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PDF Text
Text
FOIA Number:
2006-0198-F-4
FOIA
MARKER
This is not a textual record. This is used as an
administrative marker by the William J. Clinton
Presidential Library Staff.
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Collection/Record Group:
Clinton Presidential Records
Subgroup/Office of Origin:
First Lady's Office
Series/Staff Member:
Speechwriting
Subseries:
Laura Schiller: Events, Awards, Lectures 9/98
OA/ID Number:
24628
FolderiD:
Folder Title:.
Vital Voices in Belfast 9/211998: [Correspondence and Background Information] [2] .
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COMPILED
AND
PUBLISHED
Nl has no women MP's or MEP's .
BY
+ :On {y 15% qf local councillors·
are women
+ On{y one third qf' the members
qf all public bodies are women
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Nl Women's European Platform
Women's Forum (N Ireland)
Women's Information Group
for
N. /relaizd Women's Aid are.
contacted by 85 women every
.. week
Women?
+ . Women are notjust qffected_by
+ · Women make a mqjor
......
contribution to every area qf
·life in Nl
·+
Women have the right to.full
and equal political
· participation
+ . Women's contributions make a
difference, without them
· . everyboqy loses
·.··· . ·...
What's
in it
women contacted Women's Aid
about domestic Violence
communi:ll cotlflict,for mazy
women the source qfvlolence is
in the home
:>•
AGREEMENT
+ Between 1978 and.1997 60,520
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Simplified Versions o/
The Agreement
are availableJrom:
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The Ulster Peoples College ·
30, Adeiaide Park
Belfast
BT9 6FY
Tel: 01232 665161
Fax: 01232 668111
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The Agreement offers:· "the right to equal
opportunity In all social and economic activity,
regardless of class, creedJ disability, gender
or ethnlclty and the right of women to full
and equal political participation."
Pending devolution the British Government
.has committed Itself to pursuing policies for
"sustained economic growth and stability In
. N. Ireland and for promoting soclallnduslon,
Including In particular community
development and the advancementofwomen
In public life. They will also create a statutory
obligation on public bodies to act "with due
regard to the need to promote equality of
opportunity In relation to religion and political
opinion; gender; race; disability; age;_ marital
status; dependants and sexual·orlentatlon."
Issues if
Special!tzterest:
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~-
·+ - The European Convention on HumanRights will be Incorporated Into
domestic law
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+
Provision for a supplementary Blil of
Rights for N·. Ireland·
+· The new Assembly and Its legislation
must uphold these Human Rights
·
commitments
+
Assembly members' Pledge of Office
Includes a commitment to "promote
equality and prevent discrimination."
+
The Courts will be empowered to
overturn legislation that contravenes
these Human Rights codes
~
Provision for an Independent Human
Rights Commission, with powers to
monitor legislation and advise the
Government on rights Issues; pr_omote
awareness of Human Rights Issues and
bring court proceedings on Human
Rights issues, or assist Individuals to
do so
The Government proposes a unified Equality
. Commission, to replace the EOC-NI, the
Commission for Racial Equality (NI) and the
Disability Council. The Agreement also
provides for the possibility of a dedicated
Department of Equality in the new Assembly.
These could be powerful, streamlined vehicles
for pursuing equality issues, but It will be
Important to ensure that a distinctive focus ·
on women's issues is not lost. ·
The Agreement provides for a Consultative
Civic Forum, which should give
representatives of women'~ groups a- fcrfnal
advisory role to the new assembly. It also gives
a commitment ofsupport to victims of violence
· and the groups that serve them, as well as to
organisations Involved In reconciliation work
between and within the communities. This
will recognise the work of women, who have
so often been left to pick up the pieces when
conflict arises.
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. . ;:'The•. outlook··
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How well the agreement serves women will
depend on how It Is Implemented and the level
of commitment to putting equality between
women and men at the heart .of the political
agenda. The repeated commitments to
"InClusiveness" In the new Institutions must
include the Inclusion of women, as well as
parity between unionists and nationalists.
Women's groups will have a vital role to play
In monitoring new Institutions and
arrangements and lobbying elected
representatives. For example, will the Review
of the Criminal Justice _system address the
shortage of female judges? Wlil the
Commlsslori on Policing address the
procedures for handling domestic violence?
__..
The built In provision for a review of the new
arrangements, "with a view to agreeing any
adjustments necessary In the Interests of ·
efficiency and fairness" offers an Important
tool. Women's participation In democratic life,
and the_commltment to achieving equality In
all areas of society, must be among the
measures of fairness
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Template File
The
Agreement
..
Agreement reached in the multi-party negotiations
TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. Declaration of Support
2. Constitutional Issues
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Annex A: Draft Clauses/Schedules for Incorporation in ,British Legislation
Annex B: Irish Government Draft Legislation
3. Strand One:
Democratic Institutions in Northern Ireland
4.. Strand Two:
· North/South Ministerial Council ·
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5. Strarid Three:
British - Irish Council
British - Irish Intergovernmental Conference
6. Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Op~ortunity.
Human Rights
United Kingdom Legislation
. New Institutions in Northern Ireland
Cmnparable Steps by the Irish Government
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A Joint Committee
Reconciliation and Victims of Violence
Economic, Social and Cultural Issues
7. Decornn1issioning
8. Security
9. Policing and Justice
Annex A: Com.mission on Policing for Northern Ireland
Annex B: Review of the Criminal Justice System·
10. Prisoners
11. Validation, Implementation and Review
Validation and Implementation
Review Procedures Following Implementation
ANNEX: Agreement between the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.
and the Government of Ireland.
·
Tableconten1S.htm
DECLARATION OF SUPPORT
I. We, the participants in the multi-party negotiations, believe that the agreement we have negotiated offers a truly historic
opportu.liity for a new beginning.
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2. The tragedies· of the. past have left a deep and profoundly regrettable legacy of suffering. We must never 'forget those who have
died or been injured, and their families. But we can best honour them through a fresh start, in which we firmly dedicate ourselves
to the achievement of reconciliation, tolerance, and mutual trust, and to the protection an<:I vindication of the human rights of all
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3. We are committe~.tp partnership, equality and mutual respect as thebasis of relationships within Northern Ireland, between
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North and South, ani:!' between these islands.
4. We reaffrrmour total and absolute c.ommitment to exclusively democratic and peaceful means of resolving differences on
political issues, and our opposition to ap.y use onhreat of force by others for any political purpose, whether in regard to this
agreement or otherwise.
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5. We acknowledge the substantial differences between our continuing, and 1:qually legitUnate, political aspirations. However, we
will endeavour to strive in every practical way towards reconciliation and rapprochement within the framework of democratic and
.agreed arrangements. We pledge that we will; in good faith, work to ensure the success of each and every one of the arrangements
to be established under this agreement. It is accepted that all of the institutional and constitutional arrangements- an Assembly in
Northern Ireland, a North/South Ministerial Council, implementation bodies,, a British-Irish Council and a British~Irish
Intergovernmental Conference and any amendments to British Acts of Parliament .and the Constitution of Ireland ~ are interlocking
and interdependent and that in particular the functioning of the Assembly' and the North/South Council are so closely inter-related
that the success of each depends on that.ofthe other.
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6. Accordingly, in a spirit of concord, we strongly commend this agreement to the people, North and South; for their approval..
CONSTITUTIONAL ISSUES
l. The participants endorse the commitment made by the British and Irish Governments that, in a new British-Irish Agreement
replacing the Anglo-Irish Agreement, they will:
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•
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(i) recognise the legitimacy of whatever choice is freely exercised by a majority of the people of Northern Ireland with regard to its
status, whether they prefer to continue to support the Union with Great Britain or a sovereign united Ireland;
.
(ii) recognise that it is for the people of the island ofireland alone, by agreement between the two parts respectively and without
external impediment, to exercise their right of self-determination on the basis of consent, freely and concurrently given, North and
South, to bring about a united Ireland, if that is their wish, accepting that this right must be achieved and exercised with and subject
to the agreement and consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland;
(iii) acknowledge that while a substantial section of the people in Northern Ireland share the legitimate wish of a majority of the
people of the island ofireland for a united Ireland, the present wish of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland, freely · ·
exercised and legitimate, is to maintain' the Union and, accordingly, that Northern Ireland's status as part of the United Kingdom
reflects and relies upon that wish; and that it would be wrong to make any change in the status of Northern Ireland save with the
consent of a majority of its people;
(iv) affmn .that if, in the future, the people of the island ofireland exercise their right of self-determination on the basis set out in
sections (i) and (ii) above to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding 9bligation on both Governments to introduce and
support in their respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish;
(v) affmn that whatever choice is freely exercised by a majority of the people of Northern Ireland, the power of the sovereign
government with jurisdiction there shall be exercised with rigorous impartial.ity on b~half of all the people in the diversity of their
identities and traditions and shall be founded on the principles of full respect for, and equality of, civil, political, social and cultural
rights, of freedom from discrimination for all citizens, and of parity of esteem and of just and equal treatment for the identity,.
ethos, and aspirations of both communities;
or
(vi) recognise the birthright of all the people of Northern Ireland to identify themselves and be accepted as Irish or British, both,
as they may so choose, and accordingly confmn that their'right to hold both British and Irish citizenship is accepted by both
Governments and would not be affected by any future change in the status of Northern Ireland.
2. The participants also note that the two Govei11Il1ents have accordingly undertaken in the context of this 'comprehensive political
agreement, to propose and support changes in, respectively, the Constitution of Ireland and in British legislation relating to the
constitutional status ofNorthern Ireland.
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ANNEXA
DRAFI' CLAUSES/SCHEDULES FOR INCORPORATION IN BRITISH LEGISLATION
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1. (I) It is hereby declared that Northern Ireland in its entirety remains part of the United Kingdom and shall not cease to be so
without the consent of a majority of the people of Northern Ireland voting i.n a poll held for the purposes of this section in
accordance with Schedule 1.
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(2) But if the ~lsh expr~ssed by a majority in such.a poll is that Northern In,e.land should ce~e to be Pa:t 9f the United KU:gdo~
and form part ofa urntea Ireland, the Secretary of State shall lay before Parhament such proposals to g1ve effect to that wtsh as
may be agreed betw{ie'nHer Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom and the Government ofireland.
2. The Government ofireland Act I 920 is repealed; and this Act shalrhave effect notwithstariding any other previous enactment.
SCHEDULE 1
POLLS FOR THE PURPOSE OF SECTION 1
1. The Secretary of State may by order direct the holding of a poll for the purposes of section 1 on a date specified in the order.
2. Subject to paragraph J, the Secretary of State shall exercise the power under paragraph l if at any. time it appears likely to him
that a majority of those voting would express a wish that Northern Ireland should cease to be part of the United Kingdom and form
part of a united Ireland.
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3. The Secretary of State shall not make an order under paragraph 1 earlier than seven years after the·holding of a previous poll
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under this Schedule.
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4. (Remaining paragraphs along the lines of paragraphs 2 and 3 of existing Schedule
I to 1973 Act.)
ANNEXB
IRISH GOVERNMENT DRAFT LEGISLATION TO AMEND THE CONS11TUTION
Add to Article 29 the following se.ctions:
7.
I. The State may consent to be bound by the British-Irish Agreement done at Belfast on the day of 1998, hereinafter called the
·
Agreement.
I. Any institution established by or under the Agreement may exercise the powe;rs and functions thereby conferred on it in respect of
all or any part of the island of Ireland notwithstanding any other provision ofthis Constitution conferring a like power or function
on any person or any organ·ofState appointed under or created or established by or under this Constitution. Any power or function
conferred on such an institution in relation to the settlement or resolution of disputes or controversies may be in addition to or iri
substitution for any like power or function conferred by this Constitution on ~my such person or organ of State as aforesaid.
I. If the Government declare that the State has become obliged, pursuant to the Agreement, to give effect to the amendment of this
Constitution referred to therein, then, notwithstanding Article 46 hereof, this Constitution shall be amended as follows:
i. the following Articles shall be substituted for Articles 2 and •3 of the Irish text: ·
"2. [Irish text to be inserted here]
3. [Irish text to
b~~
inserted here]"
ii. the following Articles shall be substituted for Articles 2 and 3 of the English text:
"Article 2
It is the entitlement and birthright of every person born in the island of Irelartd, which includes its islands and seas, to be part of the
Irish nation. That is also the entitlement of all persons otherwise qualified in accordance with law to be citizens of Ireland.
Furthermore, the Irish nation cherishes its special affmity with people of Irish ancestry living abroad who share its cultural identity
and heritage.
Article 3
l. It is the frrm ~ill of the Irish nation, in harmony and friendship, to unite all the people who share th•e
territory ofthe island oflreland, in all the oiversity of their identities and traditions, recognising that a
united Ireland shall be brought about only by peaceful means with the consent of a majority of the people,
democratically expressed, in. both jurisdictions in the island. Until then, the laws enacted by the Parliament
established by this Constitution shall have the like area and extent of application as the laws enacted by the
Parliament that existed iinmediately before the coming into operation of this Constitution.
·
2. Institutions with executive powers and functions that are shared between those'jurisdictions may be
established by their respective responsible authorities for stated purposes and may exercise powers and
functions in respect of all or any part of the island."
iii. the following section shall be added to the Irish text of this Article:
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"8. [Irish text to be inserted here]"
and
iv. the f~?llowing section shall be added to the English text of.this Article:.
"8. The ·state may exercise extra-territorial jurisdiction in accordance with the generally recognised
prfuciples of international law.·~
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4. If a declaration under this section is made, this subsection and subs.:;ction 3, .other than th~ amendment of this Constitution
effected thereby, and subsection 5 of this section shall be omitted from every official textofthis Constitution published thereafter,
but notwithstanding such omission this section shall continue to have the force oflaw,
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5. If such a declaration is not made within twelve months of this section being added to this Constitution or such longer period as
may be provided for by law, this section shall cease to have effect and shall be omitted from every official text of this Constitution
published thereafter.
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STRAND ONE
DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN NORTHERN IRELAND
I. This agreement provides for a democratically elected Assembly in Northern Ireland which is inclusive in its membership capable of
exercising executive and legislative authority, and subject to safeguards to protect the rights and interests of all sides of the ~ommunity.
The Assembly
2. A 108-member Assembly will be elected by PR(STV) from existing Westminster.constituencies.
J. The Assembly will exercise full legislative and executive authority in respect of those matters currently within the responsibility of the six
. Northern Ireland Govemn'lent Departments, with the possibility of taking on responsibility for other matters as detailed elsewhere in this
agreement.
4. The Assembly- operating where appropriate on a cross-community basis- will be the prime source of authority in respect of all devolved
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responsibilities.
Safeguards
5. There will be safeguards to ensure that all sections of the community can participate and work together successfully in the operation of these
institutions and that all sections of the community are protected, including:
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(a) allocations of Committee Chairs, Ministers and Committee membership in proportion to party strengths;
(b)the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and any Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland supplem.enting it, which
neither the Assembly nor public bodies can infringe, together with a Human Rights Commission;
(c) arrangements to provide that key decisions and legislation are proofed to ensure that they do not infringe the ECHR and any
Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland;
(d) arrangements to ensure key decisions are taken on a cross-community basis;
(i) either parallel consent, Le. a majority of those me:mbers present and voting, including a majority of the
unionist and nationalist designations present and voting;
(ii) or a weighted majority (60%) of Illembers present and voting, including at least 40% of each of the
nationalist and unionist d~signations present and voting.
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Key decisions requiring cross-community support will be designated in advance, including election of the Chair of the Assembly,
the First Minister and Deputy First Minister, standing orders and budget all6cations. In other cases such decisions could be
triggered by a petition of concern brought b}' a significant minority of Assembly members (30/1 08).
(e) an Equality Commission to monitor a statutory obligation to promote equality of opportunity in specified areas and pa.rlty of
esteem between the two main communities, and to investigate individual complaints against public bodie~.
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Operation of the Assembly
6:At their frrst meeting; members of the Assembly will register a designation of identity- nationalist, unionist or other- for the purposes of
measuring cross-community support in Assembly votes under the relevant provisions above.
7, The Chair and Deputy Chair oJ the Assembly will be elected on a crOSHOmmunity basis, as set out in paragraph 5(d) above.
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8. There will be a Committee for each of the maiD executi~e functio~s of the Northern J:reland Administration. The Chairs and Deputy Chairs .
of the Assembly Committees will be allocated proportionally, using the d'Hondt system. Membership of the Committees will be in broad
proportion to party strengths in the Assembly to ensure that the opportunity of Committee places is available to all members.
9. The Committees will,have a scrutiny, policy d~velopn:ient and c~msultation role·with respect to the Department with which each is .
associated, and will have a role in initiation of legislation. They will have the power to:
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o consider and advise on Departmental budgets and Annual Plans in the context of the overall budget allocation;
approve relevant secondary legislation and take the Committee stage of relevant primary legislation;
call for persons and papers;
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initiate enquiries and make reports;
consider and advise on matters brought to the Committee by its Minister.
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10. Standing Committees pther than Departmental Committees may be established as may be required from time to time.
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II_. The A~sembly_may app~int a special Committe_e to ex~mU:te and report ~:m whether a measure or proposal for legislation is in conformity
w1th equahty requrrements, mcludmg the ECHR!Btll ofRights.·The Committee shall have the power to call people and papers to assist in i~;
consideration ~fthe matter. The Assembly shall then consider the report of the Committee and can determine the matter in accordance with the
cross-commumty consent procedure.
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12. The above special procedure shall be followed when requested by the Exe<;utive Committee, or:by the relevant Departmental Committe(:
voting on a cross-community basis..
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13. When there is a petition of concern as in 5(d) above, the Assembly shall vote to detem.1ine whether the measure may proceed without ·
reference to·this special procedure. If this fails to achieve support on a cross-community basis, as in 5(d)(i) above, the s~ecial procedure shall
be followed.
Executive Authority
14. Executive authority to be discharged on behalf of the Assembly bya First Minister
ahd Deputy First Minister and up to ten Ministers with Departmental re:;ponsibilities.
15. The First Minister and Deputy First Minister shall be jointly elected into office by the Assembly voting on a cross-community basis,
according to 5(d)(i) above.
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I 6. Following the election of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister, the posts of Ministers will be allocated to parties on the basis of the
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d'Hondt system by reference to the number of seatS each party has· in the Assembly.·
17. The Ministers will constitute an Executive Committee, which will be. convened, and presided over, by the First Minister and Deputy First
Minister.
18. The duties of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister wi!l include, inter alia, dealing with and co-ordinating the work of the Executive
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Committee and the response of the Northern Ireland administration to external relationships.
19. The Executive Committee will provide a forum for the discussion of, and agreement on, issues which cut across the responsibilities of two
or more Ministers, for prioritising executive and legislative proposals and for recommending a common position where necessary (e.g. in
dealing with external relationships).
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20. The Executive Committee will seek to agree each year, and review as necessary, a programme incorporating an agreed budget linked to
policies and programmes, subject to approval by the Assembly, after scrutiny in Assembly Committees, on a cross-community basis.
21 .. A party may decline the opportunity to nominate a person to serve as a Minister or may subsequently change its nominee.
22. All the Northern Ireland Departments will be headed by a Minister. All Ministers will liaise regularly with their respective Committee.
will
affrrm the terms of a Pledge of Office
23. As a condition of appointment, Ministers, including the First Minister and Deputy First Minister,
(Annex A) undertaking to discharge effectively and in good faith all the responsibilities attaching to their office.
24. Ministers will have full executive authority in their respective ar~as of responsibility, within any broad progran1me agreed by the Executive
·Committee and endorsed by the Assembly as a_whole.
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25. An individual may be removed from office following a decision of the Assembly taken on a cross-community bails, if(s)he loses the
confidence of the Assembly, voting on a cross-community basis, for failure to meet his dr her responsibilities including, inter alia, those set out
in the Pledge of Office. Those who hold office should use only democratic, non-violent means, and those who do not should be excluded o.r
removed from office under these provisions.·
Legislation
26. The Assembly will have authority to pass prinlary legislation for Northern Ireland in devolved areas, subje~t W
(a) the ECHR and any Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland supplementing it v;hich, if the courts found to be breached, would render
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.the relevant legislation null and void;.:· .
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(b) deCisions by sinlple majority of members voting, except when decision on a cross-co~munity basis is required;
(c) detailed scrutiny and approval in the relevant Departmental Committee;
(d) mechanisms, basedon arrangements proposed for the Scottish Parliament, to ensure suitable co-ordination, and avoid disputes,
·
between the Assembly and the Westminster Parliament;
(e) option of the Assembly seeking to include Northern Ireland provisions in United Kingdom-wide legislation in the Westminster
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Parliament, especially on devolved issues where parity is normallymaintained (e.g. social security, company law).
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27. The Assembly will have authority to legislate in reserved areas with the approval of the Secretary of State and subject to Parliamentary
control.
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28. Disputes over legislative competence will be decided by the Courts.
29. Legislation could be initiated by an·i~dividual, aCommittee or a Minister.
Relations with other institutions
30. Arrangements to represent the Assembly as a whole, at Summit level and in dealings with other institutions, will be in accordance with
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paragraph 18, and will be such as to ensure cross-community involvement.
3.1. Terms will be agreed between appropriate Assembly representatives and the Government of the United Kingdom to ensure effective
. ·
co-ordination and input by Ministers to national policy~making, including on EU issues.
32. Role of Secretary of State:
(a) to remain responsible for NIO matters not devolved to the Assembly, subject to regular consultation with the Assembly and
Ministers;
(b) to approve and lay before the Westminster Parliament any Assembly legislation on reserved matters;
(c) to represent Northern Ireland interests in the United Kingdom Cabinet;
(d) to have the right to attend the Assembly at their invitation ..
33. The Westminster Parliament (whose power to make legislation for Northern Ireland would remain unaffected) will:
(a) legislate for non-devolved. issues, other than where the Assembly legislates with the approval of the Secretary of State and
·
subject to the control of Parliament;
(b) to legislate as necessary to ensure the United Kingdom's international obligations are met in respect of Northern Ireland;
(c) scrutinise, including through the Northern Ireland Grand and Select Committees, the responsibilities of the Secretary of State.
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34. A consultative Civic Forum will be established. It will comprise representatives of the business, trade union and voluntary sectors, and such
other sectors as agreed by the First Minister and the Deputy First Minister. It will act as a consultative mechanism on social, economic and
cultural issues. The First Minister and the Deputy First Minister will by agreement provide administrative support for the Civic Forum and
establish guidelines for the selection of representatives to the Civic Forum.
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Transiti!)nal Arrangements
35.. The Assembly will meet first for the purpose of organisation, without legislative or executive powers, to resolve its standing orders and
working practices and make preparations for the effective functioning of the Assembly, the British-Irish Council and the North/South
Ministerial Council and associated implementation bodies. In this transitional period, those members of the· Assembly serving as shadow
Ministers shall affirm their commitment to non-violence and exclusively peaceful and d(~mocratic means and their opposition to any use or
threat of force by others for any political purpose; to work in good faith to bring the new arrangements futo being; an9. to observe the spirit of
· the Pledge of Office applying to appoiilted Ministers.
·
'Review
.36. After a specified period there \\fill be a review of these arrangements, including the details of electo'ra! arrangements and of the Assembly's
~procedures,
with a view to agreeing any adjustments aecessary in the interests of efficiei1cy and fairness.
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AnnexA
Pledge of Office
To pledge:
(a) to disd1arge in good faith all the duties of office; ·
(b) commitment to non-violence and exclusively peaceful and democratic means;
(c) to serve all the people ofNorthern Ireland equally, and to act in accordance with the general obligations on government to promote
equality and prevent discrimination;
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(d) to participate with colleagues.iil the preparatio~ of a programme for government;
(e) to operate within the framework of that pro~me when agreed within the Executive Committee and endorsed by the Assembly;
(f) to support, and to act in accordance with, all decisions of the Executive Committee and' Assembly;
@ to comply with the Ministerial Code of Conduct.
CODE OF CONPUCT
Ministers must at all times:
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• observe the highest standards of propriety and regularity involving impartiality, intt:grity and objectivity relationship to the
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stewardship of public funds;
• be accountable to users of services, the community and, through the Assembly, for .the activities within their responsibilities, their
. stewardship of public funds and the extent to which key performance targets and objectives have been met;
• ensure all reasonable requests for information from the Assembly, users of services and individual citizens are complied with; and th2tt
Departments and their staff conduct their dealings with the public in an open and responsible way;
• follow the seven principles of public life set out by the Committee on Standards in Public Life;
• comply with this code and with rules relating to the use of public funds;
• operate in a way conducive to promoting good community relations and equality of treatmen~;
• not use information gained in tbe course of their service for personal gain; nor seek to use the opportunity of public service to promote
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their private interests;
• ensure they comply with any rules on the acceptance ofgifts and hospitality that might be offered;
• declare any personal or business interests which may conflict with their responsibilities. The Assembly will retain a Register of Interests.
Individuals must ensure that any direct or indirect pecuniary interests which members of the public might reasonably think could
influence their judgement are listed in the Register of Interests;
STRAND TWO
NORTH/SOUTH MINISTERIAL COUNCIL
1. Under a new British/Irish Agreement dealing with the totality of relationships, and related legislation at Westminster and in the ·
Oireachtas, a North/South Ministerial Couricil to be established to bring together those with executive responsibilities in Northern Ireland
and the Irish Government, to develop consultation, co-operation and action within the island of Ireland - including through
implementation on an all-island and cross-border basis - on matters of mutual inten:st within the competence of the Administrations,
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North and South.
2. All Council decisions to be by agreement between the two sides. Northern Ireland to be represented by the First Minister, Deputy First
Minister and any relevant Ministers, the Irish Government by the Taoiseach and relevant Ministers, all operating in accordance with the
rules for democratic au~ority and accountability in force in the Northern Ireland Assembly avd the Oireachtas respectively. Participation
in the Council to be one of the essential responsibilities attaching to relevant posts in the two Administrations. If a holder of a relevant
post will not participate normally in the Council, the Taoiseach in the case of the Irish Government and the First and Deputy First
Minister in.the.case of the Northern Ireland Administration to be able to make alternative arrangements.
3. The Council to meet in different formats:
(i) in.plenary format twice a year, with Northern Ireland representation led by the First Minister and f)eputy First
. Minister and the Irish Government led by the Taoiseach;
(ii),~'-specific sectoral f<>rmats on a regular and frequent basis with each side represented by the appropriate
Miiiister;
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(iii) in an appropriate format to consider institutional or cross-sectoral matters (inCluding in relation to the EU)
and to resolve disagreement.
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4. Agendas for all meetings to be settled by' prior agreement betw.een the two sides, but itwill be open to either to propose any matter for
consideration or action.
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5. The Council:
(i) to exchange information, discuss and consult with a view to co-operating on matters ofntutual interest witliin
the competence of both Administrations, North and South;
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(ii) to use best endeavours to reach agreement on the adoption of common policies, in areas where there is a
mutual cross·border and all-island.benefit, and which are within the competence ofboth Administrations, North
and South, making determined efforts to overcome any disagreements;
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(iii) to take decisions by agreement on policies for implementation separately in each jurisdiction in relevant
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meaningful areas within the competence of both Administrations, North and South;
(iv) to take decisions by agreement on policies and action at an all-island and cross-border level to be
implemented by the bodies to be established as set out in paragraphs 8 and9 below.
?· Each side to be ~ a position to ta!<e dedsi!lns in .th~ Council '7'i~in. the defme~ authority !lf those attending, through the arrangeme:nts
mylace for co-ord.matiOn of executive functions w1thm eachJunsdH:tJOn. Each s~deto :emam accountabl~ to the Assembly and·
Orreachtas respectively, whose approval, through the arrangements m place on e1th~r Side, would be required for decisions beyond the
·defmed authority of those attending.
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7. As soon as practically possible after elections to the Northern Ireland Assembly; inaugural meetings will take place of the Assembly,
the British/Irish Council and the North/South Ministerial Council in their transitional forms. All three institutions will meet regularly and
frequently on this basis during the period between the elections to the Assembly, and the transfer of powers to the Assembly, in order to·
establish their modus operandi.
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8. During the transitional period.between the elections to the Northern Ireland Asse:mbly and the transfer of power to it, representatives
of the Northern Ireland transitional Administration and the Irish Government operating in the North/South Ministerial Council will
undertake a work programme, in consultation with the British Government, coverii1g at least 12 subject areas, with a view to identifying
· and agreeing by 31 October 1998 areas where co-operation and implementation for mutual benefit will take place. Such areas may
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include matters in the list set out in the Annex.
9. As part of the work programme, the Council will identify and agree at least 6 matters for co-operation and implementation in each of
the following categories:
(I) Matters where existing bodies will be the appropriate mechanisms .for co-operation in each separate
jurisdiction;
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(ii) Matters where the co-operation will take place through agreed implementation bodies on a cross-border or
all-island level.
10. The two Governments will make necessary legislative and other enabling preparations to ensure, as an absolute commitment, that
these bodies, which have been agreed as a result ofthe work programme, function at the time of the inception of the British-Irish
Agreement and the transfer of powers, with legislative authority for these bodies transferred to the .Assembly as soon as possible
thereafter. Other arrangements for the agreed co-operation will also commence contemporaneously with the transfer of powers to the
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Assembly.
II. The implementation bodies will have a clear operational remit. They will implement on an all-island and cross-border basis policies
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agreed in the Council.
12. Any further development of these arrangements to be by agreement in the Council and with the specific endorsement of the Northern
Ireland Assembly and Oireachtas, subject to the extent of the competences and responsibility of the two Administrations.
13. It is understood that the North/South Ministerial Council and the Northern Ireland Assembly are mutually inter-dependent, and that
one cannot.successfully function without the other.
14. Disagreements within the Council to be addressed in the format described at paragraph 3(iii) above or in the plenary format. By
agreement between the two sides, experts could be appointed to consider a particular matter and report.
15. Funding to be provided by the two Administrations on the basis that the Council and the implementation bodies constitute a
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necessary public function..
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16. The Council to be suppbrted by a standing joint Secretariat, staffed.by members of the Northern Ireland Civil Service and the Irish
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Civil Service.
17. The Council to consider the European Union dimension qfrelevant matters, including the implementation ofEU policies and
programmes and proposals under consideration in the EU framework. Arrangements to be made to ensure that the views of the Council
are taken into account and represented appropriately at relevant EU meetings.
18. The Northern Ireland Assembly and the Oireachtas to consider dev~loping a joint parliamentary forum, bringmg together equal
numbers from both institutions for discussion of matters of mutual interest and con~ern.
19. Consideration to be given to the establishment of an independent consultativ•eforum appointed by the two Administrations,
representative of civil society, comprising the social partners and other members with expertise in social, cultural, economic and other
issues.
ANNEX·
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Areas for North-South co-operation and impleme~tation may include the following:...
·I. Agriculture - animal and plant health.
2. Education- teacher qualifications and exchanges ..
3. Transport- strategic transport planning.
4. Environment- environmental protection, pollution, water quality, and waste management.
5. Waterways- inland waterways.
6. Social Security/Social Welfare - ~ntitlements of cross-border 'workers and fraud controL
7. Tourism· promotion, marketing, research, and product development:
8. Relevant EU Programmes such as SPPR, INTE~G, Leader II and their successors.
· 9. Inland Fisheries, ·
I 0. Aquaculture and marine matters
II. Health: accident and emergency services and other related cross-border issues.
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12. Urban and nmi.l development.
Others to be considered by the shadow North/ South Council..
STRAND THREE ·
BRITISH-IRISH COUNCIL
I. A British-Irish Council (BIC) will be establishedunder a new British•Irish Agreement to promote. the harmonious and mutually
beneficial development of the totality of relationships among the peoples of these islands.
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2. Membership of the BIC will comprise representatives of the British and irish Governments, devolved institutions in Northern Ireland,
Scotland and Wales, when established, and, if appropriate, elsewhere in the United Kingdom, together with representatives of the Isle of
Man and the Channel Islands.
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3. The BIC will meet in different formats: at summit level, twice per year; in specific sectoral formats on a regqlar basis, with each side
represented by the appropriate Minister; in an appropriate format·to consider cross~sectoral matters.
4. Representatives of. members will operate in accordance with whatever procedures for democratic authority and accountability are in
force in their respective elected institutions.
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5. The BIC will exchange:dilformation, discuss,-consult and u5e'best endeavours to reach agreement on co-operation on matters of mutual
interest within the competence of the relevant Administrations. Suitable issues forearly discussion in the BIC could include transport
'links, agricultural issues, environmental issues, cultural issues, health· issues, education issues and approaches to EU issues. Suitabl;~
arrangements to be made for practical co-operation on agreed policies.·
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6. It will be open to the BIC to agree coJIJii):on policies or common actions. Individual members may opt not to participate in such
common policies and common action:
7. The BIC normally will operate by consensus. In relation to decisions on common policies or common actions, including their m~ans of
implementation, it will operate by agreement of all members participating in such policies or actions.
8. The members of the ·BIC, on a basis to be agreed between them, will provide s~ch financial, support a.S it may require~
9. A secretariat for the.BIC
members.
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10. In addition to the structures provided for underthis agreement, it will be open to two or more members to develop bilateral or
multilateral arrangements between them. Such arrangements could include, subject to the agreement of the members concerned
mechanisms to enable consultation, co-operation andjoirit decision-making on matters of mutual interest; and mechanisms to ~plem<~nt
any joint decisions they may reach. These arrangements will not require the prior approval ofthe BIC as a whole and will operate
· independently of it.
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II. The,elected institutions of the members will be encouraged to develop interparliamentary links, perhaps buildin.:r on the British-Irish
Interparliamentary Body.
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12. The full membership of the BIC will keep \l!lder review the workings of the Council, including a formal published review at an
appropriate time after the Agreement comes into effect, and will contribute as apprC.priate to any review of the overall political
agreement arising from the multi-party negotiations.
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BRITISH-IRISH INTERGOVERNMENTAL CONFERENCE
1. There will be a new British-Irish Agreement dealing with the totality of relationships. It will ~stablish a standing British-Irish
Intergovernmental Conference, which will subsume both the Anglo-Irish Intergovernmental Council and the Intergovernmental
Conference established under. the 1985 Agreement.
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2. The Conference will bring-together the British and Irish Governments to promot€l bilateral co-operation at all levels on all matters of
mutual interest within the competence ofboth Governments.
3. The Conference will meet as required at Summit level (Prime Minister and Taoiseach). Otherwise, Governments will be represented
by appropriate Ministeq, Advisers, including poli~e and security advisers, will attend as appropriate.
. .
4. All decisions will be by agreement between both Governments. The Governments will make determined efforts to resolve
disagreements between them. There will be no derogation from the sovereignty of ieither Government.
5. In recognition of the Irish Government's special interest in Northern Ireland and of the extent to which issues of mutual concern arise
in relation to Northern Ireland, there will be regular and frequent meetings of the Conferenqe concerned with non-devolved Northern
Ireland matters, on which the Irish Government may put forward views and propo~als. These meetings, to be co-chaired by the. Minister
for Foreign Affairs and the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, would also deal with all-island and cross-border co-operation on
non-devolved issues.
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6. Co-operation within the framework of the Conference will include facilitation of co-operation in security matters. The Conference also
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will address, in particular, the areas of rights, justice, prisons and policing in Northern Ireland (unless and until responsibility is devolved
to a Northern Ireland administration) and will intensify co-operation between the two Governments on the all-island or cross-border
aspects of these matters.
7. Relevant executive members of the Northern Ireland Administration will be involved in meetings of the Conference, and in the
reviews referred to in paragraph 9 below to discuss non-devolved Northern Ireland matters.
8. The Conference will be supported by officials of the British and Irish Governments, including by a standing joint Secretariat of
officials dealing with non-devolved Northern Ireland matters.
9:The Conferencewill keep under review the workings of the new British-Irish A'greement and the machinery and institutions
established under it, including a formal. published review three years after the Agreement comes into effect. Representatives of the
Northern Ireland Administration will be invited to express views to the Conference in this context. The Conference will contribute as
appropriate to any review of the overall political agreement arising from ·the multi-party negotiations but will have no power to override
the democratic arrangements set up by this Agreement.
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RIGHTS, SAFEGJ]ARDS AND EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY
Human Rights
I. The parties affuin their commitment to the mutual respect, the civil rights and the religious liberties of everyone in the community.
Against the. background of the re'cent history of communal conflict, the parties affmri .in particular:
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• the right of free political thought;
• the right to freedom. and expression of religion;
· • the rightto pursue democratically national and political. aspirations;
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• the right to seek constitutional change by peaceful and legitimate means;
• the right to freely choose one's place of residence;
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• the. ~ght to equal opportunity in all social imd economic activity; regardless of cl~ss, creed, disability, gender or
ethmc1ty;
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• the right to freedom from sectarian harassment; and·
.. ·the right of women .to full and equal political participation.
United Kingdom Legislation
2. The British Government wi!I complete incorporation into Northern Ireland law· of the European Convention on- Human Rights
(ECHR), with direct access to the courts, and remedies for breach of the Convention, including power for the courts to overrule
Assembly legislation ~n grounds of inconsistency.
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3. Subject to the outcome of public consultation underway, the British Government intends, as a particular priority, to create a statutory
obligation on public authorities in Northern Ireland to carry out all their functions with due regard to the need to promote equality of
opportunity in relation to religion and political opinion; gender; race; disability; age; marital status; dependants; and sexual orientation.
Public bodies would be required to draw up statutory schemes showing how they would implement this obligation. Such schemes would
cover arrangements for policy appraisal, including an assessment of impact on relevant categories, public consultation, public access to
information and services; monitoring and timetables.
4. The new Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission (see paragraph 5 below) will be invited to consult and to advise on the scoJ::e for
defming, in Westminster legislation, rights supplementary to those in the European. Convention on Human Rights, to reflect the particular
circumstances of Northern Ireland, drawing as appropriate on international instruments and experience. These additional rights to rellect
the principles of mutual respect for the identity and ethos of both communities and parity of esteem, and ~ taken together with the ECHR .
-to constitute a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland. Among the issues for consideration by the Commission will be:
• the formulation of a general obligation on government and public bodies fully to respect, on the basis of equality of treatment, the .
. identity and ethos of both communities in Northern Ireland; and
· • a clear formulation of the rights not to be discriminated against and to equality of opportunity in both the public and private
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sectors.
New Institutions in Northern Ireland
5. A new Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission, with membership from Northern Ireland reflecting the community balance, will
be established b:Y Westminster legislation, independent of Government, with an extended and ei:J.hanced role beyond that currently
exercised by the Standing Advisory Commission on Human Rights, to include kef.:ping under review the adequacy and effectiveness of
laws and practices, making recommendations to Government as necessary; providing information and promoting awareness of human
rights; considering draft legislation referred to them by the ne-.y Assembly; and, in appropriate cases, bringing court proceedings or
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providing assistance to individuals doing so.
6. Subject to the outcome of public consultation currently underway, the British Government. intends a new statutory Equality
Commission to replace the Fair Employment Commission, the Equal Opportunities Commission (NI), the Commission for Racial
Equality (NI) and the Disability Council. Such a unified Commission will advise on, validate and monitor the statutory obligation and
will investi~ate complaints of default.
7. It would be open to a new Northern Ireland As'sembly to consider bringing together its responsibilities for these matters into a
dedicated Department of Equality.
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8. These improvements will build on existing protections in Westminster legislation in respect of the judiciary, the system of justic~: and
~kin~ .
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ComparableSteps by thejr:ish Government·
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9. The Irish Government will also take steps to further strengthen the protectio~ ofhumanrights in its jurisdiction. The Government will,
. taking account of the work of the All-Party Oireachtas Committee on the Constitution and the Report of the Constitution Review Group,
· bring forward measures to strengthen and underpin the constitutional protection of human rights. These proposals will draw on the
European Convention on Human Rights an:dother international legal instruments in the field of human rights and the question of the
incorporation of the ECHR will be further examined in this context. The measures brought forward would ensure at least an equivalent
·
level of protection of human rights aS will pertain in North~m Ireland. In addition, the Irish Government will:
. • establish a Human Rights Commission with a mandate and remit equivalent to that within Northern Ireland;
• proceed with arrangements as quickly as possible to ratify the Council of Europe Framework Convention on Natiomil Minorities
(already ratified by the UK);
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• implement enhanced employment equality legislation;
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• introduce equal status legislation; and
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• continue to take further active steps to demonstrate its respect for the different traditions in the island oflreland.
A Joint Committee
IQ. It is envisaged that there would be a joint committee of representatives ofthe two Human Rights Commissions, North and
South, as a forum for 'consideration of human rights issues in the island oflreland. The joint committee will consider, am on<> other
matters, the possibility of establishing a charter, open to signature by· all democratic political parties, reflecting and endorSing
agreed measures for the protection of' the fundamental rights of everyone living in the island oflreland. · .
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Reconciliation and Victims of Violence
1L The participants believe that it is essential to acknowledge and address the suffering of the victims of violence as a necessary
element of reconciliation. They look forward to the results of the work of the Northern Ireland Victims Commission.
12. It is recognised that victims have a right to remember as well as to contribute to a changed society. The achievement of a
peaceful and just society would be the true memorial to the victims of violence. The participants particularly recognise that young
people from areas affected by the troubles face particular difficulties and will: support the development of special community-based
initiatives based on int~rnational best practice. The provision of services that are supportive and sensitive to the needs of victims
will also be a critical element and that support will need to be channelled through both statutory and community-based voluntary
organisations facilitating locally-based self-help and support ne~orks. This will require the allocation of sufficient resources, ·
including statutory funding as necessary, to meet the needs of victims and to provide for community-based support programmes.
13. The participants recognise and value the work.being done by many organisations to develop reconciliation and mutual
understanding and respect between and within communities and traditions, in Northern Ireland and between North and South, and
they see such work as having a vital role in consolidating peace and political·agreement. Accordingly, they pledge their continuing
support to such organisations and will positively examine the case for enhanced fmancial assistance for the work of reconciliation.
An essential aspect of the reconciliation process is the 'promotion of a culture of tolerance at every level of society, including ·
initiatives to facilitate and encourage integrated education and mixed housing .
. RIGHTS, SAFEGUARDS AND EQUALITY OJT OP.PORTUNITY
Economic, Social and Cultural Issues
l. Pimding the devolution of powers to a new Northern Ireland Assembly, the British Government will pursue broad policies f<Jr
sustained economic growth and stability in Northern Ireland.and for promoting social inclusion, including in particular community
development and the advancement of women in public life. · ·
2. Subject to the public consultation currently under way, the British Government will make rapid progress with:
(i) a new regjonal development strategy for Northern Ireland, for considerati~n in due cours.e by a the Assembly, .
tackling the problems of a divided society and soCial cohesion in urban, rural and border areas, protecting and
enhancing the environment, producing new approaches to transport issues, strengthening the physical infrastructure of
the region, developing the advantages and resources of rural areas and rejuvenating major urban centres;
(ii) a new economic development strategy for Northern Ireland, for consideration in due course by a the Assembly,
which would provide for short and medium term economic planning linked as appropriate to the regional development
strategy; and
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(iii) measures on employment equality included in the recent White Paper ("Partnership for Equality") and covering the
extensiqn.afld strengthening Q[ anti-discrimination legislation, a review of the national security aspects of the. present
fair empl6yment legislation at the earliest possible time, a new more focused Targeting Social Need initiative and a
range of measures aimed at combating unemployment and progressively eliminating the differential in unemploymen~
rates between the two communities by targeting objective need.
3. All participants recognise the importance of respect, understanding and tolerance in relation to linguistic diversity, including in
. Northern Ireland, the Irish language, Ulster-Scots and the languages of the various ethnic communities, all of which are part ofthe
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cultural wealth of the isl!lfld of Ireland.
4. In the context of active consideration currently being given to the UK signing the Council of Europe Charter for Regional or
Minority Languages, the British Government will in particular in relation to the Irish language, where, appropriate and where
people so desire it:.
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• take resolute action to promote the language;
• facilitate ~d encourage the use ofthe language in speech and writing in public and private life where there is appropriate
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demand;
• seek to remove, where possible, restrictions which would discourage or woik against the maiptenance or development of the
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language;
·make provision for liaising with the Irish language community, representing their views to public authorities and investigatino
complaints;
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• place a statutory duty on the Department of Education to encourage and facilitate Irish medium education in line with current
provision for integrated education;
• explore urgently with the relevant British authorities, and in co-operation with the Irish broadcasting authorities, the scope for
·
achieving more widespread availability ofTeilifls na Gaeilige in Northern Ireland;
• seek more effective ways to encourage and provide financial support for Irish language film and television production in
Northern Ireland; and
• encourage the parties to secure agreement that this commitment will be sustained by a new Assembly in a way which. takes
account of the desires and sensitivities of the community.
·
5. All participants acknowledge thesens.itivity ofthe use of symbols and emblems for public purposes, and the need in particular in
creating the new institutions to ensuie that such symbols and emblems are u:;ed in a manner which promotes mutual respect rather
than division. Arrangements will be made to monitor this issue and consider what action might be required.
'DECOMMISSIONING
I. Participants recall their agreement in the Procedural Motion adopted on 24 September 1997 "that the resolution of the
decommissioning issue is an indispensable part of the process of negotiation", and also recall the provisions of paragraph 25 of Strand I
above.
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2. They note the progress made by the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning and the Governments in developing
schemes which can represent a workable basis for achieving the decommissioning; of illegally-held arms in the possession of paramilitary
groups.
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3. All participants accordingly reaffirm their commitment to the total disarmament of all paramilitary organisations. They also confirm
their intention to continue to work constructively and in good faith with the Independent Commission, and to use any influence they may
have, to achieve the decommissioning of all paramilitary arms within two years following endorsement in referendums North and South
of the agreement and in the context of the implementation of the. overall settlement.
4. The Independent Commission will monitor, review and verify progress on decommissi@ing of illegal arms, and will report to both
Governments at regular intervals.
6. Both Governments will take all necessary steps to facilitate the decommissioning process to include bringing the relevant schem<!S into
· force by the end of June.
SECURITY
1. The participants note that' the development of a peaceful environment on the b:asis of this agreement can and should mean a
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normalisation of secUfity arrangements and practices.
2. The British Governmel!-pvill make progress !owards the objective of as early. a return as possible to normal security arrangements in
Northern Ireland, consiste'rit with the level of threat and with a published overall strategy, dealing with:
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(i) the reduction of the nfunbers
peaceful society;
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~d role. of the Armed Forces deployed in Northern Ireland to levels compatible with a normal
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(ii) the removal of sec~ty installatibhs;
(iii) the removal of emergency powers in Northern Ireland; and
(iv) other measures appropriate to and compatible with a normal peaceful .soc-iety.
3. The Secretary of State will consult regularly on progress, and the response to any continuing paramilitary activity, with the Irish
Government arid the political parties, as appropriate.
4. The British Government will continue its consultation on firearms regulation and control on the basis of the document published on 2
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5. The Irish Government will initiate a wide-ranging review of the Offences Against the State Acts 1939~85 with a view to both refonn
and dispensing with those elements no longer required as circumstances permit.
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POLICING AND JUSTICE
I: ~-e participants ~ec~gnise that policU:g is a central issue in any soci~ty. They equally rec?~is~ that Norther:t Irel~d's history of deep
dlVlsiOns has made 1t h1ghly emotive, w1th great hurt suffered and sacnfices made by many mdiVJduals and theu~ families, includino- those
in the RUC and other public servants. They believe that the agreement provides the. opportunity. for a new beginning to policing in"'
Northern Ireland with a police service capable of attracting and sustaining support from the community as a whole. They also believe
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that this agreement offers a unique opportunity to bring about a new political dispensation which will recognise the full and equal
legitimacy and worth of the identities, senses of allegiance and ethos of all sections of the commu~ity in Northern Ireland. They consider
that this opportunity should inform and underpin the development of a police service representative in terms ofthe make-up of the
community as a whole and which, in a peaceful environment, should be routinely unarmed.
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2. The participants believe it essential that policing structures and arrangements are such that the police service is professional, effective
and efficient, fair and impartial, free from partisan political control; accountable, both under the law for its actions and to the community
it serves; representative of the society it polices, and operates within a coherent and co-operative criminal justice system, which conforms
with human rights norms. The participants also believe that those structures and arrangements must be capable ofmaintainmg law and
order including responding effectively to crime and to any terrorist threat and to pu. blic order problems. A police service which cannot do
so will fail to win public confidence and acceptance. They believe that any such structures and arrangements should be capable of ·
delivering a policing service, in constructive and inclusive partnerships with the community at all levels, and with the maximum
delegation of authority and responsibility, consistent with the foregoing principles. These arrangements should be based on principles of
protection of human rights and professional integrity and should be unambiguously accepted and actively supported by the entire
community.
3. An independent Commission will be established to make recommendations for future policing arrangements in Northern. Ireland
including means of encouraging widespread community support for these arrangements within the agreed framework of principles
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·reflected in the paragraphs above and in accordance with the terms of reference at Annex A. The Commission will be broadly
representative with expert and international representation among its membership and will be asked to consult widely and to report no
later than Summer I 999.
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4. The participants believe that the aims of the criminal justice system are to:
• deliver a fair and impartial system of justice to the community;
• be responsive to the community's concerns, and encouraging community involvement where appropriate;
• have the confidence of all parts of the community; and
• deliver justice efficiently and effectively.
5. There will be a parallel wide-ranging review <;>f criminal justice (other than policing and those aspects of the system relating to the
emergency legislation) to be carried out by the British Government through a mec:hanism with an independent element, in consultation
with the political parties andothers .. The review will commence as soon as possible, will include wide consultation, and a report·wm be
made to the Secretary of State no later than Autumn I999. Terms of Reference ar1~ attached at Annex B.
6. Implementation of the recommendations arising from both reviews will be discussed with the political parties and with the Irish
Government.
·
·
7. The participants also note that the British Goyetnment remains ready in principle, with the broad support of the political parties, and
· after consultation, as appropriate, with the Irish Government, in the context of ongoing implementation of the relevant recommendations,
to devolve responsibility for pplicing and justice issues.
·
ANNEXA
COMMISSION ON POLICING FOR NbRTHE~ IRELAND
Terms of Reference
Taking account of the principles on policing as set out in the agreement, the .Commission will inquire into policing in Northern
Ireland and, on the basis of its findings, bring forward proposals for future policing structures and arrangements, including means
of encouraging widespread. community support for those arrangements.
Its proposals on policing should be designed to ensure that policing arrangements, including composition, recruitment, trainlng,
culture, ethos and symbols, are such that in a new approach Northern Ireland has a police service that can enjoy widespread
·
support from, and is seen as an integral part of, the community as a whole.
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Its prop_osals should inClude re~oml!'endations _c_overing ~~ iss~e~ such as re-tr~ining, job placement and educational and
. .
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professiOnal development requrred m the trans1t10n to pohcmg m a peaceful soc1ety. · ·
Its proposals should also .be designed to ensure that:
• the police service is structured, managed and resourced so that it can be effective i,ndischarging its full range of functions (including
·~
proposals on any necessary arrangements for the transition to policing in a normal peaceful society);
• the polic~ service is deli~e~:d in constructive and inclusive partnerships with the community at all levels with the maximum delega6on
of authonty and respons1b1hty;
·
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• the legislative and constitutional framework requires the impartial discharge of policing functions and conforms with internationally
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accepted norms in relation to policing standards;
• the police operate within a clear framework of accountability to the law and the community they serve, so:
·they are constrained by, accountable to and act only within the law;
• their powers and procedures, lfke the law they enforce, ate clearly'established and publicly available;
.
. .
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• there are open, accessible and independent means of investigating and adjudicating upon complaints against the police;
• there are clearly established arrangements enabling local people, and their political representatives, to articulate their views <md
concerns about policing and to establish publicly policing priorities and influence policing policies, subject to safeguards to ensure
police impartiality and freedom from partisan political control;
.
.
.
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• there are arrangements for accountability and for the effective, efficient and economic use. of resources in achieving policing
objectives; .·
• there are means .to ensure independent professional scrutiny and inspection of the police service to ensure that proper professional
standards are maintained;
• the scope for structured co-operation with the Garda Siochana and other police forces is addressed; and
• the management of public order events which can impose exceptional demands on policing resources is also addressed.
The Commission should focus on policing issues, but if it identifies other aspects of the criminal justice system relevant to its work on ·
policing, including the role of the police in prosecution, then it should draw the attention of the Governnient to those matters.
The Commission should c'onsult widely, including with non-governmental expert organisations, and through such focus groups as they
·
consider it appropriate to establish.
The Government proposes to establish the Commission as soon as possible, with the aim of it starting work as soon as possible and publi:>hing
its fmal report by Summer 1999.
ANNEXB
REVIEW OF THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM
Terms of Reference
Taking account of the aims of the criminal justice system as set out in the Agreement, the review will address the structure, management and
resourcing of publicly funded elements of the criminal justice system and will bring forward proposals for future criminal justice arrange:ments
(other than policing and those aspects of the system relating to emergency legislation, ,..vhich the Government is considering separately)
·
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covering such issues as: · ·· ·
•
•
•
•
•
•
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the arrangements for makmg appointments to tlie judiciary and magistracy, and safeguards for protecting their independence;
the arrangements for the organisation and supervision of the prosecution process, and for safeguarding its independence;
measures to improve the responsiveness and accountability of, and any lay parti<':ipation in the criminal justice system;
mechanisms for addressing law reform;
·· .
the scope for structured co-operation betwe(:n the crirninaljustice agencies on both parts of the island; and
·
the structure and organisation of criminal justice functions that might be devolv(:d to an Assembly, including the possibility of ·
establishing a Department of Justice, while safeguarding the essential independence of many of the key functions in this area.
The Government proposes to commence the review as soon as possible, consulting with the politiCal parties and others, including
·
non-governmental expert organisations. The review will be completed by Autumn 1999.
PRISONERS
1. Both Governments will put in place mech~ismsto provide for an accelerat~d programme for the release of prisoners, including
transferred prisoners, convicted of scheduled offences in Northern Ireland or, in the case of those sentenced outside Northern Ireland,
similar offences (referred to hereafter as qualifying prisoners). Any s_uch arrangements will protect the rights qf individual prisone:rs ·
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under national and internatiopallaw.
2. Prisoners affiliated to .organisations which have not established or are not maintaining a complete andunequivocal ceaseftre will not
benefit from the arrangements. The situation in this regard will be kept under review.
. ·.
.
·
.
3 ..Both Governme.nts will complete a revi~w process within a fixed time frame and_ set p:ospecti":e release d.ates for all qualifying
pnsoneFs. The revtew process would.provtde for the advance of the release dates of quahfymg pnsoners whtle allowino- account to b<:
taken of the seriousness of the offences for which the person was convicted and the need to protect the community. In ~ddition the
intention would be that should the circumstances allow it, any qualifying prisoners who remained in custody two years after th~
commencement of the scheme would be rel~ased at that point.
·
4. The Governments will seek to. enact the appropriate legislation to give effect to these arrangements by the end of June 1998~
5. The Governments continue to recognise the importance of measures to facilitate the reintegrati~n of prisoners into the community by .
providing support both prior to and after release, including assistance directed tOW!trds availing of employment opportunities, re-training
· and/9r re-skilling, and further education.
VALIDATION, Il'f!PLEMENTATION AND REVIEW
Validation and Implementation ·
1. The two Governments will as soon as possible sign a new British-Irish Agreement replacing the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement,
embodying understandings on constitutional issues and affrrming their solemn commitment to support and, where appropriate, ,
implement the agreement reached by the participants in the negotiations which shall be annexed to the British-frish Agreement.
2. Each Government will organise a referendum on 22 May 1998. Subject to Parliamentary approval, a consultative referendum in
Northern Ireland, organised under the terms of the Northern Ireland (Entry to Negotiations, etc.) Act 1996, will address the question: "Do
you support the agreement reached in the multi-party talks on Northern Ireland and set out in Command Paper 3883?". The Irish
Government will introduce and support in the Oireachtas a Bill to amend the Constitution as described in paragraph 2 of the section .
"Constitutional Issues" and in Annex B, as follows: (a) to amend Articles 2 and 3 as described in paragraph 8.1 in Annex B above and (b)
to amend Article 29 to permit the Government to ratify the new British-Irish Agreement. On passage by the Oireachtas, the Bill will be
put to referendum.
·
3. If majorities of those voting in each of the referendums support this agreement, the Governments will then mtroduce and support, in
their respective Parliaments; such legislation aS may be necessary to give effect to all aspects of this agreement, and will take whatever
ancillary steps as may. be required including the holding of elections on 25 June, subject to parliamentary approval, to the Assembly,
which would meet initially in a "shadow" mode. The establishment of the North-South Ministerial Council, implementation bodies, the
British-frish Council and the British-frish Intergoverinnental Copference and the assumption by the Assembly of its legislative and
·
·
executive powers will take place at the same time on the entry into force of the B~itish-Irish Agreement.
4. IIi. the interim, aspects of the implementation of the multi-party agreement will be reviewed at meetings of those parties relevant in the
particular case (taking into account, once Assembly elections have been held, the results of those elections), under the chairmanship of
·. · · the British Government or the two Governments, as may be appropriate; and repmseiltatives of the two Governments and all relevant
parties may meet under independent chairmanship to review implementation of the agr~ement as a whole.
·'
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Review procedures following implementation
5. Each institution may, at any time, review any problems that may arise in its operation and, where no other institution is affected, take
remedial action in consultation as necessary with the relevant Government or Governments. It will be for each institution to determine its ·
own procedures for revieit¥~....
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6. If there are difficultie~ in the operation of a particular institution, which have implications for another institution, they may review
their operations separately and jointly and agree on remedial action to be taken w1der their respectiv·e authorities.
7. If difficulties arise which require remedial action· across the range of in,stitutions, or otherwise require amendment of the British-Irish
fall to the two Governments in consultation with the parties in the
Agreement or relevant legislation, the process of review
Assembly. Each Government will be responsible for action i:ri its own jurisdiction.
·
·will
8. Notwithstanding the above, each institution will publish an annual report on it:>'operations. In addition, the two Governments and the
parties in the Assembly will converie a conference 4 years ·after the agreement comes into effect, to review and report on its operation .
. AGREEMENT
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·BETWEEN THE GOVERNMENT OF
THE UNITED KINGDOM OF
GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND
AND
THE GOVERNMENT
OF IRELAND
The British and Irish Governments:
Welcoming the strong commitment to the Agreement reached on lOth Aprill998 by themselves and other participants in the multi-party talks
and set out. in Annex 1 to this Agreement (hereinafter "the Multi-Party Agreement");
Considering that the Multi-Party Agreement offers an opportunity for a new beginning in relationships within Northern Ireland, within the
·
·
island of Ireland and between the peoples of these islands;
Wishing to develop still further thetmique relationship between their peoples and the clo:;e co-operation between their countries as fiiendly
neighbours and as partners in the European Union;
··
·
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'
Reaffirming their total commitment to the principles of democracy and non-violence which have been fundamental to the multi-party talks;
Reaffrrming their commitment to the' principles of partnership, equality and mutual respect and to the protection of civil, political, social,
economic and cultural rights in their respective jurisdictions;
Have agreed as follows:
ARTICLE 1
The two Governments:
(i) recognise the legitinlacy of whatever choice is freely exercised by a majority of the people of Northern Ireland with regard to its status, .
whether they pr-efer to continue to support the Union with Great Britain or a sovereign united Ireland;
·
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(ii) recognise that it is for the people of the island of Ireland alone, by agreement' between the two p~ respectively and 'without external
impediment, to exercise their right of self-determination on the basis of consent, freely artd concurrently given, North and South, to bring about
a united Ireland, if that is their wish, accepting that this right must be achieved and exercised with and subject to the agreement and consent of
a majority of the people of Northern Ireland;
· (iii) acknowledge thatwhile a substantial section of the people in Northern Ireland share the legitimate wish ofa majority of the people of the
islartd oflreland for a united Ireland, the present wish of a majority of the people ofNort.hern Ireland, freely exercised and legitimate, is to
·maintain the Union and accordingly, that. Northern Ireland's status as part of the United Kingdom reflects and relies upon that wish; and that it
would be wrong to make any change in the status of Northern Ireland save with the consent of a majority of its people;
(iv) affrrm that, if in the future, the people of the island of Ireland exercise their right of self-determination on the basis set out in sections (i)
and (ii) above to bring about a united Ireland, it will be a binding obligation on both Governments to introduce and support in their respective
·
· ·
Parliaments legislation to give ef[ect to that wish;
. "•-
(v) affrrm that whatever choice iSfr_eely exercised by a majority of the people of Northern. Ireland, the power of the sovereign goveriunent with
jurisdiction there shall be exercised with rigorous impartiality on behalf of all the people in the diversity of their identities and traditions and
shall be founded on the principles of full respect for, and equality of, civil, political, social and cultural rights, of freedom -from discrimination
for all citizens, and of parity of esteem and of just and equal treatment for the identity, ethos and aspirations of both communities; ·
'
(vi) recognise the birthright of all the people of Northern Ireland ~o identify themselves arid be accepted as Irish or British, or both, as they may
so choose, and accordingly confrrm that their right to.hold both British and Irish citizenship is accepted-by both Governments and would not be
affected qy any future change in the status of Northern Ireland.
·
·
ARTICLE 2
The two Oovernments affrrm their solemn commitment to support, and where appropria,te implement, the provisionsoftl)e Multi-Party.
Agree.ment. In particular there shall be established in accordance with the provisions_ofthe Multi-Party Agreement immediately on the entry
into force of this Agreemen~ the following institutions:
·
(i) a North/South Ministerial Council;
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(ii) the implementation bodies referred to in para~ph 9 (ii) of the section entitled "Strand Two;' of the Multi-P. arty· Ao-reement'
0
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(iii) a British-Irish Council;
(iv) a British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference.
ARTICLE 3
(I) This Agreement shall replace the Agreement between .the British and Irish Governments done at Hillsborough on 15th
November 1985 which shall cease to have effect on entry into force of this Agreement
•
·
(2) The Intergovernmental Conference established by Article 2 of the aforementioned Agreement done on 15th November 1985
· shall cease to exist on entry into force of this Agreement.
·
ARTICLE4
(I) It shall be a requirement for entry into force of this Agreement that:
(a) British legislation shall have been enacted for the purpose of implementing the provisions of Annex A to the section entitled
"Constitutional Issues" of the Multi-Party Agreement;
(b) the amendments to the Constitution oflreland set out in Annex B to the section entitled
Multi-Party Agreement sh<tll have been approved by Referendum;
~·constitutionai Issues" of the
(c) such legislation shall have been enacted as maybe required to establish the institutions referred to in Article 2 of this
Agreement.
(i) Each Government shall notify the other in writing of the completion, so fat as it is concerned, of the requirements for entry into force of
this Agreement. This Agreement shall enter into force on the date of the receipt of the la):er of the two notifications.
(3) Immediately on entry into force of this Agreement, the Irish Gover;u'nent shall ensure that the amendments to the Constitution ofireland set
out in Annex B to the section entitled "Constitutional Issues" of the Multi-Party Agreement take effect.
In witness thereof the undersigned, being duly authorised thereto by the respective Governments, have signed this Agreement.
Done in two originals at Belfast on the lOth day of April 1998.
For the Government
For the Government
· of the United Kingdom of
of Ireland
Great Britain and Northern
Ireland
ANNEX 1
The Agreement Reached in
the Multi-Party Talks
ANNEX2
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=bl = = = = = = = = =-D=e=c=la=r=at=io=n=o=n= th=e=P=r=o=vi=s~io=n=s=o=f= = -= =-= = = = -J·
Paragraph (vi) of Article I
In Relationship to Citizenship
The British and Irish Governments declare that it is their joint understanding that the temt "the people of Northern Ireland" in paragraph (vi) of
Article I of this Agreement means, for the purposes of giving effect to this provision, all persons born in Northern Ireland and having, at the
time of their birth, at least one parent who is a British citizen, an Irish citizen or is otherwise· entitled to reside in Northern Ireland without any ·
restryction on their period of residence.
..
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agreement.htm
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Wheeler
P.03
202/337-9616
·>'
PR~':rJECT
CHILDREN
XN HONOR OF THE VITAL VOIC:ES CON·FERENCE
AND IN THE SPIRIT OF ITS. OBJECTIVES
PROJECT CHILDREN'S YOUNG LEADERS PROGRAM
Invites you to
AN EVENING OF CONNECTION AND CONVERSATIONWITH SOME REMARKABLE YOU1VG ADULTS FROM
.NORTHERN IRELAND·
SUNDAY AUGUST 30m
6.:00 PM·.
. LANYON BUILDING
QUEEN'S UNIVERSITY
UNIVERSITY ROAD, BELFAST
Bl JSJNESS A 'ITlRE
Join us for supper, entertainment and an opportunity to meet with some of the
future leaders of Northern Ireland. \' ou will be paired with a young person who.
will share her own insights and experience and'who wili be eager to learn from.
you.
'
'
'
SPONSORED THROUGH THE GEND.OSITY OF ANHEUSER-BUSCH COMPANIES,
INC.
RSVP 202-298-7784
1650 ~\Oth Street, NW., W:l~hinglvn: D.C. 2\1007
.,...~ll
.-
('20i.) 2~X-77t\4 ·
�Aug-19-98 03:53P Wheeler
p_o2
:2~02/337-9616.
PR~JECT
CHILDREN(
.
.
August 19, ·1998·
.
Dear Conference Participant.
'
Project Children is delighted to be able to host this event. Throu~ ·o~ Young
Leaders Program-- which provides summer internships in the U.S. for
university studentS from Noith~m Ireland-have seen the·magic that can·
occur when Americans have a chance to connect with young adults who have
high asprrations and the talent to match.
we
It OCCWTed to us that yorir participation in the Vital Voices Conference could
get off to a running (and appropriate) start if you were to begin your stay in.
Belfast by establislllng a new relationship with someone who has much to
gain from your experience-- and from whom you'll'leam as well.
We will be gathering at beautiful Queen's UniversilJr for a reception. and .
dinner. During the. evening, you will be paired With a student whose
.
professional interests match your OWn. She will have a·chance to share her
dr.;ams, an4 you will have the opportuni.ty to give some practical advice on
workplace realities, internship posibi1ities and career paths.
Iii getting to know your ·student, you '11 find that you; also will gain information
and insight. Through her story and experiences, you'll be immersed instantly·
into issues that will come up dwingthe conference itself, and we know you'll
find' it to be a usefulintroducti'on to the d8.ys· ahead.
We hope you will join us. Please call 202 ...298~7784 to let us know-- and
don~t hesitate to ask·ifyou've got questions· 9r need! assistance with .
transportation to the event
Have a safe trip.· We look forward to seeing you in Belfast.
.Sincerely .
•,'
..
Carol Wheeler
Washington Coordinator····
PROJECT ClllLDI~EN~'
1650 30th.Stre.et, NW.. Washington. D.C 20007
··\~'#·•·
(2q2) 29K-77H4
�U.S. Department of State
Office of the S'i>oJ<.esman1
(Washington, DC)
Forimmediate Release
#98/588
August 18, 1998
NOTICE TO THE PRESS
Women to Convene In Northern Ireland
More than four hundred women leaders will meet in Belfast, Northern Ireland, from August 31September 2, for a Vital Voices: Women in Democracy confi~rence.
The U.S. government is co-sponsoring the conference with t1le Secretary of State for Northern
Ireland, Dr. Marjorie Mowlam, and the First and Deputy First Ministers of the Shadow Northern
Ireland Assembly, David Trimble and Seamus Mallon.
·
·
The Belfast meeting was armounced by President Clinton on May 7, as part of the U.S.
government's initiatives in support of peace in Northern Ireland. "The women ofNorthern
Ireland have borne an enormous share of the trauma of the Troubles," Mr. Clinton said. "Now,
their participation will be essential to build a future of peace and reconciliation."
The Vital Voices initiative demonstrates Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright's commitment
to promote the advancement of women as a U.S. foreign policy objective.
U.S. First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton, Dr. Mowlam and other leading policy makers will
speak at the conference. Participants will come from the U.S., Northern Ireland, Ireland,
E!!gland, Scotland, Wales and other EU countries. The conference provides workshops and
opportunities to adopt concrete follow-up projects on: participation in public life, legal and
social progress in civil society, and economic development in a time of change and opportunity.
'
For press credentialing and other media questions, please contact:
(In Belfast) T.J. Dowling .
(In U.S.) Pat Lewis
phone 441232 249 467
phone (202) 720-6571
fax 44 1232 249 459
fax (202) 690-2164
The director of the Vital Voices initiative is Theresa Loar, Senior Coordinator for International
Women's Issues at the U.S. Department of State. For more information on the initiative, visit the
Vital Voices website at www.usia.gov/vitalvoices
'
The Belfast, Northern Ireland, conference is the. second Vital Voices event The first, held July
1997 in Vienna, Austria, brought together 300 women leade:rs from Central and Eastern Europe,
the U.S., and the European Union. The commitments and partnerships from that meeting have
grown and been fortified over the last year.
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Partnership Opportunities
Vital Voices.- Global Initiative
Partnership ·Projects
•
(WILL NOT BE UNVIELED UNTIL NEXT OCTOBER) McKinsey &
Company. As a global partner of the Vital Voices initiative, McKinsey & Co. will
conduct training courses for interested conference participants on how to write an
effective business plan. Business plans developed out ofthetraining courses will be
submitted to McKinsey & Co: executives for review. Outstanding business plans will
be selected and supported through resources identified by McKinsey & Co.
•
Millennium Communications. As a global partner, Millennium Communications will
sponsor and facilitate Vital Connections, an on~line networking program. Following
t~e conference, through the Vital Voices Website, participants will be able to seek the
advice of leaders and experts in the areas of: politics, leadership, media, business,
economics, legal and social.
Vital Voices - Northern Ireland Initiative
Partnerships Projects
Participation in Public Life
•
Shrum, Devine & Donilon and a team of experts will faCilitate a Political
Leadership and skills training program. The program will bring thirty women f.fom
Northern Ireland who are· active within their politiCal parties to Washington, D.C. for a
week ofintensive political strategy, skills training, capacity building, public policy, · ·
political theory, as well as real hands-on experience, discussion, debate and
networking.
•
Women's Campaign International will conduct day-long Political and.Media
Training Sessions in.three citiesthfoughciut Northern Ireland:' The sessions will be
aimed at giving women the skills and tools they need to play a more active leadership
role within the political sector.
·
· ·
.i
·~
n
j
···,
�Legal and Social Progress in Civil Society
The USI of Peace and Keimedy School ofGovernment \Vomen in Public Policy
Program will conduct a Conflict Transfoi-mation Follow-up Program
·.
Stanley Foundations Lifetime Learning Program
The Heinz Foundation ·
Street Law Ci~ic Education Program
Natural Bridges Conflict Resolu~ion
•
The Maramaxx Group and the Family Violence Prevention Fund will facilitate a
workshop' to discuss how they have worked in partnership to raise public awareness
about domestic violence. Through the workshop, Maramaxx and the Family Violence
Prevention Fund will serve as a model and will seek to forge·partnershipsbetween
private sector corporations and social non-profit organizations in Northern Ireland ..
(tentative) ·
.
,.
Economic Development and Opportunity
•
Cooperation Ireland will facilitate a workshop to develop a program to foster further
exchanges between business women in the North and South. The program will .
.
highlight: North/South trade - opportunities and barriers, crossborder opportunities for
expanding your b~siness, training and.support availa~le, and the Co-Operation Model.
•
Xerox and Working Woman Magazine in co·operation with executives from
private sector corporations in. Northern Ireland will conduct a workshop to
highlight best practices and programs for women in the workplace. The workshop will
facilitate a discussion of the concerns women in Northern Ireland face at work.and
look at strategies .to implement best practices amo.ng employers In Northern Ireland. ·~
Community Development and Sustainabilty · ·
•
Coastal Ent~rprises, Iric., will facilitate a Practitioners' Working Group which is an
international peer learning exchange program created by CEI to strengthen the global
community-:based economic development field. CEI is a non-profit community ·
development corporation which seeks to create opportunities for people in Maine,
business and community. C~I has hosted over 250 ,representatives from community
development organizations thrqughout the world. Practitioners' Working. Group
trains practitioners through exposure. to best practices in . developing resources,
'
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'•
'
,·
'
�(
:;~:!r~~~~~~~
.. '~l!~ ~~~;)J\~.
.
~-
growi~!f and
.
.
managing loans and invest~ent funds, building coalitions, and developing
public and private sector policies for. long-term sustainability.
FocusHOPE (Community Development Corp.) with Ford Motor Company and
New Community Corporation (CDC) and Coastal Enterprises Inc. will sponsor a
follow-on community training and economic development pr:ogram. Which will include
bring women community builders from Northern Ireland build partnerships with US....
CDC's..
.
.. ;:_Programs to Support the Next Generation in
Leadershi~1
Roles
Children's Friendship Project and the Marriott Corpor~ltion in cooperation with the
Northern IrelandTourist Board will sponsor and facilitate an internship program for
young people in Northern Ireland to foster careers in tourism. Young people in Northern
Ireland interested in careers in the hospitality and hotel management field will have the
·opportunity to intern .at a Marriott Hotel or Resort. Through the program they will
develop· practical skills to take back with them to support th1e growing industry of tourism
·
·
Northern Ireland.
Project Children (information enc_losed)
�Belfast, Northern Ireland
Vital Voices: Women in Democracy
Belfast, Northern Ireland
August 31- September 2, 1998
•
On May 7,1998, as part of the U.S. Government's new initiatives in support of peace in
Northern Ireland, President Clinton announced that the U.S. Government, in cooperation with
regional partners, could sponsor a Vital Voices conference in Northern Ireland:
"I am pleased to announce a Vital Voices Conforence to be held in Belfast in
early fall, with co-sponsorship from the United States and regional partners. This
conference will showcase and support women's role in the economic and political life of
their society. The women ofNorthern Ireland- wives, mothers, and daughters- have
borne an enormous share of the trauma of the Troubles. Now, their participation will be
essential to build a future ofpeace and reconciliation. I've asked the First Lady to
travel to Belfast to take part in this important conforence."
-PresidentBill Clinton, May 7,1998
•
The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland in conjunction with the First and Deputy First
Ministers of the Shadow Northern Ireland Assembly will co-sponsor the conference with the
U.S. Qovemment.
•
U.S. First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton and the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland
Dr. Matjorie Mowlam will both address the. conference.
•
Vital Voices will bring together participants from Northern Ireland, England, Ireland, Scotland
and Wales, the United States and a limited number from other EU countries.
•
Vital Voices will seek to establish new relationships, set up mechanisms for ongoing
partnerships, and identify and secure resources to accomplish these goals. During conference
workshops, participants will develop strategies for action along three focused areas:
1. Participation in Public Life
2. Legal and Social Progress in Civil Society
3. Economic Development and Opportunity in a T>'ime of Change
. i
I
•
The third day of the conference will focus on concrete follow-up projects among the
participants. At the closing plenary, summaries of strategies and conclusions developed in the
workshops, as well as the follow-up activities; will. be presented.
The Vital Voices Initiative Director is Theresa Loar, Senior Coordinator for International
Women's Issues at the U.S. Department of State. For more information about the conference,
please contact Alyse Nelson in Washington at (202) 647-61195 or JoAnne Wagner in Belfast at
44 1232-249467
A Conference sponsored by the Government ofThe United States&. The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland
in conjunction with The First and Deputy First Ministers of the Shadow Northern Ireland Assembly
Vital Voices Conference, C/o 31 Spa Road, Montalto Estate, Ballynahinch, BT24 8PT, Northern. lr~l~nd ..
Telephone +44 (0) 1238 561993 facsimile +44 (0) 1238 565073 Email I 01455.1521 @compuserve.com
�Belfast, Northern Ireland
Partnership Opportunities
Overview
Vital Voices is an on-going, global initiative which supports U.S. Secretary of State
Madeleine Albright's mandate to promote the advancement of women as a foreign policy objective.
The Vital Voices conferences seek to establish new relationships, expand partnerships, and secure
resources to strengthen the roles of women in democracy.
During the first two days of each of the Vital Voices conferences., participants will develop
strategies for action in three focused areas. Vital Voices Belfast will focus on women in
democracy through:
•
•
•
Participation in Public Life
Legal and Social Progress in Civil Society
Economic Development and Opportunity in a Time of Change
The closing day of each Vital Voices conference will focus on "Partnership Opportunities"
for the future. Conference participants will build on the conference strategies by developing ongoing partnerships and follow-up projects.
The participants of the Vital Voices conferences come together to share their knowledge,
experience, and expertise. "Partnership Opportunities" encourage participants to think creatively
prior to the conference about how to draw upon their various resources to contribute to this
initiative. The excitement and energy leading up to the conferences will be channeled to build
future projects. For a number of the participants from the private s~tor and non-governmental
organizations, the conferences are an opportunity to solidify project partnerships.
To Participate in The Vital Voices "Partnership Opportunities"
Prior to the Vital Voices conferences private sector corporations, government agencies,
non-governmental organizations, and iridividuals will develop plans for partnerships which outline
follow-up projects. Each partnership will be included in the conference.program. On the closing
day of the conferences, the partnerships will be presented and further developed in working
sessions to support conference outcomes. For further information or examples of proposed
partnership plans for the Belfast conference contact Alyse Nelson at (202) 647-6195.
A Conference sponsored by the Government of The United States 8. The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland
in conjunction with The First and Deputy First Ministers of the Shadow Northern Ireland Assembly
Vital Voices Conference, C/o 31 Spa Road, Montalto Estate, Ballynahinch,
Telephone +44 (0) I Z38 561993 Facsimile +44 (0) 1Z38 565073
BTi4 8PT,
Northern Ireland
Email I 0 I 455.l5Z 1@compuserve.com
�2025887905
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N I Bureau Fax Cover Sheet
To:
Of:
Phone:
Y\v- 0 · t'\4
~u_
6\)
~~&+
L4
Fax:
From: DR PETER SMYTH
Of: Northern Ireland Bureau,.
Washington. DC
Phone: (202) 588-7840
Fax: (202) 588-7905
·Date:
Pages including this
cover page:
6 ~ ~>r--·
DJ6
Comments:
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DECLARATIO~ Of st:PPORT
l, W~. the participants in the multi-party ~egotiations, bcli~ve. lh::ll the agreem~nt we havE:
negotiated offers 3. ttuly historic opportumty for a rtew begmmng.
.
2. The tragedies of the past have lefr. a deep and pr!J~o.undly regret~ble le~~cy of sl.lffering.
We must never forget those who have died or b~en mJured. and the1r fanuhes. But we can
best honour them through a fresh start. in which we firmly dedic;:ate ourselve~ to the
achievement of reconciliation. tolerance. and mutual trust, and to the protection and
vindication of the human rights of all.
~
). We are conunitted to partnership~ ~uality and mutual respect as the _basis of relationships
within Northern Ireland, between No
and Souffi. an(iOefWeen these tslands.
·
4. We reaffirm our total and absolute commitmen!C to exclusively democratic and peacefi.d
means of r;esolving differences on political issues. and our opposition to any use or th.rea.t of
force by others for any political purpose, whether in regard to. this agr:eement or otherwise.
5. We acknowledge the substantial differences between our continuing. and equally
legitimate. political aspirations. However. we will endeavour to strive in every practical way
toWards reconciliation and rapprochement within the framework of democratic and agreed
arrangements. We pledge that we will. in good faith., work to ensure the success of each and
every one of the arrangements to be established under this agreement. It is accepted that all
of the instirutional and constitutional ammgements - an Assembly in Northern Ireland. a
Nonh/South Ministerial Council, implementation bodies. a British-Irish Council and a ·
British-Irish Intergovemmenw Conference and ~y amendments r.o British Acts of
Parliament and the Constitution of Ireland - are interlocking and interdependent and tha.t in
particular the functioning of the Assembly and the North/South Council are so closely
inter-related that the success of each depends on that of the other.
6. Accordingly, in a spirit of concord, we strongly commend this agreement to the people.
Nonh and South, for their approval.
.
·
CONSTITUTIONAL ISSUES
l The participants endorse the commitment made by the British and Irish
·
Governments that. in a new British-lrish Agreement replacing the Anglo-Irish
Agreement. they will:
(i) recognise the legitimacy ofwha[ever choice is freely exercised by a
majority of the people of Northern [reland with regard to irs starus,
whether they prefer to continue to support the Union with Great Britain
Of a sovefeign united Ireland~
·
·
(ii) recognise that it is for the people of the island of Ireland alone, by
agreemenl· between the two parts respectively and without external
impediment. to exercise their right of self-determination on the basis of
consent, freely and concurrently given. North and South, to bring about a
united Ireland. if that is their wish, accepting that !:his right must be
achieved and exercised with and subject to the agreement and consent of
a majority of !:he people ofNorthem lreland;
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(iii) acknowledge that whik a subst3nti:ll section of the p~ople in
Northerrt Ireland share the legitimate wish of a majority of thc: pe?Pl7 c1f _
the island of Ireland for a united lrela
the present wtsh of a maJonty ot
the people of Northern (re an . _,.ree y exercised and legitim.ate, is to
maintain the Union and. accordtngly. that North.ern Ireland s status as
part of the United Kingdom reflects and relies upon that wish; and that it
would be wrong to make any change in the status ofNorthem Ireland
save with the consent of a majo•rity of its people:
·
(iv) affirm that if. in the future, the people of the island of Ireland
exercise their right of self-determination on the basis set out in sections
(i) and (ii) above to bring about a united Ireland. it will be a binding
obligation on both Governmen's to introduce and support in their
respective Parliaments legislation to give effect to that wish;
· {v) affirm that whatever choice is freely exercised by a majority of the:!
people of Northern Ireland, the power of the sovereign government with
jti.risdiction there shall be exerc:ised with rigorous impartiality on behalf
of all the people in rhe diversity of their identities and traditions and shall
be founded on the principles of full respect for, and equality of, civil,
political, social and cultural rights, of freedom from discrimination for all
citizens, and of parity of esteer'n and of j u.st and equal treatment for the
identity, ethos, and aspirations ofbolh communities;
(vi) recognise me birthright of all the people ofNorthem Ireland to.
identify themselves and be accepted as Irish or British. or both, as they
may so choose, and accordingly confirm that their right ro hold both ·
British and Irish citizenship is accepted by both Governments and would
not be affected by any future change in the status ofNorthern Ireland. ,
,.
. .
.
I
2. Tb.e participants also note that rhe two Governments have accordingly undenaken
in lhe coatext of this comprehensive political agreement, to propose and support
changes in. respectively, the Constitution cflreland and in British legislation relating
to the constitutional status ofNorthem Ireland.
ANNEXA
DRAFT CLAUSES/SCHEDULES FOR INCORPORATION IN BRITISH LEGISLATIO:N
1. (1) It is hereby declared tlun Northern Ireland in its entirety remains
part of the United Kingdom aJ11d shall not cease to be so without the
consent of a majority ofthe people ofNorthem [reland voting in a poll
held for the purposes of [his s'.ection in accordance with Schedule 1.
(2) But if the wish expressed 'by a majority in such a poll is that Northern
Ireland should cease to be part of the United Kingdom and fonn part of a
united Ireland, the Secretary of State shall lay before Parliament such
proposals to give effect to that wish as may be agreed between Her
Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom and the Government of
[reland.
2. The Government of Ireland Act 1920 is repealed: and this Act shaH
have effect notwithstanding any other previous enactment.
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SCHEDULE l
POLLS FOR THE !PURPOSE OF SECTION t
· 1. The Secretary of Sc3te may by order direct the holding of a poll for the
pu~ses of se¢tion 1 on a date specified in the order.
.
.
2. Subjec::t to paragraph 3. che Sec;retary of State shall exercise the power
under paragraph 1 if at any time it appears likely to him that a majority of
those voting would express a wi.sh that Northern Ireland should cease to
be part of the United.Kingdom 21lld form pan of a united Ireland.
3. The Secretary of State shall not make an order under paragraph 1
earlier than"seven years after the holding ofa previous poll under this
Schedule.
4. (Remaining paragraphs along the lines of paragraphs 2 and 3 of
existing Schedule 1 to 1973 Act.)
ANNEXB
IRlSH GOVERNMENT DRAFT LEGISLATION TO AMEND THE CONSTITUTION
Add to Article 29 rhe following sec::tions:
7.
1. The Sai.te may consent to be bound by the British·lrish Agreement done at Belfast on the
day of 1998~ hereinafter called the AgreemenL
I. Any institution established by. or under the Agreement may exercise the powers and
functions thereby conferred on it in respect of all or any part of the island of Ireland
notwithstanding any other provision of this Constitution conferring a like power or func:tion
on any person or any organ of State ~pointed under or created or established by or under
this Constirution.. Any power or funcnon conferred on such an institution in relation to the
settlement or resolution of disputes or controversies may be in addition to or in substitution
for any like power or function conferred by this Constitution on any such person or organ of
State as aforesaid.
1. If the Govenunent declare that the State has become obliged. pursuant to the Agreement. £o
give effect to the amendment of this ConstitutiO!l referred to therein,
Article 46 ·hereof. this Constitution shalt· be amended as follows:
the~
not'IN:ithstamling
i. the following Articles shall be substituted for Articles 2 and 3 of
the Irish text:
"2. [Irish text to be inserted
here]
3. [Irish text to• be inserted
here]"
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ii. th.: folluwing Artidcs shall be :>u.b-:;titutc.:J (or .-\rtid\!s 2 ;lnd. 3 •.>f
the English te!xt:
·• Arti<:le 2
It is the entitlement and binhcigt,t of t!:vc:ry person born in the island of
Ireland. which inc::ludes its islands and seas. to be part of the Irish nation.
That is also the entitlement of all persons otherwise qualified in
accordance with law to be citizens of Ireland. Furthermore. the Irish
nation cherishes its special affinity with people of Irish ancestry living
abroad who share its cultw-al identity and heritage.
Artide 3
t. It is the firm will of du;: Irish nation, in harmony and friendship.
to unite all me people who share the territory of the island of
Ireland, in all the diversity oftheir identities and traditions.
recognising that a united Ireland shall be brought about only by
peaceful means with the consent of a majority of the people,
democratically expresse<Jl. in both jurisdictions in the island. Until
then. the laws enacted by the Parliament established by this
Constitution shall have the like area and extent of application as
the laws enacted by the Parliament that existed immediately before .
the coming into operation of this Constitution.
2. Institutions with executive powers and fUnctions that are shared
between those jurisdicti9ns may be established by their respective
responsible authorities for stated purposes and may exercise
powers and functions in respect ~fall or any part of the island."
iii. the following section shall be added to the Irish text c>f
this Article:
''8. [Irish text to be insened here]''
and
iv. the following section shall be added to the English text of
this Article:
"8. The State may exercise extra-territorial jurisdiction in
accordance with the generally recognised principles of
international law."
4. If a declaration under this section is made. this subsection and
subsection 3, other than the amendment of this Constitution effected
thereby. and subsection 5 of'rhis section shall be omitted from every
official text of this Constitution published thereafter, but notwithstanding
such omission this section shall continue to have the force of law.
5. If such a declaration is not made within twelve months of this section
·
being added to this Constitution or such longer period as may be
provided for by law. this section shall cease to have effect and shall be
omitted from every official text of this Constitution published thereafter.
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STRAND ONE
DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN NORTHERN IRELAND
1. This agreement provides tor a democratic:::,llly elected Assembly in Northern Ireland
which is inclusive in its membership. c::apabl¢ of exercising executive and legislative
authority. and subject to safeguards to protec:t the rights and interests of all sides of
· thecommunity~
·
The Assembly
2. A I 08-member Assembly will be elected :by PR(STV) from existing Westminstt;r
constituencies.
3. The Assembly will exercise full legislative and executive authority in respect of
those matters currently within the responsibility of the six Northern Ireland
Government Departments. with the possibil,ity of taking on responsibility for other
matters as detailed elsewhere in this agreement.
4. The Assembly - operating where approp11iate on a cross-community basis - will be
the prime source of authority in respect of C!ill devolved responsibilities.
Safeguar·ds
S. There will be safeguards to ensure that alll sections of the commWlity can
participate and work together successfully ~n rhe operation of these institutions and
that all sections of the community a.R. protected, including:
(a) alloc:ations of Committee Chairs, Ministers and Committee
membership in proportion to party sttengths;
(b) the European Convention on HU:man Rights (ECHR) and any Bin of
Rights for Northern Ireland supplementing it. which neither the
Assembly nor public bodies dm infringe. together with a Human Rights
Commission;
(c) arrangements to provide that key decisions and legislation are pmofed
to ensure that they do not infringe the ECHR and any Bill of Rights for
Northern Ireland;
(d) arrangements to ensure key decisions are taken on a cross-community
basis;
.
·
(i) either parallel consent, i.e. a majority of those
members present and voting, including a
majority of the unionist and nationalist
designations present and voting;
(ii) .9.1: a weighted majority (60%) of members
pres~nt and voting, including at least 40% ·of
each of the nationalist and unionist designations
present and voting.
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K~y Jttcisions rc:'4uirin~ .;:ross-c.:ommu~ity ~upp,m '-"ill b.: ~oh::sig~ated in
advance. includin~ dec:tion of the Cha1r ot the Assembly. the Ftrst
Minister and Deputy First Minister. standing orders and budget
allocations. In other cases such d':cisions could be triggered by a petitio~n
of concern brought by a signiticant minority of Assembly members
(30/t08).
(e) an Equality Commission to monitor a Statutory obligation to promol:e
equality of opportunity in spccifi.ed areas and parity of esteem between
·the two main communities. and to investigate individual complaints
against public bodies.
·
Operation of the Assembly
of
6. At their first meeting. members of the As~mbly will register a ~esignation
identity ;. nationalist, unionist or other - for tile pwpqses of measunng
·· · _
cross-commWlity support in Assembly vote~; under the relevant provisions above.
7. The Chair and Deputy Chair of the Assembly will be elected on a cross-conunWlity
basis, as set out in paragraph S(d) above.
·
8. There will be a Comroittee for each of the main executive functions of the Northern
Ireland Administration. The Chairs and Detnlty Chairs of the Assembly Committees
will be allocated proportionally. using the d'Hondt system. Membership of the
Committees will be in broad proportion to party strengths in the Assembly to ensure.
that the opportunity of Committee places is available to all members.
9. The <;:ommittees will have a scrutiny. policy development and consultation role
with respect to the Department with which each is associated. and will have a role in
initiation of legislation.. They will have the power to:
0
o
o
o
o
colisider and advise on Departmental budgets and Annual Plans in the context of t:he ov,:raJ.l
budget allocation;
approve relevant secondary legislation and rake the Committee stage of relevant primary
legislation;
·
·
call for persons and papers;
initiate enquiries and make reports;
colllSider and advise on matters broughuo the Committee by its Minister.,
. 10, Standing Committees other than Depantmental Committees may be establishc=d as
may be required from time to time.
11. The Assembly may appoint a special Committee to examine and report on
whether a measure or proposal for legislat.ion is in conformity with equality
requirements, including the ECHR/Bill of' Rights. The Committee shall have the
power to call people and papers to assist in its consideration of the matter. The
Assembly shall then consider the report of the Committee and can detennine the
matter in accordance with the cross-community consent procedure .
. 12. The above special procedure shall be followed when requested by the Executive
Committee. or by the relevant Departmental Committee. voting on a
cross-community basis.
13. When there is a pelition of concern as in 5(d) above, the Assembly shall vote to
determine whether the measure may proceed. without reference to this special
procedure. If this fails to achieve support on a cross-community basis. as in 5(d)(i)
above. the special procedure shall be foU:owed.
·
·
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Executive Authoriry
14. Executive authoritv to be discharged on behalfofthe Assembly by a Firsc
Minister and Deputy First Minister and up to ten Ministers with Departmen[al
responsibilities.
15~ The First Minister and Deputy First Minister shall be joindy elected into office by
the Assembly voting on a cross-community basis. according to S(d)(i) above.
16. Following the election of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister. the posts of
Ministers will be allocated to parties on the "asis of the d'Hondt system by referen,:e
to the number of seats each party has in the Assembly.
17. The MinisterS will constitute an Executive Committee.. which will be convened.
and presided over, by the First Minister and Deputy First Minister.
18. The duties of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister will include, inter alia,
dealing with and co-ordinating the work of ic.he Executive Comminee and the response
of the Northern Ireland administration to external relationships.
19. The Executive Committee will provide :a fonun for the discussion of. and
agreement on, issues which cut across the r•~sponsibilities of two or more Ministeis,
for prioritising executive and legislative proposals and for recommending a common
position where necessary (e.g. in dealing with external relationships).
20. The Executive Committee will seek to agree each year, and review as necessary, a
programme incorporating ~ agreed budget' linked to policies and programmes, .
subject i:o approval by the Assembly, after scrutiny in Assembly Committees. on a
cross-cornmWliiy basis.
21. A party may decline the opportunity to nominate a person to serve as a Minister or
may subsequently change its nominee. ·
22. All the Nonhem Ireland Departments will be headed by a Minister. All Ministers
will liaise regularly with their respective Committee.
a
23. As condition of appointment, Ministc.~rs. including the First Minister and De:puty
First Minister, will aft"'t.rm the terms of a Pledge of Office (Annex A) Wldert.aking to
discharge effectively and in good faith all r.he responsibilities attaching to their office.
24. Ministers will have full executive authority in their respective areas of
responsibility. within any broad programme agreed by the Executive Committee and
endorsed by [he Assembly as a whole.
25. An individual may be removed from office folloV~ring a decision of the Assembly
taken on a cross-community basis, if (s)he: loses the confidence of the Assembly.
voting on a cross-community basis. for failure to meet his or her responsibilities
including, inter alia. those set out in the Pledge of Office. Those who hold office:
should use only democratic. non-violent rneans, and those who do not should be
excluded or removed from office under these provisions.
Legislation
26. The Assembly will have authority to pass primary legislation for Nprthem lreland
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in d~volved ;ueas,
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to:
{a) th~ ECHR and 3!\y Bill of Rights for North~m lrel;lrld supplementing ·
it which, if the courts found to be breached. would render the relevant
· legislation null and void:
(b) decisions by simple majority of members voting. except when
decision on a cross·community basis is required:
(c) detailed scrutiny and approva.l in the relevant Departmental
Committee;.
· ·
(d) mechanisms. based on arrangements proposed for the Scottish
Padiament. to ensure suitable co·~ordination. and avoid disputes. betwe1en
me Assembly and me Westminslter Parliament~
(e) option of the Assembly seeking to include Northern Ireland
provisions in United Kingdom-".-ide legislation in the Westminster
Parliament, especially on devolved issues where parity is nonnally
maintained (e.g. social security. company law).
27. The Assembly will have authority to legislate in reserved areas with the approval
of the Sec::retary of State and subject to Parliitmentary control.
28. Disputes over legislative competence will be decided by the Couns.
29. Legislation could be initiated by an individual. a Committee or a Minister.
Relations with ather institutions
30. Arrangements to represent the Assembly as a whole, at Summit level and in
dealings with other institutions, will be in accordance with paragraph 18, and will be
such as to ensure cross-community involvement.
31. Tenns '\\rill be agreed between appropriate Assembly representatives and the
Govcmunent of the United Kingdom ro en.su;re effective co-ordination and input by
MinisteTS to national policy-making. including on EU issues.
32. Role of Secretary of State:
(a) to remain responsible for NIO matters not devolved to the Assembly,
subject. to regular consultation 'llith me Assembly and Ministers;
(b) to approve and lay before the Westminster Parliament any Assembly
legislation on reserved maners~
·
(c) to represent Nonhero Ireland interests in the United Kingdom
Cabinet;
{d) to have the right to attend the Assembly at their invitation.
33. The Westminster Parliament (whose power to make legislation for Northern
Ireland would remain unaffected) will:
(a) legislate for non-devolved issues. other than where the Assembly
legislates with the approval of the Secretary of Srate and subject to the
control of Parliament~
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(b) to legislat~ as necessary to <msure the United Kingdom·s imemaEional
obligations are.met in respect ofNonhem Ireland~ .
(c) scrutinise. including ~h~o.u~h the Nonhero lrel;md Grand and Select
Committees. the responstbthttes of the Secretary of State.
34. A consultative Civic Forum will be established. It will comprise representatives of
the business trade union and voluntary sectors, and such other sectors as agreed by
the First Mi~ister and the Deputy First Mini~ner. It will act as a consultative
mechanism on social. economic and cultural: issues. The First Minister and the
,
Deputy First Minister will by agreement provide administrative support for the Ch'ic
Forum and establish guidelines for the selection of representatives to the Civic:
Forum.
Transitional Arrangements
35. The Assembly will meet first for the puq:»ase of organisation, without legislative
or executive powers. to resolve its standing ,orders and working practices and make!
preparations for the effective fU.nctioning of the Assembly. the British-Irish Council
and the North/South Ministerial CoWlcil and associated implementation bodies. In
this transitional period, those members of ttie Assembly serving as shadow Ministl..""r'S
sball affirm their commitment TO non"!'vi.olezitce and exclusively peaceful and.
democratic: means and their opposition to any use or threat of force by others for any
political purpose; to work in gOod faith to bring the new arrangements into being; and
to observe die spirit ofthe Pledge ofO~ee applying to appointed Ministers.
Review
36. After a specified period there will be a ~ew of these arrangements, including
the derails of electoral arrangements and of the Assembly's proc:edW"eS. with a view to
agreeing any adjustments necessary in the i1rtterests of efficiency and fairness.
AnnexA
Pledge of Office
To pledge:
(a) to discharge in good faith all the duties of office:
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(b) commitment to ncJn-viulen~e J.nd «:~dusiv·~ly pcac~ful and Jc::mllcr:ui': means:
(c) to serve all the people ofNon:hem (reland·cqually. ru:td to act in accordance with
the general obligations on government to promote equahty :1nd prevent
discrimination:
(d) to participate with colleagues in the preparation of a programme for govemmenr:
(e) to operate within the framework ofthal programme when agreed within the
Executive Committee and endorsed by the Assembly~
(f) to suppon:. and to act in accordance with. all decisions of the Executive Committee
and Assembly;
(g) to comply with the Ministerial Code of Conduct.
CODE OF CONDUCT
Ministers must at all times:
• observe the highest standards ofpropriety and regularity involving impartiality. integrity and
objectivity in relationship to the stewardship of public t\J111ds~
• be accountable to users of Ser-vices, the community and. through the Assembly, for the activities
. within tbeir responsibilities, their stewardship of public funds and the extent to which key
performance targets and objectives have been met;
.
·
.
• ensure all reasouable requests for information from the Assembly. users of services and individual
citizens are complied with; and thai Depanments and their staff conduct their dealings with the
public: in an open and responsible way;
• follow the seven principles of public life set out by the Committee on Sran~ in Public Life;
• comply with this code and 'With rules relating to the use .of public funds;
• operate in a way conducive to promoting good community relations and eq1,1ality of treatment;
• not use information gained in the course of their service for personal gain; nor seek to use the
opportunity of public service to promote their private interests;
• ensure they comply with any rules on tqe acceptance of gifts and hospitality that might be offered~
• declare any personal or business interests which may conflicr with their responsibilities. The
Assembly will retain a Register of InterestS. Individuals must ensure that any direct or mdirec:t
pecuniary interestS which members of the public might reasonably think could influence their
judgement are listed in the Register of Interests;
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, STRAND TWO
NORTH/SOVTH MINISTERIAL COUNCI_L
1. Und~r a new British/Irish Agreement dea.ling with. the totality of relationships, and
related legislation at Westminster and in the: Oireachtas. a North/South Ministerial ·
Council to be established to bring .together lbose with ex.ecutive responsibilities in
Nonhem Ireland and the Irish Government. to develop consultation. co-opeTation and
action within the island ofireland - inc;ludir,lg through implementation on an all-island
and cross-border basis· on matters of mutual interest wirh.in the competence ofth·~
Administrations, North and So.uth.
2. All Council decisions to.be by agreement between the two sides. Northern Ireland
to be represented by the First l.\llinister. Deputy First Minister and any relevant
Ministers. the Irish Government by the Taq!iseach and relevant Ministers, all
opetating in accordance with the rules for 4emocratic authority and accountability in
force in the Northern Ireland Assembly and the Oireachtas respectively. Participation
in the Council to be one of the essential responsibilities attaching to relevant posts in
the two Adm.inisuations. If a holder of a relevant post will not participate nonnally in
theCounc:il. the TaoiseaC;h in the case ofth~ Irish Government and the First and
Deputy First Minister in the case of the No:rth.em Ireland Administration to be able to
make alternative arrangements..
.
.
.
3. The Council to meet in different formats,;:
· (i) in plenary format twice a Y~ilf. with Northern Ireland representatic)n
led by the First Minister and Deputy First Minister and the Irish
Government led by the Taoistach;
.
(ii) in specific sectoral formati; on a regUlar and frequent basis with each
side represented by the appropriate Minister;
· ·
(iii) in an appropriate format t:O consider institutional or cross-sectoral
matters (including in relation 1ro the EU) and to resolve disagreement:.
4. Agendas for all meetings to be settled by prior agreement between the two sidt:s,
but it will be open to either to propose any' matter for consideration or action:
5. The Council:
{i) to exchange information. d.iscuss and consult with a view to
co-operating on matters of mutual interest within the competence ofboth
Administrations~ North and S:e>uth;
·
(ii) to use best endeavours to reach agreement on the adoption of ·
common policies, in areas where there is a mutual cross-border and·
all-island benefit, and which \)I'e within the competence of both
· Administrations, North and South, making determined efforts to
overcome any disagreements:,
(iii) to take decisions by agre¢ment on policies tor implementation
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separately in c_:s~h jurisdi':ti~n. i~ n.:k"~IH me:.mi~grul ..w:as '.Aolthin the
competence ot both AJm1mstr:muns. ~urt.h and Suuth:
(iv) to take decisions by agreem~nl on policies a.nd action at an all-island
and cross-border level to be impl.emented by the bodies to be established
as set out ·in paragraphs 8 and 9 below;
6. E~h side to be in a position to take dedsi<>ns in the Council within the detined
authority of those atte~d~ng. thr~ug~ t~e _arrangeme~lts in place_ tor co-ordination of
executive functions. wtthln each JUrtSdJcuon. Each s1de to remaan accountable to the
Assembly and Oireachtas respectively, whose approval. through the arrangements in
place on either side, would be required for dE':cisions beyond the defined authority of
those attending.
.
.
.
7. As soon as practically possible after elections to the Northern Ireland Assembly,
inaugural meetings will take place of the Assembly, the British/Irish Council and the
North/South Ministerial Council in their transitional forms. All three institutions wilt
meet regularly and frequently on this basis during the period between the eleCtions to
the Assembly. and the transfer of powers to the Assembly. in order to establish their
modus operandi.
8. During the transitional period between th•~ elections to the Northern [reland
Assembly and the r:ransfer of power to it, represent:t.tives of the Northern Ireland '
transitional Administration and the Irish Government operating in the North/South
Ministerial Council will undertake a work P!rogramme. in consultation with the
British Government, covering at least 12 subject areas. with a view to identifying and
agreeing by 31 October 1998 areas where cc>-operation and implementation for
mutual benefit will take place. Such areas may include matters in the list set out in the
Annex.
9. As part of the work programme, the Council will identifY and agree at least 6
matters for co-operation and implementation in each of the following c:ategories:
{I) Matters where existing bodies will be the appropriate mechanisms for
co-operation in each separate jurisdiction;
(ii) Matters where the co-opera1tion will take place through agreed
implementation bodies on a cro;ss·bo.-der or all-island level.
10. The tw'o Governments will make necessary legislative and other enabling
preparations to ensure. as an absolute commitment. that these bodies. which have
been agreed as a result of the work programme. function at the time of the inception
ofthe British-Irish Agreement and the tra.n.Sfer of powers. with legislative authority
fonhese bodies transferred to the Assembly as soon as possible thereafter. Other
arrangements for the agreed co-operation will also commence contemporaneously
with the transfer of powers to the Assembly.
.
l I . The implementation bodies will have a dear operational remit. They will
implement on an all·island and cross-border basis policies agreed in the Council.
12. Any further development of these arrangements to be by agreement in the Council
and with the specific endorsement of the N6rthern Ireland Assembly and Oireachtas.
subject to the ex.tent of the competences and responsibility of the two
Administrations.
U. [tis understood that the North/South Ministerial Council and the Northern Irdand
Assembly are mutually inter-dependeric. and that one.cannot successfully function.
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othc=r.
14. Oisagr~ments within the Council to be addressed in the: format described at
paragraph 3(lii) above or in the plenary format. By agreement between the two sides,
experts could be appointed to consider a particular matter and report.
15. Funding to be provided by the two Administrations on the basis that the Council
and the implementation bodies constitute a nc~cessary public function ..
16. The Council to be supported by a standing joint Sec:ret&l"iat. staffed by members;
of the Northern Ireland Civil Service and the Irish Civil Service.
·
17. The Council to consider the European UrLion dimension ofrelevant matters,
including the implementation of EU policies and programmes and proposals under
consideration in the EU framework. Arrange:ments to be made to ensure that the
views of the Council are taken into account and represented appropriately at relevant
EU meetings.
18. The Northem Ireland Assembly and the Oireac:htas r.o consider developing a joint
parliamentary forum, bringing together equal numbers from both institutions for
·
discussion of matters of mutual interest and concern.
19. Consideration to be given to the establishment of an independent consultative
a~inted by the two Administrations. representative of civil society.
compristng the social partners and other members with expertise in social. cultural,
economic and other issues.
·
forum
ANNEX
Areas for North-South co-operation and implemen~ation may i11clude the following:
'.
1. AgricultUre • animal and plant health.
2. Education - teacher qualifications and exchanges.
3. Transport- strategic: transport planning.·
4. Environment - environmental protection. ·pollution. water quality, and waste
management.
· ·
5. Waterways- inland waterways.
6. Social Security/Social Welfare - entitlemc:nts of cross-border workers and fraud
control.
·
7. Tourism- promotion. marketing, research, and product development.
8. Relevant EU Programmes such as SPPR. INTERREG,leader Il and their
successors.
9. Inland Fisheries.
10. Aquaculture and marine matters
I L Health: accident and emergency services and other related cross-border issues.
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12. Urban and rural developm.:nt.
Others to be considered by the shadow North/ Sourh Council.
STRAND THREE
BRITISH-IRISH COUNCIL
1. A British-Irish Council (BIC) will be established under a new British-Irish
Agreement to promote the harmonious and mutually beneficial development of the
totality of relationships among the peoples of these islands.
·
2. Membership of the BIC will comprise representatives of the British and Irish
Oovemments. devolved institutions in Norrhem Ireland. Scotland and Wales, when
established, and, if appropriate. elsewhere ir,1 the United Kingdom. together with
representatives of the Isle of Man and the Channel Islands.
·
3. The BIC will meet in different formats: a:t swrunit level, twice per year; in specific
seaoral fonnats on a regular basis, with eac.h side represented by the appropriate
Minister; in an appropriate format to consider cross-sectoral matters.
·
'
'
4. Representatives of members will operate in accordance with whatever proc:edW'I:s
for democratic authority and accountability are in force in their respective elected
institutions.
'
'
S. The BIC will exchange information. disc:ass. consult and use best endeavours tc•
reach agreement on co-operation on matters .of lllUtual interest within the competeJ[lce
of the relevant AdminiStrations. SuitaJ,le is!iues for early discussion in the BIC co1.1ld
include transport links, agricultural issues, ~:nvironmental issues. cultural issues.
health issues. education issues and approaches to EU is.sues. Suitable arrangements to
be made for practical co-operation on agreed policies.
6. It will be open to the BIC to agree com.mon policies or common actions. Individual
members may opt not to participate in such· common policies and common action.
7. The BIC normally will operate by consensus. In relation tO decisions on common
polieies or common actions, including their means of implementation. it will operate
by agreement of all members participating in such policies or actions.
8. The memberS 9f the BIC, on a basis to be agreed betweet) them. will provide stlch
fmancial support as it may require.
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9. A s~crc:tari;~t tor th~ BIC ...,ill b~ pwvid..:-d b~ th~.: British aoJ lnsh Go ... t:rnmcems in
co-ordinacion with otlicials of eac:h \lf th..: oth~r mc:mbc:rs.
10. In addition to the structures provided tor under this agret:mcnt. it will be open to
two or more members to develop bilateral or muhilateral arrangements between tiu::m.
Such arrangements could include. subject to rhe agreement of the members
concerned. mechanisms to enable consultalion. co-opcration and joint
decision~ making on mauers of mutual interest; and mcchanisms co implement any
joint decisions they may reach. These arrangements will not require the prior approval
of the BIC as a whole and will operate independendy of it.
11. The elected institutiC?ns of the members will be encouraged to develop
interparliamentary links. perhaps building on the British-Irish. Intetparliamentary
Body.
12. The full membership of the BIC will keep under review the workings ofthe
Counc:il, including a formal published review at an appropriate time after the
Agreement comes into effect. and will contribute as appropriate to any review of the
. overall political agreement arising from the multi-party negotiations.
BRITISH-IRISH INTERGO:VERNMENT AL CONFERENCE
1. There will be a new British-Irish Agreem:ent dealing with the totality of
·
relationships. It will establish a standing BJitish~Irish Intergovernmental Conference,
which will subswn.e both the Anglo-Irish Intergovenunental Council and the
.Intergovernmental Confetence established Under the 1985 Agreement.
2. The Conference will bring togeTher the British and Irish Governments to promote
bilateral co-operation at all levels on all maiters of mutual interest within the
competence of both Governments.
·
3. The Conference will meet as required at SUIJlrilit level (Prime Minister and.
Taoisea.ch). Otherwise. Governments will b,e represented by appropriate Ministers.
Advisers. including police and security advisers. will anend as appropriate.
4. All decisions will be by agreement betwc::en both Goverrunents. The Goverm:ri.en.ts
will make deteimined efforts to resolve dis<lgreements between them. There will be
no derogation from the sovereignty of either Government.
·
S. In recognition of the Irish Government's special interest in Northern Ireland and of
the extent to which issues of mutual concern arise in relation to Northern Ireland,
there will be regular and frequent meetings of the Conference concerned with
non-devolved Northern Ireland matters, on which the Irish Government may put
forward views and/roposals. These meetiu.gs. to be co-chaired by the Minister fo1r
Foreign Affairs an the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. would also deal with
all-island and cross-border co-operation: on non-devolved issues.
6. Co-operation within the framework of the Conference will include facilitation of
co-operation in security matters. The Conf(:rence also will address. in particular, the
areas of rights, justice, prisons and policing in Northern Ireland (unless and. until
responsibility is devolved to a Northern Ireland administration) and will intensify
co~pera.tion between the two Governments on the aU-island or cross-border aspects
of these matters.
7. Relevant executive members of the Northern (reland Administration will be
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involved in meetings of the Con terence. and in the.! rcvir!ws ret~rntd to in parag.raph 9
below to discuss non-devoh·ed Non:hern lrdand mauers.
8. The Conference will be supported by offic~als of the British and Irish
Governments. including by a standing joint Secretariat of officials dealing with
non-devolved Northern (reland matters.
9. The Conference will keep under review the workings of the new British-Irish
· Agreement and the machinery and institutions established under it. including a fomtal
published review three years after the Agreement comes into effect. Rep.:esentatives
of the Northern Ireland Administration will be invited to express views to the
Conference in this context. The Conference will contribute as appropriate to any
review of the overall political agreement arising from the muJti..party negotiations but
will have no power to override the democrat~c anangements set up by this
Agreement.
RIGHTS, SAFEGUARDS AND EQUALI.TY OF OPPORTUNIT~
Huma.a Rights.
1. The parries affirm their commitment to the mutual respect. the civil rights and tbe
religious liberties of everyone in the community. Against the background of the
recent history of communal conflict. the panies a.ffim1 in particular:
• the right of £reo political thought;
• the right to pursue
demQ~rati~ally
national and politic:al aspirations;
• the right to seek constitutional! change by peaceful and legitimale
means;
·the right to freely choose one's place of residence;
• the right to equal opportunity in all social and economic activity.
vega.rdless of class, creed, disability. gender or etlmicity;
(
• the right to freedom from sectarian harassment; and
.· • the right of women to full andl equal political participation.
United Kingdom Legislation
2. The British Government will complete incorporation into Northem Ireland law of
the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). with direct access to the courts,
and remedies for bre~ch of the Convention.. including power for the courts to overrule
Assembly legislation on grounds of inconsistency.
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, J. Subj~c.::t to th~i: ou~c\lmt! ofpublac. ~onsultatiun unJc.:rv~:ly .. th.: Britb;h .Govt:mn:tc:~t,.
intends as a particular priority. to create a .st.:1tutory obhgattun on publtc a.uthonttes m
Northe~ Ireland to carry out .:111 thc:ir functions ~it.h du~ regar~.to the .n~ed to
,
promote equality of opp~rtunity in relation to rehgton :tnd pol.ttu::al.optmon; .&ende:;'
race; disability; age; ma.nt:ll status~ dependants; and sexual orn:ntat10n. Pu~hc bodaes
would be required to draw up statutory schemes showing how th.ey would. tmplemerllt
~is obligat~on. Such schc"_I~S would cover arrangeme~ts for P?hcy apprat~al,
..
including an assessmc:tnt ot tmpact on relevant categoraes. publu:: consultatton. pubh4:
~<lecess to intbnnation :1nd services, monitoring and timetables.
'
4. The new Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission (see paragraph 5 below) will
be invited to consult and to advise on the scope for defining. in Westminster
·
legislation, rights supplementary to those in rhe European Convention on Human
Rights, to reflect the particular circumstances of Northern Ireland. drawing as
appropriate on international instruments and experience. These additional rights to
reflect the principles of mutual t"espect for the identity and ethos of both communities
and parity of esteem. and - taken together with the ECHR - to constitute a Bill of
Rights for Northern Ireland. Among the issues for consideration by the Commissio:n
will be:
• the formulation of a general obligation on govenunent and public
bodies fully to respect. on the basis of equality of treatment, the identity
and ethos ofboth communities in Northern Ireland; and
• a clear formulation of the rights not to be discriminated against and to
equality of opportUnity in both lbe public and private sectors .
. New Institutions in' Northern Ireland
5. A new Northern Ireland Human Rights ~ommission. with membership from ·
Northern Ireland reflecting the community balance. will be established by
West:min.ster legislation, independent of Go,veniment. with an extended and eitha.nced
role beyond· that currently exercised by the Standing Advisory Commission on
Human Rights. to include keeping wtder review the adequacy and effectiveness of
laws and practices, making rec:ommendatio1ns to Government as necessary; providing
infonnation and promoting awareness of hunian rights; considering draft legislation
referred to them by the new Assembly; and,, in appropriate cases, bringing c:owt
proceedings or providing assistance to indi'itiduals doing so.
·
.
6. Subject to the outcome of public consul[iition currently underway, the British
Government intends a new statutory Equal~r:y Commission to replace the Fair
Employment Commission. the Equal Oppo,rtunities Commission (NI)~ the
Commission for Racial Equality (Nl) and the Disability Council. Such a unified
Commission will advise on, validate and monitor the statutory obligation and will
investigate complaints of default.
7. It would be open to a new Northern Ireland Assembly to consider bringing together
its responsibilities for these matters into a dedicated Department of Equality. .
8. These improvements will build on existing protections in Westminster legislation
in respect of the judiciary. the system ofjustice and policing.
Comparable Steps by the Irish Government
9. The Irish Government will also take steps to further strengthen the protection of
hwnan rights in irs jurisdiction. The Government will. taking account of lbe work of
the AU-Party Oireachtas Committee on tht~ Constitution and the Re-port of the
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Constitution R.evior:w Group. bring tor'-'•:Jrd mc::a:surc:s to strcn~thcn ::&mJ underpin the
constitutional protection of human rights. Thc:sc _proposals ~·d 1 dra.w on .lhc Europea'"!.
Convention on Human Rights and other intema.uon<ll legal mstrum~nts t~ th~ field of
human rights and the question of the incorporatio_n of th~ ECHR wdl be tunher
examined in this context. The m~asures brought torward would ensure at least an
equivalent level of protection of ~uman rights as will pertain in Northern lreland. In
addition. the lrish Govemmc::nt wtll:
• establish a Human Rights Commission with a mandate and remit
equivalent to that within Northern Ireland:
• proceed with arrangements as \ctuickly as possible to ratify the Counc:(l
of Europe Framework Convention on National Minorities (already
ratified by the UK);
• implement enhanced employrnent equality
l~gislation~
• ·introduce equal status legislati.on: and ·
• continue to take further active steps to demonstrate its respect for the!
different traditions in the island of lo:land.
A .Joint Committee
10. lt is envisaged that there would be a joint committee of representatives of the two
Hwnan Rights Commissions, Nonh and So,uth. as a forum for consideration of hwman
rights issues in the island of Ireland. The joint comminee will consider, among other
matters. the possibility of establishing a charter, open to signature by all democratic
political parties, reflecting and endorsing a.fp-eed measures for the protection of the~
fundamental rights of everyone living in the island of Ireland.
R"oaciliatioa and Victims of Violence
11. The participants believe that it is essential to acknowledge and adcfress the
suffering of the victims of violence as a nec~essary element of reconciliation. They
look forward to the results of the work of the Northern Ireland Victims Couunission.. ·
12. It is recognised that victims have a right to remember as well as to contribute to a
changed society. The achievement of a peaceful andjust society would be the true
memorial ro the victims ofviolence. The participants particularly recognise that
young people from areas affected by the troubles face particular difficulties and will
support the development of special communiry-based initiatives based on
international best practice. The provision of services that are supportive and sensitive
lO the needs of victims will also be a critical element and that support will need to be
channelled through both statutory and community-based voluntary organisations
facilitating locally-based self-help and support networks. This will require the
allocation of sufficient re:sources7 including starutory funding as necessary, to meet
the needs of victims and to provide for coinmunity-based support programmes.
13. The participants recognise and value tbe work being done by many organisations
to develop reconciliation and mutual understanding and respect between and within
communities and traditions, in Northern Ireland and between North and South, and
they see such work as having a vital role in consolidaling peace and political
agreement. Accordingly, they pledge their continuing support to such organisatic1ns
and will positively examine the case for enhanced financial assistance for the work of
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reconciliatiQn. An I!Sscnttal aspc:cl \)f the rc~nm:iliathm p~~o.>~c~s IS th~.:, pr.u:'1oti,>n of <lL
culture ....,f tolt!rance at e;:vt!ry level of sockty, in":luding mHI;.lll"'es t\.l ta~1htat..:: and
encourage intt::grated c::ducation and mixed houslng.
RICHTSt.SAFEGlL-\RDS AND EQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITY
Economic, Social and Cultural Issues
1. Pending the devolution of powers to a new Northern Ireland Assembly, the British
Government will pursue broad policies for sustained economic growth and stability in
Northern Ireland and for promoting soc:ial inclusion. inc::luding in particular
community development and the advancement of women in public life.
2. Subject to the public consultation currently under way. the British Goverrunent will
make rapid progress with:
·
·(i) a new regional development strategy for Northern Ireland, for considerati;on
in due course by a rhe Assembly. tackling the problems of a divided society and
social cohesion in urban, rural and boJrder areas, prorecting and enhancing the .
.environment. producing new approaches to transport issues. strengthening the
physical infrastrucrure of the region.. developing the advantages and resourc(:s
of rural areas and rejuvenating major urban centres;
(ii) a new economic development strategy for Northern Ireland, for
consideration in due course by a the Assembly. which would provide for shc,rt
and medium term economic planning: linked as appropriate to the regional
development strategy; and
(iii) measures on employment equality included in the recent White Paper
("Partnership fol' Equality") and c:ove.ring the extension and strengthening of
anti-discrimination legislation. a review of the national security aspects of the
present fair employment legislation at the earliest possible time. a new morE~
focused Targeting Social Need initiative and a range of measures aimed at
combating unemployment and progressively eliminating the differential in
unemployment rates between the two commwtities by targeting objective n(:ed.
3. All participants recognise the importance of respect,. understanding and toleranc:e in
relation to linguistic diversity. including in Nonhem Ireland. the Irish language;
Ulster-Scots and the languages of the various ethnic communities. all of which are
part of the cultural wealth of the island ofiireland.
4. In the context of active consideration currently being given to rhe UK signing tlb.e
Council of Europe Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, the British
.
Government will in particular in relation to the Irish language. where appropriate and
where people so desire it:
• rake resolute action to promote the Iangu.'lge;
• facilitate and encourage rhe use of the la11guage in speech and writing in public and
private life where there is appropriate demand:
• seek to remove. where possible, restrictions.which would discourage or work
against the maintenance or development of the language~
• make provision for liaising with rhe (rish.language community, representing their
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vic::\Aols to public authoriti<:s and investigating complaints:
• place a statutory d~ty ~n t~e Department of Ed':'c:~tion t~ encourage and t~cilitate
Irish medium educatton m hne w1th current provtsaon foe mtegrated educauon~.
• explore urgently with t~e. relevant British aut~ori~ies. and in ~a-operation ~it~ ~he
Irish broadcasting authormes. the scope for achtevmg more wtdespread ava.tabthty of
Teilifis na Gaeilige in Northern Ireland:
• seek more effective ways to encourage and provide financial support for Irish
language film and television production in Northern Ireland; and
• encourage the parties to secure agreement ~hat this commitment will be sustained by
a new Assembly in a way which takes account of the desires and sensitivities oftht~
community.
5. All participants acknowledge the sensitivity of the use of symbols and emblems for
public purposes. and the need in panicular in creating the new institutions to ensun:: .
.mat such symbols and emblems are used in a manner which promotes mutual respect
rather than division. Arrangements will be made to monitor this issue and consider
. what action might be required.
DECOMMISSIONING
1. Participants recall meir agreement in the Procedural Motion adopted on 24
September 1997 ''that the resolution of the decommissioning issue is an indispensable
part ofthe process of negotiation". and also recall the provisions of paragraph 25 of
Strand 1 above.
·
2. They note the progress made by the Independent International Conunission on
Decommissioning and the Governments in developing schemes which can represent a
workable basis for achieving the dec:ommissioning of illegally-held arms in the
possession of paramilitary groups.
3. All participants accordingly reaffinn their commitment to the total disarmament of
all paramilitary organisations. They also confinn their intention to continue to work
constructively and in good faith with the Independent Commission, and to use any
influence they may have., to achieve the decommissioning of all paramilitary anns
within two years following endorsement in 1referendums North and SoU'dl of the
agreement and in the context of me implem•~nmtion of the overall settlement.
4. The Independent Commission will monitor, review and verify progress on
decommissioning of illegal arms, and will report to both Governments at regular
intervals.
6.
Both Governments will take all necessary steps to facilitate the decommissioning
process to include bringing the relevant schemes inro force by the end of June.
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.SECURITY
{_ The participants note that the development of~ p~aceful envi~onment on the bas:is
of this agreement can. and should mean a nonnallsauon of secun ry arrangements and
practices.
·
.
.
.
2. The British Government will make progr~ss towards the objective of as early a
rerum as possible to normal security arrang~ments in Northern Ireland~ consistent
with the level of threat and with a published! overall strategy. dealing with:
(i) the reduction of the numbers and role of the Armed Forces deployed
in Northern Ireland to levels coXIlpatible with a normal pea(:eful society;
(ii) the removal of secw-ity instidlarions;
(iii} the removal of emergency powers in Northern Ireland; and
{iv) other measures appropriate! to and compatible with a normal
society.
peacc~ful
3. The Secretary of State will consult regula;tly on progress, and the response tO any
continuing paramilitary activity, with the Irish Government and the political parties,
as appropriate.
·
_ 4. The British Government will continue its; consultation on fireanns regulation and
control on the basis ofthe document publis~ted on 2 April 1998.
.
.
.
.
.
· S. The Irish Government will initiate a widf!-ranging review of the Offences AgaillLst.
the State ActS 1939-85 with a view to both reform and dispensing with those elements
no longer tequired as cin:::umst.anC::es permit.
POLICING AND JUSTICE
1. The participants recognise .that policing is a central issue in any society. They
equally recognise that Northern Ireland's history of deep divisions has made it highly
emotive, with great hurt suffered and sac:riflices made by many individuals and their
families, including those in rhe RUC and o~her public: servants. They believe that the
agreement provides the opportunity for a n~:w beginning to policing in. Northern
Ireland with a police service capable of attr,acting and sustaining support from the
conununity as a whole. They also believe d~t this agreement offers a unique
opportunity to bring about a new political d,ispensation which will recognise the tl~ll
and equal legitima(:y and worth of the idenr.iries, senses of allegiance and ethos .of aU
sections of the community-in Northern Irel~md. They consider that this opportunity
should inform and underpin the developrneht of a police service representative in .
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terms of the makt:-up \lt the ciJrnmunity as :.1 wh"k and '""ht~h.
environment. should bee routinely unarmed.
AUG 06 '98 14:30
In .1
pc-act:r"ul
2. The participants believe it essential that policing structure::; _and ar~ange~ents ~
such that the police service is professional. effective and etlic•ent. fa1r ~d tmpartl<ll,
free from partisan political control; acc~untc,tble. bo~ un~er t~e law for lts acuons and
to the community it serves; representahve of the soctety 1t pollees. and operates
within a coherent and co-operative criminal justice system. which conforms with
human rights nonns. The participants also b:elieve that those structures and
arrangements must be capable of maintaining law and order including responding
effectively to crime and to any terrorist thre~t and to public order problems. A police
sen-ice which cannot do so wilt fail to win public confidence and acceptance. They
believe that any such structw-es and arrange:ments should be capable of delivering a
policing service, in constructive and inclusi~ve pannerships with the community at all
levels. and with the maximum delegation of authoriry and responsibility. consistenl
with the foregoing principles. These arrangements should be based on principles of
protection of human rights and professionaf integrity and should be unambiguously
accepted and actively supported by the entire community.
3. An independent Commission will be established to make recommendations for
future policing arrangements in Northern Ireland including means of encouraging
widespread community support for these arrangements within the agreed framewc•rk
of principles reflected in the paragraphs above and in accordance with the terms of
reference at Annex A. The Commission will be broadly representative with expert.
and international representation among its r..nembership and will be asked lo consult ·
widely and ro report no later than Summer 1999.
4.,The panicipants believe that the aims of 'the criminal justice system are to:
• deliver a fair and impartial system ofjustice to the community;
• be responsive to the community's concen:as. and encouraging community
involvement where appropriate;
·
• have the confidence of all parts of the community; and
• deliver justice efficiently and effectively.
s_ There will be a parallel wide-ranging rev,iew of criminal justice (other than policing
and those aspects of the system relating to ~he emergency legislation) to be carried out
by the British Government through a mechanism with an independent elemen~ in
.
consultatiOn with the political parties and Others. The review will commence as SCIOn
as possible. will inc:lude wide consultation, and a report will be made to the Secretary
of State no later than Autumn 1999. Terms ofReference are attached at Annex B.
6. Implementation of the recommendations arising from both reviews will be
discussed with the political parties and with the Irish Government.
7. The participants also note thal the British Government remains ready in principle.
with the broad suppon of the political parties. and after consultation. as appropriate,
with the Irish Government, in the contex;t of ongoing implementation of the relevant
recommendations. to devolve responsibility for policing and justice issues.
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Al\I'NEX A.
COMMISSION ON POLICING FOR NORTHERi"f IRELAND
Terms of Referel'!u;:e
Taking account of the principles on policing as S:Ct ou~ in the_ agree~ent._the Commission will inquire
into policing in Northern Ireland and, on the basts of tts findtngs. bnng forward proposals for future
policing structures and 81Tangements; including means of enCOllraging widespread community support
for those 81Tangements.
Its proposals on policing should be designed to ensure that policing arrange~ents, inclUding
composition. recruitment. training, culture. ethos and symbols. are such that m a new approach North•~m
Ireland has a police service that can enjoy widespread suppon from. and is seen as an integral part of, the
community as a whole.
Its proposals should include recommendations covering any is~•ues such as re-training, job placement
and educational and professional development required in the transition to policing in a peaceful soci•=t>'Its proposals should also be designed to ensure that:
• the police service is suuctured, managed and resourced ~~o that it can be effective in discharging its
full range of functions (including proposals on any nece~JSafY arrangements for the transition to
policing in a normal peaceful society);
• the police service is delivered in constrUctive and inclusive partnerships with the community at all
levels with the maximum delegation of authority and responsibility;
• the legislative and constirutional framework requires the impartial discharge of policing functions
and conforms with internationally accepted nonns in relation to policing standards;
.
• the police operale within a clear framework of accountability to the law and the community they
serve. so:
• they are constrained by, accountable to and act only within the law;
• their powers and procedW'es, like the law r.hey enforce. are clearly established and
·publicly available;
·
.
• there are open, accessible and independen·t means of investigating and adjudicating
·
·
upon complaints against the police;
~ there are clearly established a.rrangements enabling local people. and their politic:al
representatives, to articulate their views and concerns about policing and to establish
publicly policing priorities and influence p<,licing policies. subject to safeguards to
ensure police impaniality and freedom from partisan political control;
·
• there are arrangements for accountability and for the effective. efficient and
economic use of resources in achieving policing objectives; ·
• there are means to ensure independent professional scrutiny and inspection of the
police service to ensure that proper professional standards are maintained;
·
• the scope for structured co-operation with the Garda Si()chana and other police forces is ·
addressed; and
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• the management of public order events which can impose exceptional demands on policing
resoun:es is also addressed.
·
The Commission should focus on P?lici-:'g iss~s. but if it identities .oth~r aspects ~f the crin:tinal justic~e
system relevant to itS work on policmg. mcludmg the role of the pohce tn prosecutxon. then 1r should
draw the attention of the Government to those matters.
The Commission should consult widely. in..:luding with non-governmental expert organisations. and
through sueh focus groups as they consider it appropriate to establish.
. .
The Government proposes to establish the Commission as soon as possible. with the aim of it starting
work as soon as possible and publishing its final report by Summer 1999.
ANNEXB
REVIEW OF THE CRIMINAL ~JUSTICE SYSTEM
Terms of Refereulc:e
Taking account of the aims of the criminal justice system as se~ out in the Agreement. the review will
address rhe strUCture, management and resourcing of publicly ~Unded elements of the criminal justi..:e
system and will bring forward propc)sals for future criminal juStice arrangements (other than policing
and those aspects of the system relating to emergency legislatic)n, which the Government is consideriJ1g
separately) covering such issues as:
• the arrangements for making appointments to the judiciary and magistracy, and safeguards for
protecting their independence;
• the ammgements for the organisation and supervision of the prosecution process. and for
safeguard.i.Qg its independence;
• measures to improve the responsiveness and accountability of, and any lay participation in the
ctimi.na1 jUStice system;
.
• mechanisms for addressing law reform;
• ~e scope fot structured co-operation between the criminal justice agencies on both parts of the
1sland; and
.
.
•
~e s~crure and o:~~sation of ~inal justice fimctio,ns ~t mi~t be devolved to an Assembly.
1ncluding the posstbihty of establishing a Department of' Jusnce, while safeguarding the essential
independence of many of the key functions in this area.
·
The Government proposes to commence the review as soon as! possible. consulting with the political
parties and others, including non-governmental expert organisations. The review will be completed by
Autumn 1999.
PRISONERS
1. Both Governments will put in place mechanisms to provide for an accelerated
programme for the release of prisoners, including transferred prisoners, convicted of
scheduled offences in Northern Ireland or, in the case of those sentenced outside
Nonhem Ireland. similar offences (referred to hereafter as qualifYing prisoners). Any
such arrangements will protect. the rights of individual prisoners under national and
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intt>:rnational taw.
2. Prisoners affiliatc:d to organisations which have not establish~d or an: not
maintaining a complete and unequivocal ceas.etirt: will not bc:net~t from the
arrangements. The situation in this regard will be kept. under revtew.
3. Both Governments will complete a review process within a tixed time frame and
set prospective release dates for all qualifyinl,~ pris~ne!S. Th~ review p~oc:ess w~uld
provide for the advance of the release dates of quahfymg pnsoners wh•le allowtng
account to be taken of the seriousness ofthe offences for whichthe person was
convicted and the need to protect the community. In addition. the intention would be
that should the circ:umstances allow it. any qualifying prisoners who remained in
custody two years after the commencement of the scheme would be released at that
point..
4. The Governments will seek to enact the appropriate legislation to give effect to
these anangements by the end of June 1998.
5. The Governments continue to recognise the importance of measures to facilitate the
reintegration of prisoners into the community by providing support both prior to and
after release, including assistance directed towards availing of employment
opportunities. re-training and/or re~skilling, and f\.trther education.
VALIDATJON91MPLEMENTATION AND REVIEW
Va6datioa and Implementation
1. The two Govenunents will as soon as po~sible sign a new British-Irish Agreement
replaeing the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement, embodying understandings on
constitutional issues and affuming their solemn commitment to support and, where:
appropriate. implement the agreement reached by the participantS in the negotiations
which shall be annexed to the British-Irish Agreement.
2. Each Government will organise a referen~lum on 22 May 1998. Subject to ·
·
Parliamentary approval, a consultative referendum in Northern Ireland, organised
under the terms of the Northern Ireland (Entry to Negotiations, etc.) Act 1996, will
address the question: "Do you support the agreement reached in the multi-party tall's
on Northern Ireland and set out in Command Paper 3883?''. The Irish Government
will introduce and support in the Oireac:hms a Bill to amend the Constirution as ..
described in paragraph 2 of the section "Co~stitutional Issues" and in Annex B, as
follows: (a) to amend Articles 2 and 3 as de~cribed in paragraph 8.1 in Annex 8 .
above and (b) to amend Article 29 to permit the Govenunent to ratify the new
British-Irish Agreement. On passage by the Oireachtas. the Bill will be put to
referendwn.
3. If majorities of those voting in each of th~: referendums support this agreement, 1:he
Governments will then introduce and suppol("t, in their respective Parliaments. such ·
legislation as may be necessary to give effec:t to all aspects of this agreement. and will
take whatever ancillary steps as may be required including the holding of elections on
25 June, subject to parliamentary approval. lCO the Assembly. which would meet
initially in a "shadow" mode. The establishr~ent of the North-South Ministerial
Council. implementation bodies. the British,.[rish Council and the British-Irish
Intergovernmental Conference and the assumption by che Assembly of its legislative
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•
and ~executive powers will take: place: ::u the: same: time: tJn lhe entry into force of the:
British·lrish Agreement.
4. In the interim, aspec;ts of thi! implc:!mentatio~ of the m':'lti-pany agree~en_t will be
reviewed at meetings of lhose pattaes relevant m the patucula.r case (takmg mto
,
account. once Assembly elections have been held, the results of those elec;tions). '
under the chairmanship o( the British Govemment or the two Governments. as may
be appropriate; and representatives of the two Governments and all relevant parties
may meet under independent chairmanship to review implementation of the
agreement as a whole.
Review procedures following implementation
5. Each institution may, at any time, review aJ.DY problems that may arise in its
operation and, where no other institution is affected, take remedial action in
consultation as necessary with the relevant G,ovemment or Govenunents. It will be
for each institution to determine its own procedures for review .
.6. If there are difficulties in the operation of a particular institution, which have
implications for another institution,. they may review their operations separately and
· jointly and agree on remedial action to be taken under their respective authorities.
1. lf difficulties arise which require remedial action across the range of institutions, or
otherwise require amendment of the British-Irish Agreement or relevant legislation.
the process of review will fall to the two Governments in consultation with the parties
in the Assembly. Each Government will be responsible for action in its own
jurisdiction.
8. Notwithstanding the above.. each institution will publish an annual repon on its
operations. In addition., the two Oovemment.,is and the parties in the Assembly will
f?ODVe:ne a conference 4 years after the agreement comes into effec:r. to review and
report on its operation.
AGREEMENT
BETWEEN THE GOVERNMCENT OF
THE UNITED KINGDOM OF
GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND
AND·
THE GOVERNMENI'
OF IRELAND
The British and Irish Govenunents:
Welcoming rhe mong commitment to the Agreement reached on lOth April 1998 by themselves and
othet participants in the multi-party talks and set out in·Annex l [O this Agreement (hereinafter ••the
Multi·Party Agreement");
Considering that the Multi-Pany Agreement offers an opportunity for a new beginning in relationships
within Nonhem Ireland, within the island of Ireland and between the peoples of these islands;
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Wishing to develop still t~cr the ~ique relationship bcetwee!l thc.ir ~optcs and .the_ close c:o-o~ration
bc::twecn their countries as frtc::ndly ne,ghbours and as partners m the European Umon.
Rc::affirming their total commitment to the principles of dcmocracy and non~ violence which have been
fundamental to the multi-party talks;
·
Reaffirming their commitment to the principles of parmers~ip, <:qualit~ and mur.ual .re~pe~t ~d to the
protection of civil. political. social. economic and cultural nghts ln theu· respccuve JUrtsdxcuons;
Have agreed as follows;
ARTICLE 1
The two Governments:
(i) recognise the legitima.cy of whatever choice is freely exercised by a majority of the people of
Northern Ireland with ·regard to its ~. whether they prefer tp continue to support the Union with
Great Britain or a sovereign united Ireland;
(ii) recognise that it is for the people of the island oflreland alc)ne. by agreement between the two paxts
respectively and without external im~nt,. to exercise thei~ right of self-detetmination on the basiis
of consent. &eely and conetmently g~v~ North and South, to bring about a united Ireland. if t.hal is their
agteement and
wish, a(:cepbDg thai this right must be achieved and exercised ·with and subject to
consent of a majority of the people ofNorthern Ireland;
me
(iii) acknowledge that while a substantial section of the people in Northern Ireland share the legitimate
wish of a majority of the people of the island of Ireland for a united Ireland, the present wish of a
.
majority of the people of Northern Ireland. freely exercised an~ legitimate. is to maintain the Union and
accordingly, that Northern Ireland's status as part of the United Kingdom reflec:ts and relies upon that
wish; and that it would be ...woag to make any change in the status of Northern Ireland save with the
consen1 of a majority of its people;
·
·
(iv) affinn that, if in the future. the people of the island of lreh,md exercise their right of
.
self-determination on the basis set out in sections (i) and (ii) above to bring about a united Ireland, it will
be a binding obligation on both Governments to introduce and support in their respective Parliament>
legislation to give effect to that wish;
·
··
·
(v) affirm that whatever choice is freely exercised by a majority of the people of Northern Ireland, the
power ofthe sovereign government with jurisdiction there s~ll be exercised with rigorous impartiality
on behalf of all the people in the diversity of their identities ar'td traditions and shall be founded on the
principles of full respect for, and equality of. civil. political~ social and cui rural rights, of freedom frc1m
discrimination for all citizen.S, and of parity of esteem and ofj,ust and equal treatment for the identiry,
ethos and aspirations of both communities;
·
(vi) recognise the birthright of all the people of Northern lreh~.nd to identify themselves and be accepted
as Irish or British. or both, as they may so choose, <Uld accordingly confirm that their right to hold b«'th
British and Irish citizenship is accepted by both GovenunentS and would not be affected by any future
change in the status ofNon.hem Ireland.
·
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ARTICLE 2
The two Governments affinn their solemn commitment to support, and where appropriate implement,
the provisions ofdle Multi-Party Agreement. In particular there shall be established in accordance with
the provisions ofthe Multi-Patty Agreement immediately on the entry into foree of this Agreement, th.e
following insti'Ntions:
(i) a North/South Ministerial Council;
(ii) the implementation bodies referred to in paragraph 9 (ii) of the section entitled "Strand
two" ofthe Multi~Party Agreement;
·
(iii) a British·lrish Council;
(iv) a British·Irisb Intergovernmental Conference.
ARTICLE3
( 1) This Agreement shall replace the Agreement between the British and Irish Govemmen\3 done at
Hillsborough on 1Srh November 1985 which shall cease to have effect on entry into force of this
Agreement.
·
(2) The lntergOvemmeutal Conference established by Article 2 of the aforementioned Agreement done
on 15th November 1985 shall cease to exist on entry into force of this Agreement.
ARTICLE4
( 1) It shall be a requirement for entry into force of this Agreement that:
(a) British legislation shall have been enacted for the purpose of implementi:ng
the provisions of Annex A to the section entitled "Constitutional Issues·• of the
Multi-Party Agreement;
(b) the amendments to the Constitution of Ireland set out in Annex B to the
section entitled '"Constitutional Issues" of the Multi-Party Agreement shall have
been approved by Referendwn;
(e) such legislation shall have been enacted as may be required to establish rhe
institutions referred to in Article 2 of this Agreement.
(2) Each Government shall notify the other in writing of the completion~ so far as it is concerned, of l:he
requirements for entry into force of this Agreement. This Agre:ement shall enter into forc::e on the date of
the receipt of the later of the two notifications.
·
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( 3) [mmediately on entrY into torce of this Allreement. the lrish Government shall ensure that the .
amendments to the Constiturion of Ireland set our in Annex B to the section c=ntitlcd "Constitutional
tssues'' of the Multi-Party Agreement take effect.
In Witness thereof the undersigned. being duly authorised thereto by the 11:spective Governments have
signed this Agreement.
•
··
Done in two originals at Belfast on the.l 01h day of April t 998.
For the Govemm.catt
For the Go-vernment
of the United K.ingdom of
of Ireland
Orear Britain aDd Nonbcm
ltelaud
/
ANNEX I
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The Agreement Reached
in the Multi-Party Talks
ANNEX2
Declaration on the Provisions of
Paragraph (vi) of Article 1
In Relationship to Citizenship
The British aad Irish Govemments declare that it is their joint underSWld.ing that the term "the people of
Northem IreJaad" ill parasraph (vi) of Article l of this Agre:eme:nt means, for the purposes of giving
effect to this provision.. all persoDS born in Northern Ireland and having, at the time of their birth; at le~lSt
one parent who is a British citizc:n, au Irish citi1:en or is otherwi.se entitled to reside in Northern Ireland
without any resr:riction on tbe:irperiod of residence.
30 of30.
4110198 I ;J()
�PHONE NO.
ROM-: STREET LAW INC
.,
.Apr. 22 1998 11:18AM P3
202 293 0089
~
.
U.S.-- NORTHERN IRELAND CIVIC EOUCATORS EXCHANGE PROJECT
ABOUT THIS PROJECT: Parallel to the formal, political peace agreement recently signed in
Belfast, a U.S.-Northern Ireland civic educators exchange project Is underway. For... the
overarching ~oals of the recent peace settlement to be realized, there is a need for citi~~ns-\o··:· ·
...
learn, commit and adhere to the fundamental principles of democracy and to/ handle
·
controversial issues in non-violent and peaceful ways.
. ·
.
(
Street Law, Inc., in conjunction with CIVITAS International and USIA, ha;-brought together a
diverse group of NGOs, universities, law schools and othe!r ed~cational experts in Northern
Ireland. They are working. together to develop· new programs to educate youths in both
school and community settings in democratic principles, law, conflict resolution and human
rights. These programs will empower young people. in Northern Ireland, giving them the
knowledge and skills needed to discuss controversial issues in a civil manner and solve
conflicts without violence.
I
.
From April 26-May 14, 1998, a group of 12 c1v1c educators from Northern Ireland (list
attached) will travel to the· United States. This group of educators, representing the youth,
schools and community sectors, will work hands-on with Street Law, Inc. and become familiar
with model civic education programs in the U.S., applying whatthey learn to the Northern
Ireland context. ·During this tour, the group will:
•
•
•
•
•
Be exposed to the best of America's civic educatiqn materials and approaches as
developed by Street Law, Inc. and other leading U.S. civic education organizations;
Receive training in participatory teaching methodologies, effective strategies for handling
controv'ersial issues in the classroom, curriculum development and · program
implementation;
· ,. ' •·
Meet with leaders in the fields of civics, law-related education, human rights and conflict
resolution and observe training ofteachers and young p·eople first hand;
Apply what they Jearn to the Northern Ireland context; and
Develop a follow-up plan ot' action for the creation and implementation of new civic
education programs in Northern Ireland.
Upon returning to Northern Ireland, the group will work tog¢ther with a Northern Ireland Civic
Education Planning Committee to develop and impl~ment civic education programs. These
programs will mark a:new day in Northern Ireland which, due to the political situation, has had
little prior experience in conducting effective civic education either in schools or community
.settings: The newly signed peace agreement has created a more conduCive atmosphere and
an obvious need to educate citizens about the changes brought about by the agreement.
ABOUT STREET LAW:
Street Law, Inc. is a non-profit organization dedicated to
strengthening democracy· 'and justice around the world through education. about the law,
human rights. democracy and conflict resolution. It has ·worked closely with CIVITAS
International and USIA in developing successful ·pro!~rams in Africa, Latin America,
Eastern/Central Europe and the NIS. In the U.S., Street L:aw, Inc. has publi~hed the nation's ·
leading high school law textboo~. Street Law, and has worked ·closely with _law schools,
including Georgetown, Yale and many others.
�.
,.
VITAL
VOICES WORKSHOPS: POSSIBLE TOPICS
POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN A POST-CONFLICT SOCIETY.
·Encouraging engagement: participation in traditional party organizations
Encouraging engagement: supplements and alternati~es to participa~ion in
traditional party organizations
/
Encouraging engagement: interface between community-based
~:~~~iz~tions and political partie~ organized on a regional· or national
Encouraging engagement: urban and rural constituencies: competition and
cooperation
LEGAL/SOCIAL ISSUES IN A POST-CONFLICT SOCIETY
Civic society in a time of change: role of advisory bodies such as civic
fora, non-government organizations, -and lobbies
·
·
The justice system in a time of change: restorative justice and other
. approaches to dealing with socially deviant behavior
Social· justice and social cohesion in a time of change: victims of violence
and the rehabilitation and reintegration of politically motivated prisoners
Self-help in a time of change: legal aid, women's centres: achievements
and prospects
·
Civil and human rights in a time of change: new arrangements and the
effective realization of commonly accepted values .
BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT IN
A. PQST-CONFLICT
SOCIETY
Expanding opportunity: skills and tr.aining needed IJy all sectors of. soCiety
to compete ·in a global economy
Expanding opportunity: entrepeneurship and the building. of small and.
medium-sized businesses
·
�....
-2Expanding opportunity: advancement and pay issu~!s in established
businesses
·
·
·
Expanding opportunity: participation in development and implement~tion of
regional economic developmental strategies .
·.
.
Expanding opportunity:
Expanding opportunity: workplace ~·issues: child can~. balance between home
and work lives
�Communities Facing Times of Change - Their Role i~ the Peace:.Building Process
A Workshop for Community lea.ders in Northern Ireland
· Thursday, April 23 - Saturday·, April 2!i, 1998
Belfast, Northern Ireland
Co-Sponsored by
The Project on Justice in Times of Transition of The Four1dation for a Civii.Soc.iety
and
The Northern Ireland Voluntary TriJst
SUMMARY REPORT
A diverse group ·of over 170 community leaders in Northern Ireland discussed and analyzed
the fears, hopes and multi-faceted challenges related to peace-bu!lding at a unique workshop held . ·
recently in Belfast. This program, entitled '"Communities Facrng Times of Change: Their Role in the
Peace-Building Process," was co-sponsored by The Project on Justice in Times of Transition of the
Foundation for a Civil Society and the Northern Ireland Voluntary Trust (NIVT). .The timing of the
workshop was particularly auspicious as it followed the ground-breaking settlement that. was
reached in Northern Ireland on April 10 and afforded the first opportunity thereafter for
representatives of a broad spectrum of community groups to come together in
forum about the
consolidation of peace. Notably, this was also the first time that many of the representatives of
community groups who attended the workshop, such as. victims' and ex-prisoners' groups, had
attended such a program together.
a
The workshop built upon the NIVT's. previous programmiflg on peace-building and utilized
The Project's methodology of bringing leaders from aroung the wol-ld to speak about dilemmas they
have faced and the solutions they have found as they addressed the issues $Urrounding peace and
reconciliation in their respective 'countries. The workshop was stmctured so that participants could
hear presentations by individuals from Croatia, Israel, Nicaragua ahd South Africa, as well as from
Northern Ireland, the Republic of Ireland and Great Britain. In addition to the formal presentations,
the program included sessions for participants to discuss what they heard and generate ideas about
.
.
strategies that might be applied in their own communities.
The workshop was characterized by an unusual openness and honesty; speakers and
participants described their own experiences, many of them painful, and spoke about their concerns
and desires for the future.· No less remarkable was the obvious commitment· of part_~cipants to
confront their emotions and attitudes, in order to engage in constructive dialogue rather than to
. simply grandstand .or air grievances. The pervading sentiment of· the workshop was .not euphoria
over the recently-negotiated agreement as some might have expected, but rather a feeling ·of
caution and a tentative desire to be. optimistic. Throughout the ri1eeting participants stressed their
concerns about the agreement --- not just the actual terms, though some did voice opposition to the
content of the agreement, but about the fact that they felt removed from the negotiation process
and disenfranchised from the nascent peace process. Workshop participants highlighted a number
of immediate concerns about the distribution and. explanation of the agreement prior to· the May 22
referendum, as well as some of the provisions of the agreement that will be implemented if it· is
passed.
The handling of prisoner release and ex-prisoners was· one of ·the issues that came up
repeatedly ·throughout the workshop.
Discussions on this. isi;ue touched upon. not only the
immediate .fear related to an expected release of prisoners, who some. participants worried might
commit violent acts again in the future, but on the broader is~,;ue of .who might be considered
"perpetrators" and "victims." Workshop participants, bearing in mind the insights provided by the
speakers from Northern Ireland and other countries, considered• the various ways in which the
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people of Northern Ireland have been affected by' the Troubles, such as whether prisoners have also
been victimized by circumstances or if thinking in such a way minimizes the validity of suffering of
those people whose loved ones have been injured or killed. Marie Smyth; who has conducted the
"Cost of the Troubles" study, provided a stark analysis of the traumatic effects of the Troubles on
the population of Northern Ireland. The conclusions of her study were profoundly disturbing; she
detailed the extent of the psychological damage caused to those affected by the Troubles even 22
years after an event, and described broader phenomena such as the correlation between substance
abuse and violence. However, these conclusions were met with expressions of recognition and
agreement, and workshop participants spoke at length about the need to come to terrQs with the
reality of the effects of nearly 30 years of conflict.
Tlhoki Mofokeng who is a Community Services Coordinator at the Centre for the Study of
Violence and Reconciliation in Johannesburg, South Africa, spoke abo.ut the South African tradition
of conflict and the need to now move tow(\rd a tradition of dialogue and tolerance. The key to this,
he maintained, is to "focus on what unites us but acknowledge th:at there are also issues that divide
us." He also elaborated on the difficulties of acknowledging and accepting that South Africa had
created a culture of violence and developing ways to change this mentality. Tlhoki identified three
aspects of such a transition: encouraging dialogue will also necessitate dealing with pain; truth does
not equal reconciliation; and the more truth is revealed, ~he more bitter people can become.
While there was some discussion of restorative justice and mechanisms such as a Truth and
Reconciliation Commission, most workshop participants felt that the task of acknowledging the past
in Northern Ireland can not be accomplished without bridging the gap between the Nationalist and
Unionist communities. The key to this process, many felt, is beginning with what is termed "singleidentity work,.. namely work within one community to encourage understanding of and pride in
one's community. It also allows people to explore perceptions about both their own community and
those outside of the community. For some time the operational premise among community workers
in Northern Ireland has been that single-identity work should precede ~cross-community" work and
the format of this workshop did not diverge from that approach, a method which was considered
appropriate by participants. It was mentioned, though, that single-identity work must .not be
allowed to devolve into a way of reinforcing insularity or entrenched attitudes and stereotypes. Nor
should· people be allowed to forget that there are many communities in Northern Ireland, not just
Protestants and Catholics or Unionists and Nationalists as the population is often portrayed.
Maya Kahanoff, from Jerusalem, Israel who works to promote1tolerance among groups of
Jews and Arabs, sp,oke about Israelis' and Palestinians' different views of history and the fact that
even when the sides agree on historical facts, their perceptions a.re different. She echoed Tlhoki's
assertion that dialogue must replace conflict, but conceded that this can be quite difficult as fear in
societies in conflict is very real. Maya described the structure of· Israeli-Palestinian dialogue groups
and offered an explication of two actual scenarios as a way of illustrating the emotions-experienced
by group participants.
She acknowledged the tension betwe;en desire for reconciliation and
reluctance to change perceptions and collective memory. Maya's presentation spurred discussion
about integrated schools, a topic that was raised repeatedly throughout the workshop. ·Participants
agreed that some sort of educational work must be done if future generations in Northern Ireland
will be able to live in a diverse rather than a divided society. However, participants did not feel that
integration of the formal school system is the. only, if any, way to achieve such education for
tolerance. They noted that socialization occurs in many places other than schools and that the
responsibility for changing mindsets in Northern Ireland can not be delegated only to the formal
education system. Rather, they agreed, it is necessary to consider all of the factors that contribute
to division in the society and to develop ways of changing them.
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· Throughout the workshop participants recognized that there are many groups in Northern
Ireland who must play a role in reconciliation. The important rolo of young people was mentioned
repeatedly as was the need for politicians and the media to behave responsibly and not to fuel the
conflict. Accountability and transparency were cited many times;· many of the community leader's
who attended the workshop expressed dissatisfaction with their elected representatives who are not
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�considered responsive to constituents. This· criticism was augmented by an expressed desire for
community leaders to play a role in forging Northern Ireland's future. It was mentioned that the .
peace agreement contains a number of vague provisions for equality and involvement on ail levels of
society. Although workshop participants expressed frustration at the perceived ambiguity .of the
agreement's text, they also noted the ·potential that might be achieved if the opportunities afforded
by the open·endedness are seized. A specific area of interest is ·the Civic Forum that will be created
if the peace agreement is ratified. Community leaders expressed eagerness to engage in the
development of this institution, as an opportunity is afforded by the lack of definition on this point in
the agreement.
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Branka Kaselj, Executive Director of the Centre for Peace, Non-Violence and Human Rights
in Osijek, Croatia, also spoke about the process of moving from· single·identity work to discussing
issues of peace and reconciliation, to ·finally bringing different groups together.
Yet she
acknowledged how difficult it has been tq_ achieve reconciliation in Croatia when politicians, clergy
and the media use language of hate or sanction acts of violence. Despite frustration about this
situation in her own· country, which workshop participants found relevant to Northern Ireland,
Branka was able to provide the perspective of her practical experience on a range of issues including
methods of educating politicians about the needs of commupities and the role of women in politics.
This last topic drew laugh when someone asked Branka to identify the main obstacles to Croatian
women's advancement in politics and another.participant called out "men!" 'oespite the humor at·
that particular moment; the subject of women's leadership was raised repeatedly throughout the
workshop with unanimous agreement that women have played a ·Critical role in the Northern Ireland
peace process to date and should continue to do so..
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With regard to the media, workshop participants repeatedly criticized the press for .
exacerbating the con.flict in Northern Ireland and reinforcing stereotypes. · Community leaders
expressed a desire to eliminate labels and encourage the media to focus on the positive aspects of
community work rather than only reporting bad news. There was little time at the workshop to
develop specific strategies to achieve these goals, but particip,ants seemed eager to engage in
further discussion on the topic at a later date •. Similarly, the issue of the police was highlighted as
an. area that will need significant reform if peace and reconciliation are to take root. in Northern
Ireland: The reconfiguration of the police into a non·sectarian force presents one of the greatest·
challenges and community leaders felt that it could be helpful .to explore ways in which other
countries such as South Africa have handled this problem.
Community leaders .express~d concern about several other contentious issues that will
require attention in Northern lrelimd such as parades and ·the upcoming _marching season.
Examination of the criminal justice system was also considered key to peace-building. However,
community leaders also spent a good ·deal of time discussing the .social and economic issues that
underlie and contribute to ·confiict in Northern Ireland. GeneraLsocial. needs--and issues of equality
and class as· well as the specific problem of long-term unemployrr1ent were discu~sed both in terms
of the role they have played in the Troubles and how they must be addressed if the peace process is·.
to succeed·.
Carolina Enriquez, of the Education and Action for Peace Program at the Center for
International Studies in Managua, Nicaragua, provided insight on these issues based. on her years ·of
experience in both Guatemala and Nicaragua. She spoke · o1 both the social injustices that
· contributed to conflict in Central America and the process of emt>owering -communities following a
peace accord .. Carolina emphasized the need to learn to fight for social justice in a non-violent way,
by strengthening community· organizations' abilities to propose and effect change. She went on to
say that "'the struggle for peace does. not make people non-political,. it does not erase one's
·ideology, or change a community's set of values or position. On the contrary, it aspires to make
them the leading players on the P,Oiitical stage, promoters of ideas, concepts, attitudes in which ·
superior human values are expressed."
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�. Carolina and the .speakers from ·croatia; _Israel and South Africa all acknowledged, how
difficult it can be for community leaders to effect change despite their best efforts. Workshop
participants voiced their frustration over the multi-faceted · natl.Jre of their jobs as community'
development .workers and the need to possess an amazing array of skills and resources in order to
be effective. Although community activists felt that sometimes the solution is a matter of
identifying appropriate training for skill development, more often they require various support
structures. This is a particular problem for community workers in isolated areas of Northern Ireland.
However, the need. for' support services is not unique to community worker_l> in Northern
Ireland.
Throughout the workshop, participants noted that many of those who have been most
directly affected by the Troubles (both men and women), for a variety of reasons, do not avail
themselves of victims' services. Participants felt that everyone who has been affected should have
the space to tell their stories in order to heal, yet this opportunity should be tempered by respect for
privacy. They also noted· that the needs, of urban and rural communities may be different and
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should be addressed appropriately.
Another issue that community leaders raised was that of funding for. peace-building. work.
They complained that funders have different and sometim~s ina'ppropriate or confusing criteria,
requirements and timelines which make it hard for community groups to comply or caJ.Jse.. them to
develop projects that do not necessarily respond to community tleeds. Community leaders also
expressed concern that the availability of funding will decrease now that a peace agreement has
been forged.· The fear that the international community will lose interest in Northern Ireland is
complemented by an acknowledged need for the community sector! to become self-sustaining rather .
than perpetuating the dependency culture that workshop participants attributed to the Troubles.
Community leaders had no doubt that the agenda they defined at the workshop would take
They were fully cognizant that the process of .building peace and
some time to achieve.
reconciliation and healing the wounds of the conflict will take many years. They noted, too, the
incorrectness of the perception that if the violence is gone, the cor1flict is gone. Rather, peace and
reconciliation are two distinct concepts and the people of Northern Ireland· will have to change their
mindsets in order to grapple with and internalize these ideas. Moving beyond the .,culture of
silence'"· and the trauma of the Troubles will be a long and difficult process. Early on in the
workshop Tlhoki Mofokeng pointed out that "change of any nature often has an element of pain'"
and community leaders recognized the truth of this statement for Northern Ireland. Several people
voiced fear that the changes that may come with the peace agreement won't go deep enough to
transform the society, but there was consensus that communities must struggle for such deeprooted change. In 'time, the community leaders hoped, the people of Northern Ireland will be able to
focus on more conventional social problems.
Workshop participants were quite positive about the program. and commented .that it had
been enlightening and useful to engage in discussion with their colleagues in Northern Ireland and
from elsewhere in the world. This workshop was the first time that certain groups,and individuals
Moreover, participants were·
had come. together which, in itself, was an accomplishment.
thoroughly engaged in the discussions throughout the workshop and· were reluctant to conclude
workshop sessions even when meals were waiting! The Project and the NIVT have solicited formal
evaluations of the program from participants and will· determine the nature of. possible follow-up
programming in light of these responses and other considerations. In the coming months it may be
appropriate to plan additional programs on specific topics of relevance to community leaders and
include individuals from outside of Northern Ireland who have h~d direct. experience with these
issues. It may also be desirable to facilitate a meeting between a s:elect number of Northern Ireland
community leaders and political leaders. Much will depend o~ the outcome of the referendum and
other developments in the coming months, but there is no question that Northern Ireland community
leaders are facing great challenges and if programming of this nature can be of assistance, it will be
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organized.
A full report of the workshop
will be forthcoming.
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Subject: Statement by the President: New Initiatives in Support of Peace in Northern Ireland
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press-Secretary
May 7, :1998
For Immedia'te Release
STATEMENT-BY THE.PRESIDENT
New Initiatives in Stipport of.Peace in
Nbfth~rn
Ireland
Today, I. met with ten women and men represe~tting the ·WAVE: Center
in Northern Ireiarid, a support group'for those who have been·
touched by the p9li tical violence of the past ·three decades. .
Each of .these extraordinary individuals, representing both
traditions in No.t:-thern Ireland, has suffered -- losing members. of
their families or being badly wounded themse~l ves. I was inspired
by·their courage ih rejecting violence· and working for lasting
peace in a land where people· are not ],abe led by religion or. · .
national preference; inspired by thei·r· vision of a future marked
by (reconciliation and cooperation. · And I wi:11 never· forget ·.t~eir
personal stories of sorrow and suffering, stories which are
shared by many people of .both communi ties in Northern Ireland.
·WAVE pro"~•·es hatred can be overcome by !lope, divis,ion can give way
. to unity, as victims of Northern Ireland's tragic past ·work .·
together for a ~righter·futur~.
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The Good Friday Agreement, forged by <:m extr,aordinary ·group of
leaders repr~senting the full range of Northern .Ireland society
and politics, offers 'the people of Northern Ireland the·charice of
a lifetime to secure.a lasting peace. It is tim~ for all the
parties to say no ·-- once and for all --: to violence a'nd yes. to
hope, to make a decisive break with ·th~ past and to launch a ·
brighter ·future.· . There is no· better way to honor the sacrifi<:;:e
of the people with whom· I met today.
and so many more like • -.
them.
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America has' s.tood _by tho~e . who h.ave, ·stood f6i· 'peace, and. w.e :will
, continue· to do .bur· part to help t.he · peop,fe of -~orthern Ireland.
realize th~ ·.tang_ibte benefi,ts ·.of peace·-:..:. s9 .the despair that
accompanied .violence ca·n give way to faith i.n ·the .fub.ire.
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Since 1993, this . Administration and the Congress have c'ontrtbuted
$100 million ·to the International Fund for I\relaild. for Northern·
Iiela,nd and the. border counties.
:the Repuqlic"··of 'Ireland·.. ' I am
tod,ay announcing a 's~ries of actions to bolster .the foundation's ·.~·
of peace.· /
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·First, I .am committ-ed to seeing that the new West Belfast
. Springvale Campus project is completed. I intend .to. work wi.th
. '.Congress to make available up· to ·sS million t<;> make this happen~
J}s a first ~tep, I am directing Jim Lyo,ns; ·.my ~'dvis.or ·for· . ·.: · ..
'economic inftiatives, who is also···our observ;er. on the Board· of
'the ·Internatiortal Fm1d of Ireland, to'cohfirm that the:IFI will
.. approve those funds .. Four years ago, at pur init;:Iative, ·we and
· our partners in the· IFI provided'. the. ~.initial ..5 I'nillion ·pounds/·
that seeded t'tlis 'proj'ect. S.traddling the· Pea'c.e. Line 'that once
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·divided Protestant . fr;om Catholic,. the . Spring;vaie·. Campus· will. give
student:;; of both communities the chance to aoquire the education .
·to ,match the~r .iJ:ldomitable spir;it "" and itl: !:?? doing, enCOUJ::'age
. ·cohesion, community prid~ and economic-" growth.
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I. am. asking .:the United-states,. iriformatio.n ·:Agency tn · s_upport. the
Springvale Campus with its. ··fu+l ·range of ·educational programs,.
includ'ing Fulbright,· Inter11ational. ;V:i,~itors ~:trid Ci,tizen
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Exchanges~ . USIA will -~l:so foster links· between .Springvale and
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·one or more ·Americ.3,n uhivE:;!rsities to,promotec.popera.tion.t)etween
their facult'i~s and establish· ·long-term. ties· ·... . .."•. '
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Second, the United;'$t~.ates is. ca'mmitted ·to helping the communities
in No~thern ~relanc,l· _build the· ne:w. institu.tions created· by ·the .
.·April .10 .accord .•. The· new"ASsen\bly' :Wil·l give the p~ople' both a·
:voice and a stake .in their. peace', bue the ch~lienges to :create a
·functioning instiJ;ution are great. . My Adm.inj,.stratiqn_ will work .
with Congress to make ava:.i.lable $500;. 990 ~s soon ·as 'possib:I.e to:
:ftind program;; to support:· this\ ef:fo.tt ~ "
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.Third, Secretary Daley will. vis~t Northern Ireland in ·early June
' with a high..:level u_.s .. b,usiness delegat;ion' tq inf:e,n,sify what is '.·
:already a substantia~ ecqnomic relations~ip ..: ·Wlth pe(;lce holding •·
firm,· there .a~e str()rig' J:::>tisiness opporttmities we. mt;tst pursue now
t<? boost prosperity and the hope for -t~e' :t:uture ·that: is: cruclp.l:
to the foundations of peace. · . ·
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Fourth, ,.USIA'
suppor.ting th!= . collaborati()n of. the Philadelphia
Jobs- Initiative with Worktrairi, a. -Northe,rn Irela,nd- ." .
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welfare-to-work" initiative. I will meet with representatives of
the two orga·nizations during the U.S. -EU Sulrunit in London. ·
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Finally, I am pleased to.arinourice a Vital Voices Conference to b~
held. in Belfas·t in early fall, with co-sponsorship from. the
United States and' ~egional partners. This conference will
·.showcase and· support women's role in the ec<>nomic arid political 1 ·
life of their society. The women of Northern Ireland.-- wives,
mothers and daughters .:.._ have borne an enorrnous share of the
·trauma of. The Troubles. Now, their participation. will be
essent~al. t6~build a future' of peace and recoriciiiation.
I've
asked the Fi1rst Lady t<;:> ·travel. to Belfast t~> take. part in this.
important conference,.
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We have seen aro.und the world how Americans. have rallied to help .
the lands of their ancestors. I hope the Irish American
Community will co11tinue to support the voices of peace in ·.
Northern Ireland. ·My Administration will continue to do all we
can to foster hope and healing in _Northern Ireland, and to help
its people build a new age. of peace for their families and future
generations.
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Message Sent To:"
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Community and Political Party Participation: a Belfast study
Paper presented at the American Conference on Irish Studies, Villanova;
April1993
Panel: Women and Northern Ireland
(Draft Copy: please do not cite without
the agreement of the author)
Eilish Rooney
Department of Adult and Continuing Education
University of Ulster at Jordanstown
Newtownabbey
Co. Antrim
Northern Ireland
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Preamble: Northern Ireland ; . where in the world?
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· The current conflict" in Nl is almost 25 years old. Long enough for the
present generation to remember nothing other than conflict. But also long
enough to ·he forgotten by the media and to be little more than a vague
memory in the minds·· of the western world's 60s, civil rights generation.
The duration of. the· conflict would be. less significant if NI was
strategically important on the world stage. It is not. The westem world's
· gaze is currently focused on what is seen by some as the emerging 'new
world order'. This comprises the re-emergerit nationalisms that are
reshaping the face of Eastem ·Europe and the Russian republics; on the
Middle East; the Indian sub-continent; on negotiations in South Africa;
~nd, sporadically, on the starving in Ethiopia. NI has neither oil, nor
arms, nor a large population whose destruction may be counted in the
thousands. Within the British Isles and Ireland it has not featured as a
major, or even a minor, electoral issue in either the Great·Britain or Eire
elections.·
The place of NI in the. world was brought home. to. me recently when
addressing some American academics in Mexico. 1 I attempted to convey
the human cost of the .co~ct in NI by translating the NI figures ii;lto the
context of the Mexican population (~pprox. 76m. 1987). Thus, the 3,000
killed in NI would become 153,000 in Mexico; the 33,000 injured would be
over one and a half million; the 22,000 charged with terrorist offences or
detained under the Prevention of Terrorism Act becomes over a million.
In this context the scale ;of the conflict seem~ ,staggering. It may be a
measure of how we are used to quantifying the li~an cost..of con:fJ.ict or
starvation on a large scale that the translation has this impact. NI, and
what may be seen as its creeping devastation, no longer merits 'good copy'
treatment from the med.la. The 'world' has rp.oved on. ·
This is not so much to be .cynical as to be realistic.. The 'new world order'
that we hear of, and the growth in global interconnectedness, seems a long .
way. from the entrenched politics ofNI. So,- who cares? 'fP.ere was recent
talk of a E11ropean Commwiity initiative backed by Jacque Delors which
had short shrift.. And,more recently, there was the'prospect of President
Clinton· sending a 'peace envoy' to Ireland. This stimulated a lot of debate.
Those.who stippolted the idea (mostly nationalists) argued that the US
has some entitlement to act in relation to NI because of. its economic
investment and financial support. .Some unionists opposed a 'peace· envoy'
but welcomed a 'fact finder'· more or less on the same basis. · There was
general agreement that the economic relationship entitled the US to some
. say. It is also generally recognised that Clinton sought and won the Irish~erican vote in the presidential election and that this 'intervention' is a
realisation of his election pledges and, perhaps, an investment in the next ·
election.
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International Studie~ Association Annual Convention; Acapulco,. Mexico: March,
1993. Paper presented at the Feminist Theory and Gender $tudies Section Round
Table: 'Old World Conflict- New World Movement: Instructive Conflict in Northern
Ireland'.
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to. know what women ar_e.doing, what impact they think their_ activities
havein.NI andhow women's political a~d community effec.tiveriess can be
supported and increased; ,W_e intervie\Ved and surveyed women active in ,
local groups, male and female councillors representing these EAs in
Belfast City Council (BCC); and representatives of politic~ parties (see
Appendix for further details).
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To begin with, I provide some background. to the study- the 'why' of it.
The 'how', or methodology, in an appendix. The main body of the paper
reports some of' the findings and highlights some theoretical and practical
implications.
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Background·
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Two observations and two recent events in NI led to this study. The
observations are that women are invisible in electoral politics and they
appear to be highly active at community level. There is no woman elected
to either the Westminster: or the European Parliaments. Over half of the
26 local Government Districts, which maike up the locally elected tier of ~
govemment in NI, have either no woman representative or only one
woman representative (EOC, 1991). Women's community organising, on '
the other hand, has an emerging and a.hidden history. The emerging
history is being recorded, largely by feminists who were active in the 70s
in setting up the organisations that currently facilitate the proliferation of
local groups (Rooney, 1992; Taillon, 1992; Evason, 1991; McWilliams,
1991; Devaney et al, 1989; Roulston, 1989). This activity has been
formalised by trust funding and government· initiatives targeted for areas ·- · ~-·
of deprivation. Some of this frinqing has filtered. through to women's -··
groups. The hidden history of women's organising in· their own
coiDJ;llunities still exists within living memory. In my own childhood
women organised births, wakes, street parties, the rota .borrowing of food·
and money, minding children and so on. Some of this still goes on. The
point is that the local neighbourhood is a place that has traditionally been
considered by women to be their territory. This is not the case in the
political sphere. ·
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Of the ~o events referred to, .one was a women's campaign against what
was seen as sectarian funding decisions taken by unionist dominated local
councils in relation to two women's centres. One of the centres is in a·
predominantly nationalist area and the. other is in a predominantly
unionist area. Women formed a tactical alliance across the political divide
and campaigned to oppose these decisicms. Women in political parties
similarly collaborated successfully over the issue. These alliances were
made possible by the upsurge in women's organising (in local groups and
issue organisations) in the 80s and 90s .. I would argue that a key feature
of this upsurge has.been.the cross fertilisation of experience and expertise
between women active for' some time in these fields in predominantly nationalist communities and women initiating .such projects in
predominantly unionist cominunities.
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The second event was a women's conference. organised by the Workers'
Educational Association, Women's Studies Branch in Belfast. Around 400
·women attended andthe two·workshops on politics and religion were the
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publish a Women's Manifesto. CPiseems to have suffered by the activism
of its women members who have become more involved at COill,JD.unity
network levels. The AP has a Women's Iss11es Group. It also has the
highest percentage of female councillors (18 per cent) and the highest
estimated number of women local· government candidates (27 per cent).
The SDLP has a women's sub-group of the policy committee. The UUP
has a long-standing Women's Council but this has not resulted in any
majorpolicy documents or debates on wom!Bn. The DUP has recently
·begun to put women on the agenda.
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These structures tell part of the story. At annual party conferences of all
these parties the meeting endorses policy and appoints the main executive
committee. However, this committee, which may have an administrative
role, is often not seen as the real source of power in the party. Another
body the 'cabinet' type committee consisting of the party leader, elected
representatives and others was said to be the real power base. · The
percentage of women in this body, in all of the larger parties,. is lower th~ .
elsewhere in the structure. This clearly has implications ,for any party
·that would seek to redress opportunities for woinen within the party
structure.
·
The Councillors Inclusion and Exclusion.
Questions to councillors about women as councillors generated a lot of
comment and contradictory pictures emerged both among the men and
. women and between them. Women spoke .from experience; men .
rationalised or explained how things are as they are. The male councillors
expressed attitudes towards ·women in politics that ·may be ·tentatively··
categorised into three types: admiring-condescension; margmalisation and
tactical acceptance. ·
·
Admiring~condescension. Some councillors saw women as 'special: women
. are admired as mothers, and treated as 'ladies' in the council. Several
emphasised that women do.notcome in for the same barracking abuse as
men. HoV{_ever, 'adririration' slipped into condescension when women were
seen·asgoodgrass-roots workers who 'know·betterthanto get'involved in
,councilpolitics'. One male councillor said that women coUncillors 'hadn't
broken any delph so far'., Another admireq women's 'priorities'· and said
that- political parties did not need crecP,es because 'women ·are . not
politically ambitious enough to sacrifice a child's interests for politics. The
council is clearly seen as a place to be tough!· The implicit passivity of
women in these comments suggests that they are less successful in the
· job.·· .Councillors with these views did not intend to f:)e.em condescending.·
At times during the interview they were keen to stress their support for
women in politics ..
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Marginalisation. This outlook may be summarised in one cotincillor's
comment that women coming forward had to he· a 'special breed'; if she
was of the 'right calibre 'she would have no problems'. Implicit in this ~s
that women had to· be prepared to behave more like men. , A number of · .
comments from some councillors suggested that women do not behave as
astutely as men and their party loyalty -may be suspect. They are seen as
more likely to collaborate, less likely to take committee business seriously
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when they· are closely id.entified with women's issues. One woman .
remarked that she saw women's issues as essentially working· class
community issues but she had failed to gain support for various initiatives·
from male colleagues who did not share her definition. These women note
that no men identify with women's issues and for women to be taken
·seriously they have to show themselves able in all areas. From· what a
number of these councillors said it seems that subjects for debate are
'gendered': 'if they talk about parks ... they expect you to contribute
whereas if they're talking about ... buildings they don't'. And this is
translated into party roles and expectations: 'you're expected to sell ballots
and make the tea but not the speech' ..
Exclusion. The main form (perhaps forum) of women's exclusion is the
'boys' club' network that women say operates in BCC and in the parties.
This is the 'male domain' mentioned earlier. One woman said that, unlike
her male colleagues, she is never phoned VITith 'inside information' .. She
thinks that her male colleagues are a 'bit e~barrassed' by having to deal .
with a woman. They don't know how to tre~it women. This may be linked
to the mix of feelings· of admiration and supElriority outlined above.
The ways women. can collaborate acr.oss :party botindaries on issues· of
interest is seen as a strength by these women but they recognise that it
renders them either invisible or suspect to some male councillors. They
say they are more effective than men on some issues of which they have
first hand experience. They do not gain inclusion on their own terms.
One woman commented that when he:r p~rty is attacked. women
councillors are never mentioned: 'we just seem to ,be irrelevant'. This
· woman -interpreted being treated differently as tantamount to being·
ignored. Women councillors say that won1en listen more and talk less:
'they have to promise more and work .harder'.
More=better?
·The political science literature on political participation of women in
electoral assemblies in north European countries. answers this question
with a cautionary and disheartening, 'Yes,. eventually, when critical mass
is secured' (Leijenaar, 1992; Lovenduski, 1986; Blom, 1988). It is not
surprising that when we asked the councillors if more women would make
a difference to council business women say, yes business would be
conducted more sensibly: meetings would be shorter'. more efficient and.
women's issues. would be on the agenda .. One republican/nationalist
woman said more women would not make.a su.}>stantive difference; party
lines would be the same.
· The men said yes and no. One councillor felt that they would bring 'more
dignity' to proceedings but then he qualified this: 'some of the women can
fight as well· as the men'. This.· r·esponse catches the contradiction
differently expressed by other .men: women 'could be a bit more
sentimental and might ·give way on issues'; 'women can bejust as .bigoted
and vicious as men'. Others decided that it ·depended oil the type of
woman or the party she came from. And others felt that mo.re women
would make no difference unless they were present in large numbers; '50
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as MPs is the way forward. B~t thenthe.r.ub. This not accompanied by ,..
· the belief that women should become active in a political party. ·Only nine · ·
per cent of women selected this as important. -·When asked what would
encourage women to become. involved in electoral politics over a third say
that if political parties were more concerned about issues related to social
issues women would be more encouraged to become involved. One of- a
number of ironies that emerged in this study is that councillors, men and
women of all partie,s, say that. most of their constituency work is devoted
to dealing with problems related to unemployment, housing and poverty.
· These are the very issues that concern women in local groups and around
which they organise. They also want this work recognised and say that
one way to encourage women's political participation is to 'value women
and the contribution they have to make'.
·~Inclusion
and Exclusion
Like any organisation asked to assess its effectiveness local women's
groups link their effectiveness to their acc:ess to resources. In relation to
this, some contrasts emerged between, for instance, church based groups, mother and toddler groups and communit.y·development oriented groups
in terms of their resources, control of resources and perspectives on the
relationship to 'their community'.· Groups appear to have 'constituencies',
as it were, in communities just as councillors have 1n electoral areas.
Groups do more than 'represent' themselves and their interests as a set of
individuals. They see themselves as knowing the local needs and doing
something to address them. One women echoed the feelings of others in
the feedback session when she said:' 'groups~Jik,e,, us help people in the ._ ~;"'""""
community more th~ the politicians'. .:-: __ .
. Access to resources is a key means of·be:.ing effective in the community.
However, developments within local ,groups in the community sphere
seem to occur in the wake of funders .thinking of other things. There is no ·
·sense of a coherent overall strategy to consolidate these activities or to aid
women in their community participatjion. The involve,ment of the
churches, of large voluntary sector organisations, and the development of
centralised trust administration may;in some instances, have benefits for
some of these groups and for their communiti,es. The amorphous agencies
and bodies in the voluntary sector do .n9t..form an institutional structure.
The problem of building a picture of women's participation in this context
is that there is no apparent structure-to 1-deconstruct' in order to see how
women's activities relate to decisive devE~lopments. In other words, it is
difficult to see how women are included and excluded -on the basis of
strategy. There are three key funding areas: community economic ·
development, community relations and community care. By definition,
women's groups•are excluded from the first. Their inclusion in community
relations funding is conditionaL on. satisfying criteria that may not reflect
women's ways of working a_nd ofconceptualising dialogue. It also excludes -·
· groups who, for reasons not of their making, are unable to apply under the
criteria. ·Inclusion in 'community care' type funding is also conditional on
satisfying externally set criteria. ..
The women and community dimension of this research began with the . ·
observation of growth and vitality. It is a precariousvitality. Some of the
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Iri this study women and nie_n ·agreed that :the ·r~asop.·wOnien are· not in
politics is ·primarily because they ·.are 'differe:nt' ·in their domestic
responsibilities (not so much a matter· of 'm:ale.:Ininus' as· 'female:-plus' i.e.
woman, plus children, plus household etc.). A con8equence of this is that
they do not have the time. We have already noted that these wo,men live
in areas that experience some ·of the highest levels of deprivation in NI. In
a recent article on women's ·citizenship Ruth· Lister (1993) has noted
research which concludes that poverty is a 've·cy time-consuming condition
.:. even in two-parent families it is largely women's time that is consumed'
(Lister, 1993). Other studies have argued tli'at 'lack of time and lack of
mobility, especially when combined with lack of money, as they frequently
are, are key constraints on women's participation in formal politics' (Coote
:and Pattullo, 1990). Time does not appear to be a constraint on the
women who took part in this study. The group, however, is a woman and
child friendly place. If political parties and local councils adopted this
approach it is conceivable that women would be there. Women are seen
by women and men to be 'different' in a number of respects arising from·
women's primary role in the home and family. These 'clifferences'' are
treated in a positive way in the local group. But in the council they are
deviant differences and are treated in a negative manner. One councillor
·made a delightfully concise contribution to the 'difference' debate when he
. said: Women are different but we treat them the same!
Public and Private: Politics at home in the North
· The public-private dichotomy is" another s·efiueti~ely simple· construct
which ~as problematized in our research and is particularly problematic
in NI where, for instance, the political acti.,.rity and impact of paramilitary
and military organisations is not in the 'public' domain. Again, the way in
which this construct was challenged in this research is anecdotal. One
woman in the feedback session said that in her group they 'keep politics at
home'. This was an acknowledgement of political division within·
communities which, if admitted to the group, could wreck relationships
and the work. There are· echoes here with research on women in conflict
situations.and in ethnic mhi.orities. Frame\l\Torksofpractical and strategic
alliances, developed.by researchers in these fields; have similarities with
what we see in NI (Mohanty, 1992; Waylen, 1992; Hom, 1991; MoljrneUx:,
1986).
The strategic· political aim is set aside in favour of attaining
practical objectives. Politics are kept 'at home': ·
· ·
Implications: practical ways forward.
Some of the implications of this research are. self evident. Women are .
active in politica] parties and in local groups. They face· particular
. difficulties and barriers to participation in electoral politics. Women and
men perceive these difficulties differeridy. · The political parties that
participated in this research are interested in recruiting more women and;·
they say, that they are keen to promote women in the party structures, .
There is much for them to learn from this ·study.. W:omen.in local groups ·
face particular difficulties in relation to how their work is perceived within ·
the voluntary sector and by funding bodies. The findings of this research
could inform funding and policy decisions. in the voluntary sector in NI
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stages of data analysis which· we wanted to 'discuss with them. We
decided, therefore, to have community based disseminationl and feedback
workshops in each area. This proved a rich source of insight arid has been
important for the interpretation of the findings. Women enjoyed the
experience and appreciated being told of the findings.
Issues arising
It is a commonplace' observation that research defines problems and
shapes knowledge. It is worth repeating each time we produce findings or
aim for understandings. Why are we asking the questions? Why are we
trying to answer them in this way? And who is funding the work? A
simple instance of the way we 'shaped' our :research lay in the way we
selected the locality for the research. The study area was chosen to fit
how the city council and political parties organise. This bears little
relation to how women in local areas organise.
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Methodology: plurality of approaches
This is no more· than a brief outline of the study approa·ch and
methodology. Three Electoral Areas (EAs) of Belfast were chosen as the
site of this study. One returns all unionist cmmcillors, another returns a
combination of nationalist and republican cotincillors and the third,
mainly unionist, returns. a party mix. These EAs comprise some of the
areas of highest deprivation in NI. Taken together they ~annot be seen as
representative of Belfast or of NI as a whole.
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Fo·~~ forms of data collection were used. Two were ·concerned with
building a picture or group activity and local community 'activism by
women; and two concerned with electoral politics in the EAs and the
· presence or the absence of women in the form~l political arena.
Women participate in a range of community based actiVities -youth and·
community projects, community employment (ACE) schemes and
community action groups to name a few. Women's roles·in these groups
would include those of members, workers, users and so on. The scale was
too large and not useful for our purposes. We targeted local women's
groups and defined such a group as any group o~ women who organise in
their local community. · In all, 26 of the 28 groups contacted responded (98
per cent) and returned 213 questionnaires (45 per c~.:nt). Given the return
rates to P.ostal questionnaires this is a reasonably good).·esponse ..
In .order to supplement the survey and to deepen our understanding of
community development and women's growing participation we conducted
interviews and questionnaires with women and men (15 in all) who could
be regarded as active in a professional and/or activist sense in these local
communities. These people provided an historical dimension and
overview context to the survey.
Sixteen councillors represent these EAs; four of these are women. We
invit~d them to participate in a structured, face to face taped interview.
The response was very positive: 14 of the 16 agreed.
Finally, we were concerned to set the comments of councillo.rs in the wider
context of their political parties and of the parties' records as far as.
incr~asing women's participation was concerned. In all, seven parties
<;tgreed to provide a representative to be interviewed.
Action Outcome
Finally, we originally intended to disseminate findings of the research at a
conference or seminar. When we were about half way through the study
we decided that the priority of the dissemination process should be to .
inform the local women's . groups ·who had participated in the
questi()nnaire: This was the single set of respondents with whom we had
no face to face contact and a number of queries had emerged in the early
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�To: Bonnie.Campbell
From: Catherine B. Shannon
·. Re: Domestic Violence Issue in Northern Ireland- Vital Voices, Belfast
Date: 14 July 1998
Dear Bonnie,
Enclosed is a short paper that Monica McWilliams ga-ve at Villanova based on the
research that went into her longer study. It is a good summary. I also enclosed a paper
by EilishRooney that gives some background on women's involvmeent in c~mmunity.
You may find my piece one that provides a bit of historical perspective on the impact of
the troubles. on women from the early days to quite recently.
Monica's published work which she co-:-authored with Joan McKiernan is
BRING IT OUT IN THE OPEN,
.
. Published in 1993 by HMSO, ISBN is 0-337-07824-·6
Price was sterling 9.95
Monica has published many articles on the topic which should come up in a
bibliographic search if you have those capabilities. Meanwhile, 1"11 try to locate her
c.v. which I have filed somewhere which will list many of these. Hope this provides you
with the background that you need. Give me a call if you have further queries.
Tel.. 413 568-5060 or
781 545-6472
Answer machine at both places.
Catherine Shannon
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THE IMPACT OF POLmCAL CONFUCT ON
DOMESnC VIOLENCE IN NORTHERN IRELAND'*
Joan McKiernan
Research Officer
Centre for Research on· Women
University of Ulster
Monica McWillianls
Lecturer in Soda/ Administration and Policy
University. of Ulster
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Paper· presented to the
American Conference Of Irish Studies, 1993 ·
University ·of Villanova, April 14th to 16th·
(Not for quotation without permission of authors) ·
*
We should like to acknowledge the support of the Department of Health and
Social Services in Northern Irelan~ which funded the research project from
which some of the material for this paper was drawn. An earlier version of thi.s
paper was presented at the Fifth International Interdisciplinary Congress on
Women, Costa Rica, February 1993.
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It is the purpose of this paper to discuss the implications for abused wom~n and .
children living fn a society dominated by a high level of political conflict and to examine
· the state response to such abuse occurring Jn the midst of other forms of violence.·
Raising the issue of domestic viol~nce can become problematic particularly with those
who consider it a distraction from the policing of other forms of. crime in what has
· become one of Europe's longest running political conflicts. When the violence occurs
in the more private "domestic" arena of the family home ·and when the society also
happens to be a more traditional, religious oriented one ~hen further constraints can
exist in recognising domestic violence as a serious problem.
We also argue that studying any form of violence in·the context of a 'political conflict
. can have a particular significance for those being studied and is often reflected in tr.e
way the violence itself is portrayed and defined. In the context of Northern Ireland,
there are various types of acceptable and unacceptq.ble levels of violence which can
exist alongside and overlap with each other. For example, when certain places which
are generally considered to be neutral no longer remain so, there · is a general
perception that ·an unacceptable level of violence has been reached. ln Northern
· Ireland, this is exemplified by the enormous condemnation following the attacks which
take place in hospitals, school playing grounds, churches, universities and family
homes. A woman's own home has not, however, received public recognition as a
place of safety in· the same way and there is little public condemnation when women
are abused in their homes. Public recognition therefore of what constitutes acceptable
arid unacceptable levels 9f violence is predetermined by the consciousness of the
political nature of the act rather than the morality of th..~. act itself.
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When one refers to Northern Ireland as a violent ·society, whaf comes to'mind ·is the
intense political conflict during which more than 3,000 people have been killed and
30,000 seriously injured. Although the scale of the political conflict is relatively low
when compared. to the 700 Palestinians who died during the two year· Intifada or the
65,000 killed in one decade in El Salvador, .there are two significant features of the
political conflict which distinguish it from what is happening elsewhere. First is the
length of time over which the violence has been sustained and second is the relatively
small size of the country. The 'Troubles" have continued unabated since 1969 when
armed troops were called into Northern Ireland to deal with the escalating violence on ·
the streets. Since then, there has been 14,000 bombs and ~4,000 shootings in what
Malan (1993) has referred to as a country "with barely enough people to fill a
telephone directory."
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As result of this violence, women have had to face the destruction of family life from
many different quarters. Some have been psychologically scarred by the death and·
injuries to loved ones wh.ilst oth~rs have been em9tionally burned out trying to cope
on a daily basis with the repercussions of such political turmoil. Women both inside
and out of prison have also been effected by the political situation. In both Loyalist and
Nationalist communities, for example, women havE! had to bear the .financial burden
of supporting their families whilst their partners have been in prison or held for long
periods on remand whilst awaiting trial for political offences. The issue of stripsearching female prisoners has been viewed by the women's movement· in Northern
Ireland as an act of personal violation by the pHson authorities · and ·remains an
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extremely controversial issue in a country . which puts a high price on personal
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modesty.
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Over the past twenty three years, women have also become the direct_ victims. of the !
Troubles. Two hundred women and young girls have been killed by bomb explosions; : ,/
'gun· attacks and plastic bullets. Victims of the IRA violen~e vary in age from ·a four\
year old girl caught in crossfire to a ninety-one year old woman· who died in a bomb :
explosion. Policewomen and soldiers have also been killed in gun and mortar attacks. l ·
Women and girls ·have been shot by soldiers and police and killed or injured by plastic
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bullets. Similarly, loyalist paramilitaries have sing_led out a number of Republican\ iv~f!
women for assassination and have also targeted Catholic women who have been
married to Protestants or have lived or worked in a predominantly loyalist area.· More · ~· ~ {·
recently,· arson attacks by loyalist paramilitaries on the homes of single parents have ;i f,. ;:
resulted in several deaths of women and children and are seen as a seriops and more ··.
repulsive development to the sectarian nature of the violence. All of these have raised
the question· about the morality of killing women and there is invariably a much greater
sense of public outrage than when the victim is a r<nan. ·This sense of moral outrage,
however, stands in sh'arp contrast to the limited attention paid to the deaths of women
as a result of domestic violence and raises once again the contradictory messages
. about women's lives.
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This contradictory message is also witnessed in areas of public policy. Decisions
relating to social, economic and political policies · have been dominated by the
Troubles. Mclaughlin (1991) argues that the focus of the media, research and --- ,._
government bodies on what is seen to be the main problem -:s_ectarianism and.politi,cal ---conflict- has obscured the reality of other areas of inequality, with gender inequality
very low on the list of priorities. ·For example, current reports on public expenditure
show that government funding directed at reducing the divisions between Catholics
and Protestants is over five times -the amount spent addressing the inequality of
women in society (NI Financial Estimates 1992).1
Traditional society
One of the .most important influences on women's lives in Northern Ireland is the
conservative part played by Church and State which combine to ensure that women
· remain in the ptimary role of wife and mother. There is much· support for the view that
Northern Ireland is a more traditional society than Great Britain. The Social Attitudes
Survey, for example, showed that attitudes in Northern Ireland are more conservative
on issues such as sexuality, abortion and divorce .(Montgomery and Davies 1991 ). This
conservatism was also highlighted by the· enforced delay in extending divorce· reform
legislation to' Northern Ireland due to the objection of both Catholic and Protestant
churches. Political and religious groups have combined in their opposition to the:,
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In 1992, 5.1 million pounds was · spent on the Fair
Employment Commission and cross CC!)mmuni ty projects aimed at
combatting sectarianism·compared to. one million pounds used to
fund the work of the Equal Opportuni es Commission .
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extension of British legislation on abortion whilst legislation on homosexual rights was
introduced into Northern Ireland as a result of coerc:ion from the European Court of
Human Rights. More recently, Catholic and Protestant activists have publicly combined
_in objecting to the establishment of a Brook Advisory Clinic in Northern Ireland which ·
provides information on contraception to adolescents.
On the subject of domestic violence, the legislation providing for protection and
exclusion orders only applied to married women when it was first introduced in
Northern Ireland . in 1980 (Domestic Proceedings (NI) Order). As a result, . it took
another four years before cohabiting women could obtain court orders against violent
partners (Family Law (Miscellaneous Provisions)(NI) Order 1984). Similarly, there were
major objections by certain members of the judiciary who felt that family life was being
threatened by the introduction of exClusion orders. One local magistrate found it hard
to believe that, in his interpretation of the new legislation, "a man could be put out of
his own home'; and drew comparisons with the penal evictions during the nineteenth
century in Ireland (McWilliams 1991 ). ·
Mitchison (1988) describing the role of women's gri::H,Jps -in Northern Ireland has argued
that it is more difficult for women to assert their independence as a result of the
entrenched conseNatism of, the society in which they live and the extent to which the
political situation has reinforced traditional family networks. Both of these, she claims,
have disallowed a radical reappraisal of politics within the home and kept women's
liberation very far down the political agenda. Mitchison also notes that in addition to
these features of the society, the militarisation of Northern Ireland has meant that
domestic violence can go relatively unchecked. T~1e extent t9 which this is the case
currently wa~ one of the main features of our own research.---
The Research
The research referred to in this paper originated in an United Kingdom initiative from ·
the Ministerial Committee on Women's Issues which recommended that Health and
Social SeNice professionals should examine the most effective ways of dealing with
those. experiencing domestic violence. The research, which involved a one year
qualitative study of domestic violence in Northern Ireland, was aimed at an
-assessment of the helpseeking process of women and included an appraisal of the
agencies with V{hom they had come iri contact. A demonstration project on domestic
violence was to follow, so the focus .of the research was to identify experiences
particular to women living· in Northern Ireland and to assess the extent to which these
differed fro~ the helpseeking process elsewhere. One of the assumptions ·of the
research was that any understanding of help~seeking and help-provision in Northern
Ireland should take account of the varying contexts in which assistance is potentially
sought and delivered.
·
There were two stages of data collection. The first involved in-depth inteNiews with
women who had recent experience of domestic violence, the second involved the helpproviders and focused on professional practice in relation to domestic violence. The
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�second phase was designed to build on the first so that the various agencies would
have the opportunity to respond to specific problems reported ·by the women.
(
The research focused on ,two localities, one urban and one ruraL Interviews were
carried out in a predominantly Catholic area and a predominantly Protestant area in
both localities in orde·r to assess whether there were any differences in relation to the
religious/political divide iri Northern Ireland.
·
In-depth interviews were carried out ·with 56 women who had experienced domestic
violence. One group of women (22) were intervi.ewed in Women's Aid refuges.
Another group (28) had already ended their relatioflships and were resettied in the
community. A smaller number of women (6) were still living with their partners.
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The sample included women from the two largest communities in Northern Ireland,
Protestant {23) and Catholic (30), and a smaller group from the Traveller community
(3). The sample of women were predominantly working class, but women from middle
class backgrounds,· professional households and farming families were aJso
represented. Most of the women came from lar;ge towns, but we were able to
· interview a small number of women living in more rural areas.
The second stage of the research involved interviews with 120 help-providers from
both the voluntary and statutory sectors. These included a wide range of professionals
in the health and social services in the sample areas who were employed. at different
levels of management. The responses of the womenjofluenced the selection of this
group since these highlighted the various agencies wtiich·~t~ey had been in contact.
Given that the project's focus was on health and social services, there was no ·formal
participation by the police {Royal Ulster Constabulary) but a number of police officers
at local and regional .level contributed informally to. the research.
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Methodology
In planning the interviews for the first stage, it was felt there was little point in
approaching women who had experienced domestic violence with a predetermined
schema and a range of deductively derived concepts. Our research started with
women's articulation of their experience and general concepts were derived in
negotiation with- the women themselves. As far as possible; the women were allowed
to be the authors of their experiences and in the case of Traveller women their story ..
as it was told directed. the method rather than the other way round .. This is a process
which ·Liz Kelly {1988) calls building "a cooperative framework" while Dobash and
Dobash {1979) describe it as "learning about the problem in its concrete form" .
. ~!though this proved to be a time consuming exercise, it was also a productive part
of the research .process:
··
·
.
As the two female researchers involved, we deeided that we should both become
actively involved in the interviews to sustain the kind of continuity which we felt was
needed in. a project such as this.· In order to familiarise women who were willing to
4
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~~
,
participate with the project's objectives, we began by organising group meetings in
refuges and community/women's centres. These discussions· were then used to
develop a schedule of questions as well as to gather initial information on women's
· help-seeking process. In this way, we succeeded in developing a suit~bly robust
instrument which could be used to identify issues that were not developed in the
literature but which were felt to be. important to explore in the speci~c context of
Northern Ireland.
Research Findings
.~·
Our interviews with women provided a vivid picture of the nature of domestic violence,
with Women describing violent acts which would not be tolerated in any context other
than the home. One third of the women in our study were assaulted during their b(..- \.f 1
pregnancies and two women suffered miscarriages. A number of women told us they ""-~' _~,......
were raped. Several women told us that they had sex when they did not want tQ 9-nd v 0 , \t ~ ~L
others had given in just to please their partner. Marital rape was one of the problems
_.,..
that women were most reluctant to disclose and they commented on the rapes almost
as an afterthought. Often the women saw no esi::ape from the brutality except by
inflicting harm. on themselves or even by attempting· to end their own lives. Eight
women in this survey took overdose~ as a result of the violence; cine did this four
times. The women's experiences gave us an understanding of their reactions to the
violence, their decision making process, and the particular constraints placed on them
as a result of living in a more conservative society;
.. :. ...
~
·-.r.·'
Weapons
The· men used a variety of weapons to assault their partners.
Research by .
\
Montgomery and Bell (1986) has shown that the increased availability of guns in 1 ~~
Northern Ireland means that more dangerous forms of torture can be used against the l) .
abused women. Several of th.e women in our study were threatened with guns and
the possess ron and use .of guns was a particularly threatening aspect of domestic
violence cases. Women told us of their experiences when agun was put to their head
. but they never knew whether or not there was a bullet in it. This ."game" which the
men enjoyed playing is known as Russian Roulette and has been widely used on
prisoners captL:Jred. during war. This form of mental torture cari have long term
psychological consequences with the additional problem for the women that it leaves
no physical marks. As with all such forms of mental torture, women have greater
difficulty making those in positions to help them t~elieve ;their stories.
Men who· did not keep guns. in their houses were still in a position to threaten their
partners by suggesting repeatedly that they knew where they could get one. Whether
or not the gun was produced was often not relevant in that the threat was enough to ·
sufficiently frighten the women.
5
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I
A few women in the study also found that the police would not remove their husbands' ·
guns, particularly where the guns. were provided for personal protection. In one
incident ·when the police did remove the· gun from a husband who was a policeman,
he was able to retrieve it from the police station the next day.
·
Traditional attitudes
'
' .
The interviews conducted for this research Clearly illustrated the barriers imposed on
women by social and religious attitudes in Northern Ireland and provided evidence of
traditional attitudes towards marriage and divorce, E.!ven among the younger women
in the group. The most common religious .belief which affected women's decisionmaking was the idea that marriage was forever. Both Catholic and Protestant women
had problems which they felt were the consequence of the more fundamentalist views
of their families. Specific religious objections to div,orce were mentioned by several
women but even amongst women who did not.con~ider attitudes towards divorce to
be a problem, the general perception was that marriage was serious and you worked
at it. Traditional attitudes towards marriage and the family confirmed the extent to
which women were prepared to keep violence hidden and consequently placed major
obstacles ·in their helpseeking process.
During the interviews the very high value and expectations that women placed on their
marriages was evident. The importance of this for wqmen within local communities and
the attitude toward single parenthood made leaving -viole.nt. partners more difficult.
Since they wanted to make their marriages work, the women would try again and
·again and hope for change. To admit to others that their marriage had failed was
particularly difficult for these women since they felt that they would be blamed and that
their mistakes would be exposed to public view. Their fear of exposure was important
because of the Stigma which most of the women felt still operated in Northern Ireland
against single parent women who were separated or divorc~d, were victims of
domestic violence, or had lost custody of their children ..
Coping
Much · emphasi~ in the literature and in professional practice is placed on an
examination of the reasons. why women do not act to stop the violence and leave the
relationship. The women we interviewed showed that they had an arriaz!ng ability to
cope. They were not in any sense the passive victims as portrayed so often in the
. professional literature. T~ese women do resist but they have to make their decisions
about resistance within a frame of knowledge about what is realistically possible.
· Some of the help-providers we interviewed suggested that equal emphasis should be
placed on the other side of the equation by asking why do men keep coming back.
Men's insistence on coming back to their partners was a major problem for many of
the women we met,. some ofwhom had to leave Northern Ireland although they would
have had more support remaining near their marital home. But as one woman
6
�·.
explained, "I knew from 'the last time he was in the same area as me, and I still never
got no peace. I just can't be in the same country as him. I just have to stay out of
the. way completely." Marzmuk (1992) shows that when a woman threatens to leave
or has left a relationship, the incidence of murder/suicide increases. This is exemplified
by a recent case in Northern Ireland in which a man could not accept that his wife had
left him, made arrangements to meet her, used a shot-gun. to kill her and then turned
the gun on himself. This case was similar to many othe1rs which highlights the problem
for women that even when they escape they are still not safe. That they frequently go
unreported also highlights the lack of attention which is paid to domestic violence-even
when it results in death.
We also interviewed women who had remained in Nor·thern Ireland but at the expense
of brea.king all their connections with communities and families and by disappearing
"underground" into an area where they hoped to remain anonymous. This option
presented enormous difficulties for women who had previously had a family and social
network for ·support. it proved to be particularly problematic for women from the
Traveller and Asian .communities. The feelings of separation from their distinct cultural
groups and the loss of friends and social networks were exacerbated by the
experience of moving into an alien, settled· or English speaking environment. The
isolating effects of such experiences influenced some women to return to their abusive
partners. ·
Other women took advantage of the. violence in Northern Ireland to escape their
partners. They ~eliberately chose t~ move to Northern,-.lre!§l!~ from the Republic of
Ireland and Great Britain in the expectation that the political co_nflict might deter their
partners from -'following them. Some women chose particular communities within ·
Northern Ireland to resettle where it would be dangerous for their husbands to follow.
It is ironic that the much publicised violence of Northern Ireland should become a
refuge in itSelf for women wHo are trying to find some kind of sanctuary.
P()/ice in Northern .·Ireland
Since the foundation of the state in 1921, Weitzer {1985} and Farrell (1983} argue that
the police (Royal Ulster Constabulary) have been seen by Nationalists as a highly
partisan. force organised in defense of the state and opposed to the interests of the
Catholic minoritY. Currently the composition of the police force in Northern Ireland is
over 95 per cent Protestant.· Moreover, Weitzer (1985) notes that. despite British
government efforts to transform the Royal Ulste~r Constabulary into a 'normal'
:modernised police force, police attitudes, time and n:~sources have been concentrated
on .the political conflict. It is not .surprising then that the Chief Constable disclosed that
80% of police time is involved in security duties and that the whole force would have
to be reoriented to a community service role should peace become a reality (cited in
Weitzer,. 1985). One result of the current orientation of the police in.Northern Ireland
is that there has been a lack of attention paid to the victims ·of the violence which
occurs in the home and consequently a lack of available resources.
7
�- - - - - - - -
...
'
The police in Northern Ireland do not have any domestic violence units similar to those
currently operated by police forces in Great Britain. Domestic violence work is
subsumed within units responsible for rape and child abuse despite a recognition that
the police ·officers in these units are already over-stretched with the increasing
workload on these cases. Police officers have publicly stated that they do not have the
resources to set up a specialist unit on domestic violence since much of their funding
is focused on preventing terrorism. However, the questi9n which is frequently asked
by women's groups and others working in this field is who defines the concept of
terrorism and speCifies the context in which it takes place. For the women in our study,
the terrori~m they spoke of was from the men they lived with. The problem arises,
however, that in the context of Northern Ireland. this domestic terrorism is not
considered to be as important as the terrorism which results from the political situation
and consequently fewer resources a·re applied to resolving the. problem.
'
'
For the more acceptable work. of defeating the political "terrorists", the police in
Northern Ireland are relatively well equipped. As a result of the intensive ·and
prolonged level of political unrest, the Northern Ireland police have become a heavily
militarized quasi-paramilitary force. Brewer (1990) found in. his study that the police
also recognise the conflict between their dual roles of carrying out ordinary policing
duties on the one hand, while having to function in a repressive manner when
containing political violence.
The Royal Ulpter Constabulary is now the largest police force in the United Kingdom
with one police officer for every 193 people compared to one for every 531 people in
East Anglia (HMSO 1993). At the same· time, it has the lowest percentage of women
police officers despite evidence which has highlighted the need for women officers to
be available to respond to crimes such as r~pe, child ~buse and domestic violence.
Women police of~cers, unlike their male cOlleagues, remain unarmed in Northern
Ireland, which may explain their lower recruitment within the force given it's more
militaristic duties. It may also be the case however that the need for woman officers
to undertake "normal" police work has not be taken as seriously in· Northern Ireland .
when compa~~d to other regions of the United Kin~1dom. 2
.Counting Domestic Violence
The Royal Ulst~r Constabulary have also become a highly equipped police force with
the latest'. in high powered weaponry and the largest computerized surveillance
equipment in the United Kingdom (Weitzer 1985). Some areas have been so saturated
with intelligence equipment that the police and army know the lifestyle and activities
1
of many of the families living within the area. In contrast to this there is no published
,
I
,
2
In Johnston v Chief Constable of the Royal Ulster
Constabulary (1986},
the applicant was one of 39 female
reservists in the RUC whose three year contracts of employment
were not renewed, while those of their male colleagues were. The
women successfully challenged the decision which mainly revolved
around their ability_to carry weapons.
8
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·.
data on the number of women assaulted by their partners each year nor in~eed is
there any official record of the number of women who have been murdered by their
3
partners in Northern lreland.
Most homicides in Northern Ireland are directly related to the political situation. There
are about 25 domestic homicides (non political} eaeh year compared to the two to
three hundred people killed each year as a result of the Troubles. However, a private
study showed that in 1991, 40% (1 0} of the non-political homicides was the result of
·
·
·
domestic violence. 4 .
In 1991, t~e Royal Ulster Constabulary introduced guidelines on domestic violence
which recognised the need to have some type of data retrieval system, similar to those
operating in other regions. The guidelines recommended that all calls relating to
domestic disputes should be recorded and a quarterly statistical return be submitted
.(Force Order No. 7/91 ). To date the only information that is available from this
procedure is the number .oUncidents of domestic violence which are reported to the
police. In 1991/92, there were _2,800 such incidents but caution must be taken with the
figures produced since uniform procedures. and definitions of domestic violence have
not yet been established. The data provided does not indicate whether these are new
or rep~at calls, nor do they indicate the gender of the victim orlhe relationship of the
victim to the .abuser. What this does reveal is the contrast between the sophisticated
levels of data collection on politically related offenc~s and this particular system which
to date can tell us very little.
Traditional police attitudes on domestic violence, together wi"th the current political
situation, also call into question the accuracy of these statistics. During the project, we
found evidence to support the view that differential reporting of domestic violence does 1
?
exist in Nationalist and .Unionist communities which in turn · influences the data ) v
collection. At the same time, the process is also influenced by police views on the
priority attached to this task particularly where those responsible for the data collection .
may not consider such work the best use of their time.
1
The Chief Constable's Annual Report still does not list
domestic violence as a·separate notifiable offence. The ·latest
report lists a total of 3338 offenses ·against the person in
Northern Ireland. But of that number, 22.63 are grouped in a catch
all category of 'other offenses against the person'. Domestic;
violence offenses are unlisted in this category.
4
Reported by RUC Inspector Peters at Lisburn conference on
Domestic Violence, June 1992
.._
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Legitimacy
')I
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iAIJ.t/if"tL~*--t-ti:.i1/Mj/
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'
. The issue of domestic violence is also reflected in the struggle for legitimacy which is
contested by the security forces and the paramilitary groups in community areas
(Rowthorne & Wayne 1988). Fairweather, McDonough and MacFadyean (1984) have
suggested that residents living in Nationalist areas look to the IRA to control the level
of crime·. Unofficial community policing has been carriEx:l ciut by paramilitaries in both
f~
Loyalist and Nationalist areas who mete out strict punishments such as kneecapping
1 1
· · for crimes such ·as -joyriding and burglary. Each side lias its interests to defend.· While
"' ''· . ·
the aim of the security forces is the defeat of the paramilitary organisations, the aim
, ,··(.,tt
11
of the paramilita~ies is t? keep the poli~e and army out of local areas. ~he lack of ~-: r- A~.c.t1..)
res~ons~ to 'ordma~ en me' by the poJice. has been see~ ~y so~e sect1o~s of the
D·"· -·
.
Nat1onahst commumty as part of a counter msurgency tacttc 1n wh1ch the pollee allow ll~":V~t, '
criminal activity to continue unhindered in certain areas in an attempt to alienate the t · .~
community from the IRA. Simultaneously, it .is considered to be in the interest of the. (...)1/.cl~paramilitaries to keep p~lice out of their area.
<
5v. ·
·'/!
v
.}0-f+·l
In our study we found the onus was placed on the women to do something such as
charge the husband or leave the home herself. Women also reported that some
police officers attending their calls either supported their husbands or minimised the
violence. The response which followed was to disbeli~ve the women and support the
partner by allowing him to remain in the house. The attitude to domestic violence was
. clear in one case when the police refused to arrest the man because he .had hit his
partner, but· arrested him for hitting a police officer.
.{'~:
']fLit
-· .. ,' f!':.l
One woman· in our study explained that for a combinati.on of reas(ins the police did-no't
form part of their help-seeking process. "We look aftE!r ourselves. When we look for ·
help, the police are never included. They are always seen to be 'the harasser', you
know. I feel even when I went to.the police station, they didn't really care, like 1mean:
'Youse lot out there look after yours~lves, .you know. You're forever shooting us and
.abusing us when we're on the stree.t and we're not going to help you' ... and this is the
impression that you get from the police. I mean,. to walk out and stop them on the
street, they would laugh at you - I mean they don't have any contact with this
community whatsoever".
Such comments must be placed in ·the political context of the predominantly
Republican ·are? in which this woman lived. In contrast to this, the study showed tha.t
62 per cent of women did feel it was appropriate to make contact with the·· police.
Women from both Catholic and Protestant areas contacted the police either directly ..
about the violence or because of breaches of protection and exclusion orders. This
was similar to the level of contact found by Montgomery and Bell (1986) in their
Northern Ireland study on police response to wife assault What was even more v ~/
surprising in our study was the higher level of contact made by women living in
/
Catholic areas with 72% (24) of our sample making contact compared to 50% (11) of ~,,- "'
women from Protestant communities.
10
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•
•
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•
,·
Although the women often phoned the police,' havin~J waited until the situation was
particularly critical to do so, only 26 per cent of women found them to. be helpful.
Similar proportions of Protest~nt and Cathol.ic women found t~e police to be helpful,
although it has to be noted that this represents a very small number of women (9} in
·
the overall study.
·.~
Women who thought the police were unsupportive reported similar reasons to other
research. These were ·low rates of.arrest, lack of. dirEict intervention and attempts to
defuse the situation (Binney 1981, Oppenlander 198~~. Montgomery and Bell 1986).
Montgomery (1991} found that the most frequent polic:e response was confined to the
removal of the man from the home with no further action being taken. Women in our
study r~ported police claims that there was ''nothing we can do, it's domestic". Our
interviews with women supported research in Britain which showed that the police did
not treat the issue of domestic violence as a serious m~tter (Faragher, 1985}. In
Brewer's ethnographic study of the Royal Ulster Constabulary, family disputes ~ere
grouped in the category of problem solving calls forthe police such as helping owners
with injured dogs. Such calls were thought to be helpful in breaking up a boring· night
and getting away from paperwork. "Police work involves so much bloody paperwork
these days and a lot of boring stuff that a family row can quite spice up a night"
·
(Brewer 1990). ·
Butthe most common response reported bywomen was police refusal to answer calls.
This is in contrast to police statements reported by Brewer (1990} that domestic
violence calls were routinely attended for the purpose of-preventing crime, rather than
law enforcemen~. Women from many different areas reported that th.e police did
nothing, that they did not or would not come out. Most of the women who reported
'no action' came from west Belfast where there was a. tendency to state that the police
"are not there to help. lri this area police are not people that you normally go to." .
One woman explained that, "If you spoke to the Roya! Ulster Constabulary, they would
say domestic. violence 'comes way down the bottom of their list in areas like this. I
think you'd have to have your head hanging off in the middle of the road before a jeep
. would stop".
· ·
·
In view of the potential for paramilitary attacks, the police state that they cannot
answer calls from N·ationalist areas without first taking precautions. As a result of the
political conflict in Northern Ireland, 288 police. offieers have been killed and 7,031
have been injured (Royal Ulster Constabulary Press Office}. Consequently, the police
have suffered the highest death and injury rates of any police force in the world and
have introduced a wide range of security precautions in order to avoid the possibility
of 'being. set up' in local communities: One of these is to request victims of cr:ime to
phone back whilst they check on the call and organise protection for themselves. This
can mean that there is a very long response time if the police do answer a call. If they
do ·come, they are escorted by the British Army. This arrangement usually entails a
convoy of. six to· eight heavily armoured vehicles f~JII of soldiers and police causing
further embarrass~ent for the woman involved. The women in these areas argue that
this is one more humiliating problem for them with their dignity reduced by having to
,climb into the back of .a steel reinforced landrover surrounded by policemen wearing
flak jackets and carrying submachine guns.
11
.....
,."(.•,;
�{,
..
.
. :~..~·r ~;~.r.
··:
··
"
Problems for women living in rural Nationalist areas are compounded by the fact that
police and army do not consider it safe to travel by road in many areas in Northern .
Ireland. One woman was worried about neighbour's reactions when the police arrived
.~by helicopter in answer to her call.
.
.
.
Given that many of the professional helping agencies re~ornmend that women call the
police either in the first instance or to.enforce protection and exclusion orders, the type
of police response in these areas has serious implications for the policy of these
agencies. Often telling women to call the police has no meaning if the police will not
or cannot come out. Several women reported that when they phoned, the police
replied, "We are not going out there because it eould be a set up, anybody could
phone us up and tell us that." There is no evidenc;e to suggest that the police have~
been set up in this V:'ay and contradictions have been raised by local women who argue, "the police arid army are in here all the tirne. They come in whenever they
want to raid houses looking for people or. weapons. Why can't they come out for · ·
domestic violence?"
Given research findings that women only phone the police when the violence has.
become more severe, this lack of police response has serious implications for the
safety of women who do call the police and get no·response (Dobash and Dobash,
1992). Several women reported, "I waited outside the house all night." These women
also reported that they were not even informed by the police that they could not come
out so that the women could try to make some alternative arrangements to escape. ·
They also pointed out that there was no follow up>,· no one checked up the next day . .{~:';""""-·
to see if they were still alive.
·
The lack of police response was particularly relevant to the effectiveness of court
orders excluding violent men from the marital homes. Several women found the police
reluctant or unsuccessful in finding partners in order to serve them with protection and
exclusion orders. Some men had eluded the p<·>lice for. months though they were
apparently moving freely around the community. ·One women asked, "How did that
jeep miss him? He just went up that street ahelad of them and they told me they
couldn't find him." Such evasion of the police ca.n seem to women to border on the!
absurd given the saturation of these Nationalist communities by army and police
·patrols.
·
v
Some women were also concerned that if they pursued charges against their partner, ·
then this might be used by the police as a reason to arrest him where they suspected
him of paramilitary activity. A further concern expressed by some women was that
they might be held responsible for enabling the Special Branch to engage in some
. form of counter insurgency by using these men CiS informers. During the years of the
Troubles, for example, a numoer ·of men who have been arrested by the police for
. ,non-political offenses have agreed to a~t as informers in return for having charges -·
dropped. In a society where exposed informers are shot, this placed further pressure v....on women not to report their violent partners to the police.
12
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"
r
.j.:r ·:·"::~·;
I'
..•.>,.
Paramilitaries
.·,
So if women are reluctant or unable to. contact the police, do they go to alternative
sources of help such as the paramilitary organisations in order to force their partners
to stop the violence? From an early stage in the political conflict, paramilitary groups
have been requested to take action over criminal ac:tivity.· This development began
early in the Troubles when the police were not allowed into the 'no go areas' set up
in Nationalist Q.reas. -It has continued because of.the local perception of police neglect
of criminal activity and of local reluctance to depend on the police. At particular times
during the political conflict, when criminal activity was thought to be particularly high,
there has been intensive pressure on the IRA to take action against ·l~cal criminals.
In a recent case, a group of women -marched. on the headquarters ·of Sinn Fein 7
. (political party which supports the IRA) demanding. that. action. be taken against a :. .
group of paramilitary rivals who had gang raped a ~ocal woman. Although no action ' -- was taken on this occasion, more recently the IRA have taken action against local drug pushers in the area.
·
Interviews with political activists in Nationalist areas support the view that
paramilitaries . are looked to and do take action against men who are violent toward
their wives. "Some women come to us and we put him out so she can come back to
her home. In some cases men have been put out of the country".
·
Very few women in our study had thought of involving paramilitary groups in their
situations and there was only one case in which any actic;m was taken. Several
women knew_ they could go to them for help but. one woman-thought the IRA in her
·
area would take the attitude, "We don't like gettin~1 involved."
.::..
.
We found that the initiative to consult paramilitaries came primarily from· families,
neighbours and from paramilitary groups themseiVE~S. A woman living in a Protestant
area went to the UDA, a loyalist paramilitary organisation, and they came and got her
partner out of the house, ''quicker than the police·." But she is now afraid that they? ""
might expect something in return. The decision to involve paramilitaries is fraught with ) ·
danger as this w~man experienced. Women said they would not call the para-military
groups because they thought they would be exploited later by being asked for favours,
such as hiding weapons in their houses. Other women told us that when their
husbands were reported to a paramilitary group,· then action would be taken if the
partner was wanted for some criminal ·offence. These women felt that the various
policing forces, both official and unofficial, would only condemn or punish the offender
for his violent behaviour ,in the home if he was wanted for some other offence. The
women pointed out that this was no solution for them since it left them vulnerable to
retaliation by their partners, or by his friends, wh~> would interpret it as 'informing' on··
him.
Most of the women who considered inyolving paramilitaries, decided against it for 1
many of these reasons. Moreover, they did not want their partner$ to be physically , /
harmed. One violent partner had already been threatened by the IRA,for petty crime ·
and his wife knew they were "looking for an excuse to do him, but I wouldn't have that·
13
~-
�.. ., 't'
.
on my conscience. .But if I thought they could advise him - I would have gone and
said he won't leave me alone. But they go too far." In a Protestant area, when a
woman found no support from the police, the UDA offered to do something about her .
husband. Although she felt justified that "they would have· give him the same as he
gives me", she declined the offer "so that he can't claim I did him any harm."
There is additional difficulty for women living with violent· men who are members of
paramilitary organisations. There are many complicated pressures on these women
not to report violent incidents .. Exposing a. 'war .hero' to the police is not acceptable
and the policing by paramilitary organisations of their own members is not always·
1
effective. One woman who was abused by a republi:can ex-prisoner pointed up the 1
hypocrisy involved when paramilitaries are willing to police others, but not members 1vof theifown organisations. "I know a lot it's happened to, there is a lot of favouritism
·
and in some cases they don't take action. When I told my husband I was getting the
boys, he laughed. He said who are you gonna get, there's nobody going to take me
outta here."
·
Women political activists in Nationalist areas face a complex dilemma. They cannot
go to the police for assistance, nor can they count on their own organisation for
support against violent men. One woman reported the police told her husband "he
should have danced on me and done me right. That iis because I am a republican and
they don't like me. They were more worried about charging me with assault". Since
she was assaulted by her husband, the police ·have used the incident to taunt her·
when they are on patrol in the ar~a.
-.r."_
"~-
•. -
Security Force Families
The political violence also has an impact on the liv,es of women whose partners are
in the prison·.service, police and the British Armyserving in Northern Ireland. Because·
of the emphasis o'n the "real troubles", domestic vio~ence is minimised or. rationalised.
.
Wives of prison officers and police find their husbands' supervisors unwilling to believe
their stories of domestic violence and reluctant to censure the husbands. One welfare
officer in the army was not surprised to learn from Women's Aid that the police and
· soldiers used particularly horrific forms 'of violence against their partners. He claimed
that since his soldiers were trained as "lean, mean killing machines" then it was to be
expected that tpey would occasionally explode and end up fighting with their female
partners.·
·
·
In our research we interviewed a number of police p.nd army wives who had limited
options in responding to domestic violence. Army \wives often do not have the support
of their families readily available. Reporting domestic violence might. result, in the
family being ignominiously shipped back to England or a reduction in rank and wages
for the man so there was pressure on women not to tell.. When policemen abuse their
wives there is general acknowledgement of thEl stressful nature of their work in
Northern Ireland. They are often given counselling and support to deal with the stress.
But women in our study received no such consideration. Several women lost custody
14
..
.:.....-.,:(
�'
.
'·
~·· '
..
of ch.ildren because they were under stress from ttie violence of their police husbands
and found that they had limited options for dealin~l with the violence when it did.
become public. They· were reluctant to bring charges which might ·result in prison
sentences because of the perceived dangers such a prison sentence might bring to
these men.
Conclusion
The impact of societal conflict has been researched extensively in Northern Ireland but
to date very little is known about how women's live!:; are affected by this conflict.
Our research has shown the ways in which the impact of the political conflict together 1
with traditional attitudes towards marriage and the family have. intermeshed to impose ~ ·""
considerable constraints on women affected by vioh~nce in the private sphere. As in
other areas of political conflict throughout the world, :women's needs and deman~s for .
equality have not ·received the. public focus given to conflict in the public arena. The
terror that. women experience due to domestic. violence is minimised; it does not
feature in public attention or in allocation of state re-sources. As a result women are ·
left vulnerable in their homes with few options open to them in the public sphere of life.
Important contradictions and difficulties were uncovered in studying police involvement
in domestic violence. In a normal democratic society, it is expected that a woman in
a violent situation can phone the police and expect some assistance. In our study we
..
found that the help provision process was opera.ted"'·on:A~is basis with agencies
advising worrten to contact the police. However:, this is -'not always an easy or~ · ·--··
appropriate response in a situation of political conflict where the· police are seen as\ v. one of the contesting factions. There is a contra~jiction, for example, in expecting "'
women to phone the police in areas where police support is not always available and
where police involvement may actually increase th-e difficulties faced by women. As
a result of the political conflict, the remedies which are available to women elsewhere
cannot always be assumed as <?Ptions within certair:l communities of Northern Ireland. ,
Where these difficulties exist, some women have access to and use alternative ., .
support from--paramilitary organisations. However, our study also showed that women j .....
in predominantly Nationalist areas make clear decisions to use neither the police or J vthe· paramilitaries.
_.:~
In contrast to'this we also found a high proportion (62%) of women in our study who
did contact the .police and this group was equally· divided between Catholics and .
Protestants~ However, the majority of them did not have a positive experience, despite
the introduction of guidelines in 1991 stipulating a more proactive policy on the policing
of. domestic vio.lence. Where the police have a heightened perception of their role as
part of an anti-terrorist force, their attitudes and re~5ponses to normal police work may . -·
be influenced by this perception particularly where it is combined with traditional or
lalssez-faire attitudes toward domestic violence.
15
,~
,.·.
�'"i •.
•~·
..
••
.
1,.-
.
'·
'~ .
. It also appears that for the official policing of domestic violence fewer resources have
been made available to women in Northern Ireland, when compared to the level of
. resources applied elsewhere. The most simple and basic information on domestic·
violence in Northern Ireland is still not available and the data collection system which
does exist is miniscule when compared to the sophisticated system which has been
developed for recording ·and retaining information on politically related offences. The
officially stated view of the police force in Northern Ireland is that until such time as
the political situation is under control then the focus of police. time and res·ources will
be taken up with this.
·
Women on both sides of the political conflict are sho~ing that they· are no longer
prepared to wait for this to happen. Overcoming their political differences, they have
been developing solidarity among . women and organising alternative ways of
supporting e'ach other on issues such as domestic violence. Moreover, women political
activists have been pressurizing their own organisations to take up women's issues
by organising women's departments and opening women's centres in · local
communities to provide a woman-centred approach to the problems which women are·.
facing within th~ir own homes~ In doing so they have ,given a public profile to the other
kind of violence in Northern Ireland which has destmyed so many lives .
··:.1
. ····
•••••
#-~-;
..·" ..- ........
.
~--
References
.,
Binney, V et al. (1981 ), Leaving Violent Men: A Study of Refuges and Housing for
Battered Women, Bristol: Women's Aid Federation, England.
Brewer, J (1991 ), Inside the RUC, Oxford: Clarendon· Press.
v
Dobash, R Eand Dobash, R (1979), Violence Against Wives, New York: The Free·
...
·Press.
v
Dobash, R E and Dobash, R (1992), Women, Violemce and Social Change, London:
Routledge and Kegan .
..
Evason, E (1982), Hidden Violence, A Study of Battered Women in Northern Ireland,
Belfast: Farset Press.
Faragher, T (1985), "The Police Response to Violence against Women in the Home"
in J Pahl (ed), Private Violence and Public Policy, L_ondon: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
Fairweather, E, McDonough, R, and MacFadyean, M (1989), Only the Rivers Run Free,
London: Pluto Press.
I
\
16
,,
�. . ''
. -:
'
.,·,
..
.
•
,·
'.:·
'•'· .
'
!
Farrell, M (1 983), Arming .the Protestants: · The Formation of the Ulster Special
Constabulary and the Royal Ulster Constabulary, London: Pluto.
'
,
''•I
.
'
.
. ..
~
:
·:!
HMSO, (1 993), Regional Trends, London.
Kelly, L (1 988), Surviving Sexual Violence, Cambriqge:P~Iity Press.
Marzmuk, Petal. (1992), 'The Epidemiology of Murder~Suicide', Journal of American
·
Medical Association: 267:3179-3183.
Mclaughlin, E (1 991 ), 'Introduction: A Problem Postponed', in C Davies and E
Mclaughlin (eds), Women, Employment and Social Policy in Northern Ireland: A
Problem Postponed, Belfast: Policy Research Institute.
· .. :
'::·t .
Malan, H (1 993) Ulster's White Tribes, Guardian Newspaper, April 2.
McWilliams, M (1991 ), 'Women in Northern Ireland: an Overview', in E Hughes (ed),
Culture and Politics in Northern Ireland 1960-1990, Milton Keynes: Open ·University
·
·
·
Press.
McWilliams, M and McKiernan, J (forthcoming). Bringing it Out in the Open: Domestic ·.
Violence in Northern Ireland. Report to the DHSS, Social Policy Branch, Belfast.
.. Mitchison, A (1 988), 'Ulster's Family Feminists', N;ew Society, 19th February.
Montgomery,·· P and Bell, V (1986), Police Response to Wife Assault:. A Northern
Ireland Study, Belfast: Women!s Aid Federation. ·
··
Montgomery, P (1991 ), 'Police Response to Wife Assault in Northern lrelandi, Violence
and Victims, 6, 43-55.
Oppenlander, N (1982), 'Coping or Copping Out? Police Service Delivery in Domestic
Disputes', Criminology, 20(3-4):449-465.
Ro~horne, B .a~d Wa~ne, N (1988), Northern _Ireland: The POlitical
confhct, Cambndge: Polity Press.
·
. .
eco~omy
.
·
of] v
·
...
Royal Ulster Constabulary (1992), Chief Constable's Annual Reoort.
Weitzer, R (1985), 'Policing A Divided Society: Obstacles to Normalization in Northern
··
Ireland', Social 'Problems, 33, 41-55.
17
�---··
., ...-.
238
__...
r.i) ~
Women & Irish History
country'. It would be almost 60 yeats before WILPF was re-established in Ireland.82
What interpreta!ion can we put from this distance on the foun-Ireland? Can it be seen as a casualty of Irish
dering of WILPF m
militarism? That there was debate and concern from 1915 among
_Irishwomen on the issue of militarism is beyond question. lncreas-,
ingly such concern foctised .on milit¢sm within Ireland. Strong
political allegiances, allied to radically differing criteria of pacifism,
ultimately proved too strong for such a group to continue. Outside
the organisation, attitudes to a pacifist stance regarding the Irish
question were hostile. The action of Cumann na mBan in the U.S.
in 1921 suggested that there was a recognition by nationalists that
the views of a pacifist group with strong international connections
could be damaging. The issue of justifiable warfare was divisive in ·
many national sections of WILPF - up to and after the Second
World War. Ireland in the 1920s was a country recently emerged
from insurrection and civil war, and in which many women believed that the struggle for national independence was not yet
complete, While condem.ning militarism in its imperiali,stic mode,
some women accepted the needfor further military action to attain
national objectives. _Such views 'the really pacifist group' in Irish
WILPF could not accept. It is a sad irony that the group should
founder on differing emphasis between the words 'peace' and
'freedom' in its title.
LU
c d.
I
ov-.e-.. ""'""""
-
I~LO J)owJ
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V .c-l. --IC:S
The Woman Writer as Historical Witness:
Northern Ireland, 1968-1994.
An Interdisciplinary Perspective·
Catherine R Shannon
Introduction
During the past two decades considerable progress has been made
in breaking the long historiographical silence surrounding the role
of women in the shaping of modem Ireland. Indeed, Margaret
MacCurtain has contributed significantly to this process by encoUraging the application of the interdisciplinary methodologies and
class and gender analyses assoCiated with women's history on the
intematipnal stage to the Irish historical experience. Gendered reconsiderations of traditional Irish archive materials and exploration
of hitherto neglected primary materials from literary, folklore, oral,
family and religious sotirces are reflected in the new perspectives
on Irish women's hist()rical experience contained in this volume.
In the Republic of Ireland, there is a growing awareness of-the.
~ central role of Irish women in major historical events and developments of the modem era. Enrolments in women's history courses
;i
are rising, and articles and books on the historical experience of ·
. Mna na hEireann are a~acting general readers as well as academe.
Even more encouraging are signs of a heightened concern to integrate or 'mainstream' the new research on Irish women in one
recently published survey on modem Ireland. 1 Progress has been
much slower in uncovering the history of women in Northern
Ireland.
··
:
...
~t.r
Searching for sources
.
While the origins and nature of the Northern Irish conflict have
been researched exhaustively since the 1970s, scholarly analysis on
the roles of northern Irish women in the 'Troubles' and the impact
ofprotracted sectarian and political strHe on their daily lives was
virtually non-existent until the late 1980s. The reasons for this
�240
241
Women & Irish History
Catherine Shannon
lacuna derived from the same subtle, often unconscious, patriarchal attitudes that influenced most historical and social science
methodology until the late 1970s. This silence was compounded by
the very traditional roles ascribed to women by the region's
Churches and schools-and by an economic structure that afforded
northern women little time or. resources to have their concerns,
needs or experience as women studied.
- Thus 'women' as a category were largely left out of research
which primarily documented the discrimination experienced bynorthern Catholics and analysed the attitudes of Catholics and
Protestants regarding the.controversial political issue of the constitutioncil link with Britain. 2
An interesting example of this tendency is that, while published
statistics on conflict-related deaths have focused on victims' religious affiliation, civilian or security force status, para-military involvement, and location of residence, there· are no summary
statistics on deaths categorised by gender. Yet women represent
betw~en 7 and 8% of the total casualties. Over 251 women ranging ·
in age from infancy to old age, and from every class and walk of
life, have been killed. Politically active women have been exposed
to great risks, as the assassinations in the late 1970s'of republican
activists Maire Drumm and Miriam Daly and of Sinn Fein councillor Sheena Campbell in October 1992 have shown. Ten women
serving in the Royal Ulster Constabulary and the Ulster Defence
Regiment have lost their lives. Women victims have constituted a
large proportion of the casualties in the most deadly bombing
incidents· s~ch as occurred at the Abercorn Restaurant in Belfast
city centre on 4 March 1972, in Dublin city centre on 17 May 1974,
at the LaMon House Restaurant on 17 February 1978, at Ennis killen
on 8 Novem_ber 1987 and on the Shankill Road on 23 October 1993.3
Women married to politicians or i:nen associated with the judicial and law enforcement system lived with the daily reality that
their husband's political convictions or occupation could result in
a sudden and-premature widowhood.
Women in mixed religious marriages have faced similar risks
and have often been subject to severe intimidation and even assassination when their very presence in some areas \;Vas perceived as
a threat to the dominance of the rival political and/ or. religious .
tradition.
As mothers, sisters, daughters and wives, northern women have
been left literally to pick up the pieces of families and communities
fragmented and fra~~ed-by 3,226 killings,39,872 serious injuries,
35,324 shootings, and 14,967 explosions. Especially in the working-
class areas of Belfast and Derry where approximately 80% of the
violence has occurred, women have had their lives constricted and
constrained by grinding poverty, debilitating unemployment,
para-military violence. and repressive government surveillance.4
Eavan Boland's plea that women's experience of the 'wrath and
grief' of Irish history must move beyond trivial cliches of 'Cathleen
Ni Houlihan' and 'Mother Ireland' on·the one hand, or 'Orange Ln'.
on the other, has particular resonance for northern women.s For up
to 1985, the few works relating to women's experience of the
conflict focused principally upon republican womeri activists in the
nationalist community, and provided few insights into the experience of women in Protestant loyalist areas. 6 The files of the major
Irish newspapers reveal rare and mostly episodic rather than analytical coverage of the impact of the conflict on northern women's
lives. Moreover, the tendency of the British tabloid press to portray
northern women as passive victims of para-military mobsters or
bomb-throwing viragoes and godmothers of hate ignored the labyrinthine complexities that governed the 'lives of women living
amidst a conflict described as the most intense, protracted and
pervasive in Irish history or indeed, with the exception of Bosnia,
in any European country since World War II.7 Efforts to correct
these omissions and distortions have been ongoing since the late
1980s. The publication of a number of articles since 1989 on the
economic and social status of northern women provides the necessary contextual framework within which historical analysis of the
roles and responses of particular women and 0 1oups-of v:omen to
the conflict can proceed.8
Yet difficulties remain regarding the availability of primary
sources since the letters; diaries and memoirs that northern women
may have written during the Troubles are not yet available. Indeed,
it is problematic whether women living in the disturbed areas of
the north had the time or inclination to record their experiences.
Undoubtedly a desire to preserve anonymity regarding their personal political views and experience of the conflict was for many
women, but certainly not for all, intimately linked to personal and
family security from sectarian iritimidation and I or intrUsive surveillance by the Royal Ulster Constabulary and British army. The
Provisional I.R.A. and Combined Loyalist Military Command
ceasefires of autumn 1994 have brought a change of atmosphere
which may encourage the eventual publication of revealing per-.
sonal accounts that· can further our historical understanding of
women's role in and responses to the coru'1ict.
,\
r
lh
1
't~
�242
Women & Insh History
Using Oral Sources
Meanwhile, since the mid-1980s the techniques of oral history have
been employed:~yith some success to reveal how northern women
attempted to preserve·some semblance of normality in their families and communities. A useful pioneering work of this genre was
Only the Rivers Run Free.9 Compiled immediately after the emotive
1981 Provisional I.R.A. hunger strikes, the focus was primarily on
· republican women who had been imprisoned and women supporters fiom West BeHast and Derry who perceived the Provisional
I.R.A. as freedom fighters and defenders of their communities. The
material captures the burning sense of grievance among nationalist
·women that was spawned by the discriminatory policies of the .
Stormont regime and subsequently nurtured by intern:rilent with- ·
out trial in 1971, BloodyS:undayinJanuary 1972, the heavy surveillance placed on Catholic nationalist areas by the Royal Ulster
Constabulary and British Army from 1972, and finally by the 1981
hunger strikes. The views and experience of Protestant women
living in loyalist areas of ·BeHast who felt besieged by the Provisionali.R.A. and abandoned by Britain are portrayed in The Crack:
a_ Belfast Year by Sally Belfrage. This account was especially effective
' in drawing attention to women from both nationalist and loyalist
areas, for whom poverty and social deprivation were more pressing concerns than party politics and religious divisions. Fionnuala
O'Connor's recent In Search of a State, based on interviews with a
range of.nort.l-tem Catholics, r~cords a considerable heterogeneity
in the political views of contemporary northern Catholic women
and shows how educational advancement and social mobility have
contributed to shifting patterns of political support and diminishing communal cohesiveness in the Catholic community as a
whole. 10 This volume fills an important void in earlier works in the
attention given to women associated with the Social Democratic
and Labour Party, which commands the support of the majority of
northern nationalists.
My own interviews with a wide variety of northern women
demonstrate that factors of class, educational attainment, geographic location, age and personal temperament and experience
are increasingly more important influences 1on northern women's
political and party allegiances than the entrenched nationalist or
unionist views of their menfolk or community. Many profess varied hierarchies of personal identity, at odds with the rigid Irish,
·British or Ulst~r categories employed by the identity demographers and male leaders of Ulster's polarised political ideologies.
The oral soiu'ces in general have underscored the crucial roles that
Catherine Shannon
243
women played during f!le early civil rights campaigns, in community dev~lopment initiatives to combat poverty, unemployment,
poor housing and health conditions, as well as in reconciliation
work and voluntary support services for prisoners, children and
those bereaved by the conflict. 11
The Writer as Historical Witne5s
Ricoeurian literary theory, which emphasises the ri:timetic linkages
between a writer's time and location with the perceptions of reality
contained in imagined literary artefacts, suggests that creative
literature by and about northern women who have lived through
the conflict constitutes another potentially rich body of material
worthy of examination. The benefits of careful and sensitive study .
of literature as historical evidence which reveals an author's par- '·
ticular concerns and interpretation of ·historical events are discussed in the proceedings of the 1985 Conference of Irish
Historians, The Writer as Witness: Literature as Historical Evidence.
According to ·the Irish historians Oliver MacDonagh and Tom
Dunne, provided a writer's bias and motivations are understood
and taken into account, fictional works have the capacity to vivify,
personalise and render concrete the atmosphere and mentalite of
specific historical moments. 12 It is striking how a number of recent
novels, short stories and plays by northern women writers do
provide insights on the experiences, attitudes and circumstances of
. northern women over the past quarter-century. Moreover, these
works often reify the complex dynamics of intra-communal ideological tensions over class, gender roles and- political allegiances
tl:lat often are not.explored easily through oral interviews. It is from
this perspective that I will examine the writing of Anne Devlin, arid
some work of the Craigavon Women Writers, as examples. of
literary sources that can provide useful perspectives on the experiences of particular women or groups of women at specified stages
of the conflict.
Anne Devlin's Fictional Perspective on 1968-74
In her short story collection The Way-paver and especially in her
play Ourselves Alone, Anne Devlin explores various barriers that
northern Catholic women have faced when they challenged the
political and religious orthodoxy and traditions of their community and church in pursuit of personal liberation. Indeed, the quest
for personal fuHilment is a consistent theme in all Devlin's writing.
Her fictional and dramatic voice draws on her own experience of
the early years of the confl.ict as well as her family background as
the daughter of Paddy Devlin, a BeHast Catholic trade .union activ:"'·
�'"ijO'ai~~~~t~W~~~da~~ib···
Catherine shO.nnon
university education has done for you I rue the day you ever went
to that place ... Your mother and I: broke our backs scraping and
saving to give you a chance. If this is how you repay us you can
take yourself out of here back to your friends in Belfast with their
clever remarks and smart wayg; b!lt 'don't ever come here again,
shaming me in front of my fri~nds.15
:>
.
'·}:ii•'A.SSOciation .. iri~ ·1968/played 'a Pfop:tirient. role in civil .rights
. c:~ .J:'ri3:iclies.13 ·.
,: :·,. ·.< :
.. -,;.;,:{; . . . ..
.
•· . .
.· '. :'\cc'f:wo stOnes in.~JA.7~~pai1er c~ittktion·tecreate the major events .
....·{~~f~tirt:OSI'It~i'e s~1.1i:!)i~gp6li~,q1tpi5i;l~gration in Norilifm:.t
. ".::~f;F;Jfelartd DelWeen l968,atid•1974"from:the. -c "eciive of two OUn :
··~;~':i·~l:l:n~~t;~~=:ci!t~:.~·bti·
~~\~'§:~yn rigJ:if.S;#Dptiign ill ~968 h,eld fof.Jhe typical Cath9lic
fiutri:V:ersitjr sJ;:Udent, newly exposed
to then-trendy Marxist
..
,-,~!:io/ts of~§ry._ ThiS aPJ>toach challenged both· the eX:- .
,CJ", .. :~fbfficial.Biif:ishhiStory-as taught in the Protestant state
~Cfi.gqiS;:~d the ~d¢ritist-assumptioru>"oflrish history contaiited·
.,.·::""-~$.ttJi~:b.ihi~~-of Ii{any'northernCatholic/secondary schools. As
~ii~i@~~7he~ssiih~civilr!~m:mo~~mer\f, wher\ed~cafud.
.··-~;-'-~/'":·J~-·~-~ist~fjJ~~~a£~~~=!~2'th~~~~-:-:.·
·.: .•1";:;__
. ::;_~:"''';-:J.:Gatholi&nad·awakmed. to · litfcaiConsciausness.Comin from'·
. .·. . ~ere official an4.1.inofficiai hiStories:,at: that ProtestantS oould go
· throitghschoolr\everhavingh~aidof('ah:l.ellor_the Larid Lecigue.
· I alwayg thougt\Uhat history was simply~ matter of scholarship.
· Ini:he seminarsdUring my first year at the university the students
were fighting and hacking arid forging out of the whole mt:!ss of
historical detail a theory which made it seem right for them to
march through the streets of Belfast to demand equal rights for
Catholics.14.
'Laura's ~ection of her. parents' deferential attitudes to the Protes~t regime by her participation in a march to Derry is a fictional
replication of the famous People's Democracy march to the Maiden
City !JlJanuary 1969, which fust propelled Bernadette Devlin, the.n
a."Queeri.'s UniverSity sttide_nt, to fame. The anxieties of mariy.
Ra!~ts of. Catholic _stUdents, that they~
riSking ,h~d-:-~OJ;l
iica'demic opporttiniti.es and invitfug violeilt unionist}?adcbish. .
a
t:..ii;;~:,;:;.,:o'~...;;...~.,e to the
were
''f66ts . . ·.
1,
~''ir';\;.<;.;;·ones:~iili yo\ir educatio~'w·m tell_
to get off! ... If that's all the good a
245
.:~,
l'
His attitude reflected the anxieties of those middle~lass Catholics
who wanted to give O'Neill time to implement the modest electoral
and housing reforms he promised the previous November. In
addition there were fears, even amqng some civil rights activists,
that the provocative marching tacti~ advocated by the student-led
People's Democracy would fuel ha'rd-line unionist resistance to.
reform, as well as endanger the moqest gains Catholics had made
since World War n.t6
•
Anne Devlin's fictional representation of severe unionist backlash and serious communal discord ip this story resonates with the
actual historical· reality. Her father, who actually endorsed the
Derry march,. helped in successful efforts to protect the students
from loyalist attacks in the early stages of the People's Democracy
march. However, at Burntollet Bridge; a few miles from Derry, and·
before the eyes of the mainly Protestant auxiliary police for(:e,
known as the B-Specials, the studen;ts were viciously attacked by
cudgel-swinging Protestant mobs whose ire had been whipped up
by tJ:te fiery Presbyterian preacher I~ Paisley and Major Ronald
Bunting. Anne Devlin, then a student at Coleraine, was among
those injured when she was knocked ~consCious into the river and
subsequently was hospitali~ed for a concussion. 17 0Ver the next six
months, the civil rights agenda was overwhelmed by sectarian
rioting in Newry, Lurgan, and especi!illY Belfast, substantiating the
fears of many moderate Catholics suFJ:l as were represented by the
fictional father.1 8 In the story, Laura's deeision, immediately following these.brutal attacks at Burntollet Bridge and later in Derry,
to jettison her strict Catholic training by sleeping with her Marxist
boyfriend, suggests growing pessi.mlsm regarding the efficacy of
the civil rights approach in the face of deep sectarian division. The
author's own conviction, and indeed her father's, that Northern
Ireland began a steady descent intb madne~s in 1969, precisely
when civil rights and socialism wer~ swamped by rising unionist
paranoia and the recrudescence of irredentist Irish republicanism,
is symbolised by the mental breakc;Iown Laur~ suffered shortly
after she lost both her sexual and ihtellectual innocence. Devliri
does not address here the import~t issue of the British government's culpability for the deeperung crisis, given its ongoing failure
to protect the Catholic minority by timely intervention, an action
�246
Women & Irish History
Catherine Shannon
that would have been legally justifiable urider the Government
of Ireland Act, 1920. [)evlin deals with the consequences of
belated and ultimately bungied British intervention in another
story.
.
,,_ - The short story Naming the Names is set against the background
of (ldeteriorating political situation beginning.with the arrival of
BJ:itish troops i.n Belfast in August 1969 through to 1974 when the
levelof violence was at its peak. 19 Sent ostensibly to protect the
nationalist population from attacks by enraged loyalists, the British
army's. role was quickly transformed into one of counter-insurgency against an expanding and increasingly effective Provisional
I.R.A.
Devlin explains with some sympathy how a typical teenage·
Catholic girl, whom she calls Fipn McQuillen, might have been
drawn into active support for the republican para-militaries during ·
this period. Since her parents' home was too crowded, Finn lived
with her crippled Granny, who, by telling Finn stories of having
once met Eamon de Valera and Countess Markievicz, two heroes
of theJ 916 Easter Rising, exposed her granddaughter to r~publican
f()lklore which, in actual fact, was preserved only in a small segment of -West Belfast families with links to the old I.R.A. Finn's
romantic republican sympathies became more militant after her·
grandmother narrowly escaped death on 14 August 1969, when
Protestant mobs from the nearby Shankill torched her Conway
Street home a,11d other streets and factories on t.h.e lower.Fallc: Road,
while local police stood idly by. With her grandmother hospitalised
and herself homeless, Finn never returned to school: Two years
later, after taking- a job in a second-hand pookshop on the bombscarred Falls Road, Finn met the man, apparently with Provisional
I.R.A. ·connections, who had rescued her grandmother while dodging a hail of bottles and stones thrown by a Protestant mob. Immediately after the introduction of internment in August 1971, Finn
offered her services to the movement she now considered her
protector. Her first duties were to use the shop as a cover from
which to pay weekly allotments to the wives of republican internees. Through her job, she m~t and became friendly with a young
historian researching an oXford thesis· on Gladstone and Home
Rule. When their casual discussions about Irish history an'd his
grandfather's service in Ulster Volunteers of 1912-14 revealed his ·
links to the Ulster Protestant establishment, Finn faced a real
dilemm'il over wheJ::e her loyalties lay. This was particularly so after
she witnessed an army patrol shoot a young Provisional I.R.A. man
trying to escape arrest. He was a childhood friend and his father
~
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had rescued her grandmother. When she finally realised she had
fallen in love with her historian friend, it was too late. Finn had
already reported to the movement that he was the son of a judge.
Although she realised 'he was my-last link with life ... ' and that she
would forever ·carry her guilt, she did not refuse the Provisional
I.R.A. request to set up the yotiflg man for assassination, nor did
she reveal to the policeafter her arrest the names of any republicans
involved in the murder. Instead, she simply repeated a litany of the
names of tiny West Belfast streets recently obliterated by a combi..:
nation of bombings and urban redevelopment: 'Abyssinia, Alma,
Balaclava, Balkan, Belgrade, Bosnia'.
·
Devlin's rendering in a Joycean manner of the deteriorating
political situation, depressing physical details and ghettoised atmosphere that characterised the war-torn Lower Falls during the
early 1970s draws upon her intimate knowledge of this area and
these events. Her father, grandparents and great-grandparents had
once been residents of Conway Street. Paddy Devlin personally
witnessed the failure of the Royal Ulster Constabulary to ii:tterfere
when loyalists forced the Conway residents, many of them elderly
· former neighbours, from their homes prior to torching the houses
on .14 August 1969.20 Subsequently he was involved in securing
accommodation and financial help from Stormont officials as well
as the Dublin government for these victims. Interruption of schooling owing to the turmoil of 1969-72 was a common experience of a
number of republican women whom !have interviewed. Distribu. tion of funds·to fcuT..ili.es of-internees from money coll~cted from
republican sympathisers in the Republic of Ireland and the United
States did take place in the early stages of internment. Even more
powerful is the author's imagined understanding of how the confluent pressures of political allegiance, communal loyalty and per. sonal indebtedness for past protection during these traumatic years
might drive a young woman to actively support the Provisional
I.R.A. by providing intelligence and other services, irrespective of
the consequences for her own personal happiness. On a symbolic
level, Finn's story is a personification of the principal factors which
enabled the Provisional I.R.A, to gain greater support among
young people in nationalist West Belfast by the mid-1970s.
!
I
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Anne Devlin's Dramatic Perspective on 1981-84
.
Devlin's 1984 stage play Ourselves Alone has a heavy ideological
contet:t-t, yet it still provides telling insights regarding the conditions and atmosphere in staunchly republican areas of West Belfast
in the early 1980s. 21 Although then residing in England, an extended
�.148
Catherine Shannon
Women & Irish History
stay. in Belfast in 1983 enabled Devlin to frame her strong critique
oHrish republicanism in scenes, dialogue and plot that replicate
clo5ely the conditions after the 1981 hunger strikes which triggered
a-dramatic rise in popular and eventually electoral support for the
republican political wing, Provisional Sinn Fein.22 There were still
hundreds of ProviSional I.RA. men in jail,_ leaving their wives and
girlfriends to cope with increased family obligations and often
social isolation. ThiS period also featured bitter discord between
the Provisional I.RA. ~d Official I.RA. and their respective political wings, Provisional Sinn Fein and the Workers' Party, the latter
having rejected para-miUtary violence for a constitutional approach to secure social and economic reform beneficial to both
Catholic and Protestant workers. Women's rights were just beginning to enter public debate iri. the north, in response to vigorous
lobbying efforts by feminist activists as well as to the. bitter abortion
debate then raging prior to the 1984 referendum which made
abortion unconstitutional in the Republic of Ireland. Indeed, by
1983 Provisional Sinn Fein, in deference to the rising feminist
. consciousness of its younger female members, a number of whom
had served in prison, set up a Women's Depart:ment, allocated a
quarter of its thirty-two executive council seats to women and
proclaimed as party policy its opposition to all forms of oppressiOn
against women. 23 This era also witnessed among Irish constitu. tiona! nationaliSts a questioning of the traditional interpretations
of Easter 1916 and theWar of Independence that glorified the fallen
dead and the irredentist goals of Irish nationaliSm. 24
Against this historical background, Anne Devlin portrays her
perception of a republican movement flawed by patriarchy and an
. indifference to the damaging impact of its sacrificial traditions onthe nationaliSt community, ap.d especially the women, whom itwas
supposed to be liberating. The play's title provides an ironic ~ist
- since Siim Fein, the Gaelic name of the Provisional I.RA. political
wing, translates literally to 'Ourselves Alone'. In relating the stories
of.three Belfast women in their late twenties, Devlin maintains that
even women deeply cominitted to the republican cause, or simply
to the men in it, were often used and abused by insecure and
egotistical men in the .name of national liberation. Josie McCoy
symbolises the first type while Donna, her common-law sister-inlaw, represents the latter. As the common-law wife ofLiam McCoy,
Donna iS a pathetic figure who, upon becoming .pregnant in her
teens, was forced into a loveless marriage to save her family's
reputation. She had to give up her son when she left t.'l-).e c.'l-).ild's father
to live with Liam, who was jailed shortly later for para-military
~ ;)t.11
f •
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249
offences. Marooned in her house, Donna spends her days awaiting
Liam's return, popping tranquilliSers, and providing hospitality
and hiding for any volunteer whom Liam's father, Malachy, a local
republican boss, brings into her home. Significantly, Donna is
never consulted about the use of her home for para-military planning sessions or as a hide-out for arms and men, despite the fact
that a previous army search left her house and nerves in shambles.
Josie, Liam's sister and Midachy's daughter, drifts into active
republican service basically from family tradition. She becomes
more militant in response to repressive surveillance policies and
the religious and political discrimination that keeps her unemployed despite her university degree. Josie's competent service ·
as· a courier catches the attention of a local republican commander, Catha! O'Donnell. Fascinated by his power and status,
Josie becomes his lover even though he never leaves his wife and
children.
·
Frieda McCoy, Josie's younger sister, feels little ·obligation to_
sacrifice her personal ambitions and dreams for the republican
cause and thereby represents the authorial voice of Anne Deylin.
Something of a free spirit, she plans to give up her job as a hairdresser once her talents as a singer and songwriter are discovered.
Frieda prefers rock and roll, but her patrons in the local republican
drinking club usually press her for patriotic songs that blend well
with the wall decorations, portraits of the ten dead hunger-strikers.
In fact, the opening scene in which Frieda sings 'The men behind
the wire' refle!=f;s the actual atmosphere, appearance and entertainment that then prevailed. in local republican dubs suc.'1 as the
Felon's Club in West Belfast.25
Space does not permit an extensive elaboration of the plot, but
a few instances tha:t ill~strate the pressures confronting women in
republican areas in the early 1980s are noteworthy. Oral material
as well as official studies have shown that women ip heavily-armed
areas of the porth were more vulnerable to sexual harassment,
exploitation and domestic violence, owing to the easy availability
of guns. Many were reluctant to seek police help for fear of retaliation for bringing the police into the area, or beca~se this might
endanger a republican or indeed a loyaliSt activist whose political
position they otherwise supported.26 Such conditions are hinted at
in the play, when Frieda reports having felt extremely intimidated
·when a rehearsal left her the only woman among a group of men
in the club and when her father strikes her because she was consorting with a 'Stickie', John McDermott. Her·father is especially
enraged because McDermott, a Protestant, was soliciting support
�Catherine Shannon
"·:.:·:;:~. ,,.,,-
251
·-
'campmgh·~~t the referendum calling·for
)ilSflf:Utioruu~}jat}<'Oii abortion·m·Jhe sputh. 27 Having had her
_ . . as her virtUe q.iestioned by her father,
. Betfastto take up residence near Queen's Univer-.
rithMcDeqri~~~ . .
. . . · ·. ·. ·
. .
_ .. ·
e: abortion "referendum alluded to .here succeeded and
;ibf.()jight-;a c::On5titut{Shai ban_ on .abo~on in th.e republic ·ui 1984:,· ·.
;~~z.:.en. le~d~~fjip ·was reluctant·to.oppose vigorcn.isly. thiS'· · ·
tlit:ianal ban/:.maJ:rim.ining. iris~ad ~afit ·:was tulriecessary
under IrlSh law. Malachy's reac~coetmot(pa:rtially reflects the attitUdes of the more con.the rep\lblican community. Although
nr&choice resolution was. passed by a narrow t:wo
i:onvention; . this was reversed the
.
F~in lea(Jership "feared thSt a
au~at~ itS _more· cpnserirative Catholic supsigxilii~t is that all eight women
. . ·to_ reverse. the new policy in 1986..
uesoue.;lhe:incdroofati§n. of femiliist plankS into the Sinn Fl~in
1~---~iirly 1980s~ knowledgeable observers,•ii:tcludili.g,the late CathyHiftkin of Perry, continued to see a huge gap
. on wdmen's equality and its acceptarice
in daily life.28 On the oth.er hand, repub- ·
qinen were rtPtils cow~gas the play sug~ts; fofiri eady
ipu~lican:.wm:nen actiViSts ~were_incl~ded among ,the 500
. : ' ·. ng-:class nationalist women who participated in a 'Women
·:"~ the Night' ma'{'('.h_ ii:nmediately folloi.._..;_,g two sexual as. in west Belfast.29 .
of invasiye police searches, and the anxiety felt by
~Q§~; in_ repub~~ah''fainilies when their men were on a miSsion,.
~J~~stiated by a .sct!r\e in which O,onna and Josie hear rattlirig
· ···· -· • · · · · ·-- backgrotix'id,the signal frequently tised in republican
· · ·. lnpending raid. An obviously nervous Donna ·
pro:.
·:..:itmeansldon;thave ·
ev,er;_.
!
~deri:~ioh p:~~ers to cope .with her loneliness
~t#i~·the contemporary statistics showing an
p\
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annual tranquilliser consumption rate for Northern Ireland of 35
million by the early 1980s, with women having twice the prescription rate of men.:n Moreover, Donna's fear of another raid has an
historical authenticity given the relatively high rates of searches
that still prevailed in republican neighbourhoods through to
1982.32
.
During the 1970s, the republican movement actively encouraged young female recruits to emulate women like Countess
Markievicz or Mary ~acSwiney, whose contributions to the struggle for independence between 1916 and 1921 were legendary.
Articles on heroines in the republican pantheon, on female internees as well as interviews with n}others of serving republican p~
oners and those on hunger sf;rike, frequently appeared hi An
Phoblacht or Republican News. D,uring the H-Block campaign, th~ ..
same paper occasionally report~d public demonstrations and pr~ · .:
tests which featured remarks by old women with personal and, ·
family links to republicanism o( the 1916-to-1922 era .. Un_til a few_·
. years ago, a mural depicting a:h Irish mother holding her. dead
Provisional I.R.A. son in a Pietatlike portrait was car~fully main._ ·
tained on a west Belfast gable wan, providing a visual reminder of
the centrality of the sacrificial mop.! within the republican tradition;·:·.· ·
· Similar appeals to this sacrificial Mother Ireland tradition are:·
illustrated and then condemn~d in the play through Devlin's ·
authorial voice, when Frieda proclaims that, unlike her siSter Josie,·
she will not be a compliantmessex;tger only to end up like their Aunt
Cora. During the failed repub1kancampaign of.the 1950s, Cora had
lost both her hands and her eyesight while moving hidden ammunition for her brother Ma~achy. Even though the current leadership
'stick her [Cora] out at the front:of the parades every so often to
show the women oflreland what their patriotic duty should be',
Frieda is not stirred by such app,eals. ~he refuses to consider the
hunger-strikers unblemished heroes and repeats to her father the
widely-circulated rumour that Bobby Sands beat his wife. She tells
him 'We are the dying. Why are we mourning them:? 133 Indeed, she
rejects the whole republica.~) enter:Prise by declaring her total indif- ·
ference to the goal of Irish unity, ru;td insists that British withdrawal .
. will do nothing to liberate Josie and Donna from a life of sei:Vi,ce·
and sacrifice for their men.34
·l
The sexual relationships depicted in the play mirror a gradual·
_loosening of strict observance o~ Catholic moral codes and~a,x;t-:':
increase in prem~rital co-habitatiop of young people from the - · · · ..
deprived areas of -west Belfast. Oh t'te other hand, t..'te ob'sE
·jealousy of the play's male char~cters towards their wives
�2$2
Women & Irish History
Cathenne Shannon
girlfriends highlights the contemporary pressures put upon partners. of imprisoned republicans to remain 'faithful'. 35 Yet Josie's
service to the republican cause and her faithfulness to O'Donnell
came to nothing, for he refused to leave his wife and ten children.
Josie subsequently falls in love with a recently-arrived republican
activist, Joe Conran; whom she had interrogated for her superiors.
Her subsequent pregnancy by Conran prompts an admission of
war-weariness and a poignant longing for a normal life.
Evaluating this play as historical evidence requires that it be
read on two levels - first for its specific soc:iological and historical
detail, and second as a literary example of the contemporary debates regarding the relationship of republicanism to feminism, as
. well as the content of republican ideology and its acceptance of
violence to achieve a united Ireland. On the first level, as noted
above, the play effectively conveys how unemployment, poverty,
and well-founded fears for their own security kept republican
women activists and men physically and socially isolated in their
own neighbourhoods, living in what one authority has termed 'a
prison culture'.39 These conditions, along with the rigidity of Margaret Thatcher's northern policy, increased republican resolve and
made much questioning of the appropriateness of republican tactics by rank and file men like Malachy, Liam and O'Donnell less
likely. Indeed, there was a good deal of optimism within the
republican ranks at this juncture, owing to the international sympathy and attention generated by the hunger strikes and Sinn F~in's
success in winning over 100,000 votes and the west Belfast seat in
the 1983 Westminster election. By her actions and especially in her
dialogue with)osie, Frieda acts as a foil to Josie's republican orthodoxy and unwavering commitment. She symbolises and.articulates
the views of those who did not accept the legitimacy of the republican analysis of the cause of the conflict, or the use of violence for ·
political ends. By echoing aspects of the contemporary and bitter
debates then being waged between the constitutional nationalists
and republicans, between revisionist and anti-revisionist historiCl!\S, and between republican women activists and their feminist
critics, the play does indeed personalise arid render concrete the
atmosphere of the time.
. Yet the intensity of Devlin's hostility to contemporary republicanism inevitably obscures the existence of large groups of women
in republican areas whose responses were not as stereotypical as
Josie's and Donna's. As I have observed elsewhere, many workingclass west Belfast women, including Sinn Fein supporters, campaigned actively for improved housing, hcnlth services nnd n
women's centre on the Falls Road where women experienCing the
difficulties represented by Donna could seek help and advice. The
female characters do not convey the struggle of younger women
within Sinn F~in in the early 1980s to ensure that a progressive
policy on women was reflected in the party platform, nor that they
saw no contradiCtion between fighting for the liberation of their
country and the liberation of women. For them patriarchy .and
imperialism were two sides of the same coin and the fight to
I'm tired. Tired of this endless night watch. I've been manning
the barricades since 'sixty-nine. I'd like to stop for a while, look
around me, plant a garden, listen for other sounds; the breathing
of a child somewhere outside Andersonstown.36
However, Conran proves to be a British agent whose intelligence
eventually secures the arrest of O'Donnell and other republicans.
· Josie and Malachy are forced to leave Belfast, fearing retaliation by
the leadership for her failure to discover Conran's true identity
during her interrogation. Certainly, theProvisional I.RA. is known
to have executed members suspected of betraying the organisation,
but we· do not know the disciplinary actions whiCh· might have
followed failures like Josie's, or even if a female volunteer would
have conducted the kind of interrogation depicted in the play.37
Frieda discovers that living with McDermott in the allegedly
neutral university district. is hardly an. improvement over west
Belfast.. She feels watched every time she leaves the house and
worries that his connections to the Workers' Party will invite
hostility from their neighbours. Ultimately, Frieda decides to leave
for England, after a ~rick comes flying thrpugh tl_le wingpw w~th l'l
note proclaiming 'This is a Protestant street.' In reality, while
intimidation had fallen significantly since the early 70s, it had not
disappeared entirely, and the area near the university known as
the Holy· Land experienced such instances in the early 1980s.
Indeed, Devlin recalled in her short story Five Notes After a Visit,
and in a i986 interview, her own anxiety regarding her personal
safety as a Catholic living in a Protestant area.3S ·
In the play, Frieda is the only one who defies the constraints
imposed by patriarchy and the republican tradition in order to
secure her own liberation. In bidding good-bye to Donna, she
proclaims: 'I'd rather be lonely than suffocate ... It is Ireland I am
leaving'- a peroration which echoes James Joyce, as well as the
author's view that happiness and fulfilment will only come to those
women who refuse to serve the republican caus,e and to be constrained by the patriarchal influences within northern culture and
1
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253
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254
Women & Irish History
devalue both had to be waged simultaneously.40 Rita O'Hare ar.ticulated this position in her 1980 Ard Fheis speech and these views
were echoed by other actiVists at this time. Nonetheless, the play
.does reflect the coJ,lt~tions of some fehunists that the stated party
.policy on women's equality had not yet made an impact upon the
views and actions of the male party rank and file.41
. It is important to stress that, unlike the fictional Frieda, most
west· Belfast women. who might have agreed with aspects of
Devlin's critique ofrepublicanism did not have the option of exile.
.As recent research examining political attitudes by gender suggests,_there was probably no marked difference betWeen male and
female electoral choices in the hotly contested 1983 west Belfast
parliamentary election.42 Thus it is reasonable to conclude that
many west Belfast women registered their reservations about the
republican analysis and tactics by casting votes for Joe Hendron,
the S.D.L.P. candidate, and Gerry Fitt, the independent incumbent.
Together these two candidates received 47.8% of the votes cast,
compared to the 36.9% which went to Sinn Fein's Gerry Adams.
·Some of the most dedicated party workers for the S.D.LP. are
women, and the party's central office is run by Gerry Cosgrove,
who lives the lower Falls area of west Belfast.43
Anne Devlin certainly was not unique in her view that. the
ideology, structure and tactics of contemporary republicanism
were inimical to the best interests of women. Similar indictments
were made by other northernwomen such as the late Cathy Harkin
of Derry, whobelieved issues of aomestic violence, easier access to
contraception; divorce, and equitable employment· conditions
were greater priorities.44
It is important to note that the theoretical doubts that. Anne
Devlin held about republicanism's compatibility with feminism, as
well as about the legitimacy of nationalism,. were undoubtedly
· exacerbated by the difficulties her family experienced as a result of
the political positions advocated by her father during this era.
Paddy Devlin's public criticism of Provisional I.R.A. violence and
also of the hunger strikes provoked an orchestrated campaign of
harassment and intimidation against him by republican extremists.
His Andersonstown home was besieged for a month following the
5 May 1981 death of Bobby Sands, the hunger striker who had been
elected M.P. for Fermanagh-Tyrone in a Westminster by-election
in April. Devlin's sons were assaulted at school and neighbours
\•:ho tried to assist the family were also intimidated, ultimately
forcing the family !to leave Andersonstown for a north Belfast
residence. Devlin's electoral popularity suffered a severe reversal
m
Catherine Shannon
255
in the polarised atmosphere that surrounded Belfast City Council
elections on 20 May. He received only 1,343 first preference votes .
compared to the 7,000 he polled in 1977. 45 Two years later, in the
bitterly contested 1983 Westminster elections, Sinn Fein won 13.4% .
of the total poll and over 40% of the nationalist vote. GerryFitt, a
former S.D.L.P. colleague pf Paddy Devlin who also opposed the
hunger strikes, lost the west Belfast seat he had held sinceJ966 to
Gerry Adams by 5,000 votes. Obviously, these were very disturbmg
results to Anne Devlin on both ideological and personal grounds .
Thus the intensity of the critique of republicanism in Ourselves
Alone does not rest solely'on opposition to patriarchy, but undoubtedly emanates also from the author's intention to deliver as strong
a condemnation of the republican movement and the sectarian
politic~ of Northern Ireland as possible. Her success in doing so
was reflected perhaps in the warm reception Ourselves Alone received from London critics and audiences as well as by the awards
the play received.46 Devlin's play is a telling example of how a
talented dramatist can entertain her audience and simultaneously .
engage in 'politics by other means'. On the eve of her August 1986
Royal Court opening, Devlin acknowledged that in writing Ourselves Alone, she was attempting to work out her political and
. personal views. She had lost faith in abstract theoretical solutions.
promising a better future and increasingly judged political options
and processes oy what they offered an individual now. Political
allegiances could not be divorced from personal morality. Devlin
concisely summarised the political message she intended in the
following comment:
If you are required to die for a cause, it has to offer something
better than what·you have got. Let's look. at our relationships,
look at what you've got.. If you butcher and murder and kill to
get somewhere, it won't stop when you get there.47
Thus Devlin's entertaining and successful play qualifies as historical evidence which provides useful insights regarding a specific
period of the conflict, but which, like all forms of historical evidence, must be carefully evaluated so that its bias, motivation and
limitations are acknowledged and understood.
Recent Writing By and About Northern Women
In the.decade since Anne Devlin wrote her play, a feminist co)1sciousness has developed among an increasing number of northern ·
women. There is greater recognition that they have suffered com- '
mon wrongs and that their subordination is societally determined.
Northern women display an increasing willingness, despite differ-
�256
Women & Irish History
Catherine Shannon
ences in political allegiances and religious backgrounds, to act
co-operatively to remedy these wrongs and to provide an alternative vision of society conducive to autOnomy and self-determination for both women. and men. Significant steps· to alleviate
communal isolation, to facilitate cross-community contacts and to
deal with generic gender problems have been taken by the
Wo~en's Information Group and- more recently the ·Women's
Support Network, an umbrella organisation of 192 women's
groups, which co-ordinates information on services available to
women. Iri 1990, Protestant women from the Shankill joined with
Catholic Women in protests which eventually overturned the decision of the unionist-dominated BelfastCity Council to cut funding
for the Falls Road Women's Centre. The mutual trust and good-will
flowing from these efforts eventually led to the Belfast visit in
February 1992 of President Mary Robinson, during whlch she met
women from all sections of the community. This was the first time
an Irish president had crossed the border, and was followed by
other presidential visits conducive to better cross-border relations.
The benefits of such cross-community c(H)peration in pursuit of
common goals has nof gone unnoticed by men from the deprived
working-class areas of Belfast and Derry. At a public session in
Boston in late October 1994, representa~ves of the Combined LOyalist Military Command acknowledged the influence of the women
in their communities in convincing them to replicate the Provisional I.RA. ceasefire. The R~~ching Common Ground conference~
held in Boston two. weeks later, provided considerable evidence
that northern women, while acknowledging their differences, are
determined to support the ongoing peace process. 48
This growing confidence and political awareness and co-operation of northern women is evident in the process that produced two .·
anthologies of writing by the Craigavon Women Writers. 49 The ·
group, called the Dolly Mi._xtures, is religiously and politically
mixed· and consists mostly of women from working-class back. grounds who live in or near Craigavon~s Brownlow estate. Initially
intended as a modelestate with easy access to employment in a
local tire factory, living conditions in Brownlow deteriorated
sharply in i:he 1970s arid 1980s owing to economic recession, government neglect and the impact of the conflict. The Dolly Mixtures
meet weekly to discuss their poems, short ~tories, essays and even
plays, all of which reflect aspects of women's experience of the
'Troubies'. Much of the writing is therapeutic, helping women who
· have lost husbands, parents, children and friends in the conflict to
deal with their grief and pain. The volumes convey a strong sense
of the emotional and psychological impact that poverty, unemployment, and sectarian conflict have had on these Craigavon
women ill\d their families. Some contributions reflect a growing
anger over the arrogance of both republican and loyalist para-militaries taking life for 'their cause', while others reflect frustration
with the British government's slow response in answering charges
of human rights abuses by security forces.
The anthologies were conceived by Philomena ·Gallagher, a
mother of three, who returned to school in her mid-thirties to gain
secondary school credentials. Her contributions are noteworthy as
remembrances of innocent individuals who have been killed. Her
writing and that of Madge Steele reflect the growing efforts of
northern women to promote tolerance, compassion and understanding in their divided community. Overall the message that.
emerges from these volumes is the women's determination to
make peace an everyday reality. One poem in particular, by Madge.
Steele, reflects the success of the Craigavon women in finding their
common humanity.
257
Weave the threads of real friendship
With th_e colours of life
Use the pattern of Peace
Arid leave out the strife
Thread the friends that are young
Along with the old
And you'll find on your loom
A fabric of gold.so
Conclusion
The anthologies of the Dolly Mixtures are literary artefacts that exemplify the continuous efforts of many northern Irish won:ten, especially
those· in the working class, to overcome the bitterness and hatreds
rooted in the north's turbulent history by ~penly expressing their past
hurts, current fears as well as hopes and aspirations for the future. Jn
doing so, these women are discovering much shared common ground
. and they are helping to plant seeds of tolerance and tr:ust upon which
a just and lasting peace ultimately depends.
Sigcificantly, a heightened political awareness and a desire to
build upon previous cross-commun,ity co-operative initiatives of
women became apparent in the wake of the 1994 ceasefires and the
publication in February 1995 of the Joint Framework Documents51
by the British-and Irish governments. Within two weeks of their
publication, various local women's groups convened meetings to
examine the implications of the framework proposals for women
·(
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Women & Irish History
Clltherine Shannon
and began to insist on a role for women in the shaping of any new
structures to emerge frOm the proposed multi-party peace talks. In .
late spring 1995, a committee of twenty-five women representing
the voluntary, trade union, academic, religious, and lo<:al community sectors oi'ganisec;i the conference 'Women, Politics and Ways.
Forward', which was attended by 160 women at the Rural College
in Draperstown on 24 June 1995. Various tactics and strategies
designed to increase women's participation in public bodies, in
political parties, and especially in the peace process, were pro.posed. This was an historic occasion, as it was the .first time that ·
women from all political spectrt:uns gathered to discuss the serious
political·issues regarding northern women's exclusion from decision-maldng bodies and the political process.52 Four months later,
over 400 women from all walks of life convened in Belfast's Europa
Hotel, on 4 November 1995, for the 'Women Shaping the Future
Conference'. In addition to highlighting the past contributions of
women in sustaining the social infrastructure of Northern Ireland
during a quarter-century of conflict, recommendations were made
to increase the influence of women in northern politics through
networldng, information sharing and finally by establishing crossparty political groupings.53
In addressing women's political participation as a human f!ghts
issue and in stressing the potential contribution which women's
unique skills and experience could make in negotiating a permanent political settlement, the Draperstown and Belfast conferences,
iri conjuction with consistent lobbying between 1992 and 1996 by
the Northern Ireland European Women's Platform, helped to lay
the groundwork for the establishment of the Northern Ireland
Women's Coalition (N.I.W.C.) in Apiil 1996.. The coalition had
seventy women candidates in the special 30 May 1996 elections
which were held to determine the level of political party representation at the official peace negotiations in June. The election also
selected delegates to the Northern Ireland Forum, a consultative
body, modelled on the Republic of Ireland's Forum for Peace and
Reconciliation, and designed to promote consensus through dia·logue. The N.I.W.C. campaigned on a manifesto that stressed policies of political inclusiveness, equity and respect for human rights.
While acknowledging that their candidates often had conflicting
. political perspectives on the constitutional question, the coalition
maintained that there was consensus on the need for a bill of rights
as well as on an array of social and economic issues affecting
women, families and local com.rilunities. While strong political
convictions on the constitutional issue led many northern women
to vote for the existing political parties, the coalition polled 7,731
votes, enough to secure two seats for N.I.W.C. at the negotiation
table and in the Northern Ireland Forum.54 The two delegates
elected reflect the cross-community principles of the coalition.
Monica McWilliams, a university lecturer with extensive experience in lobbying and campaigning for civil and women's rights, is
a Catholic from a nationalist and rural background, while Pearl
Sagar is a Protestant from east Belfast with extensive experien01! in .
community politics and development. Although it is too early to
· determine the long-range political future of the coalition, it was a
significant historical breakthrough to have two women participating as elected representatives in ongoing negotiations designed to
shape democratic, political and constitutional structures for the
people of Northern Ireland.
The obstacles which the region's entrenched political, religious
and economic divisions pose for feminist politics and unity, and·
indeed for a permanent peace, are still immense.55 There is, however, a dawning recognition that signific!ffit progress in building a
just society in Northern Ireland will be enhanced by drawing on
and institutionalising the energies and commitment of the large
numbers of w:omen who are experienced in community politics,
but who have been excluded heretofore from the formal political
and economic power structures.
The works examined in this essay as well as those of other
northern writers provide many insights into the huge costs that
protracted political conflict have meant for northern women and
their families.S6 Yet all these works have additional historical significance to the extent that they frame itnportannheoretical debates about feminism's relationship to republicanism andloyalism,
and about the role of.women in northern society in general. They
pose for their readers questions that challenge both green and
orange nationalism to purge their respective traditions of patriarchal, arrogant and exclusivist elements. Only time and future
historians can tell whether the rising feminist consciousness documented in these works will eventually succeed in bringing real and
substantial improvement to the everyday lives of women, as well
as to the entire Northern Irish community.
i,,
,I
~·
259
'-
--~"'
......
�Women & Irish History
Notes
noted, 'Miss Bennett received awfully well.' (Rosamund Jacob papers, National Library of
Ireland, MS 32582).
57. Loc. cit.,
58. Kingston.Diaries, 2 November 1922.
59.1bid., 3 January 1923.
60. Annual Report of. Irish Section, Women's International League 1922-23 (WILPF
Colorado).
Ireland (Dublin,l994). For an extended discussion of the women-free tone of Irish historiography, see Margaret Ward, The Missing Sex: Putting Women into Irish History (Dublin,
1991).
2. Statistics showing the differentials in employment levels between Catholics and Protestants often have included separate figures for women. See Brendan O'Leary and "John
McGarry, The Politics of Antagonisr:z (London, 1993), p. 206.
3. Malcolm Sutton, An Index of Deaths from the Conflict in Northern Ireland. 1969-1993
(Belfast,l994).
4. Between 1970 and 1974 Belfast and Derry bore the brunt of violence, experiencing72% ·
of the deaths, 91% of injuries from civil disorder, 55% of the bombings and 33% of the gun
battles (Paul Arthur, Political Realities: Government and Politics in Northern Ireland; 2nd·
edition (London, 1984), p. 120; O'Leary and McGarry, op. cit, pp 8-44); R.U.C. statistics
to July 1997.
_5. Eavan Boland, A Kind of Scar: the Woman Poet in a National Tradition (Dublin, 1989).
6. Nell McCafferty, Armagh Women (Dubliri, 1981); Margaretta D' Arcy, Tell them Every-'·
thing, (London, 1981); M. T. McGivern and Margaret Ward, 'Images of women in Northern
· Ireland' in Cranebag, vol. 4, no. I (1980), pp 66-72.
?.Ibid., p. 69. ·Popular novels set in Northern Ireland often replicate the sterentypical images
of northern women found in tabloid papers. See Bill Rolston, 'Mothers, whores and villains:
images of women in novels of the Northern Ireland conflict' in Race and Class, vol. 31, no.
I (July-Sept 1989), pp 41-57. See also O'Leary and McGarry, op. cit., pp 13-18.
8. Monica McWilliams, 'Women in Northern Ireland: an overview' in Eiunonn Hughes (ed.),
Politic:t and Culture in Nortllern Ireland (London, 1991 ); Carmel Roulston, 'Women on the
margin: the women's movement in Northern Ireland, 1973-1988' in Science and Society, vol.
53, no. 2 (1989), pp 219-36; Pamela Montgomery and Cella Davis, ':A woman's place In
Northern Ireland' in Peter Stringer and Gillian Robinson (eds), Social Attitudes in Northern
Ireland (1990-91 edition, Belfast, 1991), pp 74-78; Valerie Morgan and Grace Fraser,
'Women and the Northern Ireland conflict' in Seamus Dunn (ed.), Facets of the Conflict in
Northern Ireland (New York,l995), pp 81-96; Eilis~ Rooney and Margaret Woods, Wonien,
Community and Politics in Noitllem Ireland: A Belfast Studi(Belfast, 1995).
9. Eileen Fairweather, Roisin McDonough and Melanie McFadyean, Only the Rivers Run
Free: Northern Ireland, the Women's War(London,l984).
10. Fionnuala O'Connor, In Search of a S.tate: Catholics in Northern Ireland (Belfast, 1993);
Sally Belfrage, The Crack: a Belfast Year (London, 1987).
II. Catherine B. Shannon, 'Women in Northern Ireland' in Mary O'Dowd and Sabine
Wichert (eds), Chottel, Servant or Citizen: Women ':t Status in· Church, State and Society:
Historical Studie_sXIX (Belfast, 1995), pp 238-253.
12. Tom Dunne (ed.); The Writer as Witness: Literature as Historical Evidence: Historical .
Studies XVI (Cork, 1987).
13. Initially in the Northern Ireland Labour Party, Paddy Devlin was a founder of the<Soclal
Democratic and Labour Party in· August 1970 and subsequently served as S.D.L.P. chief
whip in the power-sharing Assembly of 1973-74. He was expelled from the S.D.L.P. in 1977
following his public criticism that the party's original commitment to socialist principles was
being undermined by a growing emphasis on the 'Irish dimension', i.e. the unification goal
of traditional Irish nationalism (W. D. Flackes and Sidney Elliott, Northern ireland: a
Political Directory, 1968-1993 (Belfast, 1994), p. 139; see also Paddy Devlin, Siraight Left
(Belfast, 1993), pp 277-83).
14. Anne Devlin, 'Passages' in The Way-Paver (London, 1986), p. 14.
15./bid., p. 16.
330
61.1bid.
62. Bussey and Timms, Pioneers for Peace, p.53.
63. Lucy Kingston to Madeleine Doty (International Secretary of WILPF 1925-1927), 26
February 1926; Rosamund Jacob to Madeleine Doty, 23 March 1926 (WILPF Colorado).
The members of this committee were: Louie Bennett, Sybil Le Brocquy, Helen Chenevix,
Mrs M'Ctintock Dix, Marie Johnson, Lucy Kingston, Rosamund Jacob, Miss Molyneux,
Miss Miils, Mrs J. Richardson, Miss M. Stephens, Miss G. Webb.
64. Bennett, Kingston and Jacob were the main correspondents in this regard. In addition to
advice on the political minefield that was Ireland in 1926, Jacob advised that in circularising
travel arrangements, the names Cobh and Dun Laoghaire should be used instead of Queen.. stown and Kingstown as 'we want to keep the' Irish names once we have got them back'
(Jacob to Doty (WILPF Colorado)).
65. Lucy Kingston to Madeleine Doty, 1 January 1926 (WILPF Colorado).
66. Louie Bennett to Madeleine Doty, 16 February 1926 (WILPF Colorado).
67. Report of the 5th Congress ofWILPF, Dublin, 8-IS July 1926 (WILPF Colorado).
68.1bid. Louie Bennett had advised that 'world' be included in the title for this public session
~in view of our faction fights here'.
.69. Swanwick, I Have Been Young, pp 450-452. Rosamund Jacob recounted that when Hanna
rose to spC.ak •a roar of applause broke out for all the world ai; if it was De Valera, and went
on and on with cries of Up the Republic!' (Rosamund Jacob Papers, National Library of
Ireland, MS 32582).
70. Swanwii.::k. i HaVe Been l'out1g.
71. The International Woman Suffrage News, August~September 1926.
72. Mary Sheepshanks (International Secretary ofWILPF 1927-30) to Louie Bennett, 20·
November 1928 (WILPF Colorado).
73. Sinn F6in to WILPF. 25 October 1929 (WILPF Colorado).
u~
'"75. Kingston Diaries, 1 Nover'nber 1929.
76. Bennett to Mary Sheepshanks, 30 November 1929 (WILPF Colorado).
77. Una M'Ciintock Dix to Mary Sheepshanks, 1 February 1~30 (WILPF Colorado).
·78. Kingston Diaries, 13 December 1929.
·
79. Una M'Ciintock Dix to Mary Sheepshanks, 1 February 1930 (WILPF Colorado).
80. Rosamund Jacob to Camille Drevet (International Secretary ofWILPF 1930-1934), 9
April 1931 (WILPF Colorado).
St. Lucy Kingston to Camille Drevet, 23 April1932 (WILPF Colorado).
82. WILPF Ireland was reformed in 1991 in the wake of the Gulf War.
Catherine Shannon:
The Women Writer ai Historical Witness:
Northern Ireland, /968-1994 -an Interdisciplinary Perspective t. Margaret MacCurtain, Mary O'Dowd, Maria Luddy, 'An agenda for women's history,
1500-1900' in I.H.S., xxviii, no.! 09 (May 1992), pp 1-37; Dermot Keogh, Twentieth Century
~-
331
�,,
332
Women & Irish History· .
Notes
16. Bob Purdie, PoUtics in tlu! Streets: tlu! Origins of tlu! Civil Rights Movement in Nortlu!m
Ireland (Belfast, 1990), pp 196-7.
17. Paddy Devlin, Straight Left, p. 95.
18. JonathaifBardon, A History of Ulster (Belfast, 1992), pp 662-6; Purdie, Politics in tlu!
Street, p. 22t
19. O'Leary and Mc:Oarry, The Politics ofAntagonism, pp 30-31, 41-42.
20. Paddy Devlin, Straight Left, p.l06.
21. Anne Devlin, Ourselves Alone (London, 1986).
22. O'Leary and McGarry, The Politics ofAntagonism., p. 213. In the Westminister election
of 1983, Sinn F& Pollc;d 13.4% of the total votes; and 42% of the nationalist vote.
,
23. Catherine B. Shannon, 'Catholic women and the Northern Irish troubles' in Alan O'Day·
(ed.),lreland's Te"orist Trauma (Hertfordshire, 1989), pp 242-244.
24. Although numerous historians had been critical of the mythic simplicity of popular
nationalist views on the origins and.nature of the northern conflict since the early 1970s, the
proceedings of the New heland Forum in 1983-1984 and its reportstimu1ated growing
recognition.of the complexity of
noi:thern problem among southern politicians and the
general public (see Ciaran Brady (ed.) Interpreting Irish History (Dublin, 1994); J. 1. Lee,
Ireland, 1912-1985: Politics and Society (Dublin, 1989), pp 596, 676).
zs: Brendan O'Brien; The Long Wty": tlu! l.R.A. and Sinn Fein: from armed struggle to peace
talks (Dublin, 1995), pp 34-35; and author's personal observation in June 1983.
26. For contemporary oral evidence of this, see Ellen Fairweather, Roisin McDonough and.
Melanie McFadyean, Only tlu! Rivers Run Free, pp 130-33. In Ardoyne, a Belfast neighbourhoOd with a strong para-military history, a 1991 survey reported that one out offour women
had been victims of domestic violence or sexual abuse. This .t:iend was confirmed in a
subsequent regional study (see Ardoyne Women's Research Project, Unlu!ard Voices:
Women's Needs in Ardoyne (Belfast, 1992); Monica McWilliams and Joan McKiernan,
Bringing it out in tlu! open: a report for tlu! DHSS (Belfast, 1993)).
27. The Socialist Workers' Party evolved from the 1970 split in the republican movement
which produced the Provisional IRA ~d the Official ~-111. Northern Ireland, !:fie 'Officials'
and their political supporters in the Workers' Party were often known as 'Stickies' .owing to
their custom of sticking paper Easter Ulies on their coat lapc:ls during the annual Easter 1916
Rising commemorations in the early 1970s.
28. See Fairweather, et al.,op. cit., p. 263; Shannon, 'Catholic women and the Northern Irish
troubles', p. 244; see also Marie Mulholland, 'Between a rock and a hard place' in Unfinislu!d ,
Rev~lution: Essays on tlu! Irish Women's Movement (Belfast, 1989), p. 35.
29. Eileen Fairweather, et. al., Only tlu! RiVers Run Free, p. 130.
30. Anne Devlin, Ourselves Alone (London, 1985), p. 20.
31. M. T. McGivern and Margaret Ward, 'Images of women in Northern Ireland' in
Cranebag, vol. 4, no I (1980), p. 67; New Ireland Forum Report, Minutes of evidence, 17
November-1983, p.l7.
32. From 1969-1983 there were l97 ,795 house-searches in a community of 400,000 house~
holds. The highest number ofsearches occurred in 1973-74 fora total of 149A70. These had
fallen to an average of 4,084 per annum between 198()!1982 (see W. D. Flackes and Sydney
Elliott, Nortlu!m Ireland: a Political Directory. 1968-/993 (Belfast, 1994), p. 472).
33. This observation echoes the p(lint frequently made by the S.D.L.P. leader John Hume
during this era that rather than being defenders of the 'eatholic community, the Provisional
- I.R.A. campaign was not only morally'indefensible, but ineffective because it was causing
more deaths of Catholic civilians than any other group (John Hume's speeches at Symposia
on Northern Ireland, John F. Kennedy Library, March 1982, March 1984). See also Brendan
O'Leary and John McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism, p. 260.
me
a
!.
333
34. Anne Devlin, Ourselves Alone, pp 22,. 30, 58.
35. In fact, much of the stigma attached to co-habitation and out-of-wedlock births haS
disappeared in both the Catholic and Protestant working-classeS. In 1991 out-of-wedlock
births accounted for 75% of births to mothers under twenty (Social Trends: Annual Report
of Social and Economic Statistics (Belfast, 1992), Table 24). A more relaxed attitude
regarding the social liaisons of p3l't!le_rs of men sentenced for long periods has been manifest
in recent years (confidential source$);
36. Anne Devlin, Ourselves Alone, p. 77.
37. Brendan O'Leary and John Mc:Oarry, The Politics of Antagonism, p. 39.
38. Anne Devlin, The Way-Paver, pp 121-131; Sunday Times, 7 December 1986, p. 44.
39. Padraig O'Malley, The UnciVil Wars: Ireland Today (Boston, 1983), p. 272.
40. See Shannon, 'Catholic women and the Northern Irish troubles', p. 243; Eileen Fairweather, et. al., Only tlu! Rivers Run Free, pp 260-261. For more recent statements endorsing
the compatibility of republicanism and feminism see Gerardine Meaney, Sa and Nation:
Women in Irish Culture and Politics (Dublin,J991); Claire Hackett, 'Self-determination: the
republican femiriist agenda' in Feminist Review, no. 50 (Summer 1995), pp} 11-116.
41. Interviews with I. McCormick, E. Evasion, M. Clark-Glass, July 1986; January 1987.
See also Marie Mulholland, 'Between a rock and a hard place', p. 35.
42. Valerie Morgan, 'Bridging the divide' in Social Attitudes Survey, /991-92 (Belfast, 1992),
p. 37. Indeed, anecdotal evidence from this era suggests that even higher percentages of west
Belfast women voted for S.D.L.P. candidate Hendron and the independent incumbent Gerry
Fitt than are reflected in, the overall election figures.
43. Author's interview with Gerry Cosgrove, 26 June 1986. While in the north during the
last week of the 1983 election campaign, I saw many nationalist women expend tremendous
energy .in support of the S.D.L.P.
44. Eileen Fairweather et al, Only tlu! Rivers Run Free, pp 128-32, 258-59. In a stinging
critique of the ideological foundations of Irish nationalism, and republicanism in particular,
Edna Longley maintained more recently that republican women have bought into a sacrificial
m:lle deat.IJ C!!IUhatinevital;lly undermines feminist goals. Longley believes that republican
feminism is pure window dressing and that Northern Ireland's pOliticS are based on archaic
orange and green tribal loyalties which are antithetical to individual freedom and liberation
for both women and men (From Cathleen to Anorexia: the Breakdown of lrelands
(Dublin, 1990), pp 15:24).
.
45. Paddy Devlin, Straight Left, pp 284-286; author's interview With Theresa Devlin, 21July
1992. Some of this decline in electoral support may have been attributable to Devlin's
expulsion from the S.D.L.P., and not solely to the hostility from extreme republicans.
46. Devlin won the Susan.Smith Blackburn Prize in 1985, and the George Devine Award in
1986 for Ourselves Alone. Devlin's play opened in Liverpool in October 1985, moved to
London's Royal Court Upstairs in November, and then to the main Royal Court Theatre in
August 1986. She was short-listed for two Lawrence_ Olivier Awards- West End Play of the
Year and Most Prormsing Newcomer- in the same year. Her T.V. play A Woman Calling
won the Samuel seckett Award for the best fmt play for television.
47. Andrew Hislop interview with Anne Devlin, The Times, 21 August 1986, p. 13..
48. Public meeting at Boston College, 25 October 1995; Proceedings ofJiu! Reaching
Common Ground Conference (Boston, 1995).
49. Philomena Gallagher (ed.), Tlu! Dolly Mixtures: an Anthology of Craigavon Women
Writer! (Craigavon, 1991 ): Joy and Troubles: an Anthology of Craigavon Women Writers
(Craigavon, 1992).
SO. Joy and Troubles, p. 3.
;;
t,:.,,
-;:·:
..;:
r·
�334
Notes
Women & Irish History
.
51. These dOcuments suggested ere principles upon which negotiations involving an ere notthem .
polilical parties, Brilish officials and Irish officials for a permanent settlement would be framed
52. Oar na mSan, A Woman's Ageflllafor Peace: Conference Report (Belfast, 1994); Eilish
Rooney:•axcluded voices' in Fortnight, no. 332, October, 1994; S.D.L.P. Women's Meeting, 24 March 1995; Elizabeth Porter and Monica McWilliams, Conference Report of
'Women, politics and ways forward' (September 1995). Political parties sending representatives to Draperstown were the Alliance Party, the Communist Party, Democratic Left,
the Green Party, the Progressive Unionist Party, the Social Democratic and Labour Party and
Sinn F~in. The Ulster Unionist Party and the Democratic Unionist Party were not formally
represented, although a number of women from the Unionist tradition attended in an
individual capacity. The Northern Ireland Women's European Platform in conjunction with
the Republic's Council on the Status of Women have consistently stressed that participatory
democracy cannot exist without women's voices being heard and without women's participation in politics (NIWEP-CSW Submission to the Forum on Peace and Reconciliation, 20
J.IUiuary 1995; see also NIWEP Annual Report, 1994-95).
·
53. Jane Wilde (ed~). Women Shaping the Future Conference Report (Belfast, 1996).
54. Through its call for all voices and viewpoints to l?e represented at the talks and in future
fora, by implication the Northern Ireland Women's Coalition supported the presence of Sinn
F~in at the negotiation table Without the precondition of arms decommissioning demanded
by the British government. The Northern Ireland Women's Coalition did, however, call for
the reinstatement and maintenance of the ceasefire which had been broken by the Provisional
I.R.A. bombing of Canary Wharf in London on 9 February 1996 (see N.l. W.C. Election
MIUiifesto, April_l996).
55. From 7-10 July 1996, subsequent to an initial police order re-routing an Orange parade
away from a Catholic neighbourhood in Portadown, there was wide-spread rioting, looting.
road closures and intimidation of the Royal Ulster Constabulary by enraged Protestants across
the province. The subsequent decision, alleged by the British government to have been solely
that of the the Chief Constable Sir Hugh Annesley, to allow the Orange march to proceed
through tliis Cathoiic neighbournood spa.-ked t!u-ee nights of rioting and attacks on tbe police
in nationalist communities.
56. Other writers worthy of examination include Jennifer Johnston, Mary Beckett, and
Christina Reid.
Mary Cullen:
Towards a New Ireland:
335
.
' '
Women, Feminism & the Peace Process
I. Mary Wollstonecraft,A Vindication ofthe Rights ofWoman (London, 1982; first published
1792), pp 23-5.
2. Alison Jaggar, Feminist Politics and Human Nature (Totowa, New Jersey, 1983).
3. Ibid., p. 9.
4. Ibid., p. 95.
5. See Mary Cullen, 'Anna Maria Haslam', in Mary Cullenlind Maria Luddy (eds), Women,
Power and Consciousness In Nlneteenth·Century Ireland: Eight Biographical Studies (Dublin, 1995), pp 161-96.
6. See Maria Luddy, 'Isabella M.S. Tod' in ibid., pp 197-230.
i. Willia;n Thompson, Appeal of One Half of the Human Race, Women, Against the
Pretensi~ of the Other Half, Men, to Retain Them in Politfcal, and Thence in Civil ~nd
Domestic Slavery (London, 1983). For Wheeler, see Dolores Dooley, 'Anna Doyle Wheeler', I'
in Cullen and Luddy, Women, Power and Consciousness, pp 19-53.
8. See Margaret MacCurtain, 'Women, the Vote and Revolution' in M. MacCurtain and
Donncha OComiin (eds.), Women in lrish Society: The Historical Dimension (Dublin, 1978),
pp 46-57; Rosemary Cullen Owens, Smashing Times: the History of the Irish Women's
Suffrage Movement I 876-1922 (Dublin, 1984); Margaret Ward, Unm~U~eageable Revolutionaries: Women tind Irish Nationalism (London, 1985); Beth McKillen, 'Irish feminism and
national s~paratism' in Eirellreland xii (1982), 3, pp 52-67; 4, pp 72-90; Mary Cullen, 'How
radical was Irish feminism betWeen 1876 and 1922?', in P.J. Corish (ed.), Radicals, Rebels
and Establishments (Belfast, 1985), pp 185-201; Cliona Murphy, The Women's Suffrage
Movement and Irish Society in the Early Twentieth Century (Brighton, 1989); Carol Coulter,
The Hidden Tradition: Women, Feminism and Nationalism (Code, 1993).
9. Diane Urquhart, "'The female of the species is more deadlier than the male"? The Ulster
Women's Unionist Council, 1911-1940' in Janice Holmes and Diane Urquhart(eds), Coming
into the Ught: The Work, Politics arid Religion of Women in Ulster 1840-1940 (Belfast,
1994), p. 95. See also Diane Urquhart, 'Women and politics in Ulster, 1880-1940' (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1996).
10. See pp 220-238 above.
11: See Rosemary Cullen Owens, "'Votes for women, votes for ladies": organised labour
and the suffrage movement' in Saothar, ix (1983), pp 32-47.
.
12. See Maryann Gialanella Valiulis, 'Defining their role in the new state: Irishwomen's
protest against the Juries Act of 1927' in Can.adiiUI Joumal of Women •s Studies, xviii.! (July
1992), pp 43-60; 'Power, gender and identity in the Irish Free ~tate' in Journal of Women's
History, 6. 4 and 7. I (Winter/spring 1995), pp 117-36. See.also CO!ltributions of Maryann
Gialanella Valiulis, Caitriona Beaumont and Rosemary Cullen oWens in this volume.
13. For a discussion of some of the issues involved see Mary E. Daly, '•women and
trade-unionism in Ireland' in Margaret MacCurtain and Donncha 0 Corrain (eds), Women
in Irish Society: the Historical Dimension (Dublin, 1978), pp 71-81; Ellen Hazelkorn, 'The
social and political views of Louie Bennett 1870-1956' in Saothar, 13 (1988), pp 32-44;
Mary Jones, These Obstreperous lAssies: the History of the Irish Women W~rkers' Union
(Dublin, 1988).
·
14; For the genesis of-!:he commission see Hilda Tweed)', A Unk in the Chain: the History
of the Irish Housewives' Association 1942-92 (Dublin, 1992).
.
15. See June Levine, Sisters: the Personal Story of lUI Irish Feminist (Swords, 1982); June
Levine, 'Women and politics, 1970-1980' in Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing, vol. iv
(forthcoming, New York, 1998); Catherine Rose, The Female Experience: the Story of the ·
Woman MoVement in Ireland (Galway, 1975); Ailbhe Smyth, 'The women's movement in
the republic of Ireland 1970-1990' in Ailbhe Smyth (ed.), Irish Women's Studies Reader
(Dublin, 1993), pp 245-69; Linda Connolly, 'The women's movement in Ireland: a soci31
movement's analysis' in Irish Journal of Feminist Studies, i (March 1996), pp 43-77. ·
16. See Margaret Ward and Joanna McMinn (eds), A Difficult, DIUigerous Honesty: .Ten
Years of Feminism in Northern Ireland (Belfast, 1986); Eileen Evason, Against the Grain.:
the Contemporary Women's Movement in Northern Ireland (Dublin, 1991); Catherine B.
Shannon, 'Women in Northern Ireland' in Mary O'Dowd and Sabine Wichert(eds), Chattel.
Serv/Uit or Citizen: Women's Status in Church, State and Society (Belfast, 1995), pp 238-47;
Monica McWilliams, 'The church, the state and the women's movement in Northern lreliuid'
in Smyth, Irish Women's Studies Reader, pp 79-1 00; and 'Struggling for peace and justice:
reflections on women's activism in Northern Ireland' in Journal of Women's History, vol. 6,
no. 4, vol. 7, no. 1 (Winter/spring 1995), pp 13-39; Eilish Rooney, 'Political division, practical
alliance: problems for women in conflict' in Ibid., pp 40-48; Lynda Walker, Grandmothers
and Mentors: Women, Politics and Education in Northern Ireland (Belfast, 1996).
17. Monica McWilliams, 'Struggling for peace and justice', pp 29-30.
�f. 41 tA-t, 0 J)o~...J~
(
si
tdt tt..~t~;t
Womc•n in Nurrhem Ireland
239
orgul11.~1
·---~··
1;~y~ ·~•·
en I holies WI L'Hrly us Novcmhcr 11J)'J,• it wm1 the protest
in sprirtg
e.~l. ~!..!!!=.:··:t ,.r Gf, z.e.-,.,._: w~ summer 1963 by forty young catholic Dungannon women thnt helped unleash'
Jilf'f'~
a chain of events that eventually led to the founding of the Northern Irish Civil
~ C.~ L.._ ':)f>._'ti:.. -+. $ ~U.I d, :
Rights Association. Similado thousands of working-class catholic women· in ·
rs~/~1J "I:krfkt:...f<.Jl~( (~~
Northern Ireland, these Dungannon women were struggling to raise their fami· .
lies in woefully over-crowded, expensive and often unsanitary private houses
and flats. The severity of conditions in Dungannon was evident in local newspa·
per reports of rat-infested quarters and of as many as eight catholic couples
living in one house where they shared two cookers and two toilets for a rent of
Catherine B. Shannon
£27 per week.' Although tile Dungannon Urban District Council had built at
least 194 houses since the Second World War, allocations consistently went to
HE origins and nature of the conflict that has engulfed Northern Ireland
newly married protestant couples and in 58% of the cases to protestants from
since 1968 has been analysed extensively, making writing about the 'trououtside the constituency, leaving married Dungannon catholic couples with
bles' one of the few growth industries in the economically devastated province.
young children on the council housing waiting list for as long as eight to ten
Although a complete bibliography now would contain over 7,000 items, until
years. 6
quite recently the impact of the political violence on the role and status ofNorthInspired partly .bY the contemporary civil rights movement in the United
ern Irish women has been virtually ignored. 1Th.e reasons for this lacuha me not
States, these young women began to question the systematic denial of decent
hard to appreciate. They derive from the same subtle, often unconscious, yet
public housing for Dungannon's working-class catholics. Under the initial lead·
pervasive patriarchal influences that dominated most historical and social scicrship of Mrs Angela McCrystal, the group drafted a petition documenting their
ence researchers and methodology until the 1970s and early 19~0s. This silence.
housing grievances and submitted it to the council at its regular meeting on 13
has been compounded by.the extreme traditionalism of Ulster's churches and
May 1963. Convinced by the negative reaction of the councillors that nothing
schools as well as by an.economic structure that keeps women who work in sexwould be done, Angela McCrystal and her associates called a public meeting in·
segregated, low-paying, and often part-time jobs. Approximately 54% of eco·
St; Patrick's Hall, formed the Homeless Citizens League and began a series of
nomically active women are employed, but 18% of these nrc in part-time jobs,
pickets of the council meetings. 7 These demonstrations featured mothers dressedand 18% of part-timers work less than sixteen hours, thus disqualifying them
in their Sunday best, pushing baby prams with many toddlers in tow. Looking
from pension or maternity rights. 2 Moreover, the political necessity to docuback at the newspaper pictures and accounts, these\events appear quaintly nament the discrimination against northern catholics ns well as to ann lyse the
ive nnd innocent. Yet these women, led primarily by Angela McCrystal and
attitudes of catholics and protestants regarding the controversial issue of the
Patricia McCluskey, the wife of a local catholic doctor who joined the H.C.L
constitutional link with Britain delayed much social science research on the
shortly after its formation, began collecting irrefutable evidence proving the
gross inequalities of gender that continue to characterise Northern Irish socisubstance of the original allegations that the Dungannon Urban Council disety. Fortunately, considerable progress has been made to close this gap by the
criminated against catholics in housing allocation.
pt.tblication si11ce 1989 of a dozen or more articles written by university acn·
These actions by ordinary Dungannon women raised a potentially explosive
demics and surveys commissioned by the Equal Oppoitunities.Commi:;~inn.·
political issue since .qualification (or the local government franchise in North· .
i
ern Ireland depended .upon being a registered liousehoider. In those areas,
mostly west of the River Bann, where protestants almost equalled or outnum·
From House Rights to Civil Rights
bered the catholic population, as in Derry, Unionist councils used housing allo·
cations to preserve their political monopoly. In eventually taking their housing
A glaring example of northern women being wrillen out of the history of th~:
grievance to Stormont, these women mounted a direct challenge to one of the·
'trouble:\' i:\ I he fnilure of most historical accounts In mention that the wn• first
main hulwnrks of forty years of protcstnnl Unionist uominntionnnd catholic .
protests uguinst discriminatory housing policies hy Unionist dominntcd·.-lm:al
Nationalist cxclusion.nteir assertiveness on this fundamental right to adequate.
government councils were initiated by women.
housing was in stark contrast to the irredentist rhetoric and abstentionist proAlthough women from the Springtown estate in Derry had di~rupted meetfile that had characterised the local nationalist councillors as well as the sbC·
ings of the Londonderry City Council to protest inadequate housing for Derry's
Naiionalist members at Stormont for years.
.
At the end of August and inspired further by the wide n:edia coverage dur~ng
~
20 Women in Northern Ireland
T
1
~
I John Whyte,lnterprtling Northun .frtlmllf (Oxford. 1991 }.
2 Pamela Montgomery and Cella Davis. 'A woman's plno;c in Northern Ireland' in Pclcr Strin~tcr Hnd Gillian
Robinson (eds),Soda/ allimdts in Nortlttrttlrcfaml ( 19'Xl-'JI cditidn. Uclru~t. I WI), PI' 74-7K. Sec aiS<l Celia
Davies and Eithne MclAughlin (cds), Women, cmploymc·lltmul.mdaf tmli<'y iu Ntmlwm lrdaml: a flrohi•m
postpontd (Belfast, 1991).
3 See especially Monica McWilliam11, 'Women in Nunhcrn lrcland:,un overview' mid Hnz<tl 1\-lurriscy, 'Ecll·
nomic change and the position or women in Nmthcrn 1rc1aml' in Emnonn llu~hc• (ctf.). Cufrw·,· tmd l"'litit·x
Itt Nrmlt~rttlrefltnri,I960-III'IO(I.undnn,I'I'JI);C'urmd l(mtlstmt,'Wumcn un the nwr)!in: the wumc11's mm·c·
mcnl in Nort.hcrn ircia~U, iYil-twm· in ,\';.:irur:- am! Sndr·ty~ V\tf. ~.\ '"'· 2 (I c)XtJ).J,P ~ I4J-2.1h.
238
4 Frank Curran, Cmmtrlownto tfisast~r (Dublin,l986), p, 19: author's interview with Mary Nclis.July 191!5, June
I<Jfi6.
5 OWt):C/1111011 Oburvl!r, II May,l6 Sept.!963.
6 Ibid., 21 Sept. 1\163; ~cc nlsn !Job Purdie, P<>litia in til<' .rlrc'<'l.<: til<• origin.r of tltt' <'it•if r~~ltl.r IIWI'c•m.rtr'iu
Northcm lf<•lmul (IJcJra<r. 1990), p.ll7.
7 /Jtm}lflllllflll Ob.n•rvrr. II! May, 15 Junc,J:\ July 191>3;nutlwr's intcrvkws with Angcfll McCrystai.I3June 1993
and l'ntrio:ill McCluskey, 14 May 1992.
1;
--.~"'""',---
�'240
(
\
.
Clwue/, Scn·wttor Ciri::.t·n
!
the HUIIIilfi:ir uftJnltcd Slnlcli civil rl~llts lltnrl'lrt·~ which l'llflllilllllnl in lh•· 1\l,u
tniiiTh llf 2H August," II rcw llll'llllll'fS of lhl'
.Homeless Cllizcns Lcugue took more decisive action urter the IJung:uuwrr·
"Council refused a request from H.C.L. members to make available to homeless
catholics pre-fabricated housing at Fairmount Park then being vacated by protestant families mqving to a newly built council estate. A squat was organised
.which eventually involved thirty-seven women and their families. In some in· stances, the vacating protestant tenants handed over their keys to the incoming
squatters instead of council officials.9 Within a week the Minister of Health and
Local Government, Mr William Morgan, agreed to receive a delegation of the
Homeless Citizens League at Stormont. The combination of widespread coverage of the squat by the Belfast media and the detailed nature of the statistics
presented by the delegation was sufficient to force Stormont to put pressure on
·the Dungannon Council who were obliged to abandon their plans to eject forcibly the squatters, and make provision for homeless catholics more quickly by
rushing the completion of a new Ballygawley housing estate in the nntionalist
West ward. 111
. The coverage given to the actions of the Homeless Citizens League in the
summer and fall of 1963 elicited a deluge of supporting letters from across Northern Ireland which indicated that th·e minority's acquiesc~nce in the face of Unionist misrule was wearing thin. This led the McCluskcys and. their associates to
examine the related issues of discrimination against catholics in public employment and how widespread gerrymandering of local electoral districts and the
local electoral franchise of business owners virtually guuranteed Unionist domi·
nation of local councils even in areas where the catholic population ou\numbered the protestant minority. In order to address these issues on a provincewide basis, the Campaign for Social Justice was formed in January 1964 by a
committee of twelve that included Olive Scott, Maura Mullally and Patricia
McCiuskey. 11 Over the next few years the Campaign for Social Justice, largely
managed by Mrs McCluskey and her husband Conn, systematically collected
and pll.blisJ:t~d d_ata that proved widespread discrimination against catholics in
housing and public employment in other communities such as-Derry, Enniskillen
and Lurgan. They dissemin_ated their findings to interested groups and public
libraries throughout Ireland, the United Kingdom and the United States, one
of the first significant occasions being Patricia McCluskey's presentation of C.S.J.
data to the National Council of Civil Liberties meeting in London on 13 March
1965. In addition, the C.S.J. members encouraged those of the minority population who qualified to get on the voting register. Mr~ McCluskey and Mrs
McCrystnl were pnrticufnrfy nclivc in efforts to huvc Dungannon's cnthofics on
the register for the next local elections. In May 1964 a slate of seven C.S.J. cundidates, which included Patricia McCluskey, Angela McCrystal and IJriu
McAleer, ran for the Dungannon council on the slogan of 'Vote for Justice,·
Vote for the Team.' With a 97% voter turnout, four of the seven, including
Patricia McCluskey were elected. 12 Mrs Brid Rodgers, who later became a leading membe.r of the Social Democratic and Labour Party, began her political
....
_.,. .
lin Ltllhcr King-led WnllhillAIIlll
D11ngannon Oburver,l8 May,21 Sepl. 1963.
Purdie, Pulltlcs in tlzi!'tlrtl!'t.t, p. K8.
Ibid., pp !IS-9; Conn McCluskey, Up olfrh~ir klt~r.< {Duhlin, llJK\1), i•Jl 12-IJ.
Ibid., pp IS-17. The CSJ remained bn•icully n c:tthulic nr~nni~ution c.lc•pilc initinl
protestnnts whu had exprc!\.~cd ~ympn!hy wi!h it~ uim~
12 McCluskey, op. cit., p. 13.
l!
9
10
II
d(nriS
r
t.
Women in Northern Ireland
. .
)
241
in\'olwlll<'lll wh<'ll ~~~ .. ,·ufl<'l'l<'d tlutn 1111 l.mgnu fm lhl' t ·.:.~1\s n ll'SIIfl h.:r
ltushand's dt•nrul prncticc fell hy t!O'X, when his protcstnnt patients hoycullcd
his practice. 1.1
Appreciating that the Government of Ireland Act of 1920 vested ultimate
and specific responsibility in Westminster to protect the northern catholic minority from discrimination and injustice by any northern Irish authorities, Mrs
McCluskey presented the C.S.J. data to Conservative Prime Minister Alec Doug-.
las Home and the Labour Party opposition leader, Harold Wilson, in a protracted correspondence in the summer of 1964. Neither par-ty leader was willing to do anything despite the extensive documentation o.f discrimination and
Stor111ont's indifference contained in four C.S.J. publications. 14
Meanwhile, a group of sixty Labour back-benchers and party regulars long
concerned about Northern Ireland and supplied with C.S.J. data established the
Campaign for Democracy in Ulster in early 1965. Mrs McCluskey spoke on the
housing question at their inaugural meeting in the House of Commons the following July. Under the leadership of Paul Rose, the Labour MP for Blackley and
Paddy Byrne, the C. D. U. eventually had over 100 parliamentary supporters. The
group supported the C.S.J. demands for full parliamentary inquiries into the .
Stormont administration, with particular reference to discrimination in housing,
public employment and the use of police powers. In April1967 the C.D.U. sent
a fact-finding delegation to Northern Ireland and found. the injustices there
comparable or worse than existed in India and SouthAfrica.rsThe expectations
of Northern Irish catholics that redress might come from London proved temporary for it was only afte·r the outbreak of violence in early 1969 that Westminster launched parliamentary investigations of the Stqrmont regime.
By raising the explosive housing issue and showing that redress could not be
. achieved either through the highest legislative or judicial authorities, the women
of the Homeless Citizens League and in the Campaign for Social Justice played
a significant role in heightening the catholic sense of grievance and in preparing large segments of the northern catholic community to move beyond personal and local grievances to embrace the broader political ideology of civil
rights. Thus the founding of the Northern Irish Civil Rights Association is as
much the resuit ofthei.r groundwork as of-the various trade union, r~p_ublican
and ,civil liberties groups that joined in establishing the organisation in April
1967. Within 18 months large segments of the catholic community were fully
mobilised behind the programme and marching tactics of N.I.C.R.A. The cou-.
rageous example of the Homeless Citizens League and the women associated
with the C.S.J. was reflected in the involvement of a number of women in the·
initial nclivitics of the Northern Irish Civil Rights Associntion. Pntricin
McCluskey nnd Brid Rodgers of C.S.J. as well as trade unionist leader Betty
Sinclair, and a cadre of young .women students, including Bernadette Devlin,
Eilis McDermott, Inez McCormack, Ann Hope and Madge Davison were to ,
6
have prominent roles in various civil rights campaigns over tb.e next four years. 1_
I 3 Author's interviow with Brid Rodgers, Jan. 1987.
14 McCluskey, Up offtlreir knus, pp 22-3. The four publications were The plain trutlr: Londonderry: ant man,-·
no vorr; Norrltern lrelnnd: why ;ustic~ cannot bt done and Norrltern lrrland: /~gal aid to oppose dlscrlmfna·
rirm,1101 likely. A second edition of Tite plai11 rrutlt was published in 1969 and reprinted again in 1972. Over
IOO,(X)() copies were dimibuled up Co 1975.
15 McCluskey, Up nff rlrrir kn~~s. p. 29.
•
I b William Vnn Voris. Violmcrin Ulstrr;mt om/ tfuc~tmrmary (Amhcrsi,I97S);nuthor's inlerviews with Bernadette
Devlin, 16 July 19')2; wich Ann Hope, 4 June 1993: with Inez McCormack, Jan, 1987; wilh Madge Davison, 20 ·
·
June 1988; wilh Brid lt<>dgcrs. Jan. 1987; wilh Patricia McCluskey, Apr., 1992.
lo rccntit liberal
';\
~
-..
�242
(
/
Cfwuel,
s('tVllfll
Women tn tvormern Jreltuw
or Citi:.cn
The
Rtri-•y Troubles,' JCJ(,CJ_ Jen:,
'l11e high hopc11 of.thc civil rights murdu.:s ol' I'JMi .(,tJ were soon crushed in ;111
esculating cycle or secturiun rioting. police brullllity, rising republican and loy·
alist para-military terrorism and by a repressive policy uf counter-terrorism first
by the Stormont administration and subsequently by the British government.
The human costs sinceJ968 have been staggering. In a population of one and a
half million up to 1991 there have been approximately 3,100 killings, 30,000
serious injuries, 32,000 shootings, 13,391 explosions, and countless instances of
intimidation. Just over two hundred of tire dead have been women who ranged
in age from infancy to the very elderly. They include women from every walk of
life: the daughter of a judge, the wife of another judge, seven police women and
a Roman catholic nun, Sister Catherine Dunne, who was killed by an I.R.f)..
landmine which also killed three policemen on the Killylea Road ncar Armagh
on 24 July 1990. Mari~ Wilson, a young protestant nurse is remembered widely
as the innocent victim of the November 1987 Enniskillen bombing. In April
1992 a twenty-six year old catholic mother of two, Philomena Hanna, was as·
sassinated apparently by the loyalist Ulster Freedom Fighters while she was
working at a Belfast chemist shop where she served customers from both the
catholic Falls Road area and the protestant Shan kill.
. Gender has not exempted politically active women from assassinntion as the
murders of two prominent republican supporters, Maire Drumm and Miriam
Daly, in the late 1970s demonstrated. In the early 'eighties an unsuccessful at·
tempt to assassinate Bernadette Devlin left her severely wounded. In October
1992, a twenty-nine year old Sinn Fein local government councillor and law
student, Sheena Campbell, was gunned down within the. shadows of Queen's
University. Women married to politicians, policemen, judges, and even lawyers
lived with the daily reality that their husband's political convictions or occupation might have resulted in a sudden and premature widowhood.
A poignant expression of the communal and personal pain these grim f<icts
have inflicted came from the late Kathy Harkin, a dedicated community worker
from Derry when·she observed:
War is ultimately male; It is the women who as givers of life su.ffer in a war when the
lives they have produced are destroyed. It is the women who are left to grieve. to mourn-,
to nurse the sick and the wounded, to keep families together, to keep society 'normal'.
They act as a buffer in war, trying to protect their children from it. And when the war is
over it is the women who are left to pick up and rebuild the communities- so it is the i
women who make the bigger sacrificeY
.
.
While H11rkin's conflntion of war primarily with maleness is prohlcnwtic llis-rorically, her oqservation is significnnt nonellwlcss he cause it goes beyond 1he
usual portrayal of northern women ns mere victims, nnd suggests what ordinary
women have done individually, collectively and, usually outside the official and'
public patriarchal structures. to protect and to minimise the impact of political '
violence on their families and communities. It is this aspect of northern women's experience that the remainder of this articlc:will emphasise, first by focus·
ing upon the responses: of catholic women to the deteriorating political situa- ·
J 1 E. F~irweuther, M. McP'udy~!!l'l• n.. Mcbunuu!!h. -On~v tht· rii•ftr:t run fn·c·: Norrflc•ru lrr·lmul. n•omt·n :,· ll'ar
(London, 19!!4), p. 3(,, ~
.:."t,l
~\
\
·,___~
....
~··
t h1n frnm 1961) tn I '>74, tht•n by cxnminin~ tht• rt•sponst• nf pr<"·~_...;mt wom~n tn
~.:scalating Provisional I. IC A. violence nfter IIJ71l,ntH.l finnlly to :;omc instnnccs
where northern women have crossed the political and religious divide to co·
operate in pursuit of common goals.
· .
The response of catholic women to the besiegement of their communities
and the internment of their men was vigorous and often very inventive. For
instance, during the August 1969 'battle of the Bogside', women devised home. made gas masks from nappies soaked in lemon-juice, vinegar and water to distribute to those being bombarded by the police with C. S. gas. Eileen Doherty,
wife of a prominent Bogside leader, recalls converting her William Street kitchen
into a virtual cafeteria to feed the male defenders.' 8 The youth who rained petrol bombs down on the police from the top of Rossville Flats got their supplies
from teen-aged girls who lugged crates of milk bottles and sto~es up to the
roof. 19
The first curfew imposed by the British army to execute an arms search in
the catholic lower Falls Road area in early July 1970 left women imprisoned in
their homes and unable to shop for two and a half days. The curfew was broken
when women from other parts of the city arrived with supplies of badly needed
bread and milk for their friends and relatives. After going straight through and ·
over the barricades and distributing these goods, to the dismay of the soldiers
and their officers, the women then marched around the district for a couple of
hours singing civil rights songs. 20 The resentment which these searches caused
in conjunction with the fears spawned by various sectarian riots since January
1969 brought new recruits to the I. R. A. and the newly formed Provisional
I. R. A., bringing the estimated republican activists to 800 by December 1970.
The response of the Stormont government, now led by Brian Faulkner, was the
.
introduction of internment without trial on 9 August 1971. .
Internment proved a huge security .and political blunder. Outdated police
intelligence enabled most active republicans to escape the initial round-up. The
partisan nature of the initial operation, which neglected to lift known loyalist
para-militaries, further incensed the nationalist community. Subsequent swoops
in catholic areas over the next few years were hampered greatly by women who
wamed of imminent security searches by bangLng dt!_st-bin lids and blowing
whistles as soon as armoured vehicles entered catholic estates. Meariwniie,
women were the principal instigators and organisers of the rate and rent strike
that was endorsed on 10 August by a broad spectrum of nationalists to protest
against the internment policy. This exercise in civil disobedience, adopted by
30,000 families in public housing estates occupied by the nationalist population. put considcrnhlc financial pressure upon the government. For instance, in
West Belfast's Turf Lodge estate, the 411 families that put rent strike notices in
their windows, cost the government £1233 per week in lost revenue. The fol·
lowing December the usual postal revenues fell considerably when women or·
ganised a Christmas card boycott. In the long run, the rent and rate strike proved
costly because the original advice of the organisers from the Civil Rights Association to have women organise street committees to collect and deposit rents
in banks, was set asicle when S.D.L.P. politicians advocated a rent spend
Ill Author's interview with E. Doherty, July 1985.
1'1 Jomnhnn Bnrdon, Tit~ history of Ulsttr (Belrn•t. 1992). PI' 661!-70. 43,000 milk bottles were lost rrom one
tlniry during the 'battle or the Bogsidc.'
20 Alllh<>r's interview:. with Mntlge Davison, Inez McCornmck. op. cit.
�244
I
\
Clwttd, Sen•(lflf or Citi ::.c~/1
.
.
Women in Nortllem Ireland
.
'·
245
~
pnrnmilitnry prisoru:n; on I Mnrch IIJ76 provided yct_Hnoth~h.:ill'ulyst for politi··
cal activism umong cutholic women. 1h A few .Uallymurphy women formed the
Relatives' Action Committee in February 1976 and within a year there were
nine branches, members of which were the chief organisers and participants· in ·
protests over conditions in the Maze Prison in the late 1970s during the blanket
protest and no wash campaign by republican prisoners. Many of the women"
also demonstrated every Saturday at Dublin's General Post Office, an obviously symbolic site, in an effort to engage southern sympathy for the prisoners'·
plight. Although the Relati\'es' Action Committee was eventually absorbed into.
Sinn Fein, its women were especially prominent in the public demonstrations
occasioned by the 1981 hunger strike. It was largely women visiting their husbands, sons and brothers in the Maze who sustained communication between
the prisoners and the Provisional's Army Council and Sinn Fein during this
tense period from January to August 1981.27 In the ~980s women were in the
forefront of organising public demonstrations and launching appeals against
the use of the uncorroborated testimony of supergrass informers to obtain convictions. Indeed, there was co-operation between women from republican and
loyalist areas in the Justice for Lifers organisation to have the sentences of men
so convicted reviewed and to pressure the government to end this practice to
obtain convictions. 28
·
Generalisations about motivation are always problematic, and especially when
evidence was being gathered in the inidst of continuing conflict. However, the·
evidence suggests that froni 1968-1974, their traditional roles as guardians of
their ramilies, rather than ideological factors, initially m9tivated women in na·
tionalist areas to undertake the actions described. These responses share similarities with patterns of behaviour that Karen Offen has described as 'relational
reminism' in her analysis of women's roles in European revolutionary situations in the late nineteenth century. 29 While it is widely acknowledged that the
cult of Mary generally provides a passive role model for catholic women, in its.
Irish manifestation the Marian cult often strongly emphasises a positive role
for the Virgin Mother as intercessor to secure salvation. Thus many mothers
may have been inspired to engage in activities that previously they would have
deemed inappropriate or beyond their capabilities. Recitations of the rosary
were part of the weekly picketing ritual at the Cookstown police station in the
early 19?0s and were a frequent feature of the street corner meetings during the
Hunger· Strike of 1981. Mary Nelis, a Sinn Fein supporter in Derry, who had
two sons in the Maze in the mid·1.970s, including one on the dirty protest, risked
wide community opprobrium when she and two other women stood barefoot
ami clad only in a blanket outside Bishop Edwnrd Daly's residence to protest
what they perceived as the church's indirfercncc to the withdrawal of political
status. She recalled feeling'; .. like Mary, the Mother of Jesus doing the sta·
tions of the Cross ... on the hill of Calvery.':IOThe west Belfast gable painting
that depicts a fallen Provisional I. R. A. soldier, draped with the tricolour and
npprnrier(udvicc which mnny, hurnor nil fnmilies follnwctl.'llllts lhl· sllik·· ul
timutely cuused increased hardship when I he short-lived power-sharing cxct:tJ·
tivc nnd later lhe British government deducted arrears from social security ben·
efits and in some cases from pay cheques. However ill-advised in hindsight, the
·rent strike was the only option that working-class women, traditional controllers of the family. purse strings, had available to protest the fundamental viola·
tion of civil rights"that the internment policy represented. 21 .
Many women participated in weekly marches protesting internment over the
next six months, the most infamous being that on 30 January in Derry after
which 14 unarmed demonstrators were shot by soldiers from the British Paratrooper Regiment. Lost from most historical accounts is the fact that, despite a
government ban on marches and grave fears of a potential repetition of Derry's
Bloody Sunday, the. Newry march of 20,000 held one week later, was led by
seven young women civil rights activists including Bernadette Devlin, Eilish
McDermott, Madge Davison and Ann Hope who had been wounded in Derry
the previous Sunday.22
The abolition of the Stormont parliament and the imposition of direct rule
from London in late March 1972 brought little relief to women in nationalist
areas. Over the next three years, in their efforts to defeat an increasingly active
· Provisional I. R. A., the security forces conducted brutally invasive early morning house searches which left homes completely ransacked and often were m:companied by the beating of men in front of their families. In 1973, there were
73,000 searches in a community of 400,000 households. 23
In Belfast's working-class estates, women organised 'hen patrols' to :tct as
lookouts and raise the traditional dustbin alarm upon the arrival of the army
and police. Often working in groups of ten, they followed the steps of thc patrol!ing soldiers, not simply to harass them but to monitor their conduct anllto
try to prevent confrontations between soldiers and teenagers that could easily
become violent. In October 1976 after an innocent thirteen-year-old boy, Brian
Stewart, was shot by a British soldier in the midst of a melee between patrolling
soldiers and Thrf Lodge youths, women in Turf Lodge kept the army out of .
'their district-for a month by organising road blocks. 24 Less public ac;tions to
protect the youth of their community were taken by women in Derry. In the
early 1970s; a number of Derry women stood daily guard at army check points
while their children were going to and returning from school to prevent hanlssment by soldiers. Since the early 1970s women in Derry's Peace and Reconcili·
ation group have acted as observers to insure that the legal rights of young men ,
detained for questioning are upheld. Their mediation has been credited with'
reducing considerably the tensions between Derry's youth nnd the security of·
ficinls in recent yenrs.
By 1978 with 3000 men in jail, Northern Ireland hud the highest and young·
est male imprisonment rate in Europe. 2·\The cancellation of political status for
21 Madge Davison interview and written memoir in Linen HHIILibrary, Belfast, Women's Collection and Politi·
·
;
cal Collection, fiche 362.
22 Author's interview with Madge Davison, 20 June 1\188; Ntwry R~piutrr, 10 Fe h. 1972; fri.rh 7ime.r.7 Feb. 1972 ..
23 1600 catholics and 200 protestant men were interned and imprisoned without trial between 1971 und 1975..
For statistical information see especially), Darby (ed,), North em lrrlmuf,tht h11dq:rmuuf /11tlte ronflicl (llcl· ·
fast, 1986); New Ireland T'Orum Report mi tltt m.rt of vlt~lmcr rrlttlingto tlte Nortltem lri.1·1t ai.>i., (Dublin.
1983) and Brendan O'Leary ancJ John McGarry (~ds). Tire polirit" of muogoni.wn (London, I'JCJJ). pp X-44.
24 Author's interview with Lily Atzsimons,July 1987;M. Ward nnd M.T. McGivcrn.'ln1ag~s of women in North·
ern lreland'in Crantbqg, voi.4, no. i (iii), pp 66-i2.
25 An equivalent figure in the United States would be I million.
26 David Beresford, Ten men dtnd (London, 1987); Fairweather. McDonough an·d McFadycan, Only llr< ri>·tn
ruufr<e.
27 Beresford, op.cil., p. 30.
211 Formigltt, S May 1986. Over 600 arrests had been made based on the statements of2S supergrass informers by
Mny 1986.
.
29 Karen Offen, 'Liberty, equality and justice tor women: the theory and praclice of feminism in nineteenth', ':'
century Europe' in R. Bridenthal, Claudia Koonz and Susnn Stuard (eds), Becoming visible: womtn in Euro:.:
pean loistory (2nd edn., Boston, 1987), pp 335-73.
·
30 Author's interview with Mary Ndis, July I98StJune 1986.
,,i
�246
Women in Northem I relanrl
Challel, SL'rl'tll/1 or Citi;:cn
..... ,
sat inn after being intimidated out of her Suffolk home aft'c 0 )crnmcnt, was
pwrnilwnt in orv,nnisin~t support scrvicl'S for fnmilil's of loynlilit pri~onerR nne!
in efforts to curh criminal racketeering by smne of its members. She eventually
left the organisation and presently there is little evidence of active involvement
by women. 35
held hy his mother in the fnshion of Michelangelo's l'icta surely is rnon: ;r rail
to uctlvhun thun pu!iHivity. 'llw curdul muintclllllll'C tif the murnl suggcsl:-. tilL·
extent to which republican lcat!crs appreciate and usc its po!L:ntial for crH.:ouraging female activism. Tile historical resonance uf this motif can be traced to
similar representations in Dublin following the execution of Patrick Pearse, the
leader of the 191~ rebellion, and examples of communal recit::1tions of the rosary during the war ofindependence from 1919-21.
On the other hand, younger republican women serving in Armagh in the
early 1980's found a more satisfying role model in the mythical Celtic goddess
Scuthath who had tutored the famous Cuchulainn in his martial skills. More
recently, there is evidence of great interest among republican and Sinn Fein
women in Mary Condren's portrayal of pre-christian Gaelic goddesses ::1s figures of independence, power and authority.~'
Undoubtedly, some catholic women, especially those with family links to the
old I. R.A. became activists as a result of more conscious political convictions
regarding the basic legitimacy of the northern state and the administration of its
police and judicial system. Others were politicised by the very nature of the
trauma which their communities endured from 1970 to 1975 and by the grip that
a prison culture held over urban catholic neighbourhoods once large numbers
of their men had been interned or convicted. The newly revived republican
movement lost no time in efforts to enlist this female support. As early as January
1971 Republican News was encouraging young nationalist women to follow the
examples of Maude Gonne and Countess Markievicz by joining Cumann na
mBan. Home-made leaflets seeking women recruits to the organisation were
distributed frequently in West Belfast's nationalist estates in the early 1970s." At
present, evidence attesting the exact number of young women who joined Cumann
na mBan or even moved on to be regular membcnwfthe I. R.A. is notavailablc.
By 1976 there were 236 woinen held in Armagh gaol as convicted prisoners ur
internees. Over the years the convictions for republican women have been chiefly
for aiding and abetting terrorist activity by storing guns and ammunition, keeping safe hous~s and washing clothes and serving as lookouts. According to a high.
ranking security official the fire-oornbing campaign in London's department
stores in winter 1991-92 was executed largely by women republicans. The more
lethal para-military activity that Mairead Farrell was allege<,lly involved in prior
to her being shot by the S.A.S. in Gibraltar in 1988 seems to be the exception
rather than the rule for women in the I. R. A.~3
The deteriorating political situation between 1969-1974 was not without se-:
rious impact on many w()rkiilg-class protestant areas, especially in Belfast. Re"
search on loyalist women is still at the preliminary stage, but there is evidence
that some provided support services for vurious loyalist paru-military organisations. Loyalist women were nctivc at various locations during the Ulster Worker's Council strike in 1974 that helped to topple the power-sharing executive.
Indeed, the Ulster Defence Association had a women's division'until1974 when
it was disbanded subsequent to the conviction of three of its members for the
murder of Ann Ogilby. 34 In the late 1980s, a worrpm who had joined the organi- -
Women in Party Politics:
Although Bernadette Devlin of People's Democracy had moved onto the main
political stage when she won the mid-Ulster Westminster seat as a Unity candidate in April 1969, it was not until the mid-seventies that a small number of
women from the nationalist areas became-involved in formal party politics.
.Their party choices reflected the historic divisions within Irish nationalism, i.e.
between constitutionalism on the one hand, and physical force as an acceptable
means to win independence for the entire island of Ireland on the other. The
Social· Democratic and Labour Party founded in August 1970 represents the
first tradition while Sirin Fein represents the latter.
·.
Female activists within Sinn Fein have tended to be women whose male relatives or friends were interned from 1971 to 1975, or who witnessed as teenagers
their fellow catholics being intimidated and burned out of their homes and shops
in mixed neighbourhoods. The memories of those experiences are deeply
imbedded in the psyche of Sinn Fein supporters. 36 Unemployment, poverty and
well-founded fears for their own security keeps many active Sinn Fein women
as well as men physically and socially isolated in their own neighbourhoods.
By the early 1980s, younger Sinn Fein women, especially former prisoners,
empowered by their roles in sustaining community soli9arity and partly by the
international feminist ferment, began to seek positions of leadership within-the
. movement and to demand that women's issues be addressed alongside the constitutional issue in the party programme. In 1983 a separate Women's Depart-·
ment was established and women were guaranteed eight out of thirty·two seats.
on the Sinn Fein national executive. The adoption of feminist planks has not
been without stress !lnd strain as evidenced by the party's reversal in 1986 of a·
previous resolution recognising a woman's right to ch·oose an abortion. Know!"
edgcable observers contend that there is often a huge gap between stated party
policy on women's equality and its acceptance by the male rank and file in daily
life. 37
Women who became members of the Social Democratic and Labour Party in
the mid. to late 1970s generally had more financial security and education than
those that joined Sinn rein. Often !heir experience of working outside of Northern Ireland or having grown up in mixed neighbourhoods prior to 1969 were
factors in their decisions to support a constitutional approach. The majority of
S.D.L.P. women currently holding council seats in 1992 joined the patty at this
time and did a great deal of service work in fund raising and canvassing prior to
35 Ibid., pp 281,302, 309; author's confidential interviews wichU.D.A woman, 9 July 1~87, 28 July 1989.
36 Fionnunla O'Connor,/n starch of a statt: catholics in Northtrn lrtland (Belfut, 1993). Interviews !herein'
attest strongly to these memories.
.17 See Catherine B. Shannon, 'Catholic women and the Northern Irish !roubles' in Yonah, Alexander and Alan·
O'Day (cds), Jrdnml's turori.tt trauma (London, 1989), pp 234-248; sec olso Marie Mulholland, 'Between a '·
rock and" hnrd place' in Unjinlshtd uvoltlfion:tssoys on t!ri: Irish womtn~ lntJI'fllltlll (Belfast,l989), p.3S.
31 Marguerlia D'Arcy, T~ll tlltm t'Verytlrilll! (Lon<.lun,l\1111): <.limtll.<ion ut Mary Ann McCracken llistorirul Snciely Conference, March l !192.
·
·
.32 Sampjea oi iuch re~rwiHng !:nflets !!r~ in the l.incnhnl1 Librury l'uliticur Cullccliun.
33 The identity of this Norlhern Ireland Orlic.: oflicial i! confidential.
34 Fairweathcr,McOonough ant! McFn<.lycnn, Only tit~ river.• ru11 fr<'f, p.21!.l
t.t
�~ :.!4~
\...IIUlU... ,
.JI,.t ~<lot~~"''
....,..,..._ •..,.
runniniJ.. _council seats. Brid Rmlgers is the most pmmincnt female SJJ.L.l~
politicinn:·She served ns party general secretary in the cnrly I 1JHOs, was a dl'l-
Formal party involvement by women in the protestant con'
ity has grown t·
much more slowly. 'l11is is not surprisinA given the Calvinist ..::.~ology thnt in·
lliSL'S Ulster prc~hylL'I'innism, the nmjurity SCL'l uf nmlhcm prute$lnnts. A(t<:r
egute to the New lrclund Fmuut in I'Jit\ und twin- hns conh:stcd tl1c l Jppc1
Bann Westminster constituency against Ulster Unionist incumbents. Site served
two terms on Craigavon Council for a constituency that includes the protestant
stronghold of Portadown. She worked diligently to persuade her vulnerable
catholic constituents in Portadown's housing estates not to look to the Provisional I. R.A. for protection against loyalist attacks during times of heightened
sectarian tensions in the aftermath of the Anglo-Irish Agreement and during
·
the season of Orange parades in 1986 and 1987.
In the last four years, a few younger women members with university degrees have been active in party management and policy and are working hard
to have the S.D.L.P. platform address the interests and needs of women, admittedly a difficult task given the conservative middle-class catholic attitudes pre-.
dominant among its male leaders and membership. One female councillor acknowledged the need to attract more working-class members to the party, but
indicated. that such efforts by two women in her constituency were abandoned
when bomb threats on their homes were made. Similarly, a twenty-five-yearold woman living near the interface of the Falls Road and the Shankill Road.
who as a teenager had worked for Sinn Fein and was interrogated by the police
at sixteen, was severely harassed by female neighbours when she worked for
the S.D.L.P. in the Westminster election of 1987. Her support was especially
courageous given that unquestioning loyalty for Sinn Fein and the
.Provisional I. R. A. is seen by many of her neighbours as the only defence against
· loyalist para-militaries from the nearby Shank ill Road. She attributed hcrpolitical migration to her conviction that the r~publican campaign was doing nothing to alleviate her own unemployment or. to provide a better future for her
small child. Although she did not become a party member, she volunteered her
services again in the hotly contested 1992 election in which the S.D.L.P. candidate, Dr Joe Hendron, defeated the Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams for the
West Belfast seat. Electoral returns from the last two Westminster elections
indicate that the S.D.L.P. holds the support of nationalist voters by a margin of
2 to 1· over Sinn Ftin. Recent sur-veys examining political attitudes by gender
s~ggesting no marked differentials between male and female attitudes on the
constit.utional question would indicate that the 2 to 1 margin probably holds for
women in the nationalist communities. 38
•
Meanwhile, the small non-sectarian Alliance Party, which supports the link
with Britain, provides space for catholic women who reject both the S.D.L.P.
and Sinn Fein. Many of these women are middle class and have had better than
average education. Quite a few active Alliance women members were drawn to
the pnrly lllilhc only logknl pnlilicul choicL• resulting from their hl'ing inJui.xcd
marriages. Prolestunt member:;, the religious majority in Alliance, reject the
politics of the main Unionist parties as cssentiafJy sectarian. The Alliance party
is distinguished by the largest number of women members and had the highest
percentage of women candidates in the 1989 local government elections and
again in 1992 when 33% of its candidates were women. One quarter of its 44
councillors are women. Alliance was the party of cnoice for 7% of women polled
in a 1991 survey whereas Sinn Fein received only 1% support. 39
Jl)22 involvement of aristocratic and upper-middle-clnsswomen in the Ulster
Unionist Party that had characterised the era from 1910 to 1922 decreased steadily, so that by the 1960s the Unionist Party structures had a very male ethos. 40 In
the 1970s and early 1980s the majority of protestant women, feeling besieged.
by the Provisional I. R. A. and threatened by .absorption into the Irish Republic, were content to leave politics and the defence of their state to the traditional male leadership. The fragmentation of the protestant church structure
may have contributed to isolation and a reluctance to pursue political and social grievances through the type of collective action that nationalist women
have used. Survey data from the mid-1980s showed middle·.class protestant
women over thirty-five as especially content with traditional privatised~roles .
and adverse to active political participationY Women prominent in the two
main unionist parties have tended to be the wives or daughters of male politicians, such as Hazel Bradford in the Official Unionists, or Rhonda Paisley and
Iris Robinson in the Democratic UnionistParty. In the 1993 local government
elections women constituted 14% of Official Unionist and 10% of Democr!}tic
Unionist candidates. (These percentages are comparable to the ratio of women
candidates for the S.D.L.P which had 16% and Sinn Fein 11.5%. The latter
figure was down 4% from1989, undoubtedly a result of the frequency of assassination attempts on Sinn Fein councillors in recent years.) Yet a recent survey
showed a larger number of protestant tha·n catholic women willing to indicate
firm support for a political party. 42 The significance of this finding in relation to
earlier evidence of lack' of political participation is not entirely clear.
Nonetheless, during the past four years there has been a rising political consciousness among protestant working-class women which is putting pressure
on both the Official Unionist Party and the Democratic Unionist Party to address critical issues for women, especially in the areas oh5hildcare,-education·.
and training and social security benefits. Increasingly they have become aware
that main-line unionism has little to offer their class and gender. As one woman
active in the protestant Shan kill community put it in 1991,
... The protestant community just wasn't aware oft he discrimination. but they are now.·
We were told we were God's own people. Stormont would look after us and all the rest
of it.We don't believe that any longer. We haven't believed that for thirty years and we
are fighting back:! don't feel discrimination is any less on the protestant side than it is
on the catholic side, I think all women suffer the same discrimination whether it be by
the church or by the state or whatever.•)
·
Similnr to their catlmlit: sistcrs,tlwy fnL'L' immense obstncks in the c:onscrvntivc
values shared by the male catholic and protestant church leaders and politi·
dans who constitute a deeply entrenched ecumenical patriarchy that will not
be easily defeated. Despite their bitter differences on the constitutional question, there was !'II) unanimous opposition among the male leaders of the S.D.L.P.,
40 Diane Urquhart,'The Ulster Women's Unionist Coundt,l911-1940' (unpublished M.A. dissertation, Queen's
University, Belfast, 1991).
41 John D. Kramer and Carol Curry, Attitudes wward wum~n ;, Norrhmt Ireland, (Belfast, t98S).
42 Morgan, op. cit., p. 137.
·
43 Author's interview with Mina Wardell, 20 Nov.l991.
38 Valerie Morgnn, 'Bridging the divide' in S(lc/trl llllfttul.-s .wrv.-y,ll)l)l-2 (Uclfn!t, 1992). p. 1:17.
39 Ibid.
=·r:
~.1
.',-·.
.,
�\250
CIWIIC'I, ',:,ervwtl ur
L. 111..:t'll
the Offk.~.,. Jnionists nntl Hcv. Inn Paisley's Democratic Unionist l'arty luwunf till' Nlllngor nllmok C'linil- in lklfnst tluriug 1'1'11 1!/.. llronk <'liui····l''"
vide family plnnning~>~crvices ami sex educution to young girls. The nee!llnr 1
service is underscored by the ~>~ky-rocketing rnte of teenage pregnancy with 7.'i'Y..
of mothers undertwenty being single."" Clinic opponents fear that the more
lenient criteria for abortion that pertain in the rest of the United Kingdom will
be extended to Northern Ireland. However, with considerable cross-community and cross-class support from northern women the clinic opened in September 1992. On the opening day, the Reverend Ian Paisley arrived to preach
his message of damnation, but he beat a hasty retreat after a humber of women
outside the entrance started dancing to the hymn 'Rock of ages' when it came
blaring over his sound system.•s
Despite signs of rising political consCiousness, the number of women actively
involved in formal party politics remains very small. Westminster and Euro- 1
pean parliament seats remain a male monopoly, and women constitute only
11% of local government councillors. Women candidates in the last local elections dropped by 15 from 14% in 1989 to 12% in 1993. Only 34% of northern
women are willing to indicate a particular party a!Jegiance while the 47% who
are unwilling to state a party preference undoubtedly reflects the irrelevance
of both orange and green nationalism to women's pressing daily needs.~• Many
working-class women express frustration that the absence of a northern Irish
labour party prohibits them from registering their opposition to the conservative economic and social policies of the British Tories. Meanwhile, many middle-class feminists are involved in campaigns for legal and social reforms to
remove the disabilities which all northern women suffer in areas of wage, job
and educational discrimination and for better protection from domestic violence. Such women have been especially active in efforts to ensure that the full
benefits of the European Social Charter be extended to Northern Irish women:17
Even for women who are politically interested, the pressure of family duties,
lack of money and sufficient encouragement from the male dominated party
structures present serious impediments to active participation even at the council
leveL Yet lack of involvement in formal party politics does not necessarily translate into political indifference or ignorance. A number of recent conferences
such as the Worker's Education Association's 'Women in the 1990s' and surveys indicate that northern women's political views have become more vnricd,
complex, sophisticated, and indeed flexible than is often assumed. Factors of
class, educational attainment, age, geographic location of residence and per, . sonal experience of the 'troubles' are far greater influences on their political '
priorities and party_ choices than pnssive ncceptancc of tht.! nationalist or unioni.~l loyal lies of their menfolk or district.~. 'lltl' diwrsity of wonll'n's expnil'IH'cs
anti political views even within the small eonfim:s of Belfast, let alonc the geographic breadth of the province, is great. For instance, a middlc-dass Homa11
catholic woman living in the Malone Road area would find life only four or five
miles away in west Belfast's Ballymurphy district quite alien to her experience
and values. Likewise, a catholic nationalist women living in Portadown would
feel far more threatened by sectarianism than her counterpart in Derry. The
44 Social trend.<: annual rtport of!oclal anti umwmlc Jtntlstlc.r, HMSO (Belfast, 1992), Table 24.
45 Tulk by Inez McCormack to Boston Puhlic Librury Sympu~ium un lri;h Women, I) Mnr.I<JIJJ.
46 Voieric ~forgan, a;:. ~If., p. !37.
47 llronugh Hinds (cd.),Nif)rtlttrn lrrlmul wtllllrt~'zl!'tJmfWIIIplmform {llclf:<st, i'N2).
experience of a protest ani woman living in Tiger's Bay in 1. 4 Bl!lfast would
lw\'<' Iiiii<> in Clltllntnn with n prott·slnnt wnrnnn livin~:t in ll<•.;.'•vomlor Cultrn
where tile political c.:ollflict rarely intrudes m1 the tinily lives of its uppcrmitldle-duss rcsidcnts.•K
~
ncuching for Common Ground:
l
t;
\
Over the past decade th~re have been many instances where northern women,
while acknowledging their.political and religious differences, have co-operated
on issues of concern to all women. One such instance arose in the early 1980s
when the largely female N.U.P.E., whose membership spans both communities,was able to work through the contentious political implications of tne stripsearchingof female republican prisoners and condemn the practice as a violation of the sexual and personal integrity of all women.~ 9
Poverty is the common reality that approximately 80,000 catholic and prot:
estant Belfast women share as widows, divorcees, single parents and wives of
prisoners and unemployed men. Their frustration with the irrelevance of party
politics is often expressed by the slogan 'Neither of the two flags can you fry up
in the pan for breakfast.' It was in this spirit that the Women's Information
Group was established in 1980 to enable protestant and catholic women' from
different sections of the city to meet and acquire information regarding medical benefits, social security, locations of shelters for victims of domestic violence and opportunities for adult education. Their monthly meetings at different locations in the city represented a pioneering effort to break down the·
ideological prisons and sectarian isolation that has characterised working-class
areas since the early 1970s.
·
.
Since the mid-1980s women have been particularly active in .conducting investigations and surveys to document deplorable housing conditions in work·
ing-class areas of Belfast. Evidence collected by women living in Divis Flats ·
and Turf Lodge showed the impact of poorly built and badly maintained hou_s~ .
ing on their families' health and helped bring about the demolition of Divis anp ·
renovations in Thrf Lodge. In the last five years, similar research projects have;_
been compiled by women living in Andersonstown, the Upper Shankill, ·
Ballybean and Ardoyne which highlight the impact of poverty, unemploymen:t
and inadequate education, housing and health care on their families and com:
munities. 50 Such investigations are no longer confined to Belfast as rural womeq
are now banding together to document their needs and lobby for increased
finrtncinl support. 5 1 •
•
•·
Recently wnmcn have co-nperntcd with professional rescnrchcrs to doculllcllt the pervasiveness of domestic violence across the province und in every
social stratum. '!11e incid.ence is especially high in the disadvantaged urban areas where the presence of armed men can put women in vulnerable positions if
they call the police into their communities. The heightened publicity given to·
48 See O'Connor, In seurch of a starr for examples of this in the catholic community.
49 Author's inlerview with Inez McCormack, Jan.l987.
$0 Ardoyne Women's Research Project, Unhtard voicts: women snttds in Ardoynt {Betfast,I992);Aiison Rocks
and !Zdel Teague, Womm in Andtrson!town (llelfast, I988): Womm in tht Upper Shank ill {Belfast, I988).'
51 See for exnmple, Avila Kilmurrny and Carmelllrndley, /lura/ womtn In saulh Armagh: nttd! and aiplrations
(!lelfnst, 19S9, rep!. 1991).
,.
�·,
252
Women tn rvormern ne1mw
Chauel, Servant or Cili;:m
this issi~ ... -•. o~d determined lobbying has h.:d the polit·e to institute I raining prtl·
gi'IIIIIIIICfllllprcpnrc officcrti lo deululnf'c cffcclivdy will! !he prt>llh:111.' 1
Luck of udequutc childcarc facilities for children umlcr four is a huge prnh·
lem confronting women who want to work or acquire training and further educ
cation. Northern Ireland has only half the nursery places per capita as arc provided in the rest of the United Kingdom. This leaves it at the very bot tom of the
Jist in comparison to the European Community member states.
Who fills this childeare gap? As always it is women working either through
churches or local women's centres who have established mother and toddler
groups enabling young mothers in disadvantaged areas to escape the isolation
of their homes. Often participation in these groups has been the catalyst for
young mothers who have few educational qualifications to enrol in personal
development, assertiveness training, literacy ·arid computer training courses.
Many of these courses are organised by the Women's Education Project. ln'creasingly women completing their programmes enrol at further education colleges and some eventually go onto university level education. Reflective of the
low priority given to wof!}en's needs by government bureaucracy is that despite
a decade of success, the Women's Education Project struggles to obtain ad·
equate funding and resources to meet the growing demands for its services.
· The amount of voluntary work that women in Northern Ireland do locally
for the elderly, the handicapped and those affected by the political violence is
impressive. It ranges from counselling the widows of policemen, teltching in
prisons and helping the families of prisoners cope with emotionally draining
and time-consuming prison visits to providing re!ipilc help and training for young
mothers with handicapped and special needs children. Women have been at
the forefront in organising programmes aimed at keeping teenage boys away
from potential recruitment by ·para-militaries, and in the more widely known
reconciliation work at Corrymeela and with organisations like the Peace People or Families Against Intimidation. To a large extent this is work that know~
no political and sectarian boundaries and should be emulated by a wider representation of Northern Irish men than is now the case.
The increasing willingness of Northern Irish women to work for common
goals irrcspectivecf-tbeir political differenceswas graphically illustralcq in 1990 .
·when the Unionist dominated Belfast City Council threatened to remove its
grant from the Falls Road Women's Centre which is situated in one of the strong·
est pockets of Sinn Fein's support. Protests against this obviously partisan decision were forthcoming even from predominantly protestant wo.mcn 's groups at
the Shankill's Hummingbird Centre and the Ballybean Women's Centre. TI1e r
independent Unionist councillor Elizabeth Scnwright, whose husband George 1
had ht:cn nssnssinnlcd hy lht: l'rovisiorlllll. 1<. A. in I h~L·ernhn I11H7, was t•spc·
cially vocal in protesting this tledsion and worked with Sinn Fein womcr1 to gel
the funds restored. It is significant that the contat:ts this episode established
between the Falls Road and the Hummingbird centres ultimately resulted in
their joint invitation to President Mary Robinson to come to Belfast.Hcr February 1992'visit during which she met women from all sections of the community was the first by an Irish president to Northern Ireland. The co-operation
begun in arranging President Robinson's visit also led to the establishment of
52 Monica McWilliams and Joan McKic:rnant Bringing il out in the uJJt~ll. Donu•sth'
~·ioleuc:c·
in Nortlu·rn
;;..JJ
the Women's Support Network, 11 elcndng house of infor: .. JlOn for 192 wom·
er1's gwups nnd lht: services they offer neross the pmvincc. 11
.,
No less than in the United States, feminisn1 remains n problematic word to
many Northern Irish women, particularly for those in the working class. Yet it
is undeniable that a feminist consciousness is being nurtured there. While this
does not necessarily guarantee progress in ending the bitter political and religious divisions, it has the potential to foster a wider atmosphere of trust and a·n .
ability to deal with difference. As one high ranking security official observed to··
me in 1992, 'Without the women, we might have a Yugoslaviasituation here.'
~
Gerda Lerner in he~; recent book defines feminist consciousness as
... the awareness of women that they belong to a subordinate group; that they h~ve·;.·
suffered wrongs as a group; that their condition of subordination is not natural, but is,.·
societally determined; that they must join with other women to remedy these wrongs;.
and finally that they must and can provide an alternative vision of societal organisation
in which women as well as men will enjoy autonomy and self-determination.5<1
Over the last decade, women in Northern Ireland have gone a long way dow~:
this road. They still have miles to go, but there are grounds for hope and confidence that their continuing ef.forts are making a significant contribution to improving life for the entire community in Northern Ireland. ·
."
. ~ '""; ~:
1
. ~~
.';
- \.
/
5J Ruth Taillon (ed.)./992 rlirectory ofwvm<ll's vo/um"'Y organisations in Nortllem /rt'lmul (f:l<lfast,l\191).
54 Gerda Lerner. 71~r Cf<·ntion of n feminist consciousn<.<ss (New York, 1993), p. 274.
lrd~mcl
(HMSO, Belfast, 1993). · ,
'l)
.I
J
�
Dublin Core
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Title
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First Lady's Work on Children’s Issues and Women’s Rights
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White House Office of Records Management (WHORM)
Caligraphy Office
Chief of Staff
Domestic Policy Council
First Lady’s Office
Management & Administration
Millennium Council
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Women’s Initiative and Outreach
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1995-2000
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36054" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
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2006-0198-F Segment 4
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<p>This collection contains records regarding conferences and events attended and hosted by the First Lady, Hillary Rodham Clinton. The key events in this collection consist of the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women, Vital Voices, Beijing +5, and the Early Childhood Development Conference. The records include background materials in preparation for each of these conferences.</p>
<p>This collection contains records from the following offices: White House Office of Records Management, Calligraphy Office, Chief of Staff, Domestic Policy Council, First Lady's Office, Speechwriting, Management & Administration, Millennium Council, Public Liason, Special Envoy for the Americas, and Women’s Initiative and Outreach. The collection includes records created by: Ann Lewis, Harold Ickes, Cheryl Mills, Linda Cooper, Ann Bartley, Lisa Caputo, Lissa Muscatine, Marsha Berry, Eric Massey, Nicole Rabner, Shirley Sagawa, Christine Macy, June Shih, Laura Schiller, Melanne Verveer, Alexis Herman, Ruby Moy, and Doris Matsui.</p>
<p>This collection was was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Office of Records Managment
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11/14/2014
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301 folders in 30 boxes
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Vital Voices in Belfast 9/2/1998: [Correspondence and Background Information] [2]
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A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
Box 12
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2006/2006-0198-F-4.pdf">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/1766805">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
First Lady’s Office
Speechwriting
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2006-0198-F Segment 4
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Medium
The material or physical carrier of the resource.
Reproduction-Reference
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
11/14/2014
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
42-t-20060198f4-012-009
1766805