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.Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
001. bio
RESTRICTION
RE: Dates ofbirth,.home address, and telephone number (partial) (I
page)
12/18/1995
P6/b(6)
Benjamin Barber to President Clinton; RE: January 7 meeting (2
pages)
12/21/1995
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Communications
Don Baer
ONBox Number: 13425
FOLDER TITLE:
["Assessing the Condition of American Democracy" Jan. 7, 1996 (Binder)] [I]
Debbie Bush
2006-0458-F
dbl266
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- ]44 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act- 15 U.S.C. 552(b)l
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office ](a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute ](a)(J) of the PRA]
Release would dis.close trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ](a)(4) of the I' RAj
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors ja)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRAI
b(l) National security classified information I( b)( I) of the FOIAI
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ](b)(2) of ttie FOIA]'
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(J) of the FOIAI
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ](b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIAI
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAI
PI
P:i
PJ
P4
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
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�Memorandum to President Clinton:
From Benjamin Barber
December 21, 1995
Mr. President: I am submitting these remarks In preparation
for our January 7 meeting. As I understand it, like our
meeting.last year at Camp David, the January discussion is
intended to help raise basic issues of democracy and civic
values as they impact on the State of the Union and the
program (and campaign) for the coming year. Hence, I have
tried here to address both the architecture of the State of
the.Union and the issues I believe we might usefully focus
on in our meeting. I have enclosed for the briefing book a
few other short items: a column by David Broder on my Prague
Speech; my NY Times OpEd piece on the Disney merger, and a
short essay on civil society I wrote for THE NEW DEMOCRAT.
They provide some context for what follows.
THE STATE OF THE UNION
First, some comments on the State of the Union. The 1996
speech, in addition to assessing the previous year's
accomplishments, carries two special burdens: it must set
the political tone and themes for the 1996 Presidential
campaign without compromising the dignity and Presidential
character of the moment by becoming o.vertly 'political; ' and
it must address not just .the coming year, but the balance of
the century -- your second term as prelude to the new
Millenium.
The speech needs to be far-sighted and visionary without
becoming arch or 'preachy, and without losing sight of the
real concerns of America in this difficult winter-of
multiple discontents. It. cannot just be about what the
Republicans are doing wrong (a 1000 page novel unto itself!)
but needs to stake out positive ground. It has to offer
genuine hope without either understating the obstacles most
Americans meet in their everyday lives and without seeming
naively panglossian (as Gingrich does when he's waxing
futurological). It must be convincingly fresh and inclusive
in its approach without ·sacrificing the Democratic Party's
traditional constituencies. Rather the aim is to get those
constituencies to rethink their interests and objectives in
light of fresh-understanding.
I would propose that the leadership theme already being
discussed for the campaign might make a forceful focus.for
the speech under a title like "Certain Leadership for
Uncertain Times." Substantively, the speech (like our
January 7 discussion) might effectively include race,,
community, civil society and the future of America in a
global society. Ideally leadership needs to be p~acticed
rather than talked about; what I am proposing, however, is
an approach that avoids proclaiming "I am a leader!." but
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�instead says "here is what leadership requires of the off i
of the President, and the office of citizen in America at
the close of the century" and then leaves it to the listen r
to conclude that "if this is what leadership requires, then
President Clinton is the right leader for these un~ertain
times, and I have to do my part as well."
L[ 0 ')._
S
I would argue for brevity and conciseness (as I did last
year) because more becomes less in a fairly big hurry: key
themes get watered down and overarching vision is lost. For
similar reasons, I would also argue against the 'cafeteria
approach' which gives every department .and every policy
domain its own thirty second entree at the expense of a
memorable and coherent meal. Including everybody's favorite
dessert may be the imperative inside the Adminstration, but
for a listening America the speech is a chance to hear the
President at his terse and visionary best. The cafeteria
never really satisfies anyway, because once listeners
realize the speech is trying to offer something to everyone,
they will find the one thing they favor that it does not
offer! On the other hand, when the speech sets its own
agenda and insists on its own priorities, it compels
listeners to enter into its language and vision and, when
successful, leaves little room for quibbling.
A concise focus offers an opportunity to weave together the
many individual policy pieces and political concerns into a
single fabric, displaying the connection between the themes
that have been most important over the year: the ideas that
animated the Memphis speech on race, the Georgetown July
Fourth weekend speech on citizenship, the Texas reflections
on the Million Man March, the recent defense of the Bosnian
intervention. I think what Americans seek above all is the
LINKAGE that draws together the rhetoric and actions of your
Adminstration into a singular coherent vision that allows
them to accept rather than quarrel with the details in the
name of the whole. Not just why racial justice is vital to
Americans of color, but why it is indispensable to our
common American future; not just why the Bosnian
intervention is necessary for European gee-strategic
reasons, but how it reflects concern for distinctly American
interests in an ever more interdependent world; and how
discharging our responsibilities to NATO impacts on long
term trade relations, and what those trade relations mean
for our success in the global economy.
With these considerations in mind, here is a draft of a
hypothetical speech that along the way raises the key issues
that seem to be critical for our January 7 meeting.
.
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
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Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
00 I. schedule
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
RESTRICTION
Schedule; RE: home telephone numbers (partial) (I page)
ll/llll994
P6/b(6)
Vice President to the President; RE: Meeting with Governor. Hickel
[partial] (2 pages)
!Ill Oll994
PS
({ (/'')._ 1
Stephen Silverman to the President; RE: Alaska trip (3 pages)
!Ill Oll994
PS
.~
o A.S
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Communications
Don Baer
ONBox Number: I 0140
FOLDER TITLE:
APEC [3]
Debbie Bush
2006-0458-F
dbl249
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- J44 U.S.C. 2204(a)J
Freedom of Information Act- JS U.S.C. 552(b)J
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information J(b)(l) of the FOIAJ
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
. an agency J(b)(2) of the FOIAJ
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute J(b)(3) of the FOIAJ
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets ·or confidential or financial
information J(b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
- personal privacy J(b)(6) of the FOIAJ
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIAJ
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of .
financial institutions J(b)(8) of the FOIAJ
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells J(b)(9) of the FOIAJ
·
National Security Classified Information J(a)(l) of the PRAJ
Relating to the appointment to Federal office J(a)(2) of the PRAJ
Release would violate a Federal statute J(a)(3) of the PRAJ
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information J(a)(4) of the PRAJ
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors Ja)(S) of the PRAJ
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy J(a)(6) of the PRAJ
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed .
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S. C.
. 2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
November 10, 1994
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
STEPHEN B. SILVERMAN~s.
Deputy Secretary to the Cabu;-tl\/
·SUBJECr:
Alaska Trip
In preparation for your trip to Alaska, we have compiled the following "hot" issueS and
background information from various Cabinet Agencies and Departments:
"HOT" ISSUES
•
Energy - Allaska Export Ban: The Department has released a study outlining the
costs and benefits of lifting the ban on the export of Alaskan crude oil. Lifting the
ban would increase the price of Alaskan oil and create incentives for producers in the
region. Environmental groups generally oppose lifting the ban. A recommendation
to you by White House staff on whether to lift the ban is still pending; you will not
make any announcements about this issue on this trip.·
•
Energy - U.S.!Indonesian Natural Gas: In a pre-election press event last week, the
three Republican members of the Alaska congressional delegation released a letter to
you in which they urged you not to attend an event in Indonesia marking the signing
of a joint Indonesian-Exxon Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) project called the Natuna
project. They argued that doing so would "promote" a foreign LNG project over a
pending LNG project in Alaska. The fact is, the parties are still negotiating and even
if an agreement is reached,. you are not scheduled to attend any sort of signing event.
The Alaska LNG project, called the Trans-Alaska Gas System (TAGS) is proceeding
without any apparent major problems. The Administration supports the TAGS
project.
•
Interior - Arctic National Wlldlife Refuge: The primary lightning rod for the
•development vs. conservation • debate in Alaska is the coastal plain of the Arctic
National Wildlife Refuge (ANWR). Currently, the coastal plain of ANWR is not
designated as wilderness, but is managed, de facto, as wilderness. The State and the
pro-development community believe the coastal plain should be opened to oil and gas·
exploration and development; the conServation community contends that this area
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�should be declared wilderness. Contrary to some press reports, the Administration is
not considering ANWR for an international park or for joint U.S.-Canadian
management. Nor is the Administration planning to pursue wilderness designation for .
~-
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The Arctic Refuge debate has resurfaced in the context of the proposed lifting of the
Alaska Oil Export Ban. The conservation community asserts that lifting the ban will
· increase values of Alaska North Slope crude and put economic pressure on developing
ANWR.
•
Interior- Exxon Valdez Oil Spill: Fo]JQwing extensive litigation, Exxon agreed to
pay the State and the U.S. over $900 million in settlement. The money is in a joint
trust account and is managed by six trusteeS: three State trustees and three Federal
trustees. ApproXimately $600 million remains in the account. Last week the Trustee
Council voted to approve the protection of approximately 300,000 acres on Kodiak
Island- 160,000 acres were purchased outright; the additional acreage is in the form
of conservation easements. The Trustee Council also voted last week to establish the
Seward Institute of Marine Science, which will be for the study of marine mammals,
marine birds and the ecosystem injured by the oil spill.
•
Agriculture - Greens Creek Exchange: On October 26, Secretary Espy approved
the Green Creek Exchange proposal on the Tongass National Forest in Alaska. The
Kennecott Creek Mining Company was given the right to explore the subsurface of
7,500 acres of national forest land adjacent to the compariy's private lands. In
exchange, the company will fund the acquisition of $1 million of private holdings to
be incorporated into the forest.
e
Agriculture - Alaska Conservation and Development Areas: On November 4, the
Department· announced the designation of two Resource Conservation and
Development Areas in southeast Alaska and the Kenai peninsula covering more than
47 million acres. The designation will help the area solve environmental and
economic problems by enabling community leaders to provide solutions to the
challenges of controlling soil erosion, protecting water quality and sustaining the
resource base vital to local employment in fishing, forestry and tourism.
•
Interior/Agriculture - Endangered Species: Petitions to list the Alexander
Archipelago wolf and the Queen Charlotte goshawk in southeast Alaska as endangered
species are currently under review. These are controversial petitions because the
forest industry believes the petitions are a thinly disguised attempt to curtail old
growth timber harvests in the Tongass National Forest. The U.S. Fish and Wildlife
Service (Interior) is applying the best possible science to the review of the petitions
and working with the U.S. Forest Service (Agriculture) on appropriate management
plans.
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�BACKGROUND
•
Interior/Agriculture - Land Management Overview: The Department of Interior
manages over 60% of the ~65 million-acres of land in the State of Alaska. Interiormanaged lands in Alaska represent over 83% of our nation's total refuges (75 million
acres in Alaska); 72% of ·our nation's total parks (over 54 million acres in Alaska);
and 34% of our nation's public BLM lands (over 90 million acres in Alaska).
Interior is the fourth largest employer in the State with 3, 159 employees. The
Department of AgricultUre's Forest Service manages 24.4 million acres in the State.
All of the acres are located in the Tongass National Forest and the Chugach National
Forest; .these are the two largest National Forests in the country.
•
Small Business Admillistration - White House Conference on Small Business: On
November 16, the White House Conference will hold a state conference in
Anchorage. Conferences are being held in each state in advance of the main event
next summer. Administrator Lader will attend the conference in Anchorage. .
CIJNTON LKBRARY PHOTOCOPY
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Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTrriTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Rahm Emanuel, et al. to the President; RE: Campaign Finance Reform
(partial) (3 pages)
02/19/1997
P5, b(6)
002. memo
From: Lanny Davis; RE: Campaign Finance Issue Strategy (2 pages)
12/29/1996
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Communications
Don Baer
OA/Box Number:
10137
FOLDER TITLE:
Campaign Finance Reform
2006-0458-F
db2171
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act- 15 U.S.C. 552(b)l
PI
P2
PJ
P4
b(l) National security classified information l(b)(l) of the FOIAI
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIAI
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(J) of the FOIAI
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIAI
.
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAI
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(J) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information l(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRAI
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�[(or
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'tHE
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WASH
. ·~9? FEB 19 F'H4:20
February 19, 1997
.:MEMORANDUM TO:
THE PRESIDENT
RAHM EMANUEL
JOHNIDLLEY
. WENDYSMITH
• FROM:
RE:
. OPTIONS LIST FOR CAMPAIGN FINANCE REFORM
We are facing real questions on our sincerity in regards to campaign finance reform. The press
· corps continues to challenge the credibilitY of our intention to seek refonn (see USA Today
editorial, 2~ 18.97). They believe we are lip synching our resolve for change rather than leading
the effort for political reform. If we intend to tum this prevailing attitude around, we must step
up our ¢fforts with real actions coupled with real rhetoiic.
'
'
The following is a list of reforms which we should pro mot~ over the next two months. The
objective is to make real progress on the Citizen's Coriuriittee to push McCain-Feingold. In
· addition to the legislation, we must begin a· campaign to strengthen and reform the FEC.
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�FEC
. We must utilize the FEC as a vehicle for our .campaign finance reform agenda. The FEC must be
strengthened and refoimed; and we must claim the new stronger FEC ·as our own. A real FEC is
our be_st bet to avoid blame ifMcCain-Feingold fails. Reform groups and the media will regard
proposed changes to the FEC aS the reiteration of your commitment to and understanding of
·substantive campaign finance reform.
•·
First, we must establish and announce new standards for future FEC appointments.
•
After we have established our new set of standards, we must select;proper board members
when the two new spots open in April. (Note: As you may la)ow, the renomination of
Commissioner McGarry wa8 submitted last month. We may choose to withdraw his
nomination and nominate a new person for his slot, thereby giving us the tWo open slots in .
April and sending another significant signal that you are serious.)
•
·We must petition the FEC to review its soft money ruling.
We must finally seek additional funds for the FEC to keep it formidable.
Without bold action on the FEC front, we Will be left with the Thompson hearings and McCainFeingold dictating the Administration'S image on the issue. as our only chances to project a
reformist agenda. We would be leaving ~urselves open to attack. If we complete these steps we
:would assure our critics of our sincerity for speedy and bold_ reform.
Option 3:
TQ establish and annourice new FEC standards .
Option 4:
To select two new board members
Option 5:
To petition the FEC to review its soft money ruling
Option 6:
To seek additional funds for the FEC
Option 3: __
Option 4: __
Option 5: __
c0 p
Option 6: _·_
·
'(INTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY.
�Soft Money
.
Another option which has been suggested to us by Bobby Rozen (a fanner Senator Mitchell
legislative aide who specialized· on this issue and is now on contract with Common Cause) is to
ask and encourage corporations to forswear soft money contributions. Apparently many Fortune
· 500 corporations have already agreed not .to donate s.oft money (we are doing research to.find out
which ones those are and at whose prompting it was decided). A suggested forum for such an
announcement is the Business Roundtable. Such a group would be a salient vehicle through
which to send a message considering the fact that Haley Barbour threatened. the BRT with their
Republican access if they continued giving to both parties. ·
·
·
Option 7:
To ask and encourage corporations to forswear soft money contributions.
·.. Option 7: _._
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
Mack McLarty and Ron Klain to the President and Vice President;
RE: Operations during the Olympics (6 pages)
RESTRICTION
06/21/1996
COLLECTION:·
Clinton Presidential Records
Communications
DonBaer
ONBox Number: 10134
FOL.DER TITLE:
Olympic Games- Activities (3]
Debbie'Bush
2006-0458-F
db2157
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. SS2(b))
Pl
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b )(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [{b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b){4) of the F.OIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
.
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [{b){7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
ould isclose geological or geophysical information
Is [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6.Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�.----------~-------------,----------------~-~~------.-.--
June 21, 1996
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT .
THE VICE PRESIDENT
FROM:
MACK McLARTY and RON KLAIN
SUBJECT:
OPERATIONS DURING THE OLYMPICS
The Centennial Olympics, to be held fro in July 19 to August 4, are one of the most
significant international events to be held on U.S. soil in recent years. Gargantuan in scope,-the
focus of unprecedented media inte~-:d OVl<rwl!~lm~~ir complexity, the. safe and
succe~sful staging of these Games· of paramount impeft?nce _ the people of this country, and· ·
the White House.
.
The bulk of the responsibility for the smooth functioning of the Games falls to state,
local, and (predominantly) private officials, namely, ACTG .. and the IOC. Nonetheless~
have a considerable federal investment in the Games-- and a_ considerable federal stake. For this
reason, you established the White House Task Force on the Olympics in 1993, and designated the .
Vice President and Mack as the Chair and Co-Chair respectively.
· The Task Force has function.¢..snccessfully for the past three years, coordinating federal
~sistance to the Games and serving as a central point of contact for Olympics officials at the
White House. Two large public meetings have been held in the past year -- and weekly private
meetings between the Vice President, Mack, and Ron, have driven an agenda for weekly
meetings of senior White House staff working meeting.
_.----;:---------- --Overall, the result has been an extremel hi -dew-ee C?f cooperation betwe~_n Olympics
officials, state and local·officials in Georgia, and seruor - 1fe o e o 1c1a s. Many substantive
achievement,s have been reached -:- for example, in April~ the Vice President achieved an
agreement among federal, state, and local officials to· DOUBLE the number of uniformed law
enforcement officials in Atlanta -- and a positive feeling has been left behind.
·
Now, as we arrive at a time when the Olympics will b~i/y foSUs at the White House,
the time has arrived to make the Task Force operatiOllal in nature; i.e., in a position to deal with
· the daily tra_ffic of security, diplomatic, communications, ind !2gistical issue£~
Games. ·To address this challenge, we recommend management strudu?es in five specific areas,,
··
c.. _ _ _ __
as detailed below.
COPY
�((f)
Da)C-to-Da)C Problem Solving " \
or:!::
order for the positive aspects
Olympics-- and the President's support for our
athletes participating in the Olympics-- to shine through, the White House must show
competence and quickness in dealing with the myriad of "day-to-day" problems that are likely to
arise during the Games. Examples of such problems include:
•
Having athletic equipment belonging to competitors being stopped in Customs;
•
Arrests of competitors for minor offenses;
•
Crimes against tourists or locals that seem particularly significant.
These are the sorts of issues ·that our day-to-day operations at the White House must be prepared
to deal with. To achieve this, we propose the following steps:
0
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p~ent
of a White House staff member to Atlanta, splitting time)etween ACTG. 's
Command Post and the Interagency Coordination Center at City Hall East. We
·recommend Steve Ronnel for this position;
•
At the morning meeting, our Atl@ta staffer
art on developments from·
the daily jointACTG.-IOC management eld at 8:30am; -·
Steve Silverman would report on any developments from the agencies, as
tracked by a special 8:45am daily agency conference call Steve will conduct;
--=
Agency r_eps from the agencies with th.':e'.-!mlUl.;u...l..U...U.u..a.L.J..J.~~
Justice, Treasury, and FEMA) wil
et
LrJ(,.._:>
11.
Key White House
•
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c=-
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partments would participate in the daily meetings.
Daily n . on time Conference Calls would coordinate between us at the White House and
ey p ayers in Atlanta. Participants would include: Mack, Ron, our AtlantaJ)taffer, a
representa§e of ACT<k_ IOC, USOC, Gov. Miller's office, and Mayor Caf!1pbell's
office. This call would deal with emerging issues at a political level.
·
'V~ommuni~ and coordinating activity, as outlined furth~
~to insure that all relevant parties at the White .H~e aware, on a real-time basis,
of critical developments at the Games, critical issues raised by those devel.opme~ and our
~--response to these challenges.
~,oE.NTt...q< .
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�-Security IssueJ
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~ecial s~the
ecurity issl;les
daily coordination issues -- security
·
developments that are not of a critical'natur<Usee below) nonetlleless neecTI<i:be traclsed daily for
any adjustments or modifications that might be required. Here, we. would envision the following
steps:
•
The daily national security briefings for the President and Vice President will be modified .
to ;ontain informat10n ab,out developments that thieaten the Olyrp.pics (if any).
•
d fe Conference Call to be or ari.ized b Gil Childers,
feder~l security coor ma or, om Atlanta. Partic!J?ants will include Mack~on,.and
Cabinet Affairs here at the White House; officials from Justice and Treasury here in
Washington, and others as appropriate.
•
· Our Atlanta Staffer will attend dail .secu ·
·
ornmand Center at City (
Hall ast,. and have access to the FBI Command Center t the Perimeter.
will also
arrange to ave 1stn ute , to those who need to have it, the daily security briefing
produced at City Hall East.
·
. ·
·
.
l
.
Senior Justice and Treasury officials have both expressed a willingness to come to the
White House for any additional briefings, as necessary.
•
~ should insure that the success of the securi
an updated daily.
'
.
\
(~~sis Management)
In the event of a particularly sensitive issue emerging -- such as a major breakdown in the
security or transportation systems, or1he defecuon of a foreign athlete ,...- special immediate
response mechanisms will need to be triggered.
These response mechanism come in four tiers:
(_
~gency-Level Response )
The first response to such a problem would be for White House Cabinet Affairs to
convene a quick conference call among the relevant agency officials, both here in Washington
arid their Atlanta counterparts, to assess the situation and determine the facts. Mack and/or Ron
would also participate in the call, as would someone from the Communications Team.·
If this call could resolve the situation, responsibility for informing AQl)J., state and local
officials, the IOC, and other relevant parties would fall to Cabinet Affairs, with he p romJX,Ioi~-Ron, or Janet Abrams as necessary.
~c:,\oE.NTtA( (
Q.«:1911
COPY
~0 4 (0
~
-<
�Tier 2: Consultative Response
In the event that the situation required a more cgmplex or sensitive response,· a
Conference Call would be established, involving the following individuals:
Mack McLarty, Ron K.lain NSC Re Cabinet Affairs Re Bill Pa e Bill Rathburn,
IOC ep, teve Wrigley, Gary McConnel, Steve Labovitz, Chief Harvard, Jamie
Gorelick, Gill Childers, Ray Kelly, James Lee Witt, W1fCornmurucahons/Press
.
.
Mack would run the call, and ask Cabinet Affairs to report on the results of the Tier 1 review.
Then opinions from the Atlanta-based entities would be solicited.
In this scenario, the issue could be discussed and resolved at the above level. Appropriate
press responses would be considered, and decisions would be implemented.
If a particular situation merited consideration of postponement or cancellation of the
Games, a Tier 3 call would be initiated. Participants would inthide:
-----
~~ent, Mack McLarty, Governor Miller, Mayor Campbell, Billy Payne,
President Samaranch, the Attorney General, Secretary Rubin, James Lee Witt.
-
--- -
-··----
Mack would brief the participants on the results of prior conference calls and consultations, and
raise the issues necessary for decision. If needed, the Vice President and Mack could brief the
President before any final decisions were made.
Tier 4: National Security Situations
If a particular situation was so grave as to threaten national security, the appropriate
response mechanisms in the White House would be employed. A I 1er 3 Conference Call would
be convened as appropriate.
\
\
{
4.
Monitoring Sporting and "Good News" Developments at the Games
As you know, a critical part of OJ!f communications approach to the Games is to have the
four principals, in a coordinated way, commend the success (or console the failure) of selected
athletes and other participants. There may also be dramatic stories involving volunteers, federal
employee volunteers, or other attendees at the Games. FOr our contacts with these "heroes" to
be effective, they must be timely.
<e
:::::=;>
COPY
�Thus, a critical part of our a:pproach mUst be a system for ohtainjug and making
judgements about sporting and "good news" developments at the Games.· To do this, we would
prop~g systems:
•
•
0
Jennifer Miller would_tpce principal responsibility for utilizing these reports (along with
our(""preextstmg information about particular athletes/teams that the pnncipals are
following) to prepare call sheets or other proposals for real-time congratulations from the
President or one of the principals;
Developments in Atlanta could also be tracked more carefully by use of"InfuJ.6," the on~
line database, operated by ACTG. and IOC, that will be utilized by NBC to shape their
coverage of the Games. Talks are underway with ACTG. to provide us with access to the
"Info 96" system.
.7 )
.
aily meet' gS f
Likely
c::
ants wou
· resentatives from
unications, the Social Office, and
5
~~ vi t1o~
Correspondence (all key to outreach), meeting with Jennifer Miller, Janet Abrams, and
. _1
~
staff from News Analysis who are tracking the Games.
l
·t
.-- I" 5
~
..
· .
~ v' ~""""The key is to ~e able to be spontaneo
ting s cesses at the Game
ng foti' .$0£ ( (
,L.. ..J~"f..~uch "spontaneity." We shou
schedules of the four
7
{f'-• ... J.J
prin~iples each day to. allow the
iY- ~,... 1 participants, and the hke.
J
.+
S;;,:: ., ·]
c
( 5. Communications Coordination )
.
.
. .
"
~
Finally, we_~mechanism. or getting out our_message each day, both on t.~ positive ·
side and on thldefensi~ealing-with-problems front.
.. - - -
- ·-- ---::- ....
In this regard, we would recommend the following coordinating mechanisms:
• l B~
pr~s
Don Baer and Lorraine Voles should weet with
from NBC
Sports,_J:o 1 ti he athletes we are following with special interest, to discuss possible
visits by principals to the Games, and other angles for possible involvement by the White
House in NBC's coverage;
•
COPY
I
�•
•
Additional!~ and Lorraine might want to conduct a daily conference cal!_with
ag_ency press_gJficers to identifx press jssues___errier~ing from the agencies, and to secure
-agreement on plans for handling those issues. Alternative!~ this could be handled by the
daily agency call being conducted by Cabinet Affairs.
.
COPY
{
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet·
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
~@1~·
Don Baer to the President; RE: DLC Speech (11 pages)
11/1111995
P5
· 002. itinerary
RE: !996 DLC-PPI Spring Retreat (2 pages)
04/30/1996
Personal Misfile ·
003. memo
Debbie Boylan to Don Baer; RE: 1996 DLC-PPI Spring Retreat (1
page)
05/01/1996
Personal Misfile
004. agenda
RE: 1996 DLC-PPI Spring Retreat (3 pages)
05/2-5/1996
Personal Misfile
005. paper
RE: 1996 DLC~PPI Spring Retreat (2 pages)
rtd.
Personal Misfile
006. list
1996 DLC-PPI Spring Retreat; RE: List of Participants (5 pages)
n.d.
Personal Misfile
007. booklet
RE: 1996 DLC-PPI Spring Retreat (76 pages)
05/2-5/1996
Personal Misfile
L-toy ~
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Communications
DonBaer
OA/Box Number:
10132
FOLDER TITLE:
DLC [Democratic Leadership Council] Speech
Debbie Bush
2006-0458-F
dbl148
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act~ (44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- (5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA)
. b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(S) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
n "w. s ((b)(9) of the FOIA)
National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2)of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S. C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�v
THE WHITE HOUSE
~~1?
WASHINGTON
November 11, 1995
95NOV II
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM: DON BAER
P4:
D
4
~
SUBJECT: DLC Speech
Here is a draft of Monday's DLC speech.
It was written
largely by Bill Curry, Jonathan.Prince, and Michael Waldman, and
reflects contributions from Dick and thoughts from Bruce Reed.
I
hav~ also sent a draft to Frank Greer who is getting bac~ to me.
I think it does a very good job of laying out, in yivid
terms, your vision and principles, -~nd framing the budget fight
in terms of both.
Obviously, given the state of play, we will probably have to
make changes in the budget section closer to the time of the
speech.
You will note that there is a section on Bosnia in -brackets.
The NSC and I ~gree that it's useful, in your major speeches, to
·include references to the importance of U.S.r-leadership in
Bosnia.
I hope you will have time Sunday to think about this speech,
since both the timing and the audience make i t an important
opportunity.
Doug Sosnik and I are arranging for Senator
Lieberman; who introduces you, to focus ori how your
accomplishments reflect New Democrat principles and deserve DLC
support. (The Vice President also speaks to the DLC on Tuesday.)
That will free you to deliver .the larger -- and more direct -message in the speech.
I know you will think it is· long, but, at your standard rate
of delivery, it will take just over fifteen minutes as written.
I will be available Sund~y if you waht to work on this,
since the speech is scheduled for noon on Monday.
!.will call
you to check in on Sunday afternoon.
'
~~
l
1SQQ.A_
~d~
'
U\..A~
COPY
�Draft 11/11195 2:40pm
PRESIDENT WiLLIAM J. CLINTON
ADDRESS TO THE
DEMOCRATICLEADERSHIP COUNCIL
WASHINGTON, D.C.
NOVEMBER 13, 1995
[Acknowledgments]
All~
One week ago, I .fl:ae tas sae }3rivil8ge.Ao represent em
ft"
~
J:?i'if t ' h
Rabin~ !P'Ill r rtyr
eom~
at the funeral of my
ffir peace. As I reflected on the terrible events that took the
life of this brave man, it was clear to me again how our world is both corning together and
pulling apart at the same time. Precisely because Yitzhak Rabin tried to unite his portion of
the world in peace, an assassin took his life.
. ·
.
·
~ . ~~ ~I..Ut..U.S"~~~~~\'b~~~
tk~~11"\J.A. ~·~.~\·l .. 'P~~ ~~~w~~~~·.
~~
.
~\(\lll~~\l.U.UM~~~~tj~;.s.~~).Jjj.~~~~
h.'-'"- .. It is up to. the T)nited States of America to.. lead the wo~ld away from divis~~?.:l.S :• •s
.
• _.....,vl\).w\.W.u,. ~~1\).w.~~ ~ \.J:t.u. "-~ l~\4~ l.(i.uA '\JJ.. I'~~~ t.bl.\.lb\
peace and £eeaefii.
America J+las; ·~
~M!i show the world that the center can hold. We~~
~~...
lead by example. We are proof to the world that a free and diverse people, through
~~
.
democratic means, can form a lasting Union. America must show the world there is truth
~~
behind our motto -- e pluribus unum, out of' many, one.
.
~~~
~~
.
.
'\~\~
~~
Today more than ever, we cannot shrink from our responsibility. The United States
.
.
.
G,~7~~
~~~
must stand strong, united, and with a firm national purpose as we move into the 21st century.~
This is the challenge of our times. That is our responsibility as Americans.
That is why you and I joined the Democratic Leadership Council. We knew we had
to keep America strong, and we knew that the old ways of government were tired and no
longer effective. We wanted a government that.was reformed, that had learned the lessons of
COPY
�.
1vv.M~"t~~'
the past, but that was committed to standing up for ordinary Americans\ We want to turn the
government around, but we will not tum away from our responsibilities to one another. We
believe that if we offer opportunity and demand responsibility from every citizen, there is
nothing America cannot do.
I ran for President in
~992
to restore the American dream for all our people. To give
the American people a government that reflects our basic values:
responsibili~d
oppo~unity for alg work, family, and community_i keeping America stron~fi:e~~ ~ ~~ '\'~
This country is in better shape than it was three years ago .. We still
fac~
tough
challenges, but America is on the move. When we passed our economic plan, our critics said
it would send the economy into a slump. Today, our economy is growing, and the .American
people deserve the lion's share of the credit. There are 7.5 million new jobs, 2.6 million more
.
homeowne~s, a record number of new s~all busine~~t combined rate of inflation
and unemployment in over 25 years.
A child born today has a better chance of going to college and gettirig a good job. It's
a little easier.for people to be good parents and good workers.· Every day there are more
opportunities for Americans to tap into the information economy and build a prosperous
future.
Our government works better and costs less. There are 200,000 fewer people working
for the national government than the day I took office. Civilians in the federal governme
.
.
.
.
COPY
.
r....\0
~
Q..~
�a smaller percentage of the workforce than any time since 1933 -- before the New Deal.
America is safer and stronger. For the first time since the dawn of the nuclear age,·
there is not a single nuclear missile pointed at an American child. From Northern Ireland to
the Middle East to Haiti, the United States is leading the world to peace.
[American leadership has delivered the best chance for peace in Bosnia since that
.
.
terrible war began. We have an urgent stake in stopping the slaughter of innocents,
preventing the war from spreading, and building a Europe at peace. American military might
through NATO stopped Bosnian Serb attacks on the safe areas. American mediators helped
the parties reach a cease-fire, agree on the basic principles of a settlement, and come to .
Dayton to forge a lasting settlement. Just days ago, Secretary Christopher flew to Dayton to
announce decisions that bring the Bosnian-Croat Federation to life. This is an essential,
concrete step toward bringing divided communities back together-- and building the
foundation for multi-ethnic democracy in all of Bosnia-Herzegovina.
If peace is achieved, NATO must help secure it-- and America, as NATO's leader,
must participate. If we do not, our partners may tum their backs on Bosnia as well. The
hard-won peace could be lost. We would weaken NATO -- the anchor of America's and
Europe's security -- and jeopardize U.S. leadership in Europe.
The war of ethnic and religious hatred in Bosnia strikes at the hea:i-t of the American
ideal. But there was a time when Bosnia, too, found unity in its diversity. Now is the time
COPY
�for Bosnia to find that unity in peace.
principles and stand up for our interests. We must be leaders for peace.
responsibility as Americans.
We have a responsibility to stand by our principles at home too. And our nation is
coming together around our traditional values again.. In cities
a~ross
America, violent crime
is down, welfare rolls are down, teen pregnancy has dropped for two years in a row, and for
the first time in more than a decade, the rate of poverty has declined. We still have more to
do, as you know better than anyone. Too many young people, without parents to teach them
right from wrong, are turning to drugs and violence. But we are eoming together. ~ C!tJv\
.
~~~~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Jv4f~4:o~~~:~Y:l.~~~ ..
~~~ .AJJJJ~ ~ ~ ~·~ ~-1:~ ~ ~"-M <t\t1G.'A~~J
We live in a very great country. No nation in the world is as well positioned for· the
next century. But to fulfill our potential, to meet our responsibilities-- to the world at large
and to each other here at home -- we must be true to our values and true to our vision.
Today, a day of decision on the federal budget, America faces a choice that tests those values
and that vision. This choice goes to the· h~art of our very identity as a nation.
What is the vision of Congressional Republicans? A government incapable of
preserving the values and advancing the common interests of its people. An economy that is
not only heartless, but sightless, bereft of the simple understanding that we rise and fall
together. A community without connection or common purpose, in which we say to all
Americans, with no regard to opportunity or obligation: Fend for yourselves.
COPY
�Ours is a vastly different vision. We know that government cannot do everything.
We know that the answer to every problem is not a program. We know that we should not
ask government to do for people what they should do for themselves. ·
But we know that if government should not always do, it must always lead. We know
that a government for the 21st century must challenge people to act. It must demand that
·they take responsibility. We know that a government for the 21st century, above all, must
give our people the tools, the skills, the opportunities they need to make the most" of their
own lives. Not through a one..:size-fits-all government program:, but by liberating . the creative
.
.
energy of millions of Americans in their homes, their businesses, and their communities.
This must be the vision that aillmates our nation and guides it into the 21st century.
·It is because these principles are so vital to our future that the great budget debate
. now underway is so important. The choice we face today goes far beyond the reasonable and
appropriate argument over the best way to control government spending. This is not only
about balancing our budget -- it is about b~lancing our values as a people.
Will we dismantle the fundamental commitments we have made
EWCF>tt
H:alf seatu~ to
protect the elderly, promote education, preserve the environment, and stand up for
hardworking families -- or will we. honor those commitments as we balance the budget and
reform our government? Are we a nation that still remembers the simple duties we have to
one another? Or are we a winner-take-all society, a nation dedicated solely to the survival of
the fittest?
COPY
4o4~
�r--------------~--------------------------------------.
-My friends, I say to you today, the answer Is firm, a!ld it is clear. In a voice ever
· stronger, the American people have spoken_ We will not forsake our values. We will not walk
away from opportunity and responsibility, from family and community. We want government
to be reformed, we want it smaller and better, but we do not want it simply cast aside.
The American people want, and deserve, a balanced budget. Since I took the oath of.
office, we have cut the federal deficit in half. Today, we have the lowest deficit as a
percentage of our national income of any industrialized country except one --Norw-ay. Five
months ago I proposed a balanced budget that eliminates the deficit entirely. It cuts hundreds
.
'
.
.
Ic:,; ""'
i-v..A.M cr.N.I'r' II\"'~
of wasteful and outdated programs, but it preserves Medicare, it ~ret8ets education and}the -~
.
t'~
environment, it
defend~working
families.
My budget reflects our values. Theirs does not.
We believe we have a duty to care for our parents, so they live their lives in dignity.
That duty includes securing Medicare, and. cutting its growth if necessary. But the Republican
budget rests on massive Medicare cuts, three times bigger than the largest Medicare cuts in
history -- doubling premiums on seniors.
We believe that all children should have the opportunity to make the most of their
own lives. And we believe that schools should be run by teachers and principals, not by
Washington. But the Republican budget slashes college scholarships and college loans, funds
.-
~~l~~tS~~-~~~~~AAivJ
to cut class s1ze and J.mpro'.~St<n:J,dards. _
- ~r1~i\l..n ~ ~--"\
-\.
~<Y;_SIDEN"r~_,y
t....N-.1~ul..~~~~~4~~~llt.~~
.
"~ ---~8"~ ~
()
~~
......
.
COPY
.
(
~
~
. (..
ijl
0
~
Yo 4<Z
J
�We believe we have a duty to preserve God's earth for future generations. And we .are
committed to reform, so that environmental protection does not trap business in a tangle of
red tape. But their budget guts environmental protection.
And we believe that working people should not be taxed into poverty. The working
.
,
.
1\fS ~ t'f\s ~~~ Et "~frl. ·
.
families tax cut is som~thing the DLC supported for year~ You should be proud~ But the
--
~~
Republican budget raise~ taxes on 17 million working families, by an average of $574 a year
.
for families with two or more children.
The more the American people see of this budget, the less they like it. That is why
the Republicans in Congress have resorted to blackmail in an effort to force me to sign these
cuts. They have refused to do what every Congress before them has done: let the government
pay its debts and perform its duties.
The budget process has certainly run late before. And when it does, the differing
sides usually agree to find a fair and unbias'ed way to keep the government going and to
enable the United States to pay its bills, while the broader debate goes on. That is what I
worked out with Co~gress in September. They passed and I signed a simple, straightforward
.
.
· bill to keep the government running and to prevent America from going into default. That
was the serious and responsible thing to do.
This week, instead of following the path of reconciliation, they have gone their own
way.
COPY
�. going if and only if we can increase Medicare premiums for every single senior citizen on
Medicare by 25
percent~ t,vJt"i.t9. -t"'fuM ~ ~ 4-o0J \ tw.A .~ tJ"'M ~(..U..U.uJ
~~~-,
This is deeply· irresponsible, and it could have severe consequences for America. If
the government defaults on its obligations, then interest costs will rise, not only for ,
goverru:n'ent, but for businesses, for homeowners, and for consumers. Default will be an
economic ball and chain for every American.
The Republicans say with brutal simplicity: Sign our cuts in Medicare, education, the
environment, or we will shut the government down, we will push it into default. They sent
me
an extortion note and called it legislation. I sent it right back with a simple message:
America will not be blackmailed. So tonight, the doors of the government will begin to shut.
Let me be clear: We will do everything we can under law, to ensure that services to
our citizens are disrupted as little as possible. But we are limited in how much we can do,
until Congress does its job, and allows us
to resolve our budget differences in honest debate.
~ ~. ~tw...~il\."-'AA ~ ..
But let me be equally clear: I was elected President of the United States to restore the
American dream for every citizen, to keep our nation the strongest in the world, to bring our
people together. I was not. elected President of the United States to preside over the
.
.
dismantling of our commitments to senior citizens, to education, to .the environment, to
working families. I will not be blackmailed into doing so.
COPY
�As long as they insist on plunging ahead with a budget that violates our values, I will
fight it. I will fight it tomorrow. I will fight it next week. I will fight it next month. And if
I have to, I will fight it all year. I am honored that I have been given the opportunity to
wage this contest. We must stand up for the interests of ordinary Americans. This is a battle
we must lead. It is a battle we must win -- because we are fighting for values as old as our
nation.
Oi.rr Founding Fathers --newly arrived in a land so far from their homes, so
challenging and so new -- dreamed an extravagant dream of what a free people could
accomplish through democratic self-government. For the first time in history, they dreamed
that a people of different backgrounds and beliefs could build a strong nation together. That
. dream was preserved and replenished by generations of immigrants who came to our shores
in search of freedom and opportunity. Our own lives have been so bountiful because we
literally inhabit their dreams. Know this:.If our own dreams ·are impoverished, so too will be
the lives of our children. For they will inhabit our dreams as surely as we inhabit the dreams
of those who came before us.
What is at stake is the faith of Thomas Jefferson that a government can serve as the
common instrument of a free and diverse people to better their lives and shape their futures.
What is at stake is the knowledge of Andrew Jackson that true arid lasting prosperity rests on
equal opportunity for all, with special privileges for none. What is at stake is the wisdom of ·
Lincoln that a house divided, cannot stand, that in the forge of our differences we cast a
single nation, one people.
COPY
�My fellow Americans, this is an extraordinarily hopeful time. Our economy is moving
in the right direction. America is safer and stronger. Our nation is coming together around its
values. No nation in the world is as well-positioned to enable its people to fulfill their dreams
than the United States. If we make the right choices, there is no stopping this country. The
.
21st century will be ours -- if we will simply be true to our values and follow our vision, if
we will think about our children and what kind of America we want for them.
Thank you and God bless you all.
COPY
11o· '.c1
\
~.b
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
Bill Gals ton to the President; RE: Interview with David Broder (2
pages)
01129/1996
P5
002. fax
Penn to Baer; RE: Home telephone number (partial) (1 page)
01/30/96
P6/b(6)
003.memo
Bill Galston to the President; RE: Interview with David Broder (2
pages)
01/29/1996 ·
P5
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Communications
DonBaer
ONBox Number: 10132
FOLDER TITLE:
Decline in Civic-Mindedness
Debbie Bush
2006-0458-F
db1147
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act -IS U.S.C. 552(b))
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(I) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA).
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b( 4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
·
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA[
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA[
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes.[(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA)
Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
Is [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRAJ
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
. of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S. C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�January 29, 1996
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
BILL GALSTON
SUBJECT:
YOUR. INTERVXEW WITH DAVID BRODER
'
3. · It has taken us nearly two generations to get into this fix,
and we won't get out overnight.
Still, there are some important
steps we can take.
we
should seize every chance for serious dialogue, beyond
sound bites, "'ith the people.
You might point to the Vice
President's participation in last week's National Issues Convention
as an example.
0
o We should focus on grassroots, ooDllll\lnity-based activities
that are claae to the people. Evidence suggests that people tend
to ·trust local government and community institutions the most,
because they know the players and have a greater se·nse of control.
So "top-down support for bottom-up reform 11 must :oecome standard
operating procedure. You might point to today's announcement of
the National Campaign against Teen Pregnancy as an example.
COPY
�o We should emphasize new ways of allowing· citizens and
local orc;;rarii:z:ations to assume responsibilities now · lodged in
bureaucracies. If the "era of big government 1' is indeed over, than
this strategy is what must replace it. One area where you have an
especially strong record is charter schools. Broder may ask you
about the Dan Coats/Bill Bennett proposals to offer tax credits for
contributions to civil society organizations (including faith-based
organizations)
that work on problems such as . poverty and
homelessness.
My advice: without committing yoursBlf, convey an
openness and receptivity to ideas such as this that. seek to
reconfigure the relationship between government and civil society.
o we should work harder to achieve reforms of the political
system that people can see and trust. Lobbying reform is a start,but serious campaign finance reform is. a must.
(.If pressed, I
·believe you should acknowledge that neither party has as yet
distingUished itself in this endeavor.)
.
o Government can't do it all; every major sector of society
must accept its responsibility. I thinkyou should lay it on the
lirie: if corporations don't work to forge new compacts with their
workers, if the press doesn't shift away from horseraces and
"gotcha" coverage toward "public journalism,;, if parents don't woi:k
harder ·to stay together for the sake of their children, then
gover.·nment 's efforts to· restore civic engagement and nourish public
trust will come to naught.
o
Above all, the· relationship between public words and
public deeda must be strengthened.
Setting aside important issues
of distributive fairness, the problem with ideas su.ch as the flat
tax is that they promise results (e.g., a doubling of economic
growth rates) that can't and won't be achieved.
Every act of
overpromising, every new "silver bullet'' proposi:tl exacerbates
public distrust and disengagement and ends by weakening our
democracy.
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
·
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
Clinton Library
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
Jack Quinn and David Fein to the President; RE: Proposed
Constitutional Amendment for Crime Victims (8 pages)
002. draft
. Draft memo; RE: Proposed Constitutional Amendment for Crime
Victims (9 pages)
RESTRICTION
06/07/1996
P5
06/07/1996
P5
COLLECTION:
. Clinton Presidential Records
Communications
DonBaer
OA!Box Number:
10135
FOLDER TITLE:
Victims' Rights
Debbie Bush
2006-0458-F
db2164
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(I) of the FOIAJ
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA].
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b )(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
( f J Y ' u l isclose geological or geophysical information
Us [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
cone m
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44
2201(3).
.
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
·
U.S.c
O
.
.
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
96~ 7 Po: 59
;;
~~~
~~~~·~
~~ ~
June 7, 1996
.
~ENT
.
MEMORANDUM FOR TilE
(lfi
'\
.
'\;
FR"OM:
JACK QUINN, COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDENT~
~
DAVID B. FEIN, ASSOCIATE COUNSEL TO THE PRESIDEN~
SUBJECT:
PROPOSED CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT FOR CRIME
VICTIMS
4 ·
Background
Last month, we sent to you a memorandum regarding the constitutional amendment
· propdsed by Senators Kyl and Feinstein to establish rights for crime victims. At that time,
we suggested asking the Justice Department to review the proposed amendment. You agreed
and noted your support for victims' rights. in the past. We have now received from the
Department analyses of the Kyl-Feinstein proposal and other possible victims' rights
amendments and statutory and executive initiatives.
There is a diversity of views within the Department of Justice about the wisdom of
endorsing any constitutional amendment. Some offices, iccludi:c.g tbe Assgciate AG's Offt.ce,
·the Office for Victims of Crime and the Violence Against Women Office, strongly support a
victims' rights amendment. Others, such as the Office of Legal Counsel, the Criminal
n an
e Office of the Solicitor General,._strongly oppose any constitutional
amendment. We under~tand that the Attorney General would like to talk to you about her
experiences in Florida with that state's victims' rights amendment.
Options to Consider
· We believe there are four real options at this time. We recommend that whichever
option you choose, you siinultaneousl}"" announce your support for an aggressive agenda of
legislative and executive victims' rights initiatives to be acted on immediately.
Option #1
Do not support any constitutional amendment and, instead, propose
additional statutory and executive initiatives.
Option #2
Support the Kyl-Feinstein proposed amendment.
COPY
�Option .#3
Support an Administration alternative amendment based on language
drafted by Walter Dellinger:
·
Option #4
Endorse amending the Constitution to protect victims' rights without
endorsing particular language; propose bipartisan process to arrive
promptly at appropriate language; and state your view of the essential
elements that should and should not be in the amendment.
a
Recommendation
Our recommendation, which is identified as Option #4 above, is that you endorse the
adoption of a victims' rights constitutional amendment, offering to work with the
Congressional leadership and others to arrive at appropriate language that you could support.
We recommend that you not endorse Kyl-Feinstein and that you not announce support for
alternative amendment language at this time. Rather, we recommend that you instruct
appropriate members of the Administration to meet with the Congressional leadership on a
bipartisan basis to agree upon appropriate language that will provide victims with federal
constitutional protection. In doing so, we recommend that you state with specificity those
elements that should be in the amendment and those that should not be in the amendment.
We also recommend that you announce your support for an aggressive agenda of
legislative and executive victims' rights initiatives to be acted on immediately while we work
toward adoption of a constitutional amendment. The Justice Department has drafted a menu
of possible initiatives,· and it is attached to this memorandum at Tab I.
As you will see from the discussion that follows, there are compelling arguments both
for and against amending the Constitution to protect victims' rights. We do not believe that
the arguments for a constitutional amendment overwhelmingly outweigh those against· an
amendment. Rather, we think that a decision to not endorse an amendment, but instead to
support an aggressive agenda of legislative and executive initiatives, is entirely defensible.
For these reasons, we believe Option #1 deserves serious consideration.
The Arguments for a Victims' Rights Amendment
Proponents· of a victims' rights constitutional amendment argue that the criminal
justice system suffers from a great imbalance in that persons accused of crime have a wide
array of legal rights, many of which are constitutionally guaranteed, while persons who are
victims of crime have no constitutional protection and few rights at all in practice. Although
quite broad statutory rights for victims are present in the federal system and in almost all ·
states Qncluding 20 states that provide state constitutional protectioJ.!), victims' rights are not
generally appreciated or enforce9.
·
Embodying victims' rights in the Constitution would confer a participatorv right in the
oEN'I
criminal justice.system to the persons most affected by crime and most deserving of
.
.
. <vs'
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�protection. In that way, a victims' rights amendmentwould resemble various constitutional
rights to participate in democratic processes, ~.g., the First Amendment's right to petition the
Government.
After some 20 years of work on state law reform, the victims' rights movement has
mobilized around the issue of a federal constitutional amendment. The leaders of that
movement appear unlikely to support any initiative that does not include the endorsement of a
· proposed amendment of some type. These groups are hostile to the idea of further study of ·
the problem, because they believe they have "been there" and "done that", without having
made real gains. In fact, a Presidential Task Force on Victims of Crime was formed in
1982, and it recommended a victims' rights provision to be added to the Sixth Amendment of
the Federal Constitution.
By elevating victims' rights to constitutional status, proponents believe that victims
are more likely to be treated with fairness, dignity and respect and to gain enforcement of
their already existing statutory or state constitutional rights. Moreover, they believe that
conflicts between their rights and defendants' rights would then be fought on a level playing
field: courts would have to balance the two sets of rights, rather than simply side with the
defendants' rights because they, alone, are of constitutional standing.
While there is quite limited case law holding that a victim's statutory or state
constitutional rights were in conflict with, and therefore must yield to, a defendant's federal
constitutional rights, victims' rights advocates report that courts may, in practice, be
rejecting victims' claims in light of defendants' constitutional rights. For example, a victim's
right to a speedy trial could be at odds with a defendant's right to a fair trial or to effective
assistance of counsel if the defendant demonstrated his need for a delay. Of course, even if
victims' rights were constitutionally based, courts might still balance the rights to require a
yictim's rights to yield to a defendant's rights. But the balancing would proceed from a level
playing field if both sets of rights were constitutionally based.
Victims' rights groups also hope that a federal constitutional amendment would create
a baseline of victims' rights nationwide. Curreo,tly, victims are protected to significantly
varying degrees, depending on whether their assailant is prosecuted in federal, military or
state court, as a juvenile or as an adult, and, if in state court, in which state. For this
reason, proponents seek a self-executing amendment that actually creates a uniform set of
rights, rather than one that merely empowers Congress to. enact legislation.
Your endorsement of any of the options supporting a constitutional amendment would
likely be received enthusiastically by the victims' rights groups, such as the National
Organization for Victim Assistance. John Schmidt emphasized in his comments to the
Attorney General that these groups and this issue cut across partisan and ideological lines and
that the issue is driven by diverse, grass roots constituencies, overwhelmingly family
members of victims of violent crime, who are attempting to correct the criminal justic~--system's long-standing neglect of victims' rights.
~s\DENI't,q
1
«~
COPY
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<.....:
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�The Arguments Against a Victims' Rights Amendment
The most powerful argument against a victims' rights amendment is the negligible
substantive need for such an amendment, as opposed to legislative an.d executive action. In
his comments to the Attorney General, Walter Dellinger stated that virtually all the specific
rights in any amendment proposed so far either already exist in or could easily be achieved
through state and federal legislation. .Walter identified, therefore, the tension between
supporting such an amendment and Administration statements on other proposed
constitutional amendments. For example, in January 1995, Walter testified before Congress
regarding a proposed Balanced Budged constitutional amendment: "Before taking the drastic
step of amending the Constitution, every other reasonable alternative should be explored."
· Opponents of an amendment emphasize that federal legislation could achieve a
coruiistent baseline of victims' rights among all the states just as well as would a federal
constitutional amendment. As for doubts about Congress' authority under the Commerce
Clause to force the states to adhere to such federal legislation, it is widely agreed that
Congress could exercise its spending power to require states to adopt and implement a fully
effective victims' rights program as a condition for receiving federal criminal justice funds.
According to amendment opponents, the alleged disparity between a defendant's rights
being protected· by the Constitution and a victim's rights left unprotected reflects a
misunderstanding of the purpose of the Bill of Rights. The Bill of Rights, they point out,
exists to protect citizens from government action, which explains why it addresses the
interests of the accused and not of victims. Crime victims, the argument goes, do not need
to have their rights in the Constitution because the Government is not seeking to restrain ·
their liberty. Rather, the Government can act to protect them without any specific
constitUtional provision, which would be the equivalent of an unfunded benefit program.
Walter Dellinger cautions that a victims' rights amendment risks damage to the
Constitution. If, in fact, the problems faced by victims can be solved by legislative and
executive action (as many believe they can), amending the Constitution for merely symbolic
purposes arguably conflicts with the Constitutio~ s present status as real and binding positive
law. If, in contrast, a far-reaching amendment with potentially enormous resource costs and
unknown consequences for criminal justice is ratified, the Constitution could become a
hindrance, rather than a tool, in the fight against violent crime.
. Similarly, opponents warn of unintended and unwanted consequences of amending the
Constitution to satisfy politically popular objectives. Would members of a violent gang, who
can be both offenders and victims of violent crime, be entitled to all the rights in the
amendment? Could victims seek to overturn convictions collaterally if they were not
provided notice of certain proceedings, by arguing, for example, that a plea bargain was too
lenient? Could victims obtain court orders requiring government protection for a potentially
unlimited duration? We cannot know how courts will interpret the broad Ian
fdfl~~~""""
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COPY
a l(o';o
�of the proposed amendments, and these uncertainties will become a pennanent part of the
Constitutim1, not susceptible to remedy by a quick statutory fix .
.. Finally, a decision to endorse a constitutional amendirtent ma)': diverge from the
Administration's previously consistent public positions againstamending the Constitution for
measures that we otherwise support, such as balancing the budget, prohibiting flag-burning
and permitting prayer in school. In the case of school prayer, in particular, the
Administration developed a persuasive argument based on the rightS available under existing
law (legislation and court decisions) and earned great praise for providing an alternative to
amending the Constitution that actually achieved as much, if not more, -than the proposed
amendment. Walter Dellinger and others are concerned that we would leave ourselves
exposed on .this point. if we supported a victims' rights amendment.
Review of the Options
Option #1: No Constitutional Amendment
A compelling case has not been made that victims' rights cannot be thorc:>ughly
protected .without a federal constitutional amendment. At the federal level, it appears that.
aggressive implementation of current federal victims' rights law through an agenda of
executive action and some gap-filling federal legislation, along with a significant allocation of
resources, could achieve most, if not all, of the amendment objectives. With respect to the
states, priorities on block grant money and directed discretionary resources could build on
current state efforts to great effect. Moreover, amending the Constitution could create
unintended. and unwanted consequences for the proper administration of criminal justice.
....
~.
Yet there is no doubt that the goal behind a victims' rights constitutional ainendment
is salutary. Many of the rights sought by victims groups cannot reasonably be disputed: the
right to have notice of,. and to attend, public court proceedings; the right to be heard
concerning the release of the accused; the rights to notice and attendance and to be heard in
relation to parole hearings; the right to be given notice of any release or escape from custody
of the accused or convicted offender; and the r~gllt to restitution from the convicted offender .
Victims claim that despite state and federal pronouncements of these rights, they are
not regularly recognized or enforced in practice because they do not have federal
·
constitutional status and parity with defendants' rights. Amending the Constitution to include
these rights would, it seems to us, greatly enhance the likelihood of a more consistent
nationwide fulfillment of these rights. Federal and state legislation and even state
constitutional amendments have been tried and appear to have provided only limited positive
results in the treatment of victims in the criminal justice system. For these reasons, we
recommend that you support a victims' rights amendment.
That said, we recommend endorsing an amendment only -if it is carefully crafted so
that it does not (1) jeopardize the ability of prosecutors to investigate, bring and resolve pRES
~
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.
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�criminal cases successfully; (2) expose local, state and federal governments and law
.
enforcement officials to civil damage suits brought by victims seeking to enforce rights; and
(3) allow criminals, illegal aliens, prisoners and others with "unclean hands" to take
advantage of protections intended for innocent victims of crime. An_amendment obviously
needs to be drafted with the utmost care to avoid unintended and unwanted results.
Option #2: Kyl-Feinstein
The proposed Kyl~Feinstein constitutional amendment, which is attached as Tab II, is
self-executing, meaning it does not require implementing legislation, and it authorizes
Congress to further implement the amendment in federal cases and state legislatures to do so
in state cases, thus avoiding federalism objections.
Its language defining rights, however, is the most far-reaching of any proposals we
have seen, and it does not have limiting language. It could have adverse implications for (1)
prosecutors' ability to secure and uphold convictions in violent crime cases; (2) local, state
and federal governments and law enforcement officials' ability to fend off civil damage suits;
and (3) victims with unclean hands seeking to take advantage of protections intended for
innocent victims.
For example, Kyl-Feinstein provides -- as a matter of constitutional right with no
provision for exceptions -- that victims of violent crime shall be given the opportunity to be
present at every proceeding at which the accused is afforded such right. Would a court
interpret "opportunity to be present" to require that presentment following arrest be delayed
until a victim was able to attend? Would that apply to victims who were prisoners, or illegal
aliens, or foreigners? What about case with multiple victims? Likewise, could Kyl-.
Feinstein's equally absolute right to a fmal conclusion free from unreasonable delay be used
by a court to decide whether the prosecutor's decision to take an appeal during a criminal
case is unreasonable? Although some of these interpretations are debatable, the amendment's
language. does not clearly foreclose them.
a
Even proponents of a victims' rights amfW.dment have criticized Kyl-Feinstein for its
. possible adverse impact on law enforcement, criminal prosecution and the courts. Rep.
Hyde, a House sponsor of Kyl-Feinstein, has introduced his own proposed amendment,
which attempts to fix some of the problems of Kyl-Feinstein and provides, accordingly, much
more limited rights. Senators Hatch and Brown expressed some concerns about the language
of Kyl-Feinstein at the recent Senate Judiciary hearing on this subject. Professor Tribe has
written to Senator Dodd, criticizing Kyl-Feinstein for, among other things, creating "a real
hornet's nest of problems for law enforcement at all levels." Professor Tribe may well
endorse a victims' rights amendment and is working on alternative constitutional language to
propose.
COPY
�Option #3: Possible Administration Alternative
Walter Dellinger is working on alrernative amendment language, the current draft of
which is attached as Tab III, which we strongly prefer to Kyl-Feinste_in. It is similar in form
to Kyl-Feinstein in that it actually creates rights, rather than merely empowering Congress to
enact legislation, and it, too, reserves for states the power to further legislate in this area for
state court pf()ceedings. The alternative is superior to Kyl-Feinstein in that it is much more
· finely tuned and would, in our view, have significantly less adverse consequences on
effective law enforcement and be less susceptible to the uncertainties of judicial
interpretation. On the other hand, it is subject to the criticism that it limits the broad rights
contained in Kyl-Feinstein.
Option #4: Recommended Approach
We recommend that you announce your support for amending the Constitution to
protect victims' rights without endorsing particular language, offering instead to work with
the Congressional leadership in a bipartisan fashion to arrive at appropriate language. In
· particular, we recommend that you instruct your staffto gather a small group of
. Administration representatives and Congressional members of jurisdiction (and possibly
outside experts) to be tasked to agree upon recommended amendment language and to move
it forward toward enactment
Assuming that you do not support one of the existing Congressional proposals, an
Administration proposal would likely be criticized jn the ensuing months by some as going
too far to protect victims' rights and by others as not going far enough. We do not,
however, recommend that you merely endorse the concept of an amendment generally ..
Rather, we suggest that you describe with some specificity what you would support and what
you would not support iri a victims' rights amendment. Specifically, you could state your
support for an amendment that:
(1)
is self-executing;
(2)
contains the following rights: to ·have notice of, and not to be excluded from,
public court proceedings in the case; to be heard by the trial court concerning
the release of the accused, the sentence, and acceptance of ~my plea, if present
at the proceedings relating to those determinations; to be afforded like rights to
notice and attendance and to be heard in relation to parole hearings; to be
given notice of any release or escape from custody of the accused or convicted
offender; to restitution from the convicted offender; to reasonable measures to
protect the victim from violence or intimidation by the accused or convicted
offender; and to notice of these rights; and
(3)
preserves for the States the right to enforce the forego~g victims' .rights in
state cases.
COPY
�II
Likewise, you could state your opposition to an amendment that would:·
''
(1)
adversely~ affect
prosecutors' ability to secure and uphold convictions in violent
crime cases;
•I
.
(2)
expose local, state and federal governments and law enforcement officials to
civil damage suits; and
(3)
permit victims with unclean hands (such as prisoners and co-conspirators) to
take advantage of protections intended for innocent victims.
We believe, by the way, that by endorsing the notion of amending the Constitution
and stating clearly what important elements should and should not be included, you will be in
the best position later to: oppose an unacceptable version of the proposed amendment. If, for
example, a proposed victims' rights amendment with truly perilous consequences for the
criminal justice system or the Bill of Rights, for example, gained momentum in Congress,
you would be better· able to oppose it if you made clear now that you support an amend ~-· that intelligently and appropriately addresses victims' problems.
·
r;;.«.;
.
.
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I•
Support for an Aggressive Legislative Agenda
. .
..·
·
~ L(o<;o ·
As previously stated, we also recommend your endorsing at the same time an ~
aggressive agenda of legislative and executive victims' rightS- initiatives to be pursued
immediately. (See Tab I). These initiatives can be enacted without any change to the
Constitution, and, accordingly, we should urge that there be no delay in affording these
rights to crime victims ..
Acknowledgement of Resource Needs
_.,:...
Lastly, we believe that whatever approach is taken toward improving the protection of
victims' rights, we should acknowledge that protecting victims' rights costs money. The
objectives of a victims' rights constitutional am~dment and other initiatives cannot be
achieved without a significant allocation of resources. Indeed, most objectives require
money more than constitutional, statutory or executive authorization.
I
For example, at the federal level, Victim-Witness Coordinators are critical in ensuring
that victims are notified'of, and are treated fairly at, court proceedings. Their numbers and
duties should be increased. At the state level, an automated victim information and
notification service has proven its worth. Regularly updated, current information about a
criminal case is available by telephone 24 hours a day, and victims are notified by a
recording informing them when an· offender is being released. States should be required to
allocate some portion or' federal criminal justice funds for such a program, and the federal
government should adopt it as well.
·
In short, we suggest that resource needs be a part of any announcement you make on
victims' rights, and that the Department of Justice be asked how to best address those needs.
COPY
�---wrrnarawavKeaaction ;:snee
·
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
Clinton Library
·
·nATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
Laura Tyson to the President; RE: Educational Infrastructure and
. Offsets (4 pages)
07/05/1996
RESTRICTION
PS
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Communications
DonBaer
OA/Box Number: 10136
FOLDER TITLE:
Education [2]
Debbie Bush
2006-0458-F
db2167
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI Natio·nal Security Classified Infonnation [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of·
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
.b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA) ·
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled forlaw enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
Is [{b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�. THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 5, 1996
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
Laura Tyson
SUBJECT:
Educational Infrastructure and Offsets
. Your economic advisers have been meeting .to review and develop options for a
possible federal government initiative to support construction, renovation, and/or repair of
.the nation's elementary and secondary public schools. On Monday, a group of your
advisers will meet with you to discuss how you might pay for· such an initiative, should you
choose to go forward with it. An attachment describes the pay-for options that were
prepared for your consideration. Our Monday discussion of these options will also be
relevant to any other new policy initiatives you might wish to consider between now and
the November election --·initiatives such as capital gains tax relief and simplification for
·homeowners, or a new proposal to stimulate job creation in urban areas.
Monday's meeting is planned to focus on pay-fors, not on the general pros and cons
of an educational infrastructure initiative nor on the design elements of such an initiative.
Since your economic team has not yet· had an opportunity to meet with you on these issues,
I thought it would be·useful to provide this background memo indicating some of our·
concerns.· (I mentioned some of these to you on Wednesday in our Oval Office discussion.)
Two different kinds. of concerns have st.rrfaced in our discussions: concerns about the
effectiveness of a federal program to support educational infrastructure; and concerns about
the political advisability of such a program.
I. CONCERNS ABOUT EFFECTIVENESS
1.
Is There A Better New Education Proposal? Although there is compelling
evidence that a large number of the nation's public. schools are in need of repair or
replacement, the evidence linking educational infrastructure to student performance
is tenuous at best. Given the tight constraints on education spending, your advisers
question the wisdom of spending resources on school construction--which is already
tax-advantaged under current law--as opposed to some other educational program
whose effects on educational outcomes are stronger and mme reliable. For example,
why not call for an equally bold proposal on pre-school and Head Start, or on
student loans, or on teacher computer training? One possibility, described in the
attached preliminary proposal? would be a federal commitment to set a new standard
of two years of preschool for all children, starting with adequate funding so that all
eligible children could
attct
OOPY
of Head Start,
a
program with
a
�proven track record. Your advisers would be happy to develop this proposal further
if you are ·interested.
2.
Will We Spur Additional School Construction? Your advisors generally agree that
aid would be given in the form of a credit subsidy approach because it would
require the local community to share in the responsibility for financing school
construction by voting to borrow and repay funds. Several of your advisers are
concerned, however, that federal support. for educational infrastructure would simply
. substitute for local support that would otherWise be forthcoming, without any
significant increase in· the overall. amount of construction that is financed. We have
been working on a program design that in prinCiple should address this problem--by
fashioning federal support in the form of a credit subsidy for incremental spending.
An incremental_ approach is somewhat more fea5ible if it is applied at the state level.
At this level, we can try to focus on a federal subsidy for incremental expenditures . ·
over and above the average annual amount spent on school construction in the state
during some previous period. But it is nearly impossible to apply an incremental
approach at the local level because it would simply disadvantage districts that have
finan.ced high levels of construction in recent years and because the timing and
amount of school bond issues can be quite erratic over time. For this reason, most
of your advisors believe that if we try to apply an incremental approach, a
substantial share of any federal credit subsidy program would have to take the form
of challenge (block) grants to states based on state averages of recent construction
efforts. ·. Others believe the difficulty of implementing such a standard ·makes it
·
advisable to focus only on a needs analysis.
The problem is that it is that even with our best efforts at design, it would be
impossible to know with any certainty how much construction would occur anyway,
and very difficult to design an incremental plan that we know would be effective.
The Treasury, in particular, believes that there is no way to design a federal program ·
to guarantee that it leverages additional construction financing rather than
substituting for state/local financing that would have otherwise occurred. At the
very least, a federal program to subsidize educational infrastructure will be subject to
a fair amount of criticism on this ground.
3.
How To Target and Who Should Do it? States and local school districts have
very different school construction needs and financing capabilities .. Ideally, one
would want to concentrate scarce federal dollars on where the needs are greatest, the
capabilities are the most restricted, and the additional infrastructure spending would
have the greatest impact on educational ·performance. Targeting federal dollars to
districts on the basis of income and demographic characteristics and/or targeting
federal dollars for repair rather tlian construction or for classroom space rather than
gymnasium space might be reasonable approaches. But this kind of detailed targeting
would require that the federal government have t~e ~bility to evaluat~ ~d ad· S ~~ll_.q
among requests from thousands of local school dtstncts. Moreover, 1t 1s b Q.'i{{Y ·
· (.
COPY
~
\ LtoS\
<;.
~
"P
~
�means certain that the credit subsidy approach would effectively mobilize local
. fmancing efforts in the neediest districts or for the most pressing educational needs.
In light of these difficulties, your advisers have developed a hybrid approach that
would channel some of the federal support to the states, which in turn would have
the task ofdividing it among local school districts, and would channel the remainder
of the funds for allocation by the Department of Education to the largest--and ~ost ·
of the neediest--school districts in the country. An alternative approach, favored by
the Departinent of Education, would have all of the federal money allocated by the
Department but would limit such money to school repair projects or projects
necessary to meet environmental or technology. goals or other federal priorities.. The ·
third option would be, as mentioned above, to simply give the funding to the states
. to allocate -- either at their discretion or consistent with federal targets .
. II. POLITICAL CONCERNS. Your economic advisers have also raised several political
concerns about a new federal program to support educational infrastructure.
1.
School construction has traditionally been a local government issue in which
the federal government has not been involved. It is also often an intensely
charged political issue at the local level. As the Secretary of Education said
at one of out meetings, the federal government should avoid being thrown
into the briar patch of local politics over school construction.
2.
A new federal program in this area, especially one which is financed by
revenue-raisers, could be fairly characterized as a traditional big-government,
tax and spend approach.
·
3.
In 1992, you proposed significant new infrastructure investment at the federal
level. Budgetary constraints have prevented us from delivering on this
promise. On one hand, an education infrastructure program could be seen as
.the
taking a more targeted approach to meeting your infrastructure .goals.
other hand, a new infrastructure initiative in a new area might focus criticism
on our failure to deliver on an earlier commitment and could be greeted with
skepticism. ·
On
4.
While a $5 billion program could increase yearly spending on construction by
a sizable percentage for a year or two -- if we are actually able to leverage
net incremental spending -- a federal infrastructure program of about $5
billion is not likely to sound like much compared to an estimated price tag of
$112 billion to bring the nation's schools into good overall conditions. Will
a new program make the federal government responsible for the solution to a
problem whi~h it cannot solve because it does not have adequate resources?
----
COPY
�5.
·A federal program to support local school construction could raise concerns
about federal government interference in local school decision-making, which
is a hot-button issue with many right-wing groups. Targeting federal support
. Would likely aggravate such concerns .
.Two Attachments:
Two Years of Pre-School: This is an alternative proposal to spur two years of preschool -- with the federal contribution coming through expanded Head Start and
possibly parenting education.
Offset List: Over the last week, NEC, OMB and. Treasuiy have been· searching for
offsets that could be used not only for this initiative, but for any additional ideas you
might wish to announce over the summer. Leon and the economic team both feel
that it is important for you need to review the entire list of options so that you have
a sense of the difficulties involved in financing any riew spending proposals in the
current budgetary environment.
As you will see, the list includes two revenue increases from limiting or ending tax
preferences to multinationals that have income in foreign countries. While both of
these policies ·may be good policy and good message and less difficult than the other
options, Bob Rubin feels we must also calculate the degree to which such proposals
inspire the business community to mobilize against us as they did in health care.
Another option seen as less politically onerous than others is corporate jet subsidies,
yet Leon fears that this might trigger the type of reaction that took place with the
luxury boat tax. There is also an apparently painless Federal Reserve option, but it
is not clear it would score, and many feel that it would be labeled a gimmick arid
would undermine our credibility on the budget.
4_DS\
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
·
SUBJECT!TITLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
Robert Rubin, et al. to the President; RE: Tax Issues and the State of
the Union Speech (2 pages)
n.d.
P5
002. memo
Elaine Kamarck to Baer, et al.: RE: SOTU Jan 18, Draft (1 page)
01/19/1996
P5
003. fax
Senator Dodd to Don Baer; RE: Handwritten notes (1 page)
01/04/1996
P5
004. memo
Jeremy Rosner to Tony Blinken; RE: Foreign poliCy ideas for State of
the Union (4 pages)
12/22/1995
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Communications
DonBaer
OA/Box Number:
10136
FOLDER TITLE:
SOTU [State of the Union] Input
Debbie Bush
2006-0458-F
db2170
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of.the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
· b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b )(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the .FOIA]
ould isclose geological or geophysical information
Is [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
.
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
Robert Rubin
AJ_ice Rivlin
·Laura Tyson
Joseph Stiglitz
SUBJECT:
···-=
_____
Tax Issues and the State of the Union Speech
1. We understand that you will be discussing the Middle
Class Bill of Rights, the expansion of the earned income tax
credit (EITC). in 1993-and more generally your accomplishments in·
makingthe tax system fairer and reducing the deficit. All of us
believe that these themes should be emphasized. But beyond these
themes we also believe there are additional points you might
consider.
2.
You could mention some general principles of tax reform,
that you will continue to follow a.s yau improye the tax system -that it should make the system simpler and fairer, help the
economy 1 and reduce tax burdens on working families.
You can
then contrast this to Republican flat tax plans which would widen
the defiCit by- cutting taxes on the rich. As part of this tax
reform discussion, you could make two more specific
announcements:
(i)
Announce that the Administration will be releasing some
interim proposals to simplify the tax system and refer
specificallY to the Treasury proposal to eliminate capital gains
taxes on housing for most families,
You may also want to remind
people of recent efforts by .the IRS to make tax filing easier.
The proposal to eliminate -capital gains on housing was
discussed with you in the fall; At the time you found it
attractive and suggested it be considered as part of your State:
of the Union speech. We all believe it is a winner.
(ii) If you feel you need to do something else, you could
announce that you have directed the Treasury Department to
prepare a report for tbe National Economic Council. (NEC) on
broad-based tax reform alternatives.
The report would be
submitted to the NEC at the end of 1996.
These two announcements would give you maximum flexibi~itx
in the tax reform debate, depending on how the debate on the
Republican side evolves. J?or example, the Treasury report could
be expanded to include interim reports or have Administration
officials hold public hearings on tax reform issues. Of course,
while the study proceeds, Treasury will continue to prepare
analyseB of tax reform options for review by the NEC and
presentation to you.
COPY
,,
___
.
�Conclusion
These issues were aiscussed at a recent NEC meeting. All of
us agreed that we shouldn't wait for a broad tax overhaul, which
no one is proposing to enact before 1997, to take some steps this
year to make the system simpl8r for ordinary. ta:x:payers.
The
simplification steps can be taken as downpayments on future
reform and-contrasted with the Republican legislative proposals
you vetoed that would have made the tax system more complicated
and less fair.
Members of the NEC favored both the tax simplification :i.deas
and the idea of preparing a repoJ":""t en t·ax. reform, but differed as
to ~hether the State of the Union Address was the appropriate
forum for announcing these initiatives. Some believed that the
proposals were not sufficiently far-reaching to compete with the
Republicans' proposed reforms. Others believed that the
proposals indicated we were responsive to public concerns about
the tax system.
Finally, you should know that over the ne~t few weeks, the
NEC will.convene a series meetingg fo:t Principals to discuss and
evaluate numerous proposals for broad-based tax reform.
The goal
of these meetings is a decision memo to you regarding the
desirability of broad-based tax reform, along with suggestions
about how such reforms could
implemented. We will work with
the Chief of Staff to ~nsure this project receives adequate
attention from the relevant staff.
.
.
'
be
COPY
�Withdrawai/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
RESTRICTION
Stephanie Street, et al. to the President; RE: Trip to Spain, Poland,
Romania and Denmark (5 pages)
06/2711997
P5
002. News article
RE:·Personal telephone numbers (partial) (1 page)
05/13/1997
P6/b(6)
003a. biography
Sedee; RE: Date ofbirth (partial) (1 page)
n.d.
P6/b(6)
003b. biography
Sedee; RE: Date of birth (partial) (1 page)
n.d.
P6/b(6)
004. letter
Malard to McCurry; RE: Home and cellular telephone numbers
(partial) .(1 page)
05/2211997
P6/b(6)
005. memo
King to Baer; RE: Telephone numbers (partial) (1 page)
n.d.
4o~f-
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Communications
DonBaer
ONBox Number: 10137
FOLDER TITLE:
EU Summit Trip
Debbie Bush
2006-0458-F
dbl224
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S;C. 552(b)[
Pl National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA[
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
.
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
. b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
.financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
Is [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
.
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�'
.
----
----------------~
MEMORANDUM TO THE PRESIDENT
FROM:
STEPHAN][E STREETT
KAREN FINNEY
JANNA SIDLEY
RE:
TRIP TO SPAIN, POLAND, ROMANIA AND DENMARK
JUNE 5 - 12, 1997
DATE:
6/27/97
CC:.
SAMUEL BERGER
-BRUCE LINDSEY
SYLVIA MATHEWS
GENERAL DONALD KERRICK
DONBAER
DAN ROSENTHAL
Please find attached a copy of the proposed schedule for your trip to Palma .de Mallo rca, Madrid,
Granada, Warsaw, Bucharest and Copenhagen.
Palma de Mallorca, Spain
You and the First Lady are currently scheduled to depart on Saturday morning, (July 5th) and
arrive in Palma de Mallorca on the evening of July 5th. However, you have the option to depart
on the evening of July 4th after the fireworks which would get you in to Palma on the afternoon
of the 5th. (For example, ifyou depart Washington at midnight, you would arrive in Palma at
1:30pm) We will need to prepare for an earlier arrival as it affects the time the press charter
leaves and other arrangements, so this is a decision that must be made by Monday, June 30,
' 1997.
Would youlike to depart on the evening of July 4?
YES _ __
NO _ __
DISCUSS _ __
The King and Queen have invited you to stay at their Guest Palace, Almodina. The King and
Queen will stay at their private home, Mariavent, approximately 25 minutes away. As the Pala9e
is in downtown Palma and has no pool or beach access, the advance people are currently
exploring options at private residences for swimming or sunbathing.
1
COPY
�David Stein who is a businessman from Orange Count)', California and is the head of the Robert
F. Kennedy Foundation, has a house in the island and will be in Mallorca during the time you are
there. Norman Lear and his wife and Bill Moyers and his wife will be visiting Mr. Stein also
during that time. They would like to try and see you at some point during your stay in Palma and
have offered to host a small party if you would like .
. Would you like to schedule dinner with them?
.·YES - - -
NO _ __
DISCUSS _ __
On Sunday, (July 6) the King and Queen would like to take you out on the royal yacht for a
luncheon boat trip in the early afternoon. They would also like to have dinner with you and the
First Lady on Sunday evening at their home.
·
~ ould
you like to do the yacht trip and have dinner with the King and Queen on Sunday ?
Or would you prefer to have a private dinner?
YES _ __
NO _ __
DISCUSS _ __
Yacht Trip and Dinner with King and Queen _ __
Yacht Trip only _ __
You will travel from Palma de Mallorca to Madrid in the early afternoon on Monday (July 7).
Upon arrival in Madrid you
have several pre-NATO summit events, including a small dinner
hosted by the Prime Minister and Mrs. Aznar for the NATO leaders and their spouses who are in
town that evening. The staff recommends that you and the First Lady attend this dinner. At this
. point 6 countries have accepted the invitation.
will
Among the pre;. NATO Summit events are a bilateral meeting with Secretary General Solana
who has asked to meet with you prior to the start of the Summit. In addition, Prime Minister
Aznar has requested a meeting with you prior to the start of the Summit. Sandy Berger
recommends that you do both meetings.
COPY
�.
.
.
Will you do bilateral meetings with Secretary General Solana and Prime Minister Aznar
on Monday evening?
YES _ __
NO _ __
DISCUSS _ __
Madrid, Spain
As you will see, the NATO Summit meetings on Tuesday (July 8) are somewhat long, you will
end the day with a dinner at the Royal Palace hosted by the King and Queen for the NATO
leaders and their spouses. ·
Prior to the start of the Summit meetings on Wednesday (July 9), SandyBerger recommends that
you do a short coffee or meeting with President Chirac. This meeting would serve to illustrate
that there are no hard feelings betWeen France and the United States on the NATO enlargement
1ssues.
Will you do a meeting with President Chirac on Wednesday morning?
YES__,__ _
NO _ __
DISCUSS -..,----
Following the Summit meetings on Wednesday, you and the First Lady Will travel to Granada for
the evening to visit the Alhambra Castle. Since it does not get dark until approximately 9:30pm
this time of year in Spain you will have the opportunity to enjoy the sunset during your visit to
· . the Castle. The King and Queen would like to join you for your tour and have a small private
dinner with you at a hotel located on the grounds of the gardens adjacent to the Castle.
Would you like to have dinner with the King and Queen in Granada?
YES _ __
NO _ __
DISCUSS _ __
. Warsaw. Poland
You will depart from Madrid on Thursday morning, (July 10) and arrive in Warsaw early
Thursday afternoon. Following a bilateral meeting with President K wasnieski, you will address
the citizens of Warsaw, and attend a dinner hosted by President Kwasnieski to be attended by
opposition leaders. Due to technical problems with the communications equipment and limited
68/Ds-1\1
hotel accommodations in Bucharest, you will overnight in Warsaw and travel to Buch
Friday morning. (July 11th)
o~
\
("
<:
.
"
CdPY
a L{o5t- ~
'
�Because the focus of your visit to Warsaw is the celebration of Poland's induction into NATO,
we have not scheduled any events pertaining to other issues, i.e. an event with the Jewish.
community. At this point, the staff recommends that you do a pull aside withJewish community
. leaders who will attend the dinner hosted by President K wasnieski on Thursday evening (July
10).
Bucharest, Romania
You will arriv,e in Bucharest late on Friday morning and do a wreath laying at the Toinb_ofthe
Unknown Soldier, have a bilateral meeting with President Co'nstantinescu and attend a reception·
hosted by the President that will be attended by members of the opposition party. Additionally,
it is recommend~d that you and President Constantinescu do a public address. The Romanians
are very enthusiastic about your visit and are eager to hear you speak. For your public event, you
and President Constantinescu will do an address to the people of Bucharest at University Square.
University Square is the heart of the new Romania. It was there that the 1989 revolution began
and the President addressed a large crowd that spontaneously gathered on his election night last
year. Following' this event you would have time to do an OTR before departing for Copenhagen.
You will arrive in Copenhagen on Friday evening. (July 11th)
Copenhagen, Denmark ·
Your schedule in Copenhagen is comprised ofthe.events that were originally scheduled for your
trip that was postponed in March of this year. As you will.iecall, you were to stay at the Queen's
Winter Palace in Copenhagen. The Queen has now moved to her Summer Palace, Frederisborg,
located approximately 30 minutes outside of Copenhagen and has again invited you to be her
guest. The staff recommends that you accept her invitation .. Upon your arrival in Copenhagen
on Friday evening, youwill go to the Summer Palace and have no events that evening. The
Queen would like to host you for a meal prior to your meeting with the Prime Minister, therefore
you are scheduled to attend a small private luncheon hosted by the Queen on Saturday (July 12).
Following the luncheon you will go into Copenhagen to do a wreath laying ceremony, have a
bilateral meeting with Prime Minister Rasmussen and do an address to the people of
Copenhagen. Following your address, you will have time for sightseeing in Copenhagen prior to
your return to Washington on Saturday evening (July 12)~
You also have the option to remain in Coperihagen for an additional night on Saturday (July 12)
and retUrn to Washington on Sunday (July 13). This would give_ you more time to sightsee on
Saturday evening and Sunday morning and would get you back to the White House on Sunday
·afternoon.·
. Would you like to depart Copenhagen on Saturday evening or on Sunday?
Saturday evening----'-
Sunday _ __
COPY
�.------------------------,----------------------------------------.
.
'
'·
The Codel:
The Codel will travel from W~shington, DC to Madrid on Sunday July 6, arriving in Madrid on
the morning ofthe 7th. Currently there are 10 members of Congress who will travel. (Please see
list below) At this point, only Senator Mikulski has expressed an interest in accompanying you
from Madrid to Warsaw. Because Congress will be in session during the time you are in Poland
and Romania, and given that there are votes scheduled during that time which will prevent many
members from being able to travel, Congressional Affairs, recommends' that we not extended
invites to members for the time being. If there is further interest,· we will re-examine the issue
.next week.
Traveling To Madrid:
·Senator Roth
. ·Senator Biden
Senator Snowe
Senator Mikulski
Senator Smith
Senator Hutchinson
Congressman Gilman
Congressman Gejdenson
Congressman Solomon
Congressman Sisisky
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
·
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
Clinton Library
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
RESTRICTION
001. fax
BroWning to Moran; RE: Dates ofbirths and SSN's (partial) (1 page)
03/07/1997
P6/b(6)
002. memo
Cynthia Jasso-Rotunno to Craig Smith; RE: Texas Legislature (2
pages)
03/13/1997
P5
003. memo
Don Baer to Erskine Bowles; RE: Report ori Saturday's Message (1
page)
03/02/1997
P5
004. memo
Sonenshine to Carney; RE: Home address telephone number and SSN
(partial) (1 page)
03/1111997
P6/b(6)
005. letter
Abakuhto Lewis; RE: Home address (partial) (1 page)
03/15/1997
P6/b(6)
006.memo
Guy Smith to The President; RE: CIA Nomination (1 page)
02/2811997
P2, P6/b(6)
007.memo
Tara Sonenshine to Sandy Berger; RE: Tranistion Update (2 pages)
.03/13/1997
P5
008. memo
Donald Baer, et al. to Leon Panetta; RE: Post-Election Message (5
pages)
10/30/1996
P5
Donald Baer to the President; RE: Pre-Inauguration and Longer-Term
Planning (2 pages)
i 1115/1996
P5
010. memo
Larry Haas to Ann Lewis; RE: Supplemental (1 page)
03/12
P5
011. fax
Chuck Alston to AI, et al.; RE: Editorial budget numbers (3 pages)
03/06/1997
Personal Misfile
012. note
Dach; RE: Telephone number (partial) (1 page)
n.d.
P6/b(6)
Ltoc;--g
COLLECTION:
·Clinton Presidential Records
Communications
DonBaer
ONBox Number:
13425
FOLDER TITLE:
Communications Director Reading [1]
Debbie Bush
2006-0458-F
dbl282
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
PI
P2
P3
P4
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA] .
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute [(aX3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commerCial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S. C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request. .
Freedom oflnformation Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
b(l) National security classified information [(bXl) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose intermll personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
·
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulatio·n of
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA]
would isclose geological or geophysical information
.-:c=--•"----'-..
Is ((b)(9) of the FOIA]
�November 15, 1996
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
LEON E. PANETTA AND ERSKINE BOWLES
FROM:
DONALD A. BAER
SUBJECT:
PRE-INAUGURATION AND LONGER-TERM PLANNING
This memorandum describes the process that we will pursue during
your APEC trip to work on your longer-term agenda and strategic goals.
When you.return, we expect to report to you on the following:
I. WORKING GROUP ON LONG-TERM OBJECTIVES
At the request of Leon and Erskine, I will call together the
larger group to establish a proposal for second-term goals ahd
accomplishments. This group will establish priorities in various
issue areas, and also report on:
•
.The minimum.and the maximum accomplishments that are
attainable in each key issue area;
•
The political costs of these various options;
•
How best to allocate your time between legislative action·and
executive action (including the proper use of the bully
pulpit) to achieve these goals.
II. SHORT- AND LONG-TERM STRATEGIC. PLANNING
A. Resumption of your weekly residence strategy sessions as soon
as you return from APEC.
B. Research from Mark Penn on short-term and longer-term
substantive, sirategic and message goals.
C. Strategy for both substance and message for the month of
December, with an emphasis on continuity of themes from the
campaign; a limited number of symbolic events focussing on values
(e.g. a meeting with business leaders to discuss welfare-to-work),
and a limited number of appearances/interviews that show yo~~·~~
thoughtful light before the holidays.
. X'~~SIDt:tv->/-1
0~
COPY
f..:.
2'
a ~os-g
(
�D. Beginning of message arid strategy for the January build-up to
the Inaugural, State of the Union and budget submission.
E. Proposal for possible issue-based team retreats to Camp David
as cabinet appointments are made in key ~reas (i.e., separate
meetings with foreign policy, domestic policy and economic teams)
to show seriousness of planning·for second-term.
F. Beginning of outreach to leaders in various fieldS who may be
helpful in shaping the Inaugural and State of the Union addresses.
G. Theme for December 11 DLC speech (the one speech now scheduled
during the month) .
III. PRESS PLAN
Mike McCurry and others will prepare a press plan that will
include:
•
·Long~term objectives,
including those aspects that need to be
addressed as soon as possible;
•
Limited press events/interviews for December, to amplify
strategic plan for this month (see II (C));
•
Press events/interviews for the period leading up to the
I:qaugural and State of the Union addresses and budget
submission, to amplify strategic plan for this period (see II
(D) ) .
IV. PROGRESS REPORTS
Bruce Reed and Rahm Emanuel are preparing a series of progress
reports on specific policy areas available for release in late
December.
V. SCHEDULING OPTIONS
Anne Hawley and Stephanie Streett are gathering the universe of
possible events and appearanc~s available ovei the next few
months.
VI. STRATEGY TO SHOW WE ARE PROCEEDING
In your absence, we will be working with Leon and Erskine to
design a communications strategy to make clear back here that we
are proceeding on your agenda and long-term objectives, so that
there will not be a vacuum as a new Republican Congressional
agenda begins to emerge.
2
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
SUBJECTffiTLE
41~~
DATE
RESTRICTION
Linda Lader to the President; RE: National Prayer Breakfast [partial]
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
0113111995
P5
01130/1995
P6/b(6)
02/0111995
P6/b(6)
0113111995
PS
02/0111995
P6/b(6)
4o5c{.
(1 page)
Lader to Baer; RE: Home address and telephone number (partial)
.... 002. fax
.
.
(1
page)
Lader to Baer; RE: Home address and telephone numbers (partial)
003. fax
(1
page)
Linda Lader to the President; RE: National-Prayer Breakfast [partial]
004. memo
(I page)
Lader to Baer; RE: Home address and telephone number (partial) (1
005. fax
page)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Communications
DonBaer
OA/Box Number:
10139
FOLDER TITLE:
National Prayer Breakfast 211/95
Debbie Bush
2006-0458-F
db1242
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act -15 U.S.C. 552(b)l
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information l(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) ofthe FOIA]
·
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
. purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b}(S) of the FOIA)
( = = . i s c l o s e geological or geophysical information
ru
ells ((b)(9) of the FOIA)
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) ofthe PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial hiformation l(a)(4) of the PRA]
P5 Release would disclose confidential advice betWeen the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(5) ofthe PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U . S c
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
II
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· LINDA LESOURD LADER
·January 31, 1995
. MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
::i
.
-·
.
.
.
-
. ' Suggested Remarks for the National Prayer Breakfast, ·.
·Thursday,_Februacy 2, 1995
SUBjECT:
0
f~ryour
·
After consulting a number of people, [have drafted_some thoughts
response to Andy Young's speech :1t the National Prayer Breakfast. Mo~t of ·
.all, I suggest you share and elaborate upon some Scripture passages that have_
. been meaningful to you recently. as' you did maSterfully the past two years .
. The passages below are from R()mans, chapters 12-14, RSV. (I especially
. recommend a full reading of Chapter 12.) You should have received other
_· suggestions directly from Bill Hybels and. Rex Horn¢'.-· l agree with Rex on
the ill1portance of coming across with · humility and of asking for their
'
.
prayers ...
A.s :ymi know, informal, PC?rsonal remarb are best received at this· eve~t. .
Though members·of the audience come from a'variety of faiths {~d some·-·.
would claim no religious faith), O:o· not hesitate to quote from rhe New
Testani~nt or to mention Jesus Christ--in fact I encol,ltCige yoy to do so.
· However, it woul4 be best to avoid using the word tiChristial:t. " · (The
· · · .irivitation itSelf welcomes people in "the Spirit-of Jesus Christ.") The theme .·
of Andy Young· s remarks and of the breakfast' is.likely to be Reconciliation~ ,
.
'
.
.
******
'
.
·.
.
.
.
Each year I really. look forward .to this gathering, and throughout the year I have .
enjoyed meeting with some of you in this room on an informal basis. · The prayer
· brehlcfast work is unusual in the·way it brings together people of faith across lines of
.partY and ideology. As you' knqw, for decades men and women· have met together
·as friends,.Pemocrats and Republicans, ofdifferent church or religious backgrounds.
These· small groups gather to pray a.nd to give support to one another; as .each man
or woman tries to live out his or her faith in the public arena. That. is a.difficult. ·.
· thing tc) do anywhere, but perhaps especially in this t~wn and in these days.
·
·
· More tha~ I re~all in many years, I sense that people across this country and around
· the world long· to see their leaders work together; they long to see
discuss our
us
differences with civility. with compas~ion, and with a genuine desire to join together
for the cominon good of our fellow citizens.
.·.
Mal1y of you have founq fir:at
. n~d- e~· y and meet with· potential·
t
p
~dver~aries, stereotypes and pr on
ion
_ ,
ered and-ponds of friendship
can grow, even in the soil of p · · _1 · · ement. -· . .
. •. .
·.
�
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<p>This collection contains documents that were previously restricted under the <a href="http://www.archives.gov/presidential-libraries/laws/1978-act.html" target="_blank">Presidential Records Act</a> for restrictions P2 (appointment to federal office) and/or P5 (confidential advice between the President and/or his advisors and between those advisors). For more information concerning these collections please see the collection finding aids index. The finding aids detail the scope, content, and provide a box and folder title list for each collection.</p>
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FOIA 2006-0458-F - Donald Baer
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