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Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECT(fJTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
00 I. letter
Address (Partial); Phone No.'s (Partial) (I page)
12/25/1993
P6/b(6)
002. memo
David Dreyer to President Clinton re: State ofthe Union (3 pages)
12/30/1993
P5
u34tf
003. memo
Sherle R. Schwenninger to President Clinton re: State of the Union
Address (7 pages)
12/29/1993
P5
~t>LfS
004. memo·
Walter Russell Mead to President Clinton re: Foreign Policy and the
·State of the Union Address (3 pages)
12/30/1993
P5
~ 3'+~
005. memo
John Holum to President Clinton re: State of the Union Address (4
pages)
12/28/1993
P5
Lt~'-f g
006. memo
Secretary Robert B. Reich to President Clinton re: State of the Union
(6 pages)
12/30/1993
P5
l_t3tfCf
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Clinton Presidential Records
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State ofthe Union 1994 [I]
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�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHI_NGTON.
MEMORANDUM TO THE PRESIDENT
·From:
David Dreyer
Re:
state of the Union
December 30, 1993
Summary
The first round of the State of the Union preparation process is
complete and ha~ ~~t its principal objective: Soliciting and
receiving the best available thinking about how to construct an
effective and unifying, durable and uplifting narrative for the
speech. We have accumulated much to sort through, so we have
provided you with- some recommendations on what's best among the
contributions to read, and highlight some ideas contained in what
was sent you that I believe are valuable for the work ahead.
Best Readings
The speech will probably contain a master narrative (story.line)
on top, a set of policy prescriptions on the bottom, and
connective tissue that relates the theme and the policies in
explicable ways to the public in betwe~n~ Iri essence, the
outside advisors have contributed strategic advice for the speech
and ideas about narrative; the Cabinet has contributed mostly
policy ideas; and some of the best ideas drawing the two tog~ther
-are contributed by White House staff. In summary, I suggest that
you read:
o
o
o
o
Every memo from the outside advisors;
The Galston and R_eed drafts;
Secretary Riley and Reich's memo; and;
The Ne_w Yorker transcript and the Oval Office
transcript (final tabs).
Obviously, there are many other valuable contributions that you
can review if time permits.
'\
1
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I
.•
•
IClinton- Presidential Li.bnu·:~~o:ov
�What to look for
"Words are sacred. They deserve respect. If you get
· the right ones in the right order, you can nudge the
world a 'little."
.
By £ar~ the bes~ strategic· suggestions on what the speech
should accompiish and how it should be fashioned come from Jqhn
Holum and Sherle Shwenninger (World Policy Journal and friend of
s-tephanopoulos)'. But there is much agreement· among the advisors
1.
*
on the utility of a narrative to spell out your broad
v1s1on at this moment in your Presictericy and to beat back against
the tendency to mention every last policy produced by the
Cabinet; ·
*
You should be confident and hopeful, even as you
identify with the feelings of anxiety in the society over where
workers fit in the changing :world or how we can survive the
crisis of crime;
*
The theme must be durable, and you must describe this
point in history as pivotal (see Alan Brinkley and.Mike Sandel
especially);
*'
stress both tradition·and vision --our highes;t and
most enduring values are complemented by America's constant selfreinvention. The marriage of progress (in the face of change)
and tradition is why we remain number one in a changing world and
remain the symbol everywhere of what.the world wants to be;
*
Finally, the speech .should track people's perception of
you as a relentless leader who is constantly fighting for average
people.
2.
As to narrative, please review carefully Holum, Shwenniger,
stephen Carter, and Bill Galston. You will notice, that in many
of the outside advisor's recommendations, there recurs the ·
concepts of"renewal" and "revival." Holum is right to point out
its religious connotation. carter refers to a wounding of the
•national spirit and the need td restore faith. carter's memo is
remarkably clear and helpful on the histqric idea of progress in
America. William Strauss, author of Generations (recommended by
the Vice President) casts it similarly with a very direct appeal
to the future and saving-children similar to your Inaugural theme
of posterity.
·
2
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�. Larry Smith, Counsellor to Aspin, called from the road to
echo the Holum belief in "renewal or revival" with this
schematic:
\.
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0
0
0
0
Economic. renewal
Renewal of community and family values
Renewal of faith in public institutions
Renewal of America's leadership role in the world
globaL economic dimension
security dimension/The new contest of values
If you read Walter· Russel Mead's piece on foreign policy
(from the. viewpoint of an outside advisor) in conjunction with
the State Department's view of foreign policy in the speech, it
will demonstrate how difficult it will be reconcile theme and
wish list (not just with foreign policy, but everywhere). Mead's
.. piece succeed·s brilliantly on history and theme. Ordering the
specifics is what makes this tough.
3.
Where from Here?
1.
you
the
the
and
Without nailing down the specific words, we will need from.
when we meet again on January 4th some concrete reactions to
storylines offered by various contributors . . What do you want
speech to say about America's place in history, the world,
your leadership should be our point of departure.
2.
Settling on a narrative will give us implicit instructions
on what policies to feature and to .what extent they should be
featured in_asseiitbling a crude draft prior to your departure.
3.
While you are in Europe, we should use the week to perfect
the way we articulate policy in keeping with the storyline.
4.
When you return, we will have a week to polish the rhetoric
and respond to what you did and what you learned while you were
away.
•l
3
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/
1
..,•
, ..
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Clinton Presidential Library Photocopy
�To':·
President Clinton
From:
Re:
Sherle R. Schwenninger
State of the Uriion Address
Date:
December 29,
1993
With your State of the Union address, you need to accomplish four
things.
First, yciu need to convince the angry middle--the Rea~an
democrats, the Ross Perot supporters, and the labor democrats~~ttiat
you ate still on their side, that in spite of what may seem as some
ba6ktracking on earlier promises that the policies you have pursUed
and the programs you have begun to put in place are the necessary
f{rst steps (ie~ the foundation) for restoring the economic
security of the middle class.
Second, at the same time, you must reassure the political insiders
artd pundits that you h~ve learned the lessons of go~erning in the
first yea~: that you have the steadiness of hand and purpose (the
focus, to. use. an overused word) to persevere with your agenda
~ithout ideological or managerial zig-zags.·· This means choosing
and highlighting a few critical priorities for next year: passage
of your health care program; the adoption of an .economic security
package; and an international jobs and growth initiaiive.
Third, you need to recast your foreign policy in order not only to
get your administration on firmer ground in this area (as it is,
you are vulnerable to several potentially seri.e_us foreign policy·.
failures in the coming year) but also to make your international
priorities more consoriant with your domestic philosophy ~nd goal~
. ·for America.
Finally,· you need to provide serious political commentators--those
who will shape public judgment about the success or failure of your
administration--with
a
framework
by
which
to
judge your
administration over the next three years, .a framework that would
explain the awesome challenges this country ·faces and the many
difficulties we still we ·must overcome in order to restore· the
• American union. ·In other words, you must develop, as you no doubt
know, a.master narrative that more clearly explains your worldview
and vision for America. Such a master narrative would include your
diagnosis of the state of the union at this historical moment,
particularly your understanding o£ the global econom~c and
technological forces that are reshaping our ecOnomy and nation; ·
your· phiilosophy of how government can help restore the American
union in light of such forces; why the policies and programs you
have put in plac~ in the ~irst year constitute the foundation of a
· new American social contract for a restored future; and what needs
to be done next as a matter of national priority given the
challenges that remain and the visi6n you have for the country.
In his end of the year memo, David Dreyer has laid out many of the
and ideas that you will. want to draw upon.
Let me try to
th~mes
.I Clinton Presidential L;~-~ar~:~iDY ·
�2
add to it by providing a thumb-nail Sketch of a master narrative
that weaves together both ~omestic and' irtternational policy.
\ ..
Master Narrative.
1. America is·remade every several generations or so by changes in
the structure of the American economy, by new technologies, by new
international challenges, by new waves of immigrants, _and by new
trends in our popular culture.
We now find ourselves at such an
epochal moment of change.
Yet, ins pi te of these intermittent·
recreations, .there has remained throughout our history an essential
core to the American experience--a fcH th in democracy that is built
on· a commitment to social progress, to .the· enlargement of the
middle class, and_ to the unity of the_ American people~ In the end,
America over the decades has been held together by a culture of
exceptionalis~--a notion that wa had a special destiny 'to defend
freedom and promote· progress in the world--and by a culture of_
hope--a belief that we. all regardiess of race, c6lor, or gender
could become middle_ class Americans.
2. The globalization of the American economy that began to take
seriOlJS effect in the 1980s and the end of the Cold War have dealt
pnwerful blows to this sense of national unity and to our
confidence as a nation. They have ·had a disorienting effect on the
American polity at. a time when we are tryi·ng to absorb new waves of
i-mmigrants and to accommodate revolutionary changes in the work·
plac~.
·
3.. The new global economy and the accompanying technological
changes· have posed a particularly_ difficult challenge for the·
nation. America became a more divided society in the 1980s because
we lacked a social and economic philosophy that cou_ld both meetthe
competitive challenges of the global market. place and at the same
time deal with the fragmenting effects the world economy was having
on our economic and social structure.
In the absence of
appropriate pol icy, the world market has created new divisions
within American society between skilled and unskiiled, ·educated and
less educated, and rich and poor.
For the best' educated and
wealthiest quarter of Americans, deeper integration in the world
economy has meant rising_incomes and closer association with their
counterparts in other parts o~ the world.
4. But for the majority of Americans,· especially the lesser skilled
and educated, the global economy has meant not economic opportunity
but economic insecurity and the fear if not the reality of downward
mobility--lower wages, fewer benefits, and a seemingly zero-sum
competition with millions of workers from around the world who are
eager to work at a fraction of American wages.
For these
individuals, the American dream of upward mobility--the glue that
has held our diverse nation together--has become just that a dream,
and increasingly 9- faded one at that.
Thus, as the world economy
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Clinton Presidential Library Photocopy ·
�3
has grown in importance for the U.S. economy, the ties that once
bound the wealthiest Americans to the American middle and working
classes~-as consumers and employees--now no longer bind as closely.
The ties between ri6h and poor bind ~ard1y at all.
5.
In previdus peri6ds of epochal change,
progressive presidents
b~ginning with Abraham Lincoln ~nd continuing with Teddy Roose~elt,
Franklin Roosevelt, and Harry Truman put government behind the
middle class--behind middle class families, ~iddle class jobs and
work, and middle 6las~ schools.
Th~y also put government behind
(ie, in partn~rship with) modernizing "past" industries (such as
agriculture) and in creating new industries (such as aerospace).
By contrast, Reagan and Bush put government behind the privileged
few.
Even· as global competitive pressures were eroding middle
class wages, they increased taxes on the working ahd middle classes
while granting tax relief for the weal thy without demanding any
correspondirig obligations.
Trickle~down economics combined with
excessive military spending not only widened the d:i.visions in
America .but ied to unprecedented budget deficits, especially since
. the United States was forced to continue to play the role of
locomotive for the world economy.
It also created resistance to
global change and led to a substantial.constituency for American
withd~awal from an active role inthe world just at a time when an
active role was necessary to shape our own destiny.
6. As disorienting of previous periods of epochal change were, we
succeeded as a nation, because. we embraced the economic and
technological change and shaped it to· fit the American ideal df
economic and social p'rog:tes·s·.. We succeeded not because .we favored
only those b~st . able to benefit from the change but because we
refused to leave significant numbers of Americans behind without
· hope of a better future and because those who benefited first and
most from the changes saw that it was in their interest and
·recognized it as their civic duty to give something back to help
others make it as well.
With.the each crisis in the American
union, from the Ci vi 1 ·War ·to the Great Depression, we bui 1 t a
. stronger social contract that included more and mor·e Americans.
That has been our strength as a nation. That is how we have grown
more prosperous and more secure.
7. Each previous crisis in the American union brought its own
unique challeng~s. But each period required major innovations not
only in our private lives, in our businesses, corporations, and
farms, but in the we way we organized government.
Many of the
gqvernment programs that worked in previous periods to advance the
middle class promise, we must admit, now no longer work to the same.
degree and some may even may be counterproductive. For example the
old safety nets no longer work as they once did; deficit spending
no longer produces the economic recovery it once did as stimulation
and demand now leak out into the world economy;
unemployment
compensation no longer protects the laid-off worker, for his or her
job may no longer,be there as companies and even entire industries
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Clinton Presidential Library Photocopy
�4
down-size. For many workers, retraining into entirely new jobs or
are~s of .work is nbw necessary.· What therefore is required is a
new foundation for economic securi ty--a.new concept of the American
. safety net, on~ that enables workers to develop new skills and
protects thcise that cannot readily adjust. Otherwise, workers will
:have no other option but to resist change that is beneficial to orir
society as a whole. Thus the challenge that we faced when we came
into office was nothing less of reinventing government--to make it
.work again for the _middle class and above all for those threatened
to be left behind by global economic a~d technological changes.
8. But the challenge of making the government work again for the
middle class and ·the .American union, now by virtual of the.
globalization of· the American economy,
means going beyond
implementing programs at the federal, state, and local levels. It ·
~!so means coordinating our efforts with those of other nations and
governments
and
increasingly
with
transnational.
business
enterprises that have no national loyalty. As rincomfortable as .it
may be to admit, in this age of global markets and iriternational
capital flo~s,·we are no longer in full control of our economic
destiny: To pretend otherwise is to risk the worst kind of policy
failure.
We are part, albeit the most· significant part, of a
larger global market. American growth and jobs depend increasingly
uport the ·growth in other countries, and thus on policy decisions
made in Frankfurt and Tokyo. (Our economic recovery would be much
stronger and our budget deficit much smaller if Europe and .Japan
were not in recession.) This makes our international strategy an
essential element of our domestic policy.
9. Yet while we must coordinate'our policies more closely with our
trading and investment partners, we are by no means helpless tO
influence their policies or to protect our interests.
If used
wisely, American power and influence can yet shape the world
marketplace to be supportive of the American middle class.
In
fact, the construction of a world economic order that complements
liberal trade with a social charter aimed at raising wages and
living standards must be one of the principal goals of this
administration's foreign policy. To facilitate Western cooperation
on a social charter for the.global economy, we wiil strike new
strategic bargains with our partners in Europe and East. Asia. They
need not only our markets but our help in managing the disorder· in
the former S.oviet Union and the great power ambitions of China. In
turn, we need their support for coordinated world economic growth.
10. The current recession that afflicts much of the advanced market
economies, of course, makes . it more difficult to coordinate
policies and to maintain relatively open international markets,
upon which sustained American economic growth now depends.
As
unemplOyment mounts in Europe and other economies, even the most
thoughtful leaders find themselves in a difficult di'lemma:
solutions to the common problems of trade, jobs, and growth can
only be found through international c.ooperation and eventually
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Clinton Presidential Library Photocopy·
�5
stronger international institutions to manage the world economy.
But populist political pressures against such cooperation and
against ceding authority to international agencies are growing. It
is for this reason that our most critical international goal in the
year_ahead is to increase world economic growth through collective
action with our principal trading and investment partners. If left
unaddressed, the slow growth and unemployment woes of the advanced
democracies can lead. to beggar-thy-neighbor policies. Wor~e, it
can drive voters into the arms of xenophobic radicals. who play on
hate and ethnic and racial prejudice. 11.
In the first year of our administration, we have begun to
build the· foundations for a new American social contract ·aimed at
preserving middle_-class America. We have taken the necessary first
steps to correct-the problems and economic imbalances that resulted
from the misguided policies of the 1980s.
We have. -reached
· agreement. on arid have begun to implement a fiVe-year plan to reduce
the federal budget and for initiating a sustained period of
investment-led as opposed to debt-led growth.
We have restored
progressivity'and thus legitimacy to our tax system. We have thus.
begun to reverse the huge transfer of wealth from the middle class
to the weal thy that occurred in the ·1980s.
12. In international policy, we h~ve overcome the serious ri·fts
that had developed·among the major world trading nations and have
completed a GATT agreement that will open markets to American goods
and ·services. We have with NAFTA rationalized economic integration
with Mexico and Canada and put continental trade and investment on
a more stable footing. And forthe first tiine, we have introduced
into a major trade agreement with other countries environmental and
lab6r protections that will. ensure that trade resultS in rising
wages and living standards in all. the countries .concerned.
1
13. But these are only the beginning first steps that are 'required
to come to grips with the revolutionary changes in the global and
American economies. The global restructuring of the economies of
the advanced market democracies--a restructuring that entaiis the
movement of previously well-paid jobs to developing countries where
; wages are cheaper, the introduction of labor-saving technologies in
the service. as well as in the industrial sector, arid the shift in
the predominant form of industrial organization to knowledge-based
production--has created a profound social crisis in the Western
world.
The root of the social cr1s1s is higher- leveis of
unemployment, greater job insecurity, generally downward preSsure
on wages . and social benefits, and the creation of riew class
divisions··within Western societies.
In other words, global
restructuring is undermi~ing the Western social market model that
has ensured social peace ·in the advanced market -economies and
international peace in the capitalist world for nearly 50 years.
14.
The overarching task of this administration in both its
domestic and international policy, then, is nothirig less than to
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Clinton Presidential Librarv.Photocoov ·
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preserve social market democracy, which has ensured nearly 50 years
of peace and prosperity in the Western world, and to ~xtend it to
the democratizing countries of Eastern Europe,. Latin America, and
other iegioris by creating the intern~tional foundatici~s for world
economic growth and development.· Indeed, the greatest .threat to
our security as a nation and to world peace is the employment and
slow growth crisis in both Western and developing economies.
Let
us not forget that the young ~~n and women who cannot find jobs in
their home countries are now migrating in the millions to Europe
and our shores, or are becoming a Source of instability in their
own region. From the Islamic world to Mexico to China, a huge army .
of angryyoung people waits restlessly for meaningful employment.
The militia operating in the former Yugoslavia as well as the·
Islamic fanatics in Algeria are .a reminder that if these young
people do not find productive outlets for t~eir energies, they are
susceptible to recruitment into the most hideous ultra-nationalist
and fascist crusades.
·
15.
The problem of world ~unemployment and emigration is all the
more serious with the end of the. Cold War, for there are now ~wo.to
three billion additional workers that must be integrated into the
worl.d marketplace that. were previously under closed communist
go·verqments. If they do not find employment in the years ahead, a
signif;icant number of them are candidates either for emigration or
for brown shirt armies.
A new world development and employment
program therefore demands our urgent attention.
As part of our
foreign policy aimed at creating the conditions for democracy and
stability in the world, this administration will provide the
interriational leadership required to make collective world action
ori t~is problem a major international priority.
16.
There are, of course, many domestic and international problems
demand our attention-~from the state of our schools, to crime
on the street, to unemployed youth in our inner cities, to the
dangers on nuclear and con~entiotial weapons proliferation.
In
addition, a turbulent world will require .us to address any number.·
of possible foreign policy crises in .the year ahead.· We have put
in place an administration of talented men and wom~n, who with the
• cooperation of Congress and the American people, are working on
each of these problems. At the same time, we must continue to lay
the foundations for a new social compact both domestically and
internationally~
For without such a compact, it will not possible
to address . in a meaningful way the insecurities of working
Americans or the ma·ny problems they now face.
For this reason,
among our many domestic and international initiatives, we have
targeted three critical program priorities for -1994.
First,
passage of our health care program, which will extend coverage to
all Americans and at the same time begin to bring escalating costs
under control.
Second, the adoption of a new economic· security
ptogram,
which will
provide
the
training ~nd educational
opportunities workers will need in the new global marketplace and
which will stimula,te employment in the high-wage industries of the
th~t
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Clinton Presidential Library Photocopy
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futur~. ·And third, an internati6nal growth and jobs initiative,
which will not only expand · mark~ts for American· good but also
create the conditions for the emergence and consolidation· of
democracy in regions as diver~e as'iastern Europe ~nd ~astAsia.
*
*
*
*
*
This, then, is a rough attempt.at a master narrative .. If you would
1 ike me to spell out any of the ideas contained herein or to
address ~ore fully how to recast your for~ign policy to be more
consonant with your administration's goals, I ~ould be happy to do
so .
•
•
.. ·. ·~ru~~.~-
Clinton Presidential Library Photocopy
�To: President Clinton
From: \\T alter Russelll\'fc;ad
Re: Foreign Policy and the State of the L:nion A.ddress
Date: December 30, 1993
The foreign policy portion of the State ofthe Cnion message should accomplish
t\vo t~ings: It should explain the overall guiding strategy of American foreign policy and
put it in the context of the current world situation. Second, it should show how this overall
strategic foreign policy supports the overall domestic refonn and rc;newal agenda ofthe
Administration.
·
·
The foreign policy section of the 1994 speech should be longer and more
prominent than in the 1993 message because the Administration needs to strengthen its
mandate for action as the global situation becomes more troubled.
The Content of American Foreign Policy
Your first task, I am afraid, is to lower the expectations of the American people for
the rapid consolidation of iritemational democracy and peace -- and to explain that it isn't
the Administration's. fault that the end ofthe Cold War didn't usher irt the millennium.
When you took office, there was a broad consensus among foreign policy analysts
that the collapse -of the Soviet Gnion meant the end of any serious challenges to American
· military. political, economic and ~deological power. Fukuyama's idea that the end of the
Cold War meant the "end of history" and the rapid· consolidation of international
democracy summed up this very widespread belief Translated into policy, this meant that
the Cnited States should have high expectations about its ability to propagate democracy
and international order in specific situations.
Administration spokesmen shared this as~essment and proceededto commit the
prestige of the United States to the achievement of goals that turned out not to be attainable
without the use of more force or more resources than the nation \Vas willing to commit.
There was also a tendency to underestimate the strength of the dark forces ill Russia and to
·overestimate the ability of the Russian goverrunent to create and maintain the conditions
for Polish style economic reforn1s.
Today the "end of history" consensus has broken tip and a more realistic sense of
the possibilities and dangers is beginning to sink in. American policy already reflects
much of this new thinking, but the shift has yet to be fully explained to the public.
·
. I would suggest an approach like the follO\ving:
In 1918 and 1945 America emerged victorious from great international conflicts,
and hopes were high that the triumph of our armi<;!s and pur allies in war would lead to the
,jctory of our phntiples in peace. In both ye~rs Americans and their allies optimistically
prophesied that a just and decent world order would arise from the ruins of war; both
·
1imes we learned painfully that building peace is at least as hard as waging war. \Ve have
been undergoing a similar process since the Berlin Wall came down in 1989.
In the aftermath of \\rorld War One, the nation and its allies made some bad
..::hoices. V/e failed to build an economic order that would have allo~ved defeated nations
like .Germany and developing nations like Japan the opportunity to prosper and to build
······--·- durable democratic institutions .. \Ve also failed to build an adequate security system.
·f CUotoo Pcddooti;l
LL,~S;~,
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.
The result, of course[ and perhaps to oversimpli~· for rhetorical purposes], was the
rise of fascism and the Second \Vorld War. After this much greater conf1ict the l'nited
.
States and its allies vo\ved to learn from this experience .. In the 1940's and 1950's
Presidents Tmman a~d Eisenhower built a solid foundation for peace. The 13retton \\'oods ·
systen~, GATT and the ~Iarshall Plan laid the foundation of~ solid economy that had
room for Gern1any and Japan. NATO and the Japanese-American Security Treaty·
pro,·ided a militar~y alliance to keep the peace.
This foundation proved strong enough to hold together during the Cold War. Now
the world faces a new task every bit as difficult and important as the tasks of 1918 and
1945: we must build a foundation for peace on the mins ofthe Cold \Var. Russia and
other formerly communist countries must have ·room to prosper and to move in their own
way and at their own pace toward democracy. The allies in the Cold War must not
neglect the strength of their collective security arrangements that have proved so successful
in, the past.
.
The lTnited States c:itmot control the political and economic evolution ofnations
like Russia.· Russians must choose their future' for themselves and in their own wav. But.
with the help of Japan and our allies in Europe, we can create the conditions that give the
Russian people a real chance to build prosperity and democracy. This is also true for our
neighbors in this hemisphere and other developing nations around the world. \Ve must not ·
it1ake the mistakes that led to the rise of fascism and a new era of international conflict ·
earlier :in this century. V/e can and must build a dynamic, free and healthy global
economy that can give the world's peoples-the opportunity to prosper and find freedom.
We can and niust maintain the power and the alliances that, whatever conflicts may flare
up from tinie to time, basic \vorld security will be maintained~ We cannot prevent every
outbreak of violence on the face of the earth, but we can and must maintain peaceful
relations among the world's major powers, and we can and must maintain the security of
the world's major markets, trading centers, trade routes and the hearts of its great
civilizations.
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The Relationship betv..·een the Foreign and the Domestic Agendas of the Administration.
. . Explained in this way, the connections among the foreign and the domestic policy
priorities of the Administration are. much easier to see. It is, frankly, not easy for the
average American citizen to see \vhy chasing warlords in Somalia or sending the marines
to Haiti would serve his or her interests. But the strategic defense of peace and collective
security in an era of nuclear weapons is something that most Americans understand to be
. one ofthe unavoidableresponsibilities oftheir government. As long as specific
commitments abroad can be explained in this broad strategic context, and as long as the
commitments of forces andior resources are obviously commensurate with _the importance
of the threat· to these broad strategic concerns, most Americans will accept an acti\·ist .
foreign policy in a dangerous time.
.
.
.
Anchoring this ·concern in the quest tor economic growth builds an even closer
connection between foreign and domestic policy. Global economic growth combined with
market access is clearly necessary for the economic health of the Cnited States and for the
economic security of its citizens. If global economic growth is properly appreciated as the
strategic centerpiece of your quest for peace and democracy abroad, then your foreign and
domestic policies will be seen to be complementary. Foreign policy is not a diversion
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Clinton Presidential Library Photocopy
�from the domestic agenda; ~ather it is a method to reach the central Administration goal of
renewed prosperity for the American middle class.
The State· ofthe Union message needs to underline this concept and to elevate
globaleconomic1growth as a central foreign policy focusofthe Cnited States. This also
· allo\vs you to tum public attention toward your foreign policy successes of 1993.
·
\\11en you took office, the Cnited States had two immediate challenges. First. the
long period offiscal irresponsibility had eroded international respect forthe American
govenunent. Other countries wanted to see the federal deficit broL1ght under control and
m;:re unwilling ro listen to American proposals for joint ~ction to stimulate the global
~conomy as long as we failed to put our O\\TI house in order.
Now we have accomplished this. The decline in the deficit plusthe_ strong
economic recovery in the Cnited States give us new opportunities for international
economic leadership.
Second. the NAFTA and GATT trade agreements needed to be wrapped up. This
too has ·been done, and you can argue that American exporters in the 1990's will have
greater access to 'more markets than ever before in our history.
V/e are no\v ready tor the second phase of the Administration's economic foreign
policy: moving from market access to market expansion. We want to work \vith Europe
and Japari to get our t\vo most important trading partners back on a high growth path.· And
we. want to work with them to tind ne\V approaches toward jump starting the economies of
· Eastefi;l and Central Europe.
·
Poverty in Russia does not just create political problems tor the United States and
our allies. It creates economic problems as well. A healthy, growing economy in the
fotmer Communist world would mean billions of dollars in new exports for us and
hundreds ofthousands ofnew jobs.
A point which you may or may not want to address in the speech:
underconsumption iri East .Asia and especially Japan is a greater threat to the global
economy than low savings in: the United States. If Japan reduced its national savings and·
·. increased cons4,mption to European levels, .the Japanese rriarket would grow by over $200
billion. This is equal to the most widely accepted forecasts of the benefits to the \vorld
. economy the Uruguay Round.
.
GrO\vth in Europe, Japan, the formerly communist countries and developing
countries means peace in the world and groWth in the United States. It would be
·interesting to sound out other governments to see how far you could prepare the.way for
the speech; Statements from other world leaders welcoming the Clinton initiative for
gro\vth and pledging, hO\vever vaguely, to cooperate would help cement a public
perception of an active, promising foreign policy aimed at safeguarding the real interests
of the American middle class. Germany might respond quite favorably to proposals for a
fresh initiative in Eastern Eitrope: the Japanese govenunent might also appreciate a shift
away from confrontation over market share in favor of cooperation for market growth.
Some advance work on this could give you the basis for specific proposals in the speech.
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(o3Lj8
DATE;
December 28, 1993
TO:
President Clinton
FROM:
John Holum
SUBJECT: ·State of the Union Address •
. Since the pri~aries I've not peppered_you with political
memes, figuring that you were well covered with advice and that
someone else certainly would offer the same insights.
But that
doesn't !!lean I haven't been itching -·.: so I was grateful for David
Dreyer's invitation to think about overall themes for the State of
theUnion Address. Following are the results:
Basic Structure.
The· basic description in David's end .of year memo is
I would argue for two b~oad points of emphasis.
·solid.
First, as suggested· below, it's important (as well as
accurate) to charact:erize this era as a historic turning point,
which in my view would mean reduced focus on Republican neglect as
the source of our. difficulties (which is losing political salience
anyway) , and more stress 'on the changed circumstances sweeping the
planet. 1 The American people look to you to explain the nature of
today's challenges and why they are not susceptible to traditional
answers. Your best role is not as a politician but as a visionary.
This would both elevate the tone and clarifv the stakes in
forthcoming deb.ates.
~
Second, I think the .address should
our ability ,.to surmount our problems
responsibility, take the work seriously, and
just political leaders and governmental
Americans . .This is present; I'd just stress
i::1.
\
ring with confidence
if we all accept
pull together -~ not
officials, but all
it more.
Of co,urse Republican culpability is compounded by the
_
fact. that their period of recalcitrant rule happened to coinc:ide
With a time of profour.d Change .for Which their style Of governance
was particularly ill-suited. But that argument doesn't belong in
this address.
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Criteria For A Theme.
1.·
~irst, it'~ e1111ential to draw back from the ·details of
policy ~d declare broad principles. Your health car'e speech was
a superb model, because it defined the six essential.·, elements of
reform; even better. is the simple description of health care
coverage that can never be taken away. A president known as deeply
knowledgeable . on details. needs especially to paint a bigger
picture, so people will know how it all fits together and where
he's leading us.
Second, it, B also impo~ta.nt to look beyond security.. For.
th-e people of the world's leading democracy and sole superpower,
feeling safe on the stree~s, secure in employment, and confident
about filling ba5ic needs should be a means, not an end. After a
long period of indifference, we should solve problems, but also
aspire to higherpurposes than to protect people from bad things.
We should also be looking to the next generation, and those beyond~
Third~ the. theme has to be durable ·-- something that will
be repeated throughout your administration, rather than sup~lanted
after a few months, leaving an impression of inconstancy.
That
means it has to be broad enough to encompass pretty much all that 1 s
done, · underway or planned. · It should help · give context to . the
record thus far, so you war..' t appear to be reinventing yourself
after the first year.
a
P.ourth, ·it should help define the current period.~,
pivotal in our history. We are in a time of inescapable.change.
The Cold War·is over, and defense jobs are dropping. The global
economy is so thoroughly integrated that we couldn't shut ourselves
off from it even if we wanted to.
Environmental impacts have
become central to both public and private decisions. Flexibility,
:::ecurrent training and mobility characterize the new workplace. In
drugs and gratuitous violence we're reaping a whirlwind both from
neglect of.law enforcement needs and from the decline o.f families
and r~ligious and community values and the collapse of opportunity.
The bills are corning due for Federal deficits amd for a health care
·system that is both inefficient· and insufficient . . We can aOive
these problems; what we can't do any longer is postpone them. So
1t falls to us to master 6hange.
·
definition should embra·c:e ho.th ·
tradition and vision -- drawing on the past while looking to the
future. Yourve spoken to the·fact that the American people feel
insecure, and so are reluctant to accept necessary departures such
as defense cuts and base closures, more open trade, etc. Fears of '
Fifth,
the
theme
or
z
Presidencies are probably even more prone than campaigns
to finding ·something that works and then changing it.
In both
cases, discipline is an essential complement to creativity.
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�12:28;93
11:15.
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a transitionaf ecor~omy, societal breakdowns and a lumu:.:'i:.uous world
will be lessened to the exterit t.he American people see you drawing
·on familiar value~ to address new issues. Of course among the most
impoitant of those yalues are thos~ you've long stressed~s central
to the nation's character
- -·. opportunity,
~espor.sibili ty,
community.
·
Possible Themes.
I don't have a fixed view of what·a theme meeting these
standards should be.
My :avorite is "An American Revival, II to
which might be appended "For a !'lew Era.," to bring in change and the
future. -Revival obviously_ connotes restoring traditional .virtues.
The religious implication, which comes from popular usage rather
than techriical meaning, is to my thinking a plus, because it both
evokes a~ important element of your public character and confirms
that we're talking about more than government. I like the term as
·well because it is exuberant and confident.
Other possibilities might be "An American Renewal, n taken
from .David Is memo, or "The Restoration of America," or "An ~erican
Renaissance." Any of these could also easily encompass successes.
·on the deficit, trade, the Brady bill, national service, and the
environment, along with reinventing gover11ment, welfare refo:rnt;
health. care, crime legilation, and redesign of our foreign policy '
and defense posture for a changed world. · Doubtless more creative
minds than mine cah cotne up with more choices.
Other Thoughbs ..
A few additional thoughts:
After making clear that yciu have engaged the nation in
historic work, you should underscore, .in a .personal conversation
with the American peqple, that. you "will not become discouraged,
and will .not be diverted.
It. is slipping . into the American
consciousness that your political successes invariably bring forth
low-lifes like the Arkansas troopers.
It is a heroic element of
·your leadership that you soldier on cheerfully through all of that
~~d keep advancing the ball -- just as you did in the campaign.
Obviously you can't and shouldn't e.>Cplicitly refer to the personal
aLtacks; indeed, that would defeat what I'm suggesting. 3 · But you
can implicitly confirm their triviality, while at the same time
invoking a gift you. have in common with Franklin Roosevelt, Jack
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.Tempting Lhough it is to observe that in reporting
'.-Jhatever someone is willing to .say, no matter how outrageous and
cii verting, the press and media essentially hand over control of our
political discourse to the most odious types-- a.point best made
· in ·private, or by your friends.
·
3
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Kennedy and Ronald Reagan -- a personal sense of optimism, which i.s
both effective and infectious.
A related point is that people need to be r.emir..ded
continuously tp.at . we.' re in this· together, and that everyone's
efforts are important and val~ed.
Public service is a worthy
calling, but government neither'can nor should do it all, or even
most· of it.
States, localities, other communities, churches,
··families, ·volunteer orga~izations all have a vital part to play, .
and we want to empower them to do so. This may be another way of
reiterating my fixation on the "responsibility-opportunity"
~reposition.
·
Finally, after you congratulate . the Congress on last
year's successes, you should challenge them again, promising that
1994 will be even harder than 1993.
I said at my swearing-in
ceremony at ACDA that the country eventually will see you as the
kind of leader who spends political capital, rather than hoarding
it, and that's why change is happening, just as you promised. You
celebrate results, rather than ratings.
Most politicians sense
that ·taking risks ca.n be good politics (as you've demonstrated
especially on NAFTA) because it reveals personal qualities of
courage and commitment tl).at override disagreements on · specific
issue~.
Most members of Congress, howver, find it easier to play
it safe, and more this year than last will want to keep their
distance if your poll numbers are down. Your legislative program
could fare better if ·y·ou summon the Congress to operate the same
way you do -- again, because the work is not just deciding_ the
details of the health or welfare systems, but is defining the
country for a new era.
*
I hope this is helpful.
··Administration.
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IClinton Presidential L;~rar;~~:~~;;;'py
*
I'm proud to be a part of your
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uu.)
�DETERMINED TO BE AN
~Bal
and
ADMINISTRATIVE MA~~~
INITIALS: JAM DATE: 1 /'1-
confidentia~
'J.oOC(y~0~1i-F
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TO: The President
FROM: Secretary Robert B.
...J
Reich~~
.
RE: .. state of the Union
3 0['"(' 30 P/2 : 50
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.Date: December 30, 1993
The State Of the Union speech falls logically into three
parts: {1) the foundation laid in your first year, for sustained
economic growth; · {2) what must be done to build on that
foundation, to provide Americans with health care and with work;
and {3) .the moral dimension of the new American community--which
is both the product of, and the precondition for, this ambitious
agenda.
I. The economic foundation
.The first section should focus on the key achievement of the
first year: layirig the foundation for sustained economic growth.
You and the American people accomplished this through {a)
significant deficit reduction, sufficiently credible to lower
interest rates and allow consumers and businesses to· reduce their
towering.debts of the 1980s; {b) historic progress in opening
f.oreign markets--Japan, Mexico and the creation of NAFTA, a
proposed GATT; {c) tax fairness--shifting the tax burden from the
middle class to the wealthy, and cutting the taxes of most
Americans; and {d) shifting government priorities from spending
to investing in our future.
·
·
You might add that there is no need.for additional deficit
reduction. cutting the deficit furthercould impede the recovery,
and drain resource~ from national defens~, and from critical
public investments in our future.
. Another sub-theme: This is a strong foundation not only for
national growth, but .for global growth as well. We could- do no
better to strengthen other nations' economies than to get our own
fiscal house in order, to open world trading routes, and to
invest in our own capacities to produce wealth. The world economy
is not a zero-sum game, but potentially a. hugely positive-sum
ga~e in which all nations stand to gain. I
.I suggest that you not take credit for the cyclical recovery
now underway. Arguably, it was on its way in late 1992, and our
policies were too·recent to have had much effect on it. In any
1
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�event, the public already credits you for it, so there is no need
seems obvious to·most people. The ~ore le~itimate
claim is that you have laid the foundation for sustainable growth
over the longer-term. This was your first and highest priority,
which had to be accomplished before the nation could turn to the
next tasks.
to·re~tate ~hat
I.
Avoid the temptation to recount the many other
accomplishments of the first year, significant as they were. The
bore mandate of the ~iection was to iebuild the edonomic
foundation .of·the nation, which was crumbling. Recitation of
other achievements might draw away from·this overarching one. At
most, I'd suggest only a passing r~ference to the other
accomplishments--Family and Medical Leave, Motor Voter, National
Service, National Performance Review, gun cont.rol, peace in the
Middle East, and so on--as illustrations of the more general
theme that you have overcome ·gridlock, and that the nation is now
capable of solving its most intransigent problems. This too is
part of t~e foundation you_have·laid in the first year.
Finally, acknowledge'· the pain still experienced by millions
-of Americans who remain unemployed, or involun1;:.arily employed
part-time, or still too discouraged to look for work, or
impoverished even though they have jobs. A new economic
foundation has been laid, but ediface has yet to be built.
II. Building on the foundation: health and work
In this section of the speech, which looks fo~ard; I .
suggest that you use the unifying themes of health and wor-k.
These are the two prerequisites tobecoming a fully-contributing
member of society. The possible loss of either is the cause of
our deepest anxieties. And yet, most Americans feel vulnerable
because health care is expensive and usually dependent on a job;
and because jobs are .less secure, and many are paying lower wages
than fifteen years ago.
· Your upcoming agenda responds directly to these two
fundamental needs: (a) The Health Security Act will guarantee.·
that our health insurance cannot be taken away; (b) the
•Administration is not only creating the economic foundation for
millions of new and better jobs, but it is committed .to helping
Americans bridge the critical transitions to get the jobs-transitions from school to work, from welfare to work, and from
work to work. (Reference the education and skills standards in
Goals 2000, the school-to-work apprenticeship legislation, reform
. of welfare,. and the creat1on of a re-employment system--all
designed to get Americans to work.)
The trinitarian in me wants to suggest a third unifying
theme, such as community, or family, or·security against ·
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�violence. Any-one of them could easily be linked to health and·
work. But I don't really think you need a third piec~. Health and
work complement each ·other nicely, and they.are the basics on
which all the other values and goals depend.
Yeu will be urged, I'm sure, to devote a separate section 'of
the St~te of the Union exclusively to foreign policy. This is
standard tare, and there may be particularly good reasohs for it
this time around, given recent e~ents. But I suggest that you
instead seek-to integrate foreign policy themes into thi:s central
secti6n of the speech. As you h~ve stated many times before,
domestic and foreign policies are now inextricably tied together.
The nation must understand the tight linkage (as should Congress
and your own departments) .
· ·
·Herewith,:are a few ways of combining the core health and
work themes, while signaling the others. I have not arrayed them
in. any particular or~er.
1. ·w_ork gives order and meaning to life; it ennobles and
provides meaning anc:J dignity. Good health enables us to be caring
parents, effective citizens, productive members of society. But
in order to have good health and work, Americans require two
things: (a) They and their families need health care; they must
be able to see doctors and nurses, arid get the care and
counseiing they need to prevent incapacitating illnesses. (b)
They must be prepared for, and able to find, jobs that pay a
living wage; they need good schools, youth apprenticeships,
assistance in searching for jobs,. good information about where
they can find jobs and what training the jobs require, and
effective job training. our national responsibility is to fulfill .
these two prerequisites. The individual's responsibility is to
act upon them.
·
2. Advances in technologies, and the ~mergence of global
present breathtaking opportunities for Americans to lead
fuller and more productive lives. But these changes also make
careers far riskier, jobs less predictable. Americans canna
longer count on remaining in the same work, keeping their health
.benefits, and thus maintaining their families' basic well-being.
In o~der that we can can accept and benefit -from these changes,
we must feel sufficiently secure to seize the opportunities they
present; otherwise, we will resist change, and. seek security in
preserving the past. The two prerequisites to security in these
dynamic times--universal health care, and work for every ablebodied American--free us and .our families to face the future with
hope rather than with fear.
markets~
_3. Lack of jobs is the single biggest problem of our central
cities; it is undermining community, and destroying families.
Universal health care-, coupled with the Earned.Income Tax credit,
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IClinton Pres-idential Li·~:rar;~~~~;o'py
�and adequate workforce training, will move our people quickly
from the unemployment lines and the welfare lines to the lines
where paychecks are being given out.
· 4. The macroeconomic foundation laid in.the first year of
this Administration has got us back on track toward millions of
new jobs. But the old economy is not coming back. It is no longer
possible for a ~igh-school grad or dropout to get a good-paying
factory job for life. Jobs ~re less secure. The wage gap between
the well-educated and the poorly-educated is widening. These new
realities face every major industrialized nation. They call for a
new system: (a) To begin to narrow the gap, we must make work
pay, through·the EITC; upgrade primary and secondary educati9n so
that all young people ·have the basic tools they need for lifelong
learning; and smooth the transition from school to work through
youth a~prenticeships and voluntary national skills ~tandards.
(b) To deal with job insecurity, we must turn our unemployment
· system into a re-employment system, and ensure health care
regardless of job.
.
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5. Our oid safety nets are broken, and all the incentives
are wrong. We must replace the safety nets with trampolines,
·which help Americans bounce back. We don't need more government
or bigger government; we need better government. (a) Our
expensive health care system doesn't help prevent disease, it
encourages unnecessary tests, and fails to protect us when we
need it_most; we must create a new system which emphasizes
prevention, economy, and universal care. (b) Our expensive
unemployment system doesn't help prepare and guide people into
new and better jobs; we need a new system which will. (c) Our
expensive welfare system actually discourages people from getting
jobs; we need a new system which will get them off welfare and
into productive work.
6. The health and the skills of our people are our most
precious assets. In an increasingly global economy, they are the
only assets which are relatively immobile, on which our futures
uniquely depend. The global economy presents extraordinary
opportunities for us, as for every nation, and this
Administration will continue to lead the way toward global
1economic integration. We will also spur investment in the
technologies of the future. But in order to avail ourselves of
these opportunities, Americans must be capable of reaching for
them. The two strategies go hand in hand: As we open our borders
and the borders of other nations to trade and investment, we must
simultaneously invest in the health and the.skills of our people.
Moreo~er, in a world in which national security turns
increasingly on a nation's capacity to producewealth,.the health
an:d skills of our peop,le are the bulwark of our freedom.
4
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�III. The new American community
The third and final section should discuss the furidamental
.. challenge of reforging and redefining the national community. in
order' to accomplish the. above-mentioned goals--and many others-Americans must join together as one nation. ·r believe you shquld
frame this as a moral challenge, becau~e it raises one of the
most basic·of all moral questions: What do we owe.to one another,
as members of the same society? Here l.s where you can proclaim
from the bully~pulpit a vision of the public pur~ose which binds
us together, and the new community that you are helpingAmericans
?chieve. Some thoughts:
1. You have laid a foundation for sustained economic growth.
You are aiming to give Americans the crucial building blocks for . ·
full and productive .li v.es--heal th care and work. But these goals
cannot be achieved unless we join together. We must collaborate -across race, ·ethnicity, income group, political party and
ideology, private and public sectors--to reaffirm our nationhood,
at a time when the forces of fragmentation are particularly ·
·strong.
2. For almost half a century, this nation's moral
authority, and much of its unity, derived from its contrapt to
soviet communism--much as light is defined by darkness. The
soviet_threat bound us together, and provided a pretext for doing
many things which we should have done as a nation in any event.:
The National Defense Highway Act created a modern system .of
highways. The National Defense Education Act trained an entire
generation of math and.science teachers. The race to the moon
boosted our aerospace, electronics, and materials industries. We
created the world's most effective figh~ing force, and in so
doing devised a successful means of disciplining and training
· legions of ·boys from farms and inner cities. But the Soviet
threat is now gone, and with .it has gone that binding force, and
that pretext.
3. Worldwide communications and transportation are forging
economic links across borders, and thus reducing the· economic
interdependence of Americans. The same communication a·nd
~transportation links are reducing the dominance within the United
States of a single American culture. The mass culture that bound
Americans together in the. years after the second World War is
fragmenting into nic~e markets served by new technologies which
can tailor television programs, newspapers, and magazines to
p~rticular socio-economic groups, residing in particular
neighborhoods. (A native of Brazil, living in Miami, c~n now read
San Paulo's daily newspaper beamed by satellite to a computerized
·press a few miles away, watch Brazilian television via satellite,
send and receive facsimile messages within seconds, telephone
Brazil at the touch of a finger, and fly frequently there to
.visit family and friends.)
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·I Clinton Presidential L~~~rar;;;:~:py
�4. Modern technologies and global markets are enhancing the
wealth of the most educated Americans even as they·are
supplanting the jobs'of the least-educated. The income gap is
·widening. Moreover, Americans are segregating by income and
ethnicity to a greater degre~ than at any time since the 1960s;
Zip-code marketing is profitable because today, where you live
signals a-~reat deal about your lifestyle and what you can
afford.
5. These trends notwithstanding, our st'rength and security
as a people--our moral authority in the world--depends on our
capacity to jdin together, ~nd to build a future together ..It has
always been so in this diverse,. universal nation. But today, the
opportunities open to us as a united people are greater than ever
before, as are the risks of fragmentation. The new American
community--founded uponsustained economic growth, universal·
health care, and work·for every able-bodied American, and ·on the
·overriding commitment from all of us to achieve these goals-will be~ fitting introduction to the 2ist'century.
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. 001. memo
DATE
SVBJECTrriTLE
Hazel R. O'Leary to President Clinton re: State of the Union Address
RESTRICTION
12/30/1993
P5
&_&SO
(4 pages)
002. memo
Carol M. Browner to President Clinton re: State of the Union Address
(2 pages)
12/30/1993
P5
UJ__ 3~ I
003. memo
Bill Galston to President Clinton re: State of the Union (3 pages)
12/28/1993
P5
&.35~
004. memo
Gene Sperling to President Clinton re: State of the Union (IOpages) ·
12/30/1993
P5
iJL3S3
. COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
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State of the Union 1994 [2]
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�The Secretary of Energy .
Washington, DC 20585
December 30, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR
FROM:
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HAZEL R. O'LEAR'!.fiU1f/7)?J~
THE PRESIDENT
1
State of the Union Address: Nuclear Non~Proliferaiion
Theme
SUBJECT:
I.
9 3 DEC 30
SUMMARY
On September ?.7, 1993, our Administration unveiled its non-proliferation and
·export control policy. The policy addressed the issue of non-pro!iferation
broadly; touching on fissile material control, export controls, missile proliferation,
biological and chem.ical weapon proliferation, regional initiatives and
conventional arms transfers. The key elements of the policy wer:e the
proposals to prohibit the production of highly enriched uranium and plutonium ·
(fissile materials) for nuclear explosive purposes and submit excess U.S. fissile
.
.
.
· m~terials to interna~iona! inspections. The policy also stated that the U.S.
would not encourage the civil use oi plutonium for r1uclear uower purposes.
'
II.
DISCUSSION.
As you have indicatE:d, the most significant thr&o.t to U.S. national security in
. the post-Cold War world ;s the further spread of nuclear weapons. As a wsult.
.we ha~·e flagged thH issue of nuclear non-proliferation as a top national security
priority. The ArTif.?r!can of.:ople am scared by ttle specter of rogue nations
developing nuclear weapons. The ongoing situation in North Korea has raised
. public awareness of the problem of nuclear proliferation and made clear the
potentially enormous cost to the U.S. of allowing new nations to· develop
rruclear weapons. The public wants to be assured that the U.S. is doing
everything in its power to stop the proliferation of nuclear weapons and that our
administration !s acting on this proolem with conviction. Some in the advocacy
and national security convnunit!es W:)uid liKe us to become more aggressive in
this area.
·
We face a two-pron9ed chalienr~e in. the coming year on the issue of nuciear
non· proiiferat~on. \NI"to.t dces th1s rnean?
()nG cnaiiH'lge is paving th9 way for r~1e SUCCessful indef1nit8 extension uf
thf'; Non-.Prc·:if!~rHtion Treaty (i'JPT) !n early ~ 995.
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The other is stopping any additional nations from developing nuclear
_weapons and attempting to roll back proliferation where it has occurred.
(Nuclear weapons programs have successfully been rolled back in South.
Africa, Brazil and Argentina.)
·
To some degree these issues overlap. For example, your decision this summer
to continue· the U.S. moratorium on nuclear testing served the dual purpose of
making the extension of the NPT more likely to create a barrier to further
nuclear proliferation. However, some believe that there are policy conflicts in
achieving the goals of extending the non-proliferation treaty with the goal of
reducing weapons-grade material and other nations' abilities to develop
weapons. This conflict is most apparent in the production of plutonium. The
Administration has recognized that in order to maximize political support for the
indefinite extension of the NPT, it may be necessary to allow non-nuclear NPT
signatories to engage in civil plutonium activities as long as the activities are
internationally monitored. This position is staked out in a Presidential Decision
Directive. Yet, this policy will allow nations to add to the plutonium glut that
exists in the world today. And, since all plutonium can be used in nuclear
. weapons, its accumulation creates serious proliferation and security dangers,
thus endangering the achievement of your second goal of stopping other
nations from developing weapons.
Some in the arms control and national security communities believe that a twopronged approach towards plutonium is not productive. They argue that
·plutonium for civil (good) and military (bad) purposes can be utilized to develop
weapons. They also argue that there is a contradiction in allowing some .
nations to maintain civil plutonium programs, while discouraging developing
nations from developing similar civil plutonium programs, especially if these
programs are monitored by international inspectors. ·The problem is that once a
nation has a plutonium separation capability, it can build a nuclear weapon.
And if a nation decides to build such a weapon, it only takes a few months to
withdraw from the NPT as North Korea has demonstrated.
RECOMMENDATION
The State of the Union Address is an opportune time to frame the
Administration's nuclear non-proliferation goals and remind the country of some
of the goals ari_d proposals you have articulated. You can provide concrete
· examples of how they are being implemented and lay out n~w goals and
initiatives. This whole area ties into our Administration's security theme. What
better way to highlight the Administration's security theme than to set as a goal
the continued reduction of nuclear weapons and the materials that comprise
such weapons'?
.
------·····------
\.
�3
Ill.
SUGGESTED FOCUS FOR INCLUSION IN THE SPEECH
•
Thematically, the issue of nuclear proliferation should be outlined around
grand U~S. goals such as ending the spread of nudear weapons and
rolling back proliferation where it has occurred. The threat to U.S.
national security and international sfability should be. clearly defined, but
past successes should also be identified. The theme should emphasize
your vision for a future secure from the nuclear threat.
•
The continued moratorium on nuclear testing and September nonproliferation policy should be cited as an examples of the Administration's
commitment to end the spread of nuclear weapons and as a significant
move forward from past U.S. efforts. However, it should also be
recognized as just the first tier of activity in a multHiered effort. It could
be emphasized that completely ending the production of fissile materials,
for both civil and military purposes, is an ultimate U.S. goal.
•
Non-proliferation can be the framework within which all other nuclear
arms control initiatives· fit. For example, pursuing an .end to nuclear
testing and moving forward on a comprehensive test ban to which you
are committed, and gaining Ukraine's adherence to START and the NPT
should be cast in terms of how they will help U.S. non-:proliferation
e'fforts. Progress on implementing the non-proliferation and other nuclear
arms control policies should be mentioned. For example, the opening of
.
the CTB talks, the choosing of venue for the fissile materials
convention, progress with Ukraine on START and NPT, and progress
with North Korea {if any) couldbe mentioned.
a
IV.
ACTIONS TO BE ANNOUNCED IN THE STATE OF THE UNION
A new, high-level Administration task force dealing with nuclear
proliferation issues should be announced. It could be headed by the
Vice President or National Security Advisor and include the Secretaries
of State, Defense, and Energy; the Directorof the Arms Control and
Disarmament Agency and other relevant agency heads. The purpose of.
this task force would be to demonstrate high-level commitment to the
issue and be an entity for creating and clearing new policy initiatives.
There should also be an invitation to all members of Congress to work
with the proliferation council in order to develop the necessary consensus
on proliferation policy.
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Issues to be considered by the proliferation council should include
examining deeper nuclear arms reductions, revising U.S. security
assurances, broadening the nuclear arms control process to include
other nations, reviewing~U.S. nuclear declaratory policy, and considering
transparency and accountability measures for monitoring worldwide fissile
material stockpiles. These issues could form new elements of the
Administration's non-proliferation/arms control agenda.
Direct the task force to develop a new arms control agenda within· six
months .
CONCLUSION
We recommend that you.include this theme in the speech and adopt the
.recommendation to develop new non-proliferation initiatives. This proposal has
been discussed with some individUals at the Department of Defense. However,
the proposals clearly need to,be vetted with the NSC, State Department and
others.
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UNITED STATES ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION AGENCY
WASHING~flre eo4ftl ~ :
3
31
DEC 3 0 1993
I.
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
BROWNER~
FROM:
CAROL M..
SUBJECT:
THE ADMINISTRATOR
STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS
I appreciate the .opportunity to provide my thoughts and
suggestions on the State of the Union Address • . I will restrict
my comments to prospective issues that you may want to mention
regarding the environment. As to the past year, you have a
strong record of accomplishments and may want to drawn on a
. recent Houston Chronicle column that I wrote about your
~ulfillment of your Earth Day commitments (attached).
overall, a·theme that I have developed for our environmental
protection·effo~ts is that we need a new generatiori of
environmental thinking. We have achieved successes with the last
20 years of command-and-control statutes. But continued progress
requires a renewed commitment to environmental goals combined
with greater innovation and flexibility in the tools we use to ·
achieve those goals.
·My suggestions for your comments on next year's agenda are as
follows:
*
Cabinet S~atus. A brief mention of the need to elevate
·the Environmental Protection Agency to cabinet status will be
helpful in fulfilling your commitment on this issue. The Cabinet
Bill has passed the Senate and is ready for a floor vote in the
House, perhaps in the first week in February~ Cabinet elevation
may be one of a small handful of environmental legislative
initiatives that we will be able to point to for the fall 1994
elections. A brief mention in your State of the Union address
could give you a quick environmental win with a minimum of
effort.
*
Water Issues. Polling indicates that clean water
issues have extremely strong public support, the highest of the
environmental issues. One 1993 Times Mirror poll found that 77%.
of the public believes that government is not doing enough to
control waterpollution. Shortages in water funding also form a
large part of the states' concern about unfunded mandates. You
are well positioned to support reform of the Clean Water A6t
. (addressing wastewater) .and the Safe Drinking Water Act
(addressing drinking water). Your FY 1994 and FY 1995 budgets
_have proposed ne~ state revolving funds for local infrastructure
investments, and we are close to finalizing administration
positions on the reform of the two statutes; Senator Max Baucus,
the Chair.of the-Environment and Public Works Committee, also
�strongly supports reauthorization of the statutes.
Your comments
could focus on a legislative package that would reform the
existing statutes, and provide the funds that will create jobs
and help states and localities provide saf~ drinking water, and
clean streams and waterways.
(By the way, thank you for your
commitment to funding these and other items in EPA's FY 1995
budget.)
*
Superfund. Your comments in last year's address about
getting the lawyers out of Superfund were.widely praised. We
.hav~ conducted an extensive Superfund reform effort since then,
and·an inter-agency process has reached resolution on a proposed
Superfund reform package.
(You have bee.n sent a memorandum
~sking for your approval of the proposed package.)
In addition,
the National Commission on Superfund, a broad-based committee of
industry, state, .labor, environmental and citizen groups has
developed a reform proposal that is consistent in many ways with
the proposed administration package. Without getting into
specifics, your comments could focus on reducing legal costs,
speeding up cleanups, promoting the development of new
technologies (an iss~e that was very successful for us in the
NAFTA debate) and protecting local communities.
I hope th~se thoughts are useful.· I will be pleased to provide
suggested language on any of these points.
2
�. Co35 Q._
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
December 28, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
VIA:
JOHN PODESTA
FROM:
BILL GALSTON
SUBJECT:
STATE OF THE UNION
~~~
In this.memorandum I want to make three points that may-be
relevant as you prepare for your State.· of the Union address •
.Mood of the Country
Your speech will occur in the context of a public torn between
hope and fear.
The principal area of hope is our economy, where
confidence is growing that your economic strategy is beginning to
work--that jobs are at last being created, that incomes are.
finally rising~ and. that big-ticket items such as homes and autos
_are once again within: the reach of average families.
The
principal area of fear is our society, where anxiety abounds
about the rise of crime and violence, the erosion of families,
the disintegration of entire neighborhoods and communities, and
(underlying everything else) the weakening of essential values
and faith~
In his First Inaugural, at the depth of the Great
. Depression, FDR assured the American people that their troubles
involved only material things--not matters of morality and the
spirit.
Such reassurance would be neither accurate nor
believable today.
I believe that in over-all tone and approach,·. your State of the
Union speech should reflect this duality of public mood.
o For the economy, the message should be: We're not out of
the woods yet, but we're moving in the right direction.
Let's
use 1994 to build on the solid foundation we've created, by
1 continuing to reduce the budget deficit and open the world to our
goods and services while making vital public investments and
reinventing the way government conducts the people's business.
o For the society, the message should be darker: We're facing
a crisis of values and community, and we have to face up to it.
Everything we cherish is in jeopardy if we can't reinforce
1
personal responsibility, family cohesion, communi ty solidarity,
and public safety.
That's why we need things like tough crime
bills, expanded gun control, and welfare reform.
But this isn't
a matter for government alone. We need community-based
organizations and_ the private sector to join in nothing less than
a national mobilization to reweave the tattered fabric of our
society ..
.
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�Two Audiences, Two Sets of Objectives
o Your speech will have two distinct (though related)
audiences, and two sets of objectives.
* For Congtess, .the principal objective is to demonstrate
that you have a limited, well-defined legislative agenda that
.both meets urgent national needs and passes the test of
. legislative feasibility as well as political ~iability.. Right
now, members are afraid that they will be inundated with so many
administration proposals that they won't be able to process them
in a careful and orderly manner.
the State of the Union
speech, you have an opportunity to show them that you have in
fact made choices and established priorities, and that these
priorities represent reasonable benchmarks for the second session
of the 103rd Congress.
In
* For the people, the principal objectives are: (1) to
demonstrate that you continue to understand that many of them are
experiencing wrenching, baffling changes; (2) to explain these
changes in a way that reduces the mystery and points the way to a
better future; arid (3) to show that you have a solid plan for
seizing and buildirtg that future.
For example: I believe you
should once again explain why the emerging .world economy will be
tilled with opportunity.for American workers and firms- .... but oniy
if our~ country creates a world-class system of education a·nd
training, and only if individual Americans make good use of that
. system.·
A Specific Suggestion: Investment in a Reformed System of
Education and Training as a Key Objective for 1994
believe·that the State of the Union address affords you an
important opportunity to bring together the pieces of your
education and training agenda into a powerful, unified theme.
I
I rest my case on four propositions.
1. Larger, smarter investments in human beings- .... from
youngsters to dislocated workers are the core of your strategy
•for creating a more productive and competitive economy and a more
decent and unified society. You campaigned on the basis of just
such a strategy, and it is now vital to execute it.
2. Legislation to produce fundamental reform in education and
training is now on a fast track toward enactment in 1994. ·Among
the key items:
o Goals 2000 and the School-to-Work Opportunities Act will .be
approved early next year.
o The administration's proposals for reauthorizing the
Elementary and Secondary Education Act have been adopted as the
markup vehicle by the Congress and are moving forward rapidly.
�6. The Department of Labor is 6n the verge of significant
proposals for dislocated workers and "one~stop" consolidation of
currently disjointed training/retraining programs ..
o The Head Start Advisory Committee report will.beout
. shortly and will serve as the basis of reforming and
reauthorizing the program this year
1
· ·.
0
In short, you will be in a far stronger position this year to
argue to Congress and the country that you aren't just pouring
new wine irito 6ld education artd training bottles but are
. demanding--and receiving--basic reform as the precond_i tion for
·increased investment. And you can bolster this case by pointing
to your national service and.student loan programs as examples of
fundamental change already achieved that must now be sustained
and strengthened.
3. The budget decisions you made last week are fully
consistent with the theme of next year as The Year of Educa·tion
and Training. Consider .the basic building-blocks of your
strategy: Head Start, Goals 2000, Chapter 1, School:-to-Work, .
Jobs, Corps, One-Stop Career Shopping, Dislocated Workers, and
.National Service. The,aggregate proposed increase·in these
programs for FY. 1995 o~er 1994 is $3.0 billion--more than 22
percent! This represents very tangible evidence of a top
presid~ntial _priority.
·
4. A coordinated strategy for education and training will
make it easier to explain to Congress and the Americanpeople
what 1994 is all about. The proposal I've sketched would allow
you .to say that there are four top domestic·priorities for-1994:
health care, crime, welfare reform, and investment in educated
and trained minds. Each redeems a key campaign pledge; each
cpntributes to the overall ec~momic well-being of our country;
and each promotes security, independence, and opportunity for all
our. citizens.
.
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�G>353
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
December 30, 1993
MEMORANDUM FORTHEPRESIDENT
FROM:
GENE SPERLING
THROUGH:
JOHN POI)ESTA AND DAVID DREYER
SUBJECT:
STATE OF THE UNION
I.
NATIONAL PURPOSE AND ECONOMIC GROWTH
. The State of the Union is our opportunity to provide a moral lift and sense of national
· purpose to our economic growth message.
We have provided important economic .frameworks that shift paradigms: the notion that
there are tWo deficits that must be addressed simultaneously to invest in our future and similarly,
that we need to think of government resource allocation not simply in terms of the quantity of
spending, but in terms of consumption versus investment. And we have tried often to move
beyond talking orily of numbers and statistics to how it affects jobs and income.
Nonetheless, we must do more to show the American people that what is behind our quest
for economic growth is a moral imperative tightly tied to the very vision of America. When we
went to the Gulf War, despite cynic~! attempts to tie it to jobs and oil prices, what unified the
Ainerican people was something larger: patriotism and a belief that we were on the side of right
. and freed(?m.. Even if we cannot marshall that type- of support for an economic vision, the
·f..merican people will ~respond well to a President who presents this higher ground for an
-economic growth plan.
i
..
A.
. THE AMERICAN VISION OF ECONOMIC GROWTH:
The distinctive vision of the Amer1can dream is that ours is a nation where any family
could provide security for their family and a better life for their children without squeezing out
any other family. It is a vision of a middle class that not only grows stronger, but can also make
1
room for any family willing to work their way up. This vision--that more and more families
can live the American dream without denying it to others -""' informed both the Pilgrims and
· those who explored the frontier and is at. the heay of the notion that America is -~ land of
opportunity.
··...........:..-.~·-
�-2Economic growth, however is an essential ingredient of this vision.' Without economic
· growth, people begin to believe that there is a fixed ~conomic pie and that there is a "them" out
the:re whose potential success will take away their slice. This belief lends e~en the children of
immigrants .to want to shut the ·door on the next generation of immigrants and causes one
minority group to turn on another -- not to speak· of normal majority-minority resentment.
Without economic growth, the American social fabric starts to unravel because too many
Americans begin to believe that .other Americans who are fighting for their own security are .
fighting against them instead of being part of the same struggle for the American dream. These ·.
sentiments defy the core vision that the American dream is not about the opportunity of any
individual family, but about a nation that makes room for every family who works hard and plays
· by· the rules.
.
·
.
This vision makes America a special and unique place because it is a: vision that allows
all Americans to celebrate -- instead of fear -- the fact that economic mobility can be a
function of how hard you work and not who you are borne. And perhaps most important, this
vision informs the American ideal that a cacophony of races and ethnic types can strive together
in harmony, sharing the fruits of economic growth created by their mutual labor.
Th~t is why the struggle to regain control of our economic destiny and achieve a growing
economy is such a profound struggle. Because while every nation seeks growth to improve the
standard of living of their people, in the United States we also seek it because it informs a very
special and uniqu~ vision that we. want to make more -- not less -- real, with every t\rnerican
generation.
.
.
Thus, ·we ·are trying to change our economic policy because we want to maintain our
vision of the American dream even in the most economically challenging and competitive of
times. This is not just a struggle for short-term numbers to boost short-term economic recovery.
It is a long-term struggle to move America closer to the vision of a nation where a multitUde of
different people can work together to grow our economy so that each person can share in the
same American dream instead of fighting among themselves over how the economic pie should
be divided.
Benjamin Franklin said at the end of the 18th century that we must. hartg together or we
will hang separately. At the end of the 21St century, our motto must be that we mtist grow
together so that we do not grow apart .
.
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�-3II.
DEFINING THE NAYSAYERS
In our State of the Union meeting befdre Christmas, the Vice President made the point
that our predecessors excelled at defining their opponents in understandable terms and we must
be able to do the same. Lief me mention two cases where I think we must do this.
·
1. Opponents of Health Care As Special Interests: Currently, our health plan is like
Right now, each shot is being defined
too often as another piece of evidence as to why our plan has political or substantive
problems, yet most of those shooting· have vested financial interests in the status quos.
We must use the State of the Union io create a context by which the American people
can perceive the self-interested critics as being self-interested critics so that next time
they see a doctors group taking a shot at us they see a special interest blocking our effort
to help average families and not a hole in our plan.
·
·
atarget that everyone under the sun takes shots at.
2. Action and Optimism versus Denial and Pessimism: Our opponents would like to ·
define us as doomsayers who, because of our pessimism about America, believe that we
must take hysterical government actions that will screw up what was never broken. We
must have a direct .counter-assault to pre-empt that misguided view.
A~
New Optimism: The fact is that they are the pessimists. They look out
·and see a broken health care system, declining schools, a failed retraining program
and because of their pessimism, they say this is the best we can do. Because of
.this pessimism they choose denial and defense of the status quo.
B. Never Rest: As part of the notion, we must define ourselves -- in opposition
to the naysayers -- as people who will never rest as long as the economy is not
working for all families and as long as crime is rampant.
This notion of this President nevet resting as long as people are hurting does three
critical things for us. One,. when people see mistakes or too many things going
on, it defines us as an Administration working its heart our for the American ·
people, which at times, will be messy. This is the Vice President's vision of ·
"three yards and a cloud of dust. II Two, it contrasts the changes we are trying to
bring with the complacency and neat-and-tidy apathy of the Bush Administration
tpey voted out.
Three, I believe this is a way to get people on the fringes. I believe that there are
potentially millions of Americans who have strong disagreements with us on some
issues who will come with us if they believe that, right or wrong, this President
does wake up every morning and work his heart out for the American pc;:ople. I
think we should even explicitly reach out to such people and say, I know we have
Clinton Presidential Librarv Photocoov
�-4made mistakes, and I know· many of you have disagreed with us, but that there
should be no question of what we are trying to do and whose side we are on.
\.
The Clinton Administration is replacing the old pessimism with a new optimism. We are
replacing denial and pessimism with action and optimism. It is summed up in your line "There
is nothing wrong with America that cannot be fixed by something right in America." They are
the ones who will settle for second best. We will always take action to seek our ideals. We have
· a higher standard for America.
ITI.
SUGGESTIONS FOR OUTLINE
Whatever the over-archings themes we choose, we will still face a major challenge in
· finding ways·to organize the many specifics we will want to.rnention in ways that strengthen our
·themes -- not make them disintegrate into laundry lists. I have a few suggestions _:_ each of
·which can work together or be used separately.
A.
REBUILDING THE FOUNDATION
· One organizing framework would be to start with a larger vision of our economic mission,
and then having laid a vision of America's destiny, describe how the America you inherited had
four or five major cracks in the foundation of what it needs to lead the world into the 21st
century. Then describe how your agenda is geared toward rebuilding the foundation needed· to
secure the vision of the American dream. ·
'
The advantages of this approach are four-fold, if you start with a strong and elevated
vision, and then go to why you inherited cracks that must be corrected to maintain that vision,
you do the following: One, you tie every specific to a higher vision; two, you remind the
American people of long-term problems we inherited; three, you show that all of the specifics
including new things you do this year, are part of a comprehensive and coherent vision you have
had from the beginning about what is needed to keep America great; and four, it provides a
context in which to identify four or five major sub-themes --"cracks in the foundation"-- under
which we can organize specifics so that we avoid the problem of having either a laundry list or .
trying t.o stretch to fit every specific under one major them.
It seems to me that it might be best to mention each crack in the foundation and then
. show how you have responded. This prevents the reading of an America-in-decay-laundry list,
and also shows how there is an imperative for action in each of these areas and not just that we
· are doing so many things because we are into government activism for its own sake. Another
thought is to briefly mention the list of four of five major problems, show clearly that you have
always had a comprehensive plan and then do problem-response from these.
The .economic and fiscal responsibility. to maintain control of our economic
destiny and demonstrate international economic leadership.
1.
1
,.~1
••
IClinton Presidential L;brar~;~~o:'ov
�-:52.
The willingness to invest in the jobs and workers of the future and ·
Amerieans to take mutual responsibility for bringing out' the best in all ,.
people.
.\,..
,
3.
. The need to reward work and family.
4.
5.
B.
L
Health security for all Americans at all times.
Strengthening our social fabric by strengthening families, fighting all
violence and drug abuse, and tearing down the barriers that divide us.
. Cracks In The Foundation Of The American Dream
· Loss of Control of Our Economic Destiny: By allowing our deficits to spiral we
control of our economic destiny. The sense that we no longer had our economic
in order, caused other nations to doubt our leadership and put us in a position
steady recovery was on an inevitable collision with higher .interest rates that
choke-off renewed prosperity.
'·
Response:
• 27 days 'after taking office we laid our an economic growth plan that
included $500 billio~ in deficit reduction. No phony numbers; no rosy
scenarios; just the hard truth.
• It wasn't pretty, and as I predicted, everyone found something that they
didn't like~ We took on the sacred cows, but we did so fairly, without
punishing the elderly and the middle-class. We cut spending by $255
billion; cut 342 programs and had a 12% cut in spending. We had an
entitlement cap, executive order, and a Deficit Reduction Trust Fund.
•
Guess What? The deficit is going down not up! And the New York
:riim.s. even says it may be the first time it has gone down in consecutive
years since the end of World War II.
2.
failure to Take Mutual Responsibility to Invest in our People and the Jobs of Today and
Tomorrow: However, vital is our need to drive down the deficit, we cannot forget that
it is only one-half of one over-arching problem: our declining investment in the full
potential Of the American people. High deficits kept real interest rates high and
discouraged the small businesses and entrepreneurial spirit that drives productivity and
job creation. Yet our foundation has been weakened not only because we borrowed too
much but because at all levels -- government, business, and individual we failed to take
responsibility for investing in the full.potential of our people. ·Every serious student of
the new world economy knows that we can only prosper if we improve the skills, training
and flexibility of our people.
�-6Response:
A. A comprehensive initiative for mutual responsibility for lifelong
learning.
\,
,.
•
Every child needs· to learn:
Head Start
WIC
Child Care ·
Parental Responsibility (HIPPY)
•
New responsibility for quality and performance in our schools:
·
Goals 2000
Parent's responsibility to help children
•
Responsibility for all young people to ,choose a path to a higher
skills for better jobs:
School-to-Work
National Service
EXCEL.Accounts (income contingent loans)
•
Responsibility to keep learning and training for the future
Call to Businesses
Major Re-employment Initiatives
B. Jobs for Today and Tomorrow
•
••
••
Conversion to a new world economy
. Technology Reinvestment Program
Modernizing Highways and Mass Transh
Information Highways
Manufacturing Extension (NIST)
Alternative Fuel Vehicles and Smart Highways
Environmental Infrastructure
Clean Water Revolving Fund
No Change Between Jobs and Environment
•
•
.....
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Spurring Job Creation and Small Business
Small Business Tax Incentives
Empowerment Zones, CRA and Community Development Banks
Opening Markets· for American Goods that Create American Jobs
NAFTA
GATT
�-7Trade Promotion
Embracing change, but giving people the. security to see change
·
and in their interest
3.
Failure to Reward Work and Family: Our failure to invest in the future has led to another
crack in the foundation: an increasing belief that we as a people do not reward work and
strengthen family. Too many people no longer believe that a lifetime of hard work is
rewarded by being able to provide security to one;s family and better life to one's
children.
Our response must be both economic and sociaVmoral. We need more
growth and more jobs and policy changes, but we need to fortify our work
.
.
.
and family ethics.
Response:
• Earned Income Tax Credit ..: 15'-20 million families
• Welfare Reform that puts work over welfare
• Family and Medical Leave so that working parents never have to
choose between their family and their jobs. (story of father you met at
White House).
4.
Health Care That is Always There: You must again define the health care problem, but
in this context you should aticulate the moral_ imperative to do health care to. take away
the pain that a lack of health security causes average families and makes more secure the
foundation of -the American Dream.
Response:
This must be another occasion to· provide a hugh lift to health care, so that
we again ·move it beyond the squabbling over specifics to make the issue
that this is a unique moment in history to strengthen the American dream.
The only real· issue is whether we will seize the moment for all Americails
· or let a cacophony of special interests turn this into a politics as usual
defense of the status quo.
·
Never Again: As in the health care speech when the refrain was "you're covered," here
we can mention the small and large human tragedies that happen because of our lack of
health care security, and say after each incident that we have a historic opportunity to be
able to say "never again" to someone losing their h~me because of a child's. doctor bills,
or people dying without homes or committing suicide because of our lack of health
security .
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Strengthening our social fabric by strengthening families, fighting all violence and drub
abuse and. tearing down the barriers that divide us: This would be the section in which
we could go.directlyto crime and our social and moral fabric.
The response here would be both specific and moral.
Response:
• 100,000 caps
e Brady Bill
• Fighting Drugs
• Fighting Drugs
• Assault Weapons
• Safe. Schools
This would also be a section to speak directly to values and tie them back
to your economic mission to strengthen the distinctive vision of the
American dream.
ill.
UNITING THE INVEST IN PEOPLE AGENDA
In :your first State of the Union we all spoke of the importance of uniting the human
investment" side_of your agenda. Yet, in the rush to shorten, we took out the connecting lines.
The result is that it can look too much like we are simply putting out a liberal laundry list, when
you in fact have a comprehensive vision for lifelong learning for a new economy.
It is why that in this State of the Union, we connect the dots. The two unifying themes .
are lifelong learning and work and responsibility.
A.
Work and Responsibility: The attraction of the work and responsibility theme is that
it tightly brings together your three largest initiatives: worker training, welfare reform and health
.
.
ciue.
Worker training: Constant chokes for re-employment. Yet, each person has the
responsibility to invest in themselves and companies have the responsibility to invest in
ongoing training so they are always ready to change.
·
Welfare Reform: Our policy will empower people and help them, but we will only
reward work and responsible behavior among all o,f our people.
\
Health Care: Work should include the right to health care, and adjustments people make
in adjusting to economic change should not threaten' health security. Yet we believe that
every employer has the responsibility to provide heplth care and that every person has the ·
responsibility to take care of themselves and their family.
i ·.
.,
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B.
Embracing Change: Another unifying theme is the notion that these investments in
people are all part of a comprehensive vision to help America: embrace the future. Up
.until now, we have done this whh health care and worker training and spoken of security
as a foundation for people embracing the future. To use this to unify all of our human
investments we would need to broaden more to go beyond security to why lifelong
learning is also a foundation.
·
C.
Lifelong Uarning: This may seem like a well-used expression at this point, but the
American people probably do not yet see that the various programs you are calling for
are unified under a vision of offering new investments and now learning at each stage of
life. · Tying it together from getting children ready to learn to a new re-employment
policy is something people can comprehend and help them to see why you do have a
comprehensive plan.
D.
· Merging Responsibility and Ufelong Learning: ·The theme I recommend -- and what
flows from your message for years -- is a new era where government, business and the
American people take mutual responsibility for. a new era of learning at every stage of
life. There is truly a responsibility component to all of your human investment policies- especially if we play up the role of parental responsibility to get children ready for
school (and when in school) and if you challenge busine$S to do their part in school-towo.rk programs, summer jobs and ongoing worker training that helps companies stay on
the cutting· edge so that their workers can keep their jobs.
E.
Muti.lal Responsibility for Lifelong Learning
Pre-Kindergarten: WIC, Head Start, Family Preservation, Immunization. Government
.can help,. but we will only build the workforce of tomorrow if parents· are responsible for
the health and education of young children.
·
SChool Reform: We challenge parents to work take responsibility for working with their
children, and all of the members of the school community for taking responsibility for
results. There is no better team than a parent, teacher and, student working together.
School-to-Work: New avenue for non-college bound, helps make every young person
responsible for taking some additional education path for high-skilled jobs. Businesses
have responsibility to take part in schools and in lending assistance and work
opportunities--like summer jobs.
National Service: Responsibility for your community and your education.
Worker Training: (See above)
Welfare Reform: (See above)
r
.... ················--'----... ··- ..
·l Cli~ton
Presidential
L;:rar:~:~'iov
�-10Health Care: (See above)
IV.
THE LANGUAGE OF FREE ENTERPRISE
As a final note, I just want to emphasize the importance of you not only stressing what
you've done for small business and entrepreneurship, but that you make clear with your language
that you are· a champion of the virtues of free enterprise, the spirit of entrepreneurship and the
-merits of competition. Heartfelt passages on the virtues of free enterprise are needed to help
convince those who are skeptical of any Democrat, that you truly are a pro-growth Democratic
President.
:·.1
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Clinton Pres-idential Library Photocopy
�
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