
More of us are
passively
involved
in the politics
of discrimination.
We may think in this
type of language but never
express it. We may categorise
people almost automatically but
most impC>rtantly of all we will fail to
challenge this language and dehumanisation within
our work and social life.
In other words we will allow !>orne children to be relegated
�to some sort of sub-species who have less rights than us.
We will allow our children to use this language which not
only demeans others, but also encourages our own children to
become as narrow in thinking as us and so restricts their opportunities to explore all the cultural diversity within our society.
This is not meant to suggest that many or most of us actively
engage in sectarianism or bigotry but rather recognises that often
we use language or manifest behaviour without being fully aware
of the consequence of this behaviour on ourselves and our
childr.en. It also recognises that many of us who wish to break
. out of negative spirals of sectarianism and bigotry are unsure
how to deal with such a complex and deeply engrained problem
in our society.
This book is intended to support those who wish to break
out of this mould and allow our children to play Games not
Names.
The importance
of promoting
good community
relations with
5-I 0 year aids
Playworkers are often reluctant to do any community relations work in the playscheme because they
believe that children are too young to understand and we should
let them 'keep their inno<;ence'. But PlayBoard research has found
that many playworkers are finding sectarianism a problem with
5-10 year olds. Children in their 'innocence' sometimes use
language, begin to develop attitudes and get involved in behaviour which they do not necessarily understand but which can
lead, as they grow older, to polarisation, and on to morE! serious sectarian involvement. Research with children as young as
5 and 6 years shows:
"indeed the majority of children in Nl are almost certainly well
aware of the violence going on around them and that this applies
equally to children who live in unscathed areas and to those
who live in city ghettos" (Ref I)
�In groups where play· .workers have.,organised
material to get children to
discuss issues around the
"troubles" it appears that
children are less inhibited
than adults when talking
about their needs and feelings
and are very. capable of
expressing these given the
opportunity. Forexample
when a group of children,
the majority of whom were
7-1 I year olds were asked
what they do or do not like
about their neighbourhood
these were some of the
replies:
• we want more helping of neighbours
• we do not like the run down houses and factories
• we do not like insults
• we do not like the parades
• we do not want anyone under 16 to smoke
·• we do not like the cars that might knock you down
• we do not like ftghting with the Protestants
• we want a community .:entre that everyone can go to
By listening to what children
have to say and by cultivating
values of respect understanding
and communication we can
help them to make .their ideals.
areality.
�Children in Northern Ireland, regardless of where they live are
very aware ofthe divisions in our community. Sci these guidelines should be useful to playworkers working throughout the
province.
It is important to begin community relations work with 5I 0 year olds because at this age children are beginning to
understand terms like Protestant and Catholic. They d<> not
usually attribute positive or negative value judgements when
talking in these terms or defining their own or other groups.
The skills of discussing, listening and explaining are thosE! that
will enable children to start communicating effectively. By
talking to children about these subjects in a measured nonjudgemental way we can help ease the misunderstanding and.
mistrust that encourages sectarianism.
Promoting community relations is a long term proce:;s but
.by early intervention we have a chance to promote accep·mnce,
. understanding and respect for others before bigoted ideas
become entrenched and form the basis for later
inteq~roup
conflict.
Children are often more open and honest in their discussions than adults. They have not yet taken on many of the
inhibitions that we begin to accumulate as we grow older. They
have also not yet got rigid or fixed views and are still very much
exploring the world in which they live, As a consequenc•E! they
are more accepting of the diversity of things going on around
them.
The role of the
playscheme
term process in which early intervention is
Play is to the child, work,
thought, an and relaxation.
essential. It is important to realise the part that
LOWENFEID
Promoting community relations is a long
playschemes have in this process. The diagram
opposite shows that children spend more time
Play is central to the develop-
playing than any other waking activity. Play time offers a great
ment of the child but also to
opportunity for doing community relations work.
that of adults, the community
and society.
Learning is one of the foremost functions of play. Through
play .children are able to learn continually whilst having Fun in a
non-threatening environment.
HUIZINGA
�Children Spend More
Time Playing Than Any
Other Waking Activity
Play is a child's life and the
means by which she/he comes
to understand the world she/he
lives in. ISAACS
Generally speaking there is a
continuity between a child's
play and work.
PIAGET
Through play children are learning how to grow and develop.
Play knows no class, colour or political barriers and can be
viewed as an ideal vehicle for prom()ting genuine understanding,
acceptance and respect for others, The playscheme should be
seen as an ideal place where this can occur.
These guidelines concentrate on community relations issues
but sectarianism does not stand alone. We. should care about
all other prejudice in our community. Through play other
prejudices like racism, sexism.and disability can be addressed.
When children are playing thejt are relaxed and they are
having fun but they are also learning. Community relations
work is only one part of the learning that children
need to do through play but it is important that
it does not become too large a part of the
work of any playscheme. Equally, it is
important that community relatjons
work is c:arried out in a way that
does not: frighten or raise anxiety
for children.
Stereotypes
This section seeks to increase awareness of the
sort of stereotypes that we all hold and which
make community relations a difficult process.
Stereotypes are important in helping us to deal
with the complexity of life. They <:an be positive
or negative, may be harmless, or may lead to
discrimination and conflict.
Stereotyping is a process whereby we simplify
our prejudgements about a certain group of
people so that we subsequently see all members of that group
as having certain traits. Often these will be negative traits.
�Thinking about
prejudice in the
playscheme
or Think about the sort of
stereotypes that you and the .
Examples of stereotypes are:
• all fat people are jolly
• boys are tougher than girls
• foreigners are stupid
• all old ladies are k:ind
children hold. Try to counter
All of these examples are blatantly untrue and if we think about
these by avoiding labelling and
it we know this. However, we all use stereotypes even when
encouraging equality in all
we encounter people who do not fit the stereotype. How often
aspects of the playscheme.
hav~
_. Play co-operative as well as
Protestants but you'rE! different".
competitive games thus enabling
we heard or use!d phrases like "I don't trust Catholics/
A stereotype gives characteristics to a group which seldom
both sexes and children with
bear any relation to the real characteristics of
disabilities to participate and
that group. If we do not challenge these
enjoy themselves, see appendix 3.
stereotypical statemem:s in children how
or Songs: think about the type
can we stop them from believing that
of songs that children sing and
they are true.
teach them songs from many
other cultures as well as their own.
Stereotypes influence how we.
think about and behave towards
_. Graffrti: discourage the children
members of groups and play
from writing or drawing offensive
an important part in
slogans or symbols.
prejudice. Prejudice is
_. Language: discourage children .
defined as:
from using language likely to
An opinion
offend others, for example, 'taigs',
held in advance
'jaffas', 'orangies', 'fenians'.
about some-
_. Guide children to think about
thing, someone
their own culture and en~:ourage
or some group'
interest in others. Use.fantasy
without good
play, infonmation,' dressing up,
reason, adequate
stories and games geared
knowledge or
to..;ards f1nding out about dif-
experience.
ferent cultures -their food,
This implies a
clothes, work, beliefs. festivals
lack of under-
and games.
standing, either
or Materials: provide anti sexist/
through not know-
anti racist books, games, posters
ing the facts or, as is
and toys.
equally likely with
_. Use music from different
adults, an unwillingness
traditions and cultures in games
to hear them. Prejudice is
etc.
normally negative and often
or Add in other games or
activities you can think of.
.
results in group members
holding and expressing
derogatory attitudes •::>r discriminatory behaviour
�towards members of another group. In a sense it dehumanises
the other group. They are seen on I)· in the language of prejudice.
They are 'dirty', 'shifty', 'murderers' etc. They no longer have
feelings, emotions or other aspects of personality which would
humanise them. They don't laugh, cry, have trouble at school.
Prejudice. highlights that which we see as different and suppresses that which would make us all similar.
These are very simple definitions of complex attitudes and
feelings but through understandin!: these we come part of the
way towards understanding sectarianism. In the introduction
sectarianism has been defined as discrimination based on the
grounds of religion (where discrimination refers to prejudice
translated into behaviour) .
"Seaarianism destructively limits the lives of all of the people of
Northern Ireland. It is manifested through individual and struaural
discrimination, through personal bigotry and through distrustful
.relationships between the two major religious/political communities"
(RefS).
Above all it limits the rights of children.
Another stereotype is that ~children are happy. The
breakdown of sectarian barriers W1::>uld go a long way to m~king.
this a reality.
It is important to include in a definition of sectarianism not
only active sectarian behaviour but also the holding of prejudiced
attitudes against members of another religion or culture. These
may manifest themselves in sectarian behaviour and play a part
· in prolonging the conflict in NorthE!rn Ireland by creating a situation where sectarian behaviour is E!ither actively encouraged or
quietly condoned. Communication and negotiation may be more
difficult because of mistrust and unwillingness to compromise.
Prejudiced attitudes towards members of the 'other side'
are woven into the very fabric of society in Northern Ireland
and, as such, affect each and everye>ne of us. By virtue of belonging to a particular group we may acquire group norms, values
·and slogans which serve to guide our behaviour and often
subconsciously affect what we think and how we see, hear and
interpret events.
An example of this is the language often used about another
group. If they are described as fone sided', "black bastards"
etc then from this language childrt~n pick up the
message that they .are not to be trusted .
This in turn is manifested
by an attitude
�of·aggression and distrust when they come into contact with
that group. This may lead to a particular response frorn the
second group which confirms the original prejudices. So pre~
held prejudices are perpetuated.
As a result of this there may be subconscious sectari;mism
in the playscheme, which children pick up very quickly and which
can influence them. Effective community relations work relies
on understanding this, thinking more about the unquestioning
attitudes which we hold and providing play opportunities which
counter prejudice.
This is not to say that political or religious beliefs, or strong
feelings held about events taking place should be abandoned.
On the contrary, everybody has i::he right to have their own
beliefs, attitudes and opinions. The important point is that E!verybody has equal rights. This should not be
one~sided.
Proyiding
I
play opportunities which help convey this should lead to greater
I,\
acceptance and respect for others. This helps to counte.r not
only sectarianism but racism, sexism and prejudices against
those with disabilities. Section 7 discusses how to providE! such
I: ;I
play opportunities.
I \ ,i
. I I.
Good Policy
Good practice in the playscheme can be important
in improving community relations a:nd is essential if
focused community relations work is to have positive
outcomes. Principles of good practice include:·
Promoting good community
relations should occur at
many levels and in many different guises. We are concerned
specifically with promoting
community relations in the
playscheme and see it as frtting
Polley
into two areas. These are:
Develop a policy for your playscheme statinl~ your
objectives and philosophy and put this into <lCtion.
Prevention: Prevent sectarian
Make a clear statement of the policy to parents and
children by displaying the statement prominently.
This can help promote these values, give playworkers
justification for implementing them and ensures that
behaviour from occurring by promoting acceptance, understanding,
respea and equality for all.
Cure: Deal constructively with
everyone shares responsibility for making the policy happen.
seaarian behaviour when it
Each playscheme is different and so should develop it,S own
occurs by tuming the incident into
policy.
a leaming experience, again
geared towards greater understanding and respect. This is
more focused and is often called
anti-sectarian work.
Each organisation should produce its own statement and
policy and should not necessarily highlight cross community or
anti~sectarian
work on its own. Rather this should be par:t of an
overarching statement which demonstrates that the organisation
is open to all regardless of creed, colour etc. In other words that
��· • This playscheme seeks to improve community relations.
cross cultural games and equipment
A good playscheme will reflect the world in which, we live. It
should for example have dolls of different gender, colours and
different national costumes. It should have books, toys and
I
l
activities which show cultural diversity. Dressing up clothes
should reflect a range of occupations .
I
Educational
Include material in the playscheme which will educate children
about different world issues such as the environment, health
I·
and poverty and display these prominently .
Environment
The general appearance of the playscheme plays an impClrtant
I'
I
!1
I
I'
I
I
l.i
:lj'l
:1!1_:1
II
1'1
part in creating a pleasant non-threatening atmosphere and also
in teaching the children respect for property and mat,~rials.
Help children to be proud of their playscheme, to help keep it
dean and tidy and the materials in good condition. Colc•urful,
non-political murals or educational materials help promote
learning and discourage graffiti.
Single Community Work
Even if your playscheme is in an area which attracts children
from only one section of the community the importance of this
work cannot be overestimated.
1!1
·IT
!r
ij'
:,I
li
jl
·I'"
·
:\
1
1,11
'
,.
The creation of an environment which discourages hostility,
aggression and prejudice promotes understanding and r~spect
in an environment which encourages children to be
tol•~rant.
They are more likely to break down traditional barriers if they
understand each other and recognise the value of each others
beliefs and culture.
�~Otnot\n~
acceptance,
understand\n: and
g
respect for others
"The education of the child shall be: directed towards
the preparation of the child for a responsible life in
a free society in the spirit of undterstanding, peace,
tolerance, equality of the sexes, and friendship among
all peoples, ethnic, national and religious groups and
persons of indigenous origin."
(UN Convention on the Rights ofthe .Child)
-Piayschemes differ in the type of e>cperience that they can offer
their children but they all hope to widen the children's experience and help them to see that the world is made up of many
different people and that what is ordinary for people of one
culture may seem extraordinary to those from another. This is
important in promoting the acceptance and equality of others.
Often children.do not understahd the traditions and festivals
of their own cultur:e, never mind' of others. Protestants and
Catholics in Northern Ireland
sha~e
many celebrations such as
Christmas and Easter, and other festivals like Halloween and
St Valentine's Day. Playworkers can take advantage of these by
discussing what these celebrations mean, showing that they are
shared with other cultures and arranging shared celebrations.
�There are a number of publications and organisations which
can help you identify Eixaniples of shared heritage and culture.
These are listed at the back of the book.
Celebrating Cultures
Playworkers should al!;o discuss traditions
and celebrations of other cultures
that they do not share and
encourage the children to learn
about
and.
respect these. Information
«bout other cultures can be found in most .
local libraries and multi-cultural calendars are available which
provide dates and sometimes information about festival days
and celebrations of different cultures.
Discussions about everyday things can help to foster understanding and erode prejudice. Knowing that those whom we see
as different also go to school, learn the same lessons, listen to
the same music and like the same televisions shows makes them
more real, rounded and human.
There are many everyday opportunities to encourage children to think about their own and other cultures. Discussing
or playing games around children's names can help them to
realise that their name occurs in other cultures. One example
is of ~ean and John, which are Irish and English versions of the
same name. Alternati•(ely, discussing the football teams children
support can give useful insights into how powerful symbols such
as football colours can be in conveying identification with particular nationality or bEiliefs. If done sensitively this can lead to
greater understanding and acceptance of differences.
Cultural heritage programmes in schools seek to encourage
respect and esteem for all people and their traditions. Playworkers
should aim to do the same in the ·playscheme. Three important
processes in helping 1:0 develop acceptance of, and respect for,
other cultures are:
Help the children to develop their communication skills by encouraging them to express their needs and feelings, and by introducing
discussion on everyday issues in the playscheme, such as the games
they will play and thE~ rules they will make. This helps ·build up
the sort of trusting relationship that will enable children to feel
safe'iri expressing hc·w they feel about more personal issues.
Children are oftEin good communicators, expressing themselves easily and spontaneously. On occasions where children
�.-----,------------------,-----------,-----~-----~··
are meeting other children whom they do not know they will
all create play situations to explore and share new information
and ideas. In this very natural situation children will talk about
things that are of inter~st to them and soon discover similarities
and differences between thems.elves. Differences can be
approached in a relaxed, trusting way, such as on cross community trips when children can oft,~n be heard swapping songs
and stories. This can be an important learning experience and
can also help prof'!'lote understanding. Some examples of the
games which help to develop children's ability to communicate
Appreciating Good
Qualities: This involves
acknowledging and appreciating
good and admirable qualities in
ourselves and others. Everyone
has such qualities and therefore
everyone can be made to feel
good. For example, 'I like Rob
because he is generous' or
'Susan, you always know what
games to play'.
Encouraging children to
point out good things about
others and having others do
are found in Appendix 2.
Fostering Co-operation: Co-operative attitudes, fostered by games
an.d working together towards a 1:ommon goal h~lp children
to appreciate that we are all interdependent, and that mutual
cooperation is essential in our everyday living. This extends not
only to our immediate community but throughout the world.
Co-operative games help promote a S1~nse of equality, belonging and
. mutual benefit By learning to co-operate children learn to work
together, aware that everyone has something to contribute to
the common good, and also that eVE!ryone has different strengths
and weaknesses that have to be coinpensated for. These games
can help promote values of acceptance, equality and mutual
support. Appendix 3 contains examples of co-operative games.
the same for them helps give a
sense of self esteem which
enables children to appreciate
the worth of others. Studies of
racial prejudice have indicated
that high self esteem is related
to positive attitudes towards
oneself and others. This shows
the vital role that positive statements can play in dispelling
prejudice.
Encouraging
Communication: Effective
communication is olj:en about
Dealing
constructivel~y
with sectarian
behaviour
sharing ideas. This enables similarities and differences to be
explored which can help those
involved to gain a deeper
understanding and appreCiation
of each other.
Sectarian behaviour may occur in many play. schemes and dealing with it con.structively can
play an important part in improving community
relations. Dealing positively with :;uch behaviour
offers the opportunity to improve children's
understanding of why it is unacce!ptable. By not dealing with
sectarian behaviour it is subconsciously reinforced.
Sectarian behaviour ineffectively dealt with is sectarian
behaviour condoned.
�It is important not just to
stop the immediate physical
There is no right or wrong way to deal with sectarian
behaviour but how it is dealt with will determine how the
correction is heard and its impact • you do not have to make
a child lose face, which can lead· to resentment. Each incident
is an individual one. The sectarian behaviour can be more or
orverbalabuse,butto
explore the situation
further with the children
either immediately or
less serious. The reasons behind it or what it seeks to achieve
different in each. So different methods of interVention and
explanation may be required in each case. However it is useful
to have thought out strategies to be used to deal with sectarian
instances. A basic outline of how to go about dealing with such
events should give something to work from and also the con-
when those involved have
cooled down.
To solve the problem and produce any sort of permanent
peaceful solution it is necessary
fidence to deal with the incident.
In non-mixed communities sectarian instances may occur
between members of the same religion; or there may not be
conflict between the children but general abuse about members
of another religion with which most of the children agree. In ·
this situation the playworker should use the techniques out·
lined by talking to the children about the rights of others, thus
trying to promote greater knowledge and understanding.
Whether sectarianism occurs in a single denominational or
cross-community context do not assume that the children
have the same understanding or perspective which you
have. Start by probing the children to establish what their
level of understanding is, and base any explanation on this.
to get the persoo or both parties
to understand the situation fully
and work towards some sort of
. agreement or compromise.
The facts: encourage children
to investigate the facts about
the incident and why rt arose so
that they can explore their own
and others point of view, helping them to understand that
people see things differently.
Probe the children's understanding of the terms they have used
Feelings:
and of the situation here and fill.
in any gaps and inaccuracies.
Encou_rage the children to share how they are feeling, both
Try to make any discussion or
those displaying sectarian behaviour and those on the rec1:!iving
explanation relevant to the
end. This may give children greater insight into themselves and
children's own experiehce so
the effect that their actions has on others. Children are very
that they can relate to what is·
good at empathising with how others are feeling. When they
being said. This way children
see that their behaviour has caused others hurt and upset, and
are more likely to understand
th~t they can be hurt by others they may be less likely to u:;e the
and· see it as being something of
.-sam!'!_:sort.. of behaviour again. Frequently sectarianism occurs
. 'b~~~~se of.some
problem between the children such as., .... -.
bullyi~g; ~lassditf~~~nce~ -~-r: ;chool ri~a!:}<.lqsuch instances_: . - .... -: ·~-'- '-- ' :., -"·""' ·1 :.o- -··
out,
first hurtfui comments that_:: .'
.:·
other
chilqre~ oft~n las~·
·.
-.:· .
• - ·
come-to m~nd, and,
u~ing ~e
·.
1n
spm~thing sectari~n.
-- .. · .. ·
···. ",,
T~; j~~~~~~-j,fe;-t6··~et".·1-:
.·_.· · '·.·''· •·.· .. · · .·;:' ·:.,•;·•.-':tbemt6tbinkabolitatime:•.
the Northem Ireland context th1s 1s often:~,·· .. ·, • ...; , ·" :·:··.. ·, ·•· :·: ::,•:• .:-·· --~
EXploring. th~·sit~;ti~n:furih~r:~ill:he·l~ .·· · / .;v~en tbey fe!thu~-'~e~'l,~~e: ..
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·someone. said sometbing - · .· · ... '· -•
children to realise t,hat se~ria11ismis n9t.the r~al problell)_~rd:J .-~--· < .: ·.·, · ~' ·~·· ;·;: .. •;:c:•.·-. ··.·:. <' ':
·
· · .
. • .· •
· · .
.. · : ·: ::-- · . · .· <.:.·:. ·. ·:·:-·.'hurtful to them or how.they felt
that.hostile sectarian comments. make the tonflictworse;
· · " · · · · · ::-,."··•·:·:• ·. ··· ··,
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~yrnb~llsm
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when theywere excluded:'
.· •... ;. ;;;.{f_>:·;~::~.-:.
There are many- instances of s'ymbolism irr r-Jo~hern·l~ei~nd; ·
that is; where group allegiances, nationa,l[ty or belief~ ar:e rep-: ' ...
resented/in symbolic form. Colours a~e a. good. e~mple of thls · ·
•
·
'·
~- green, white and orange being' as~ociated w!th !latiohali~!'n.
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and req, whit~ and blue with unionism. Distinctive. football k!ts· .;_ ·
display support for Celtic or Rangers ·• ~11e viewed as catj,on~:
a
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�team and the other as Protestant. There may be uncertainty
about how to deal with these symbols. On the one hand they
are a statement about who the child is, but on the other hand
they may be threatening to others. Playworkers should think
about these types of symbols and ha.ve a policy relating to them.
Banning them may riot be desirable or even practical, as for
many children these are their main casual clothes and they
have a right to wear what they wish. However, if symbols are
allowed playworkers need to help ensure that others are not
threatened by them, and have thought of strategies for dealing
with occasions when they are.
One strategy is to allow the children to discuss how they
feel about symbols - why is one 'good' and the other 'bad'.
Explore their feelings about the 'bad' symbols and then suggest
that their 'good' symbols are 'bad' to others and might everyone
not be better off without any symbols. It might be possible to
reach a compromise - things don't get worn in certain places .
or providing alternatives such as dressing up days etc.
Each scheme should look at thi!: and have effective methods
'Do's and 'Don't's of deaDing with sectarianism
• DO think in advance about strategies that
could be used to cope with seaarian behaviour.
• DO NOT give children inconsistent messages
- always deal with s_eaarian behaviour.
• DO probe the children's understanding of
what they have said/done.
•'DO NOT stop seaarian behaviour without
explaining why it is unacceptable. Further exploration of the incident may also be necessary.
• DO promote equality in all aspeas of the
playscheme.
/1
......_ ' ..
:~;,>
-
• DO NOT forget that children are influenced
by the behaviour which is accepted in the
playscheme.
• DO provide a supportive atmosphere where
_children are encouraged to ask. questions and
discuss their feelings.
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•·· • . . . . · ·c/arjft ih~TdeeJings, feqri:.Jnci co~cer~~:. •· • ·
··r
.. ·. ··.· .· ·' .:.
·....... · ..... ·... .-.
.
.:__ ·. ~ _[)o· pr~mote eq~ality in ~u·aspeas of the
.;··playsch~.rn~· ·: :: · ·.
::· · · . •• · , .
·_ .i
'
~
I
_-,
•-~· DO promote' the un~ers,tatidi~gthat afl people
have theright to have their opinion~ resp~aed: ·
· . ·. : · d~dhelp: the thild~en to e,.;.;pathise with others
· ::how 'wo(il1 you (eel if)~ •:·:
.
' •. ~ DO pse games promoting good feelings:ccroperatjon and communication. ·
.·;
"'
...··_.
• DO help to develop non,vio/ent con(lia · .
. • resolution _skills ...
..
• DO NOT be afraid to let children discuss
............
-· ....
iss-;;es among the,;;se/ve~- they Jea~ri d/ot'.fro,;, ..·· ...
~~ch oth.er ~ndfr~m the pr~~es~ its~i(_'· ·
.. ·· · .·~ ·. ·• DO ~OT ~/low aiiy discriminatory practice,
language or b~haviour to go unchpllenged. This ·
should co~er ra_ce~ c:ulture, dis?bility anfi colour as . ' ..
· wei{ as religion,
·:
�.:
in place so that they can deal with any issues in a calm
manner as they arise rather than making quick rash and
decisions.
to conflict resolution in which there are six
as explained in Appendix 5. Communication,
positive thinking are vital to these stages and to
tion. By showing children how to resolve everyday difllc~lti4es
through mutually agreeable solutions achieved by
dialogue, mediation
and active
listening, they
may be equipped
with the skills and
determination to handle larger
conflicts in the future.
Barriers
and bridges
to community relations work
·frequently cited by playworkers,
suggestions on how these can be ,...,,.~,.,.,.-...,.,,,.
Playworkers do not feel that
enough about the situation to explain it to the .-hi'li'lr<>n
Pla)'workers do not have to be a walking encyclot!.~~:lia
dates and events, or even to pretend that they
stand the situation here. Verj few people do. Do not
to admit that you do not know everything. If you do
the answer to any of the children's questions it is quite
find them out by asking others or consulting relevant
Children's questions will normally be about basic
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�has been stressed throughout the:;e guidelines. Playworkers
must be committed to the community relations ideal and mix ·
well with both children and leaders of the 'other side'. ·
Follow Up: Follow up trips or regular follow up activities are
great ways of ensuring that this cmss community experience
is not an isolated one, but becomElS a constant theme in the·
· children's lives.
It must be seen as something relevant in their own environ- .
ment, not just something that happens when they are away. If
a follow up is not possible try to reinforce the children's cross
community experience by talking to them about the trip/holiday;·
asking about the friends they made and encouraging contact
through writing, phone calls, Christmas cards and discussing the
culture and lifestyle of the children they met.
Following these basic rules should ensure that the children
have an enjoyable experience and that lessons are learnt which
positively affect their attitudes, behaviour and what they communicate to others in their community. Be sure that follow up
Play is an ideal medium
contact does not expose children to either danger or ridicule
for promoting community
if they wish to go on meeting. Any follow up activity should
relations.
always engage parents in discussior1 .and planning.
I
.
The 5- 10 age group has been
somewhat overlooked in community relations initiatives, but
is in an age group on which we
should concentrate. The children
. have not yet formed entrenched
negative attitudes towards 'the
. other side' which fonm the basis
Conclusion
for later intergroup conflict. It is
important to counter prejudice
These guidelines seek tci highlight th1~ fact that
at an early age.
sectarianism is a problem affecting all of us.
These guidelines provide the
Far from being unaware of the violence and
basis on which a programme for
hatred in our society, many children as young
constructive community rela-
as five years old display sectarian attitudes and .
tions work in the playscheme
behaviour in their playscheme. They may well
can be based. With experience
become more embittered and further involved
and training playworkers could
unless something constructive is done to
use these as a basis for devel-
counter this. Schools give anti-sectarian work
high priority through Education
...
: . :....: ..
.,
Mutual
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sectarianism as an issue to be addressed. They are in an 'ideal
position as, through play, children are learning how to live,
trying on different roles and acquiring social values. Play is a
common theme to all traditions and cultures and it offers an
ideal medium through which values of understanding and mutual.
respect can be developed. Through play all traditions can meet and
share similarities and differences in a nonthreatening environ- ·
ment. In this way children can see that differences enrich our
society and need not lead to rivalry and conflict.
Probing their own and others feelings, attitudes and
aspirations promotes an open-minded approach and
assists good community relations.·
Playworkers have a role and can contribute toWards. pro~
moting community relations in flashpoint areas or in quieter
areas.relatively untouched by violence, whether in crosscommunity or single denomination locations.
Training
Doing cross-community work is both difficult and sensitive.
There are no expertS but it is possible to get both training and
advice from a number of different agencies (these are listed at
the back of the book). Generally these agencies do not c;harge
and will be glad to help. Ideally, all staff should have training in
community relations work but it is recommended that where
possible at least one member ofstaff should
be trained.
Summary
of therecommend~tions for
improving community relations in
the playscheme
• Promote community relations work, based
on reducing prejudice and promoting understanding in all schemes whether in a single or
cross community environment.
• Always strive to improve general pra,::tice in
the playscheme, as this is vital in ensuring that
focused community relations work has positive effects.
• Think about prejudice in the playscheme and try to c:ounter
it by avoiding labelling and encouraging equality in all aspects of
the playscheme.
• Provide positive play opportunities which can improve under-
�standing and acceptance and help to foster values of equality
and mutual respect. (See the games in appendices 1- 5).
• Counter any conscious or subconscious discrimination in the
playscheme by examining your own and the children's behaviour,
and making a conscious effort to be anti discriminatory.
. Formulate a policy, setting out the playscheme's stance and
objectives on anti discriminatory matters such as religion, .gender,
colour, culture and disability. This can help promote these values
and gives playworkers justification for implementing them in the
playscheme.
··Seek help from other agencies to de!velop your work and skills.
• Promote children's interest in, and IJnderstanding of, their own
and other cultures, celebrating shared traditions and appreciating
and respecting differences .
• Deal positively with sectarian incidents, as an incident not dealt
with is one supported.
• Do not leave a sectarian incident with just having stopped the
immediate physical or verbal abuse. Explore the situation further
with children by investigating the facts and feelings involved.
Encourage greater understanding and non-violent ways of
resolving the conflict.
• Act as a mediator when dealing with sectarian behaviour,
listening sensitively to all sides, clari~ring their feelings, fears and
concerns. Promote the understanding that everyone has the
right to nave their opinions respect·ed.
• Identify the children.'s level of understanding and base any
discussion or explanat;ion on this, relating it to the children's
own experience so that
~hey
can SE!e it as being something of
relevance to them.
• Gain the acceptance and support of parents by
reassuring them that community re.la.tions
work is not a threat to them or their .
community. Encourage·them.to come
involved whenever possible.
• Make contact with other playschemes '
so that good practice can be shared
and a network of support establishe:d.
• Put your community relations policy into
practice by ensuring, wherever possible that
the executive committee contains pec•ple of different religions.
• Ensure that venues for playwork are welcoming and nonthreatening.
�Contact
Planning Cross Community Contact
Good planning makes the difference between·
success and failure. Planning includes ensuring that
all staff have thought through what might ha.ppen
and have an agreed set of responses to ten:sions,
questions and potential or actual conflict. It i:s also
importa'nt that staff involved are committt~d to
the idea.
Cross community 'trips or holidays prove
useful in helping to broaden children's understanding
through bringing them into contact with children
and adults from different communities. In this fun
environment children can recognise similarities,
learn about differences and develop friendships with others
of a different religion or culture. Try to arrange cross community activities in the fol.lowing ways:
good anti-discriminatory
practice might wish to engage
in cross community contact
schemes. Holidays and
exchange visits can be useful
methods of furthering under-
Partners: identify another playschemeto arrange community
standing and respect It is .
relations activities with. PlayBoard has a comprehensive list of
playschemes for contact addresses. There are a variety of
agencies that may be able to provide general or financial support, such as the Community Relations Council, Co-opeiation
North, your local Education and Library Board or Council, the
Department of Education, local schools or church groups and
European funding bodies.
important to have a realistic
view as to how appropriate
such contact might be. Handled
wrongly, such ventures might
actually become counter-productive and reinforce prejudice.
• It is, for example, not a good
Organisation: meetings beforehand with playworkers from
idea to initiate contact if feelings
the partnering playscheme offers the opportunity to get to
know each other and ·to draw up a programme of events for the
trip. Start at your own pace, deciding what type of activities you
feel comfortable about trying. A good starting point is a joint
trip to a fun day, leisure centre or to a park for games, This
initial meeting also gives the chance to discuss how any tension
· or conflict, such as singing party songs on the bus will be dealt
with. A joint policy on this and an acceptable standard of behaviour can then be established for the adults and children from both
communities.
are high after particular incidents
or because _of potential difficulties.
• Initial contacts should, where
possible, be on neutral ground
and are better centred on activities rather than simply bringing
children together solely for
community relations purposes.
• It is also a good idea to keep
groups small and well monitored
Ice-breakers: are a fun way of getting to know each other
at the beginning of contact
and help children to mix well from the start. Appendix I contains
some information on ice-breaker games.
playscheme, it is best if the chi I-
•·As with other things in the.
.. ·culture.as-well'asreligion ~o en$:6re groups
R~le ~~el~i Th~ in;portance ofpi~}'Wo~k~rs ~: rol~ !T;Odels
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Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
First Lady's Work on Children’s Issues and Women’s Rights
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
White House Office of Records Management (WHORM)
Caligraphy Office
Chief of Staff
Domestic Policy Council
First Lady’s Office
Management & Administration
Millennium Council
Public Liaison
Special Envoy for the Americas
Women’s Initiative and Outreach
Date
A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource
1995-2000
Is Part Of
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36054" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
Identifier
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2006-0198-F Segment 4
Description
An account of the resource
<p>This collection contains records regarding conferences and events attended and hosted by the First Lady, Hillary Rodham Clinton. The key events in this collection consist of the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women, Vital Voices, Beijing +5, and the Early Childhood Development Conference. The records include background materials in preparation for each of these conferences.</p>
<p>This collection contains records from the following offices: White House Office of Records Management, Calligraphy Office, Chief of Staff, Domestic Policy Council, First Lady's Office, Speechwriting, Management & Administration, Millennium Council, Public Liason, Special Envoy for the Americas, and Women’s Initiative and Outreach. The collection includes records created by: Ann Lewis, Harold Ickes, Cheryl Mills, Linda Cooper, Ann Bartley, Lisa Caputo, Lissa Muscatine, Marsha Berry, Eric Massey, Nicole Rabner, Shirley Sagawa, Christine Macy, June Shih, Laura Schiller, Melanne Verveer, Alexis Herman, Ruby Moy, and Doris Matsui.</p>
<p>This collection was was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Managment
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
Date Created
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11/14/2014
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301 folders in 30 boxes
Text
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Original Format
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Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
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Vital Voices in Belfast 9/2/1998: [Correspondence and Background Information] [3]
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 13
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2006/2006-0198-F-4.pdf">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/1766805">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Creator
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First Lady’s Office
Speechwriting
Identifier
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2006-0198-F Segment 4
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Reproduction-Reference
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11/14/2014
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42-t-20060198f4-013-001
1766805