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https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/35e99ea990b56e06c810c8647090b27a.pdf
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Text
Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Michael Waldman to the President; RE: Foreign Lobbyists (2 pages)
05/25/1995
P5
002. memo
Michael Waldman to the President; RE: Foreign Lobbyists (2 pages)
05/26/1995
P5
003. memo
Michael Waldman to Leon Panetta; RE: Making the most of the
Foreign Lobbying Announcement (3 pages)
06/0511995
P5
004a. memo
Sally Katzen, et al. to the Chief of Staff; RE: Sen. Boren's revolving1door proposal (2 pages)
·
12/20/1993
P5
004b. memo
Michael Waldman to Sally Katsen; RE: Revolving door and ethics
issues (I page)
n.d.
P5
005. memo
Michael Waldman, Bruce Reed to the President; RE: Lobby Reform
Initiative (5 pages)
03/20/1995
P5
006. memo
Michael Waldman to Harold Ickes; RE: Foreign Lobbying (2 pages)
07118/1995
P5
007. memo
I
Michael Kantor to Harold Ickes; RE: Foreign Lobbyists- Options (3
pages)
07119/1995
P5
008. memo
Harold Ickes, Jennifer O'Connor to Leon Panetta, Erskine Bowles; RE:
Agency positions on a proposed ban on contacts with agents of foreign
governments (7 pages)
07/20/1995
P5
009. memo'
Michael Waldman to Bruce Reed, et al.; RE: Foreign Lobbying (3
pages)·
06/28/1995
Pl/b(l), P5
J
j
.
/
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speech writing
Michael Waldman
ONBox Number: 13643
FOLDER TITLE:
[Lobbying]
2006-0469-F
dbl433
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act- IS U.S.C. 552(b)l
PI National Security Classified Information i(a)(l) of the PRAL
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office i(a)(2) of the PRAI
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute i(a)(3) of the PRAI
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information i(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors la)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy i(a)(6) of the PRAI
b(l) National security classified information i(b)(l) of the FOIAI
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency i(b)(2) of the FOIAI
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(3) of the FOIAI
b(4) Release w~uld disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy i(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIAI
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions i(b)(8) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells i(b)(9) of the FOIAI
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�M-EMORANDUM FOR SALLY KATZEN
FROM:
SUBJECT:
'
MICHAEL. WALDMAN
REVOLYiNG DOOR AND ETHICS ISSUES
Attached is a draft memorandum on the Boreri bill. Bruce Reed and I have ·
rev!ewed the issue, and he is reviewing this draft this AM. As you will see, my
views on what we should do have hardened . .I believe that, post-Howard and Roy,
it would be dangerous for us to intercede -- for the first time ever on any such
ethics bill-- on :the revolving door issue, of all issues.
,,
As for the draft OGE letter on the Conyers bill: I do not objecf to OGE
sending some letter of this sort. But it seems to me that they' miss the major.
argument against the Conyers bill, which is that the conduct that Qonyers is
seeking to affect is covered by the Levin-Bryant bill. Levin-Bryant requires
disclosure of a wider array of a~tivities than: current law.> It does so for all .
lobbyists-- not just former government employees~ Levin-Bryant strikes the
better balance than Conyers. Our comments on Conyers should be couched in that .
context.
·
·
.· ·
·
·
·
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE.
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
RESTRICTION
001. paper
Phil Metzger to Jack Quinn; RE: Why we need the Theme (2 pages)
03/08/1995
P5
002. paper
RE: Political, Congressional, and Government Reform (10 pages)
n.d.
P5
003a. receipt
RE: Credit Card Receipt (1 page)
06/02/1995
P6/b(6)
003b.form
RE: Medical receipt (2 pages)
06/02/1995
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number: 13641
FOLDER TITLE:
[Government Reform & Lobbyist] [1]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
dbl425
. RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)] ·
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(aX3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential co·mmercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Re.Iease would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(bX3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]:
Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
Is [(bX9) ofthe FOIA)
.
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Documimt will be reviewed upon request.
�•..
WHY WE NEED THE
THEME~
'QNEWTITES NOT READY FOR PRIME
Problem: GOP House Strate~ Qf "tear us dQ'Ml ey pbogy anecdot~ an~ h§!MS ys if we
respond" could be extremely costly gpy§!!!rosmt-wide.
House GOP is winning points in the battle of public perception by usang phony
. anecdotes to establish the theme that federal agencies w:e loony and the federal
goverriment is out of control -- justifying radical measures -- when our response
consists largely of fragmentary, occasional, issue-specific rebuttals WI connected by a
theme that takes on this GOP strategy.
They're finding that when they legislate on the basis of phony anecdotes, they. only get
11
elite" media criticism which just says, "House GOP actions are wrong and unwise.''
· That doesn't even register with most people, and resonates little if at all.
Most dangerously, Mcintosh-type threats give them a means to chill some degree of
action, and especially to tie up agencies in endless, useless, time-wa.Sting responses.
Solution: Before this str~tegy be&Omes a pattern that depletes our capacity to fight back
effe~tively. develop and market the attached theme, maJcing their strat~gy igto a liability bY
exacting an ing-easing cost each time they use it
..
Ill·
Do this by drawing a consistent, telling theme out of the pieces of their strategy, as
the attached does, put a derisive sound bite on it -- that the Newtites are '0not teady for
prime time" majority power -- sell nt to a respected pundit to put out as an overarchin.g
insight into Gingrich/Hause GOP behavior, arid be ready to point out each subsequent
use of any piece of their strategy ..
Then, whenever House GOP member(s) do ':'Se any _piece of the '.'phony anecedote 'and
harassment" strategy, they will just confirm the negative characterization and elevateit
even more into a conclusive judgment, which makes the cost of each subsequent .
repetition even higher.
�'
03/08/1'3'35
1218:16
--~···
GOP NEW1'1TES NOT READY FOR PRJME TIMJ'.
n•= .~ye or en<Jlliw pmret ill a de~~>littaCY eAQils a respo.sihillty to
.
ieg~rd
e:UJ'die tfult po11'U by work tl!.t is aerltiiiJ aDd reflect! Ia olle's detiJioD• at
p~l'l'
b~
toast •
. _,.;,..,.
for the fadS """ - " ' tit alfect liT aoveralal· Legi,...ti.......joritiel
with tho P""'•r .., ,_,......•• aver
and Nadia&
a pai'tlcubr mpiil)sibllit)' in
this n&afd· 1'iae ll.W ).tepabii.... eolipelsiOilal U.ajorlties, pai'tlcliloriy iii the JloU..; are
hi -eial _,.. (ailing thiJ rest of ...,p.asibilit)' oaol oerloasneos -'- Ia llbott. - ·
11ig&eltill& tlle)''re
rnclJ for priftie time•• ·majol'ill' ,.,....-.
.
~aot
.
·,
c:e~~soriil8
the same kinds of petsollal rer.t...co• to ' ·
.
. moiD$dveS (and .,peoialty to
dial they (and eopeeially he) rouiiil<li used fot
years agiinsi
[T,Jrlns·cioWilR"l>· Corrie Meek (FL) fUrmete,factual
· de>orlption of c:;ingiich book deal] · · ·
·
· · · ·· ·
•
GU;~ch)
. starting l{ouse inajorityshii> bY
D01D~ats.
tal<ing'1he cllC frOm Speaket_Gi!lgri;h ihat'a campaign pffalse, proposlel'Oias.
· unverified Sllocdotes is apju<>prW• fQr legislative debate and as the bBSU; fQr policy
deci•ioiiS[Serse KoValeski piete in Post l/3. Post editorial 3/6]
· ·· ·
'
··
.
.
•
.
.
.
· USillg an otch••ttated stratesY to m.i),e' t.rgely or eD.tirely fals. ane<;do!eS .aboni' feclri
(regulatory) agencieS tl)e cor<> ,of their ,oiionale for
legisl&iian [NYT ·
Casliman piece on Mclntosh (212$), PoSt
sec;lion piece on OSHA tru1h squad
•
Slld)lP A effort's (3/3).Jossica
Busill••~
"Co$'act~
M~ews Post op-ed (314)]
· ' .
·· ·. · . ·
Reaoting to Off'ortS to pojrlt out this cainpaigQ of legislalion·by-phonY...,ecdote with a
hYsterical response ihat tries to intimi<late die Admiliisttabon to stop doini 'things thlit
have long
,.;Q1ine functions of officials in tile executiVO
practi.ceS that
laWyers itl Republican aile! DemoCratic·adininistxatio!iS alikio )>ave declated legal'
[Cuslm>an piece on McintDsh·Browri.er dispute in NYr 3/5/%]
··
· ·
~
b~a.ioh.
. ~:to tal« og mQple teS!Qi>sj\lilili!§ of. pow§£ if.!bg..jii)Olve .worktbat. doeS!J;t.yiel4 ·
. ' . ·. '
. .
. . ... . . .
. ltLtant hiab yjsibi)ily 9,:
..
_Senate GOP freshmen pioposinB to abolish Indian Mfairs Committee simply bc<aUSO
"no ane waots on 1he
[Sen. Grams quOte in NYT M3pDne ·3,/S pioice On
Dole}:- a (>raiDless, 1<nee·jerl< response 1hat elitDinatinS anything in gOVetlltllentis ·
inhel'etrtiY desirable evOil if the rati011ale.for doing so i• avoiding n.,.,.lll<'l·bolls work
Commi~·
. of govertitnOnt th_. doesn't y;etd obVious politicO! benefits. not thal lhe issue is
· inappropriate for federal involvement (which would be ra<ist in ligbt of federal
respoDJibililles to fui6.U twO Cl!lllmies of lDdian tteodies). ·
....
~
:.
. ·...
-
··'
COPY
...
j'
·
·
�~co~
-----
POLITICAL, CONGRESSIONAL, AND .GOVERNMENT REFORM .
The collapse of public trust in the institutions of government is the fundamental
political fact of our time. After two decades of growing disillusion, this break between the .
people in office and the people who put them there dominates every aspect of American
p~litics, from the noisy bombastof talk shows to the silence of empty voting booths.
.· ..
Voters believed that Bill Clinton understood this situation, and would act to rectify it.
. But for .all of our effo~ts over the past two years, the public -is now more disillusioned, more
embittered, than it was in November 1992.
·Our reform agenda should do battle on three fronts:
Launching a renewed assault on bureaucracy, including the iine-item veto;
civil serviCe reform to give federal managers the right to hire and fire; the
elimination of one or more departments; privatization; arid a fundamental
overhaul of federal regulatory agencies.
Shifting power back to the American people, through campaign reform that
requires broadcasters to provide free time to candidates; a national initiative
and referendum process; and a "citizen frank" that lets citizens contact
Congress for free; and
Fixing Congress, with a constitutional amendment allowing states to limit
legislative terms; lobby reform; a ban on gifts; a congressional pay freeze until
the budget is balanced; and a 25% cut in congressional staff.
The President should give a major speech to the DLC in early December to signal ·
his intentions in these areas. We cannot wait until the State of the Union.
A. Renewed Assault on the Bureaucracy
We should make the most of NPR's success by escalating our assault on the federal
bureaucracy, with a relentless, sustained attack on fraud, red tape, unnecessary programs, and
counterproductive niles and regulations.
1. Children's TaxCut Paid for by Cuts in Special Interests. The whole point of
reforming government is to give ordinary people a better deal for. their. tax dollars. One
option would be to give them a reform dividend, by eliminating special interest subsidies and
using the savings to pay for a children's allowance for middle-class families. Rob Shapiro
has identified a $eries of special interest subsidies; an expimded deduction for middle-class
CdPY
�)'.
.'
families-with children would cost in the neighborhood of $40 billion over five years. The
savings could go into a trust fund, so that nobody would get their tax cut unless Congress
agreed to make the spending cuts. Established interests would attack anyone who goes after
their subsidies, but we could press the simple theme that parents can do more for their
children with that money than government or those interests can.
2. Eliminating One or More Departments. We could seize back the initiative in
the debate over downsizing government by proposing to abolish one or more. departments.
Two representative candidates might be Energy and HUD. DOE's military energy functions.
could be merged into the Department of Defense, its energy conservation programs merged
into Interior, and the remaining programs such as Bonneville Power sold or eliminated. This ·
could realize savings in the neighborhood of $8-10 billion a year, and ITE reductions of up
to 100,000. In theory, HUD could be privatized and block-granted in the name 6f ending
public housing as we know it.
3. A Bureaucracy-Closing Commission. ·To maintain the initiative, we could
propose legislation to set up a bipartisan bureaucracy-closing commission that would look for
ways to consolidate agencies, reduce field offices, etc. We could ask for fasktrack authority
so that the commission's recommendations would have to be v_oted on without amendment.
In the early days of NPR, we drafted legislation along these lines, but postponed it in the face
of Congressional hostility.
4. Privatization. The NPR has recommended getting government out of the business
of things it does not do well. For example, NPR recommended selling the FAA's air traffic
-control operations. We could also sell the Bonneville Power Authority. Privatization is a ~·
way of conducting surgical strikes on the bureaucracy without eliminating an entire agency or
·
rearranging all the boxes.
.
'
'
.
5. The Right to Hire and Fire. NPR is preparing a sweeping civil service reform
. bill that will reduce the number of job classifications and give federal managers the !igh! to
hire and fire federal workers. Negotiations with unions and management are under way; the
bill will be ready to introduce in January.
6. Regulatory Overhaul. Regulatory reform will be a top priority for NPR -iiext
year, with an extensive review that brings business leaders ·and others to the White House to
develop a new, more market-based approach to regulation for the 21st Century.
B. Shifting Power Back to the American People
In the end, it will not be enough to change Washington. The American people are
ready to take government into their own hands. The spread of information technology makes
that possible, and the collapse of political institutions makes it almost certain:
2
'
COPY
�-
-~---------------------------------------------~
1. Free TV Time for Candidates. A campaign refonn bill with public funding will
not pass the new Congress. Instead, :We· should press for the changes the President called for
in his campaign -- free TV time for ·candidates who abide by spending limits, a $1,000 limit
on PAC donations or outright PAC bkn, and refonns on soft money. Free TV time has strong
. public support. Over the years, it ha~ also been endorsed by Bob Dole and Ross Perot. The
idea would prompt a major battle with the broadcasting .industry and its champions in
Congress.
2. National Referendum. Tp.e most dramatic and significant refonn proposal the
President could put forward is a nati¢nal referendum that would allow the people to vote on
issues of national importance.
3. Eliminate the Congressional Frank, and Give It to the American People. The
· frank is one of the most entrenched and abused symbols of incumbency. We could propose
to drastically limit it for Congress and give if to the American people instead. Any individual
who wants to send a letter to their Congressman or Senator would be able to do so for free.
Postcards, letters from organizations,! and letters from another district or state would not be
·. eligible (mail could be delivered dire:ctly to the district office to prevent abuse). This is how
,
it works in Canada, where citizens ean write Parliament for free.
4. CitiZen Participation. Some bipartisan effort to re-energize the citizenry, as the
President said in his post-election p~ess conference. A Citizen's Jury is one idea; a joint
teleconference with. Gingrich et al might be another.
C. Fixing Congress
We should press for major changes in the way Congress does business.
1. Lobby Reform and Gift;Ban. We should demand that Congress pass a gift ban
and a back-to-basics lobby reform ~ill as soon- as they return. The Republicans raised
several bogus objections to the lobby refonn bill in the waning days; we should call their
bluff; accept those changes if necess'ary, and pass the bill on a bipartisan basis.
i
2. Apply Laws to Congress. ·Legislation applying a host of laws to Congress passed
the House but not the Senate this past Congress. We should press Congress to pass it
.
immediately.
·
3. Insist on Line-Item Vet.o. The Republican Contract includes a strong version of
the line-item veto. 'Y'fe should support it, and insist that it become effectively immediately,
not in some future Presidency. (Their version does not specify. an effective date.)
I
3
COPY
�4. Term Limits. Republicans pledge to bring to a vote a constitutional amendment
limiting congressional terms to 12 years, but they would grandfather in existing Members of
. Congress. Beyond principled opposition, we can respond in two ways:
a. Call their bluff. We could demand that the 12-year limit on service apply
immediately (or by a date certain, such as 1996), and thereby affect .sitting members of
Congress; and/or
·
·
b. Let the states decide. We could support a constitutional amendment to
allow states to vote to apply term limits to their own federal representatives. This
would be consistent with our legal position that state-mandated term limits are
unconstitutionaL
·
5. Endorse Congressional StatTCuts: In the campaign, the. President promised not
only to cut the White House staff by 25%, but to challenge Congress to do the same. We
should praise the Republicans for doing it.
6. Propose a Way to Balance the Budget by 2002. One response to the
Republicans' Balanced Budget Amendment would be to propose a path that leads to a
balanced budget by the year 2002, when such an amendment would take effect. If it could be
done, such a proposal would steal the Republicans' thunder; and if it actually passed, it might
lower interest rates enough to keep the recovery alive.
7. Freeze Congressional and Presidential Pay Until the Budget Is Balanced. If
we're going to make significant spending cuts to reduce the deficit, public officials should
lead by exampl~. The American people don't get a guaranteed cost-of-living increase. Why
should their leaders? A performance-based freeze on Congressional and Presidential pay is a
responsible, common-sense alternative to plans to "cut their pay and send them home."
@~cf~~~ ~ .~
~c~ ~· f\{_ ·~
//~~
4
COPY
�Social and Moral Values
Many Americans are increasingly pessimistic about basic trends in our society. They
sense disintegration in such basic social institutions as families, voluntary organizations, and
local communities. They see the threat of violence invading previously safe streets and
schools. They deplore what they see as the decline of personal responsibility, which they
trace in part to the effects of programs such as AFDC. They experience important elements
of the culture-"':especially television--as working against parents' efforts to raise children
with sound character and values. In general, there is a pervasive sense of loss of control that
leads many to search for renewed sources of certainty ana authority, including religion.
Beyond their obvious moral sigitificance, these sentiments are politically potent. As
the economy recovers, social issues become more salient. Recent polls (People for the
American Way, Times-Mirror, and others) suggest that a popular majority now places morar
decline ahead of economiC pressure as the root cause of our nation's problems.
Bill Clinton's use of the bully pulpit to speak out onissues of culture and values has
produced some of the peak moments of his presidency. These efforts should become more
· . systematic, and they should be backed by an issues agenda tightly focused on mainstream
values. The ultimate goal is to reaffirm for the American people that Bill Clinton shares their
values, not the views of out-of-touch elites. The following are some options for exercising
moral leadership:
Welfare Reform. The President must not shy away from the looming welfare reform
debate. Instead, he should defend the high ground with a proposal, along the lines· of the one
he offered last year, that combines opportunity with responsibility and gets tough without
becoming harshly punitive.· Many Republican Senators and Governors will help moderate this
debate: One executive action we are prepared to take in this area is aggressive child support
enforcement in interstate cases; the Justice Department is preparing to announce several
prosecutions.
Teen Pregnancy. Parallel with but distinct from welfare reform legislation, the
president should spearhead a national mobilization of non-profit organizations, religious
institutions, community leaders and the private sector to fight the epidemic of teen pregnancy
and out-of-wedlock births.
Crime. The President should draw a clear line ~gainst Republican efforts to tamper
with the cops program and the assault ban. New initiatives might include: a strong focus on
keeping guns and drugs out of schools (perhaps including a new crime pledge to put a cop in
every school that needs one); encouraging local curfews, truancy enforcement, and sweeps in
public housing; a nationwide truth-in-sentencing campaign to challenge states to abolish
parole; and the already announced effort to hold regional anti-crime forums with the VP to
highlight local success stories.
1
COPY
�Family Policy. The President has always preferred a children's tax cut because he
believes it is good family policy. If we put forward such a tax cut, we should promote it on
those grounds. Another related idea that will. come up in the tax debate is allowing couples
to deduct the cost of adopting a child. We recommended an adoption tax credit in the
transition; a sizable adoption deduction is included in the Republican Contract. The President
recently signed a provision in the Elementary and Secondary Schools Act that will make
interracial adoption easier.
ReligiOn. The President should intensify his efforts to restore religion to Its
appropriate role in our community life. Specifically:
* As a counter to Republican calls for a school prayer amendme~t, lie should
.
.
announce his support for "moment of silence" legislation and declare .that his Justice
Department will defend appropriately crafted state and local moment of silence laws
against constitutional challenge. Alternatively, he could support a "moment of silent
prayer" constitutional amendment.
* He should dramatically raise the visibility
o~
his implementation of the Religious
Freedom Restoration Act. (Example: he recently compelled the Justice Department to
reverse its position in a case brought under RFRA. That should have been a big story,
but it wasn't--in part because we didn't try hard enough to make it one.)
* The President should ensure that religious institutions are eligible to participate in
public programs as long as those institutions are serving generally valid public
purposes. Why shouldn't religious institutions play key roles in national efforts to
fight drug abuse, reduce teen pregnancy, improve child care and provide mentors for
young people?
Character Education. The president should place himself at the head of the growing
movement for character education in schools and communities across the country. (He
backed a new character education program that was included in the recently reauthorized
Elementary and Secondary Education Act.)
TV Violence. Without identifying ·himself with the cause of censorship, the president
can put himself squarely on the side of parents troubled by' the impact of televised sex and
violence on their children. For example, he could summon network executives to the White
House for some highly publicized jawboning.
. Immigration. In addition to the implicitly racial dimensions of issues such as welfare
reform and crime, the 104th Congress and the 1996 presidential contest will feature debates
over the explicitly racial issues of affirmative action and immigration. We must begin work
now toward principled and politically defensible positions that the president will be able to
maintain in the face of emotional charges and countercharges.
2
COPY
�National Service. National and community service was central to the president's 1992
campaign, but it has since become marginal to the administration. There should be a
sustained effort to return this program to a prominent position, by spotlighting the
accomplishments of community-based service groups supported by AmeriCorps and by
drawing the line against coming Republican attempts to gut the program.
3
COPY
�Over the past two years, the Clinton Administration has altered the basic direction of
the country's economic policy we inherited. Exploding deficits have been replaced by
meaningful deficit reduction, investments in people have b~en reformed and enhanced,
government has been downsized, and markets have been opened to American goods and
· services. As a result, a wobbly recovery has strengthened into sustained' growth, investment
has surged, exports have increased, and jobs have been created at a rate sufficient to lower
unemployment dramatically.
Notwithstanding this progress, recent polls show many Americans remain insecure and
anxious about their economic prospects. Average families have not experienced a change in
the twenty-year old pattern of income stagnation. The economic reality that elected this ·
President has not changed: Middle-class families are working harder and taking home less.
Our long-term economic agenda of trade; training, and putting our house in order is
designed to make the country richer and help workers earn more. Most Ainericans support
this effort. But in addition to long-term strategies for opportunity and growth to help them
earn more, they are looking for some immediate way to take home more -- or at least have
· the government take away less. We believe that we should address this concern in a manner
that .i~ fiscally responsible and that is consistent with our longer-term agenda to strengthen
·
·
·
.
\ famthes and the economy.
At the same time, w5.::-shoiildlo. for ways· to restore confidence in a better future.
Many workers suffer fro "fear of falli g" -- the expectatiorr1hat if they tosetheir jobs,
their next employment ."ll offer lower ay and reduced benefits. They expect continuing
corporate restructudng tha will aff
middle managers as well as manufacturing workers.
Most important, they worry t at they will not be able to give their children the same
opportunities that they themselves had as young people just starting out. They won't trust
some government program to solve these problems for them -- they have no confidence in
.the institutions we provide or the hope we promise. But they want to know that we
understand their plight and will stand up for their interests, not big business, big government,
or other narrow interests.
·
I. Identifying with the Economic Concerns of Ordinary People
One important challenge in the coming year will be for the President to do what he
did so well in the 1992 campaign, and show that he understands what ordinary people are
going through. This is riot a legislative strategy, but a public one:
-- Factory visits
.
-- Roundtables with ordinary workers
1
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�-- Oppose mindless corporate downsizing
_
-- Defend middle-class programs against Republican assault: ·college loan program,
national service, plant closing law, Social Security
II. ·Education and Training
Re-employment.
National Leader on Education Reform.
. L.. ~ r1!. "R
III.
i;
··~ Cbz4 I
Resp1\~lbl-e Nx Relief
II eJ(f~~~
VICCJYN_
"~ ~ ~ J.oa?.
·
.
(j .
Children's Tax Cut Paid for by Cutting Subsidies. ·One bold way to give ordinary
people a better deal for their tax dollars would be to propose a children's tax cut paid for by
eliminating special interest subsidies. This cut-and-invest strategy, proposed by Rob
Shapiro, would give us the high ground of insisting thaJ a middle-class tax cut be fully paid
for, and enable us to do so with cuts that would otherwise be off the table for ·deficit
reduction or new investment.
Tax relief for middle-class families with children could take many forms, ranging
from a children's tax credit to an expanded standard deduction for each child. The
Republican Contract proposes a $500 per child credit, which would cost an estimated $118
billion over 5 years. The Treasury Department has developed a series of options which cost
$30-40 billion over 5 years, and provide approximately .$250 per child in tax relief. The
major difference between our proposals and theirs is that ours is fully paid for and targeted to
the middle class; theirs is a budget buster that goes. to families with incomes up to $200,000.
Perhaps the most attractive option is increasing the standard deduction .. According to
Treasury, increasing the standard deduction by $1,800 would cost $40 billion over 5 years,
and provide tax relief of approximately $250 per child to 19 million families earning between
·$19,000 and $100,000 --an average cut of $500 per family. This approach is more
progressive than a credit, because it is targeted to families that do not itemize deductions. A
·credit would provide half as much tax relief to twice as many families for the same 'amount
of money.
How to Pay for It: As Shapiro has argued, the money to pay for this tax relief should
. come from cutting current spending and tax subsidies that benefit particular industries without
serving any overriding social or economic purpose. He originally identified $225 billion in
cuts over 5 years, but a more viable list might include the following:
* Repealing 936 tax breaks for drug cos. in Puerto Rico $21.5 billion
* Reduce deductibility of advertising expenses
$17.5 billion
2
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�* Cut Energy Supply, R&D grants
$ 6.9 billion
$ 3.6 billion
* Reduce government subsidies to private utilities
(TVA, REA, BPA, nuclear)
* Make industries pay for services government provides $10.2 billion
(market rates forwater sales, inland waterways,
nuclear waste disposal, CFfC, FDIC, poultry)
$59.7 billion
TOTAL
·;;.:::::.~
(
.
. .
.
\"'~estor.~ Deductibility of College and Training Expenses.]
.
Cost -- ??--
.
.
·
.
Other Pocketbook Issues. We identified several other controversial measures that
might address the economic anxiety of ordinary people:
1. Raising the Minimum Wage. This idea is popular, would fulfill a campaign
promise, and the Republicans would have a hard time opposing it. On the downside, it will
be seen more as an effort to help the working poor than the broad middle class -- and to
some extent it would simply supplant the help we have already given those families through
the expanded EITC. It would please organized labor, but the small business lobby would
once again accuse us of being job-killers.
2. Wage Insurance. One potential way to relieve the "fear of falling" would be to
make it possible for workers to buy private wage insurance that would cushion their fall -- a
kind of enhanced, extended, but entirely voluntary addition to UI. This might ease people's
worries about going from a $14/hr. job to a $7/hr. job (although it would do nothing to help
them hold onto that job or get it back.) But even more than the Reemployment Act, it would
reinforce the doo-m-and-gloom side of our economiC message -- you'll have to change jobs
.8 times, you might lose your health insurance, your wages are about to be cut in half, etc. -and put us in the position once again of promising to cushion America's decline while
. Republicans promise to create jobs and expand economic growth.
.
3. Medical Savings Accounts. This is a radical, market-oriented approach to health
reform from a middte....:etass perspective.· It should be considered in the health reform debate.
*.;&u~,.o
tn\,
pnC!l. iVJ~
or
~tV'>~ r-~-
3
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
RESTRICTION
001. paper
RE: Political, Congressional, and Government Reform (8 pages)
n.d.
P5
002. paper
RE: Political, Congressional, and Government Reform (7 pages)
n.d.
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number:
13641
FOLDER TITLE:
Political/Government Reform [1]
'Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2192
RESTRICTION CODES
··Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Pl
P2
P3
P4
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the P~]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained 'in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record niisfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
, RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b )(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) ofthe FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a cleariy unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b )(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
.
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the r'egulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
lease would disclose geological or geophysical information
g Ils[(b)(9)oftheFOIA]
�I. POLITICAL, CONGRESSIONAL, AND GOVERNMENT REFORM
The collapse of public trust in the institutions of government is the fundamental
political fact of our time. After two decades of growing disillusion, this break between the
people in office and the people who put them there dominates every aspect of American
politics, from the noisy bombast of talk shows to the silence of empty voting booths.
Voters believed that Bill Clinton understood this situation, and would act to rectify it.
But for all of our efforts over the past two years, the public· is now more disillusioned, more
embittered, than it was in November 1992.
Our reform agenda should do battle on three fronts:
•
Launching a renewed assault on bureaucracy, including the line-item veto; civil
service reform t~ give federal managers the right to hire and fire; the
elimination of one or more departments; privatization; and a fundamental
overhaui of federal regulation;
•
Shifting power back to the American people, through campaign reform that
requires broadcasters to provide free time to candidates; a national initiative
and referendum process; and a "citizen frank" that lets citizens contact
Congress for free; and
•
Fixing Congress, with a constitutional amendment allowing states to limit
legislative terms; lobby reform; a ban on gifts; a congressional pay freeze until
the budget is balanced; and a 25% cut in congressional staff.
The President should give a major speech in early December -- either at the Sanford
Center at Duke University. or to the DLC annual meeting. or at Georgetown. where he first
pledged to "repair the damaged bond between the people and their government" -- to signal
his intentions in these areas. With the Republicans preparing to clean up Congress in early
Janufiry, we cannot wait until the State of the Union.
A. Renewed Assault on the
Bureau~racy
We should make the most of NPR's success by escalating our assault on the federal
bureaucracy, with a relentless, sustained attack on fraud, red tape, unnecessary· programs, and
counterproductive rules and regulations.
1. Eliminating One or More Departments. We could seize back the initiative in
the debate over downsizing government by proposing to abolish one or more departments.
1
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�Two representative candidates (for example only) might be Energy and HUD. DOE's military
energy functions could be mergeo into the Department of Defense, its energy conserVation
programs merged into Interior, and the remaining programs such as Bonneville Power sold or
eliminated. This could r.ealize savings in the neighborhood of $8-10 billion a year, and
substantial FfE reductions in a department that currently has over 140,000 employees. This
, would be an effective counter to the Republicans' likely plans to eliminate HUD.
2. A Bureaucracy-Closing Commission. To maintain the initiative, we could
propose legislation to set up a bipartisan bureaucracy-closing commission that would have
reorganizat"ion authority to consolidate agencies, reduce field offices, etc. We could ask for
fast-track authority so that the commission's recommendations would have to be voted on
without amendment. In the eaily days of NPR, we drafted legislation along these lines, but
postponed it· in light of competing Congressional priorities.
.
· 3. Privatization. A New Democratic approach to privatization would be based on a
set of principles which focused on privatization notas a meansto run the government but as
a means to get the government out of
a) obsolete businesses such as: United States Enrichment Corporation, Sallie Mae,
the Helium reserve, Alaska Power, some Department of Energy labs, market rates on western
water, and some underutilized Veteran's Administration hospitals;
b) programs tliat are viable private sector activities, such as: the Air Traffic Control
System (an NPR recommendation that DOT is anxious to pursue), Amtrak, the Export-Iniport
Bank, and the. Overseas Private Invest~ent Corporation. (In the same vein: a number of
DOD non-core missions could be privatized, but current law prevents this step.)·
. 4. The Right to Hire and Fire. NPR is preparing a sweeping civil service reform
bill that will reduce the number of job classifications and give federal managers the right to
hire and fire federal workers~ Negotiations with unions and management are under way; the
bill will be ready to introduce in January.
5. Speed Up the Downsizing. NPR and OMB are preparing legislation to~
· FIE floors in existing appropriations bills, and ban the use of FfE floors in future .bills. This
could be coupled with a Presidential vow to veto future appropriations bills that limit our
ability to downsize. We should also consider directing agencies to accelerate the mandated
downsizing of the workforce to accomplish ·its objectives by 1996 instead of 1999. To·
illustrate that downsizing the bureaucracy is one of this Administration's signature
achievements, we should start a Bureaucracy Clock (in a prominent place like Times Square)
that would track our progress. It may also be possible to accelerate downsizing by allowing
early retirement without buyouts; we are looking at the cost of legislation once proposed by
Roth that would give 500,000 federal employees the ability to retire early.
·
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�6. Regulatory Overhaul. There is considerable concern in the public and in the
business community that the current regulatory process is too intrusive and too costly. As
chair of the Regulatory Advisory Group, the Vice President is setting up a process whereby
each member would convene a seminar to explore innovative approaches to regulatory reform.
This process would theri yield a set of less bureaucratic proposals to reform our regulatory
apparatus.
7. Devolution. NPR and OMB are looking at a number of federal categorical
programs that could be devolved down to the state and local level, such as: public housing
programs, trade and export promotion, economic development, and perhaps job training.
8. Children's Tax Cut Paid for by Cuts in Special Interests. The whole point of
reforming government is to give ordinary people a better deal for their tax dollars. One
option would be to give them a reform dividend, by eliminating special interest subsidies and
using the savings to pay for a children's allowance for middle-class families. Rob Shapiro
has identified a series of special interest subsidies; an expanded deduction for middie-class
families with children would cost in the neighborhood of $40 billion over five years.
Established interests would attack anyone who goes after their subsidies, but we could press
the. simple theme that parents can do more for their children with that money than
government or those interests can. These cuts are detailed below in the Economic section of
this memo.
B. Shifting Power Back to the American People
In the end; it will not be enough to cliange Washington. The American people are
· ready to take government into their own hands. The spread of information technology makes
that possible, and the collapse of political institutions makes it almost certain.
1. Free TV Time for Candidates. A campaign reform bill with public funding will
not pass the new Congress: Instead, we should press for the changes the President called for
in his campaign ..:.._ free IV time for candidates who abide by spending limits, a $1,000 limit
on PAC donations or outright PAC ban, and reforms on soft money. Free TV time has strong
public support Over the years, it has also been endorsed by Bob Dole and Ross Perot. The
idea would prompt a major battle with the broadcasting industry· and its champions in
Congress.
2. National Referendum.
The President could propose a constitutional amendment
establishing a national referendum and initiative process, as now exists in the majority of
states and in most Western democracies. Initiative measures that pass by a supermajority
would be submitted for up-or-down congressional vote, without amendment, within 90 days.
Referenda repealing acts of congress would also require a supermajority for passage. A high
threshold could be set for ballot qualification (e.g., signatures equal to 5% of the votein the
previous general election, with at least 2% in each state.
·
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�Proponents of this idea believe that it could energize voters by involving them directly in
policymaking, significantly promote voting and participation, and reduce the sense of distance
and alienation now experienced by many Americans vis-a-vis the federal government.
Opponents of this idea are concerned about the possibility of well-financed extremist groups
exploiting the process, and ab,out less knowledgeable, less soCially oriented decision making ·
than the already highly unsatisfactory processes in Congress. (If there is a desire to explore
this idea more deeply, a detailed niemorandum setting forth the history, operation, and pros
and cons of this proposal has already been completed.)
3. Eliminate the Congressional Frank, and Give It to the American People. The
frank is one of the most entrenched and abu-sed symbols of incumbency. We could propose
to drastically limit it for Congress and give it to the American people instead. Any individual
who wants to send a letter to their Congressman or Senator would be able to do so for free.
Members of Congress could use the frank to answer letters, but not for free bulk mailings.
Postcards, letters from organizations, and letters from another district or state would not be
eligible (mail could be delivered directly to the district office to prevent abuse).
4. ·Citizen Participation. ·Some bipartisan effort to re-energize the citizenry, as the
President said in his post-election press conference. A Citizen's Jury is one idea; a joint
teleconference with Gingrich et al might be another. There is also active consideration of a
presidential executive order that would establish an interagency working group to encourage
more active and direct citizen participation in various aspects of the executive branch.
C. Fixing Congress
We should press for major changes in the way Congress does business ..
1. Lobby Reform and Gift Ban. We should demand that Congress pass a gift ban
and a back-to-basics lobby reform bill as soon as they return. The Republicans raised
several bogus objections to the lobby reform bill in the waning days; we should call their
bluff, accept those changes if necessary, and pass the bill on a bipartisan basis.
2. Apply Laws to· Congres11. Legislation applying a host of laws to Congress passed
the House but not the Senate this past Congress. We should press Congress to pass it
immediate! y.
3. Insist on Line-Item Veto. The Republican Contract includes a strong version of
the. line-item veto. We should support it, and insist that it become effectively immediately,
\
not in some future Presidency. (Their version does not specify an effective date.)
4. Term Limits. Republicans pledge to bring to a vote a constitutional amendment
limiting congressional terms to 12 years, but they would grandfather in existing Members of
Congress. Beyond principled opposition, we can respond in two ways:
4
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�a. Call their bluff. We could demand that the 12-year limit on service apply
immediately (or by a date certain, such as 1996), and thereby affect sitting members of
Congress; and/or
b. Let the states decide. We could support a constitutional amendment to
allow states to vote to apply term limits to their own federal representatives. This
would be consistent with our legal position that state...;..mandated term limits are
unconstitutional.
5. Endorse Congressional Staff Cuts: In the campaign, the President promised not
only to cut the White House staff by 25%, but to challenge Congress to do the same. We
should praise the Republicans for doing it.
6. Reduce Congressionally Mandated Reports. Since 1970, the number of rep.orts
mandated by Congress has grown from 700 to 5,300. Many of these reports consume the ·
agencies' time and the taxpayers' dollars for th~ members' gain; most just gather dust. We
could introduce legislation to reduce or eliminate such reports. In Arkansas, the President
ordered _a· complete review of every report produced by the Department of Education, and got
rid of those no one read.·
7. Freeze Congressional and Presidential Pay Until the Budget Is Balanced. The
NEC is preparing another memo on our strategy for the Balanced Budget Arnendm,ent. One
pos"ition we can take in any event is to insist that if we're going to make significant spending
cuts to reduce the deficit, public officials should lead by example. The American_ people
don't get a guaranteed cost-of-living increase. Why should their leaders? A performance. based freeze on Congressional and Presidential pay is a responsible, common-sense
alternative to plans to "cut their pay and send them home."
5
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�II. STANDING UP FOR AMERICAN VALUES
Many Americans are increasingly pessimistic about basic trends in our society. They
sense disintegration in such basic social institutions as families, voluntary organizations, and
local communities. They see the threat of violence invading previously safe streets and
schools. They deplore what they see as the decline of personal responsibility, which they
trace in part to the effects of programs such as AFDC. · They experience important elements
of the culture--especially television--as working against parents' efforts to raise children
with sound character and values. In general, there is a pervasive sense of loss of control that
.leads many to search for renewed sources of certainty and authority, including religion.
Beyond their obvious moral significance, these sentiments are politically potent. As
the economy recovers, social issues become more salient. Recent polls (People for the
. American Way, Times-Mirror, and others) suggest that a popular majority now places moral
decline ahead of economic pressure as the root cause of our nation's problems.
Bill Clinton's use of the bully pulpit to speak out on issues of culture and values has
produced· some of the peak moments of his presidency. These efforts should. becoine more
.
.
systematic, and they should be backed by an issues agenda tightly focused on mainstream
values: work, faith, family, opportunity, responsibility, community. The ultimate goal is to
reaffirm for the American people that Bill Clinton shares their values, not the views of outof-touch elites. The following are some options for exercising moral leadership:
Welfare Reform. Although the looming welfare reform debate can carry substantial
risks for us, he President must not shy away from it. Instead, he should look for common
ground on the areas where most Americans agree -- time limits, work, child support
enforcement, personal responsibility -- and try to shame Republicans out of harshly punitive
positions that hopefully are far outside the mainstream. Many Repu~lican Senators and
Governors will help moderate this debate. One executive action we are prepared to _take in
this area is aggressive child support enforcement in interstate cases; the Justice Department is
preparing to announce several prosecutions.
Teen Pregnancy. Parallel with b~t distinct from welfare reform legislation, the ·
president should. spearhead national mobilization of non-profit organizations; religious
institutions, community leaders and the private sector to fight the epidemic of teen pregnancy
and out-of-wedlock births.
a
Crime. The President should draw a clear line against Republican efforts to tamper
with the cops program and the assault ban. New initiatives might include: a strong focus on
keeping guns and drugs out of schools (perhaps including a new crime pledge to put a cop in
every school that needs one); encouraging local curfews, truancy enforcement, and sweeps in
public housing; a nationwide truth-in-sentencing campaign to challenge states to abolish
-
6
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'
�parole; federal boot ·camps; an expanded Police Corps; and the already announced effort to
hold regional anti-crime forums with the Vice President to highlight local success stories.
Family Policy. The President has always preferred a children's tax cut because he
believes it is good family policy. If we put forwCJrd such a tax cut (which raises extremely
difficult budgetary choices), we should promote it on those grounds. We should also
maintain a strong pro-adoption· policy. The idea of allowing couples to deduct the cost of
adopting a child may come up in the tax debate. We recommended an adoption tax credit in
the transition; a sizable adoption deduction is included in the Republican Contract. The
. President recently signed a provision in the Elementary and Secondary Schools Act that will
make interracial adoption easier.
Religion. The President should intensify his efforts to restore religion to its
appropriate role in our community life. Specifically:
* As ~ COtJnter to Republican calls for a school prayer amendment, he should
announce his support for "moment of silence" legislation and declare that his. Jus.tice
Department'will defend appropriately crafted state and local moment of silence laws
against constitutional challenge. · (This should be integrated into the overall response
to the Jakarta statement and its afterinath.)
·
* He should dramatically raise the visibility of his implementation of the. Religious
Freedom Restoration Act. (Example: he recently compelled the JustiCe Department to
reverse its position in a case brought under RFRA. That should have been a big story,
but it wasn't--in part because we didn't try hard enough to make it one.)
''-
* The President should ensure that religious institutions are eligible to participate in
public programs as long as those institutions are serving generally valid public
purposes. Why shouldn't religious institutions· play key roles in national efforts to
fight drug abuse, reduce teen pregnancy, improve child care and provide mentors for
young people?
Character Education. The president should place himself at the head of the growing
· movement for character education in schools and communities across the country. (He
. backed a new character education program that was included in the recently reauthorized
Elementary and Secondary Education Act.)
TV Violence. Without identifying himself with the cause of censorship, the president
can put himself squarely on the side of parents troubled by the impact of televised.sex and
violence on their children. For example, he could summon network executives to the White
House for some highly publicized jawboning.
Immigration. In addition to the implicitly racial dimensions of issues such as welfare .
reform and crime, the 104th Congress and the 1996 presidential contest will feature debates
7
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�over the explicitly racial issues of affirmative action and immigration. We must begin work
·now toward principled and politically defensible positions that the president will be able to
maintain in the face of emotional charges and countercharges.
National Service; National and community service was central to the President's 1992
campaign, but it has since become .marginal to the administration. -There should be a
sustained effort to return this program to a prominent position, by making it a regular part of
the President's travels to spotlight the accomplishments of community-based service groups
supported by AmeriCorps, and by drawing the line against coming Republican attempts to gut
the program. The President could also challenge every high school to make community
service a part of its curriculum.
8
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�POLITICAL, CONGRESSIONAL, AND GOVERNMENT REFORM
The collapse of public trust in the institutions of government is the fundamental
political fact of our time. After two decades of growing disillusion, this break between the
people in office and the people who put them there dominates every aspect of American
politics, from the noisy bombast of talk shows to th~ silence of empty voting booths.
Voters believed that Bill Clinton understood this situation, and would act to rectify it.
. But for all of our efforts over the past two years, the public is now mqre disillusioned, more
embittered, than it was in November 1992.
Our reform agenda should do battle on three fronts:
Launching a renewed assault on bureaucracy, including the line-item veto;
civil service reform to give federal managers the right to hire and fire; the
elimination of one or more departments; privatization; and a fundamental
.overhaul of federal regulatory agencies.
Shifting power back to the American people, through campaign reform that
requires broadcasters to provide free time to candidates; a national initiative
. an:d referendum process; and a "citizen frank" that lets. citizens contact ·
Congress for free; and
Fixing Congress, with a constjtutional amendment allowing states to limit
legislative terms; lobby reform; a ban on gifts; a congressional pay freeze until
the budget is balanced; and a· 25% cut in congressional staff.
a
The President should give major speech to the DLC in early December to signal·
his intentions in these areas. We cannot wait until the State of the Union .
. A.·· Renewed Assault on the Bureaucracy.
. We should make the most of NPR's success by escalating our assault on the federal
bureaucracy, with a relentless, sustained attack on fraud, red tape, unnecessary programs, and
counte-rproductive rules and regulations.
1. Children's Tax Cut Paid for by Cuts in Special Interests. The whole point of
reforming government is to give ordinary people a better deal for their tax dollars. One
option would be to give them a reform dividend, by eliminating ·special interest subsidies and
using the savings to pay for a children's allowance for middle-class families. Rob Shapiro
has identified a series of special interest subsidies; an expanded deduction for middle-class
1
COPY
�families with children would cost in the neighborhood of $40 billion over five years. The
savings could go into a trust fund, so that nobody would get their tax cut unless Congress
agreed to make the spending cuts. Established interests would attack anyone who goes after
their subsidies, but we could press the simple theme that parents can do more for their
children with that money than government or those interests can.
2. Eliminating One or More Departments. We could seize back the initiative in
·the debate over downsizing government by proposing to abolish one or more departments.
Two representative candidates might be Energy and HUD. DOE's military energy functions
could be merged into the Department· of Defense, its energy conservation programs merged
into Interior, and the remaining programs such as Bonneville Power sold or eliminated. This
could realize savings in the neighborhood of $8-10 billion a year, and FTE reductions of up
to 100,000. In theory, HUD could be privatizedand block-granted in the name of ending
public housing as we know it.
3. A Bureaucracy-Closing Commission. To maintain the initiative, we could ·
propose legislation to set up a bipartisan bureaucracy-closing commission that would look for
ways to consolidate agencies, reduce field offices, etc. We could ask for fast-track authority
so that the commission's recommendations would have to be voted on without amendment.
ill the early days of NPR, we drafted legislation along these lines, but postponed it in the face
of Congressional hostility. .
.
~
.
Privatizat.kln. The NPR has recommended getting government out of the business
of things it "does not do well. For example, NPR recommended selling the FAA's air traffic
control operations.· We could also sell the Bonneville Power Authority. Privatization is a
way of conducting surgical strikes on the bureaucracy without eliminating an entire agency or
rearranging all the boxes.
5. The Right to Hire and Fire. NPR is preparing a sweeping civil service reform
bill that will reduce the number of job classifications and give federal managers the !.igh! to
hire and fire federal workers. Negotiations with unions and management are under way; the
bill will be ready to introduce in January ..
.
.
6. Regulatory Overhaul. Regulatory reform will be a top priority for NPR next
year, with an extensive review that brings business leaders and others to the White House to
develop a new, more market.:_based approach to regulation for the 21st Century.
B. Shifting Power Back to the American People
In the end, it will not be enough to change Washington. The American people are
ready !O take government into their own hands. The spread of information technology makes
that possible, and the collapse of political institutions makes it almost certain.
2
COPY
�1. Free TV Time for Candidates. A campaign refonn bill with public funding will
not pass the new Congress. Instead, we should press for the changes the President called for
in his campaign -- free TV time for candidates who abide by spending limits, a $1,000 limit
on PAC donations or outright PAC ban, and reforms on soft money. Free TV time has strong
public support. Over the years, it has also been endorsed by Bob Dole and Ross Perot. ·The
idea would prompt a major battle with the broadcasting industry and its champions in
Congress.
2. ·National Referendum. The most dramatic and significant reform proposal the
President could put forward is a national referendum that would allow the people to vote on
·
issues of national importance.
j
Eliminate the Congressio_nal Frank, and Give It to the American People. The
frank is one of the most entrenched and abused symbols of incumbency: We could propose
to drastically limit it for Congress and give it to the American people instead. Any individual
who wants to send a letter to their Congressman or Senator ~ould be able to do so for free.
Postcards, letters from organizations, and letters from another district or state would not be
eligible (mail could be delivered directly to the district office to prevent abuse). This is how
it works in Canada, where citizens can write Parliament for free.
4. Citizen Participation~ Some bipartisan effort to re-energize the citizenry, as the
President said in his post_:election press conference. A Citizen's Jury is one idea; ajoint
teleconference with Gingrich et al might be another.
C. Fixing Congress
We should press for major changes in the way Congress does business.
1. Lobby Reform and Gift Ban. We should demand that Congress pass a gift ban
and a back-to-basics lobby reform bill as soon as they return. The Republicans raised
. several bogus objections to. the lobby reform bill in the waning days; we should call their
bluff, accept those changes if necessary, and 'pass the bill on a bipartisan basis.
2. Apply La~s to Congress. Legislation applying a host of laws to Congress passed
the House but not the Senate this past. Congress. We should press Congress to pass it
immediately.
3. Insist on Line-Item Veto. The Republican Contract includes a strong version of
the line-item veto. We should support it, and insist that it become effectively immediately,
not in some future Presidencf (Their version does not specify an effective date.)
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�4. Term Limits. Republicans pledge to bring to a Vote a constitutional amendment
limiting congressional terms to 12 years, but they would grandfather in existing Members of
Congress. Beyond principled opposition, we can respond in two ways:
a. Call their bluff. We could demand that the 12-year limit on service apply
immediately (or by a date certain, such as 1996), and thereby affect sitting members of
Congress; and/or
b. Let the states decide. We could support a constitutional amendment to
allow states to vote to apply term limits to their own federal representatives. This
would be consistent with our·legal position that.state-mandated term limits are
unconstitutional.
5. Endorse Congressional Staff Cuts: In the campaign, the President promised not
only to cut the White House staff by 25%, but to challenge Congress to do the same. We
should praise the Republicans for doing it.
6. Propose a Way to Balance the Budget by 2002. One response to the
Republicans' Balanced Budget Amendment would be to propose a path that leads to a
balanced budget by the year 2002, when such an amendment would take effect. If it could be
done, such a proposal would steal the Republicans' thunder; and if it actually passed, it might
lower interest rates enough to keep the recovery alive.
·
7. Freeze Congressional and Presidential Pay Until the Budget Is Balanced. If
we're going to make significant spending cuts to reduce the deficit, public officials should
lead by example. The American people don't get a guaranteed cost-of-living increase. Why
should tlieir leaders? A performance-based freeze on Congressional and Presidential pay is a
responsible, common-sense alternative to plans to "cut their pay and send them home."
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Social and Moral Values
Many Americans are increasingly pessimistic about basic trends in our society. They
sense disintegration in such basic social institutions as families, voluntary organizations; and
local communities. They see the threat of violence invading previously safe streets and
schools. They deplore what they see as the decline of personal responsibility, which they
trace in part to the effects of programs· such as AFDC. .They experience important elements
of the culture--especially television--as working against parents' efforts to raise children
with sound character and values. In general, there is a pervasive sense of loss of control that
leads many to search for renewed sources of_ certainty and authority, including religion.
Beyond their obvious moral significance, these sentiments are politically potent. As
the' economy recovers, social issues become more salient. Recent polls (People for the
American Way, Times-Mirror, and others) suggest that a popular majority now places moral
decline ahead of economic pressure as the root cause of our nation's problems.
Bill Clinton's use of the bully pulpit to speak out on issues of culture and vaJues has
produced some of the peak moments of his presidency. These efforts should become more
systematic, and they should be backed by an issues agenda tightly focused on mainstream
values. The ultimate goal is to reaffirm for the American people that Bill Clinton shares their
yalues, not the views of out-of-touch elites. The following are some options for exercising
moral leadership:
Welfare Reform. The President must not shy away from the looming welfare reformdebate. Instead, he should defend the high ground with a proposal, along the lines of the one
he offered last year, that combines opportunity with responsibility and gets tough without
. becoming harshly punitive. Many Republican S~nators and Governors will help moderate this
debate. One executive action we are prepared to take in this area is aggressive child support
-enforcement in interstate cases; the Justice Department is preparing to announce several
prosecutions.
Teen Pregnancy. Parallel with but distinct from welfare reform legislation, the
president should spearhead a national mobilization of non-profit organizations, religious
·institutions, ·community leaders and the private sector to fight the epidemic of teen pregnancy
and out-of-wedlock births.
Crime. The President should draw a clear line against Republican efforts to tamper
with the cops program and the assault ban. New initiatives might include: a strong focus on
keeping guns and drugs out of schools {perhaps including a new crime pledge to put a cop in
every school that needs one); encouraging local curfews, truancy enforcement, and sweeps in
. public housing; a nationwide truth-in.:...sentencing ·campaign to challenge states to abolish
parole; and the already announced effort to hold regional anti-crime forums with the VP to
highlight local success stories.
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�Family Policy. The President has always preferred a children's tax cut because he
believes it is good family policy. If we put forward such a tax cut, we should promote it on
those grounds. Another related idea that will come up in the tax debate is allowing couples
to deduct the cost of adopting a child. We recommended an adoption tax credit in the
transition;. a sizable adoption deduction is included in the Republican Contra~t. The President
recently signed a provision in the Elementary and Secondary Schools Act that will make
interracial adoption easier. ..
Religion. The President should intensify his· efforts to restore religion to its
appropriate role in our community life. Specifically:
*
As a counter to Republican calls for a school prayer amendment, he should .
announce his support for "momenr of silence" legislation and declare that his Justice
Department will defend appropriately crafted state and local momerit of silence laws
against constitutional challenge. Alternatively, he could ·support a "moment of silent
prayer" constitutional amendment.
* He should dramatically raise the visibility of his implementation of the Religious
Freedom Restoration Act. (Example: he recently compelled the Justice Department to
reverse its position in a case brought under RFRA. That should have been a big story,
but it wasn't-:....in part because we didn't try hard enough to make it one.)
* The President should ensure that religious institutions are eligible to participate in
public programs as long as those institutions are serving generally valid public
purposes. Why shouldn't religious institutions play key roles in national efforts to
fight drug abuse, reduce teen pregnancy, improve child care and provide mentors tor
young people?
Character Education. The president should place himself at the head of the growing
movement for character education in schools and communities across the country. (He
backed a new character education program that was included in the recently reauthorized
Elementary and Secondary Education Act.)
TV Violence. Without identifying himself with the cause of censorship, the president
can put himself squarely on the side of parents troubled by the impact of televised sex and
violence on their children. For example, he could summon network executives to the White
·House for some highly publicized jawboning.
,
Immigration. In addition to the impliCitly racial dimensions of issues such as welfare
reform and crime, the 104th Congress and the 1996 presidential contest will feature debates
over the explicitly racial issues of affirmative action and immigration. We must begin work
now toward principled and politically defensible positions that the president wilL be able to
maintain in the face of emotional charges and countercharges.
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�National Service. National and community service was central to the president's 1992
campaign, but it has since become marginal to the administration. There should be a
sustained effort to return this program to a prominent position, by spotlighting the
accomplishments of community-based service groups supported by AmeriCorps and by
drawing the line against coming Republican attempts to gut the program.
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Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library · ·
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. note
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
RE: Handwritten note (1 page)
n.d.
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
· Michael Waldman
ONBox Number: 13641
FOLDER TITLE:
1994 & Voter Turnout
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2195
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act" [44 U.S.C. 2i04(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. SS2(b)]
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) ofthe FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the.FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
·
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
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Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA].
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�*\, ,M.
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECTfTITLE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
David Dreyer to Leon Panetta; RE: Memo to Leon, Harold, Joan,
George, Pat G., Mark (2 pages)
08/22/1994
PS
002. memo
Michael Waldman to George Stephanopoulos; RE: Follow-up on
Contract Issues (2 pages)
1211411994
PS
003. inemo
Michael Waldman to Jack Quinn, George Stephanopoulos; RE:
Regulation and the GOP Contract (2 pages)
12/14/1994
PS
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
· Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number: 13643
FOLDER TITLE:
President and Contract with Americ~
Debbie Bush
. 2006-0469-F
db2200
RESTRI<:;TION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarra_nted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
·
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) ofthe FOIA)
isclose geological or geophysical information
Is ((b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�.
December 14, 1994
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MEMORANDUM FOR GEORGE STEPHANOPOULOS.
it/
.FROM:
MICHAEL WALf)MAN
SUBJECT:
.FOLLOW-UP ON CONTRACT ISSUES
. A few thoughts on Monday's meeting: '.
.- Just as I and others did a· historical look ~t the previous "comeback kids,"
we need to look at how Nixon, Ford, Reagan and Bush dealt with an
opposition Co.ngr~ss -- what tricks they' had up their sleev~$. what the ways
are to signal a veto without waving a pen; etc. I alwa-ys knew what Bush ·
was going to veto wi.thout him ever havin·g to say it. Those of you who. were
. in_ the Congress when the GOP had the White House will have the best
,. sense of this.
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~ w; th a shrunk'enDemocratic committee- staff, we will need to do more
· ' resfC'lrch and leg;orkJor them than would otherwise be the case. This \\'ill
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. affe:~t what peo'ple here do day-tci-day.
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.· ~ We need to decide where, if anywhere, is the place t() try: and blow u·p the
railnad tracks. ·I take your point that the GOP didn't tactically identify· the
. stimulus, we gave it 'to them by refusing to compromise, larding it with
pork, ,etc: Nonetheless, they knew what .,the line.of attack would be on us -big government -- and we walked into their trap. We need to set a trap of
our own, and wait for them to walk into it (or lure them into it). Simply
·lobbing a clever amen~ment or two at each bill they offer is not an ultimate.·.·
. answer.
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- We :1eed a complete strategy on how to paint the GOP as the,. party of .
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wealthy special interests, while making sure that. the Ptesiderl,t.)s seen as·
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the defender of the middle class against those special interests.·· It's not
enough to be a defender ofthe middle class; you have to say what you're
. defending .against. Critical to this may be the deregulation piece of the
contract (see attached memo to Jack Quinn and you). A frontal GOP
assault on regulation may force' us to defend those agencies and progranis,
or willingly watch. them be destroyed; While no one likes regulati6'n·and red
tape; there is also a good, pro-middle classstory to be told -~on OSHA, .
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�.cancer prevention, dangerous toy's, etc. There .• ds be a con2erted ' ...
to gather together the relevant agency heads'{or ~ ..Po'litical strat.~'gy h~r~.-.'',
This niay be a dtfferent ziiatter from the VP's-.'~ffort f()~''fethink a·ii·d
·the regulatory·sys~em.~-'\Vhich I thi.nk is vecylmpo~t-~Il:t --or it may be part
ofthe same p-rocess. · ·
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�WASHINGTON .
· December 14, 1994
· MEMORANDUM FOR
JACK QUINN
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. .· ·• ..
GEORGESTEPHANOPOULOS
FROM:
MICHAEL WALDMAN/1J
SUBJECT:
REGULATION AND THE GOP CONTRACT
It .is clear that the GOP will seek to use their control of Congress to
. dismantle the regulatory state~~ The Contract incl1.1des several pie'ces of legislation
that would go after regulation.·. We can·also expect the appropriations and budget
processes to take aim at specific agencies or programs .
. I know that the Vice-President is ~onvehing a process to propose a
regulatory overhaul, and as you know I think that is a very good idea. It ·seems to
me that a rather distinct project needs to be undertaken --·possibly separately,
possibly folded in to the VP's operation -"· to.organize a political and public
response to the GOP assault .. (This may alreadybe underway, sothis memo n~·.ay.
cover ground that's alrea,dy well-trod~)
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I assume that we w~nt to portray the Republicans as advocates for wealthy
speCial interests, .while the President is ·a defender of the middle clas·s against
those who would take advantage of it. The trick is how to do this w~thout seeming
to be ari advocate of big goverl}ment and.red tape. Obviously, all- this presupposes~
,a decis~on on what posture we want to take on the regulatory issues.·
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Some possible steps:··.
- Our regulatory agencies are headed by a number of bright, politically · ·.
savvy people who can be pulled together for a political strategy group. I'm
thinking of Anne Brown (CPSC), David Kessler (FDA), Carol Browner, Anne
Bingamen (Antitrust division), Christine Varhey, Martinez-at NHTSA,
Joseph Dear at' OSHA, etc.
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·- .They canpull together ·a ready-to-go compilation of why their regulation
has been both reasonable and good for the middle class .
. -As Rubin and Bowles have discussed, we have a good deregulatory record,
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�- .Thoroughly,
int~~:~~~ st~dying the GOP's regUiafOiy pr,jpo~a'ls. For
. '· example, our Council of Economic Advisers 'should be r~ady to-refute the
most extremecost-bene'fit analysis proposals.: ...
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try,
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at a sub-Presidential level, to defend our regulatory · ·
agencies, then we may want to. orgapize th~ public h~alth, environm'ental,
· and consumer groups. to fight back
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: Again, if this is already being done, then ... never mirtd. If you need any
thoughts/help, let me know. As George remembers, we fought out some of the:se.
broad regulatory issues on the Quayle/Council, with 'some success, though the·· . .
. terrain ma.yhave shifted rather dramatically since then;
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECTrfiTLE
RESTRICTION
I
[ Michael Waldman; RE: Draft initial communications strategy for run
[.up to U.S.-Japan Summit. (3 pages)
001. memo
01/27/1993
P5
I
COLLECTION: I
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
1
ONBox Number: J 13643
FOLDER TITLE:
· Japan
·
I
Debbie Bu.sh
- 2006-0469-F
db2201
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Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
'·'
RESTRICTION CODES
I
PI National Security Cl~ssified.Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
1
P3 Release would violat e a Federal statute [(a)(3) ofthe PRA)
P4 Release would disclo!se trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial informatio.\ [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disctJse confidential advice between the President
. and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
I
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
: .
PRM. Personal record fuisfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
I
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
i
Freedom oflnformation Act~ [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) ofthe FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and.practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) ofthe FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
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financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA)
Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
Is [(b )(9) of the FOIA)
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January 27, 1993
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MEMORANDUM FOR CIRCULATION
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MICHAEL WALDMAN
SPECIAL ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT
FOR PQLICY COORDINATION,
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SUBJECT:
·DRAFT INITIAL COMMUNICATIONS STRATEGY
FOR RUN UP TO U.S.-JAPAN SUMMIT
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. I ~ apologiz~ that I am unable to attend todayis meet~ng. This is a very
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prehmmary outhne and calendar of what we should be domg to set the stage. It
gen~~ally deals with matters that are supplementary to the normal process of
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. briefihg and ·feeding the press. Please let me know what .
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· .· subtrkctions/edits/additions youhave. We ..yill clearly need to have a separate
. discu~sion of mechanics early next week among press and c"ommunications people ..
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:Japan The first a~dience in the run up is the Japanese ~- primarily as a.·.·
means to demonstrate resolve to their government officials, who might be
unde~standably skeptica.l_ of our determination. In addition, if appropriate, a·
secon~ary Japanese audience would be the Japanese people themselves (who
would be s4sceptible to an argument that Japan will be left behind, or that their
censurer welfare would be helped by the. changes we seek):
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[ Dcrnestically. There are three separate media audiences with whom we
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Generali\Vhite House press. As a macropolitical issue, the 1;1egotiation and
su~mit will be transmitted to the public through the networks and the ·
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elltes/editorial boanls. There is a small universe of journalists,
primarily editorialists (but al~o some business writers), who blanch at.
anything that. ~macks of managed trade. To assuagethe elite press, we .
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need to convince them that we are not abandoning free trade, merely
bargaining hard to open markets.
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Wee, of January 31
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WH background sessions beginningMo1ulay or Tuesday (1 /Jl-211)- start
·process of 'inoculating' Wh~te House reporters.- The key reporters should be
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IWhite House press briefings - Dee Dee Meyers can announce an e.scalation.
in the: negotiations from th~ podium. Again, it won't necessarily get noticed,' but it
will drive·home our determination.
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Friedman (NYT), Peter Behr (WP), Gerry Seib or AI Hu.n:t {WSJ).
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!Preparation for weekend.shows (Thursday, 2/3) -The weekend shows will
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·could tome up among the pundits .. We need. to make ·sure that the regular White
House! people who are talking to the participants in McLaughlin, Capital Gang,·
Meet t he .Press, Brinkley etc. put forward our "we are hanging tough" line. ·
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at soJe editorial boards, it makes sense for Deputy-level officials to call -- and
possib~y meet with -- the relevant editorial writers at the Washington Post, New
York 'f:imes, Wall Street Journal a'nd possibly USA Today.
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. Using the regular dq,ily briefings -- The d~partments will continue to do
· their d;0rmal schedule of briefings. We should maintain and update daily talking
points :about the status of the negotiations to be used (and followed!) by · ·
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spokesPeople from all the. agendes.' ·
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(;NOTE: As we pull into this week, we will have a better sense ofthe· profile
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Principals or deputies at White House brie{ing{Monday)- It may make
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expedtations for the summit. This can be at the Secretary-level, ·or, if a lower key
is so~ght, the deputies .. ·
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! Ambassador Mondale --Because of his domestic stature and reputaiion as a .
tradelhawk, Mond~lewo~ld be .an .ideal. spokesperson. if we want to turn up .the
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and appear ori interview programs.
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Columnists -- Wednesday or Thursday (2/9 or 110), we shoulci bring in· .
c;olum:nists .and .relevant correspondents for a briefing with the President or other
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semorfficia!s.
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IForeignpress (esp. Japanese press) - Separate briefings for foreign press. ·
III. COORDINATION
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lspea!dng with one voice.
We need. to narrow arid identify which senior
officials should, be the primary spokespeople will be for the administration. It ..
doesn't work, as a general matter, to have five or six spokespeople -- the press will ·
· just pl~y them off against oneano~her.
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· · · ·· · · · . .·
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p~ly talking points (see above).
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Interagency coordination. We need to ensure that there· is q regular
confer~nee call among agencies as this unfolds. ·This could be part'of the regular
daily cbmmunications/p.ublic affaits, conference call.. •
· . . · .
.
··
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COPY
�w ttnorawal/ Kedactton Sheet
Clinton Library
SUBJECTffJTLE
DOCUMENT NO.
DATE
RESTRICTION
AND TYPE
Kent Markus to Michael Waldnlan; RE: Telephone number (partial)
00 I. fax
n.d.
P6/b(6)
(1 page)
002. memo
Michael Waldman to the President; RE: Campaign Finance Reform
Revision (3 pages)
)
·
06/10/1993
P5
003. memo
Michael Waldman to the President; RE: Call from Sen. Wel!stone on
Campaign Reform (I page)
05/25/1993
P5
004. paper
RE: Recommended Telephone call (2 pages)
06/07/1993
P5
005. memo
Michael Waldman to Mack McLarty, et al.; RE: Senate Consideration
of Campaign Reform Legislation (1 page)
05/24/1993
P5
006. memo
Michael Waldman to the President; RE: Campaign Finance Reform
Decisions (7 pages)
03/12/1993
P5
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-
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting I
Michael Waldmb
ONBox Number:i 13643
FOLDER TITLE:'
Campaign Fina9ce Reform- 1993 [1]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
dbl434
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records ~cl -144 U.S.C. 2204(a)J
I
PI National Security Classified lnformalion f(a)(J) of the PRAJ
P2 Relating lo I he ap~oinlmenllo Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA(
P3 Release would viol~le a Federal slatule ((a)(3) of lhe PRA(
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial informati~n ((a)(4) of the PRA]
P5 Release would disclose confidential advice berween the President
and his advisors, o~ between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would con~litule a clearly unwarranled invasion of
personal privacy ((,a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accoJdance with restriclions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
!
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
!
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
I
Freedom of Informarion Acr-]5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
b(l) National securily classified informalion f(b)(l) of the FOIAJ
b(2) Release would disclose inrernal personnel rules and praclices of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA(
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIA]
woul
isclose geological or geophysical information
lis l(b )(9) of the FOIA I
�. WASHINGTON
CJ •J\.Ai
!''';I
v
·7
June 7, ·1;993
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TO:.
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D.\TE:
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RECOMMENDED BY:
Michael Waldman and Steven Ricchetti, w·i t~
concurrence . of Howard Paster and George ·
stephanopoulos
.· · .
s:' ~5
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PURPOSE!
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If he doesn •·t, then 'E~~ not even
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proceed.
BACKGROUND:
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b111.~-~4~~~~~·
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However, he has voted.for public funding in
the past (e.g., hesupported·S.3 last year ·
..
and·. was a cRs:Ponsoli of thisJ~~r,Q bill). · ~.L-.
~ 0-R Qjf\LJA (1 .~(l_t_, ~ "'~-- ~\' ~ .
If we can persua~~ Levih ta refrain from
·
cosponsoring or supporting Exon, that would
be. significant, ~ince Levin gives: Se~ate
l~berr_Is ~cover". for voting to, weaken the. . ·.
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Sen. -Levin'has opposed pu lie un
efore
.
in private meetings. His concern .i
_primarily political -- giving opponents a .
club with which to beat~m0'1a~~~
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TOPICS:
31::.
To seek'to dissuade Levin from. cosponsoring a
crippling amendment to campaign .finance
·
reform bill -- and to ask his help' in ·
dissuading Sen~ Exon from offering the
amendmeht. Levin is k~y:because ii he
cosponsors, · it gives other·· Democrats cover.
i
L ·we are on the. verge of.w.1nning maJor . . ·
victory on political reform .. · You are callin
·a:lA ·\
·
. .
to ask Sen. Levin not to vote for an
·~~~~·
.amendment.th~t-c6uld cause.the ca~paign . .
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finance ·r~fo~ bill .to fall apart.
. ~·,
2~ Commun.1cat1ons vouchers are an essent1al
part of the Plan. They keep your campaign ·
p~edge to "open up the airwaves." Without
them, carididates would have to raise even
COPY
·
�.\
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I
3. We have taken.care this year to ~nsure
that no general tax revenues are used for
these vouchers. The money comes from.
repealing the deductibility of lobbying.
4. (IF APPROPRIATE). We refrained from taking.
a position on the Wellstone amendment on gift
disclosure, even though you personally
supported it and had pushed it'through in
Arkansas, because Levin sa.id it would scuttle
the lobby disclosure bill~.· We're in the· same
position here. If.vouchers are knocked out
·of the bill, much of the Democratic-side
support.· fC?r the bill. falls. out -- editorial
boards, advocacy groups, etc.
5. (IF APPROPRIATE).Levin has voted·for
communication vouchers before, .when he voted
for·s.J .. The la:ck.of backlash last time
shows that this is not a killer vote,
politically. Also, he won't prote.ct himself
much by opposing . public funding now.
·
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5 .• . Ask Lev in to urge Ex on not to introduce .
the. amendment. 1:
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COPY
�THE WHITE HOUSE
·WASHINGTON
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May 24, 1993
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MEMOrumDUM FOR MACK MCLARTY, HOWARD PASTER,
GEORGE STEPHANOPOULOS, JACK QUINN,
:
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STEVE RICCHETTI, JOAN BAGGETT, RICK! SEIDMAN,
I
PAUL CAREY, KAREN HANCOX
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FROM:
· ~ICHAEL WALDMAN
MJ
SENATE CONSIDERATION OF.
CAMPAIGN REFORM LEGISLATION
SUBJECT:.
j
I'm back in the saddle, more or less, after my week at home
with ~·he newest Democrat. ··As you know,· the Senate t·akes up
campaign finance reform this week. Three immediate matters.
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1. Fl.rst, some parameters.
I bell.eve the WhJ.te House a)
should not be involved in or take positiotis on amendments
gener~lly, but b) should oppose a~end~~nts th~t gut or eliminate
key l~gislative provisions (which are spending limits, public
. fundi~g, PAC limits, the lobbyist provi~ions, and soft money).
I
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RJ.ght now the one amendment that I'm worr1ed about from a
Democrat.is the possible Dorgan amendment to strike the public
fin~n6ing and replace it with a constitutionally dicey tax on
campaign spending by those who exceed spending limits.
if
motions to strike public funding come from Republicans,
we should be able to beat them narrowly, but ones from Democrats
are 't~al trouble.
I_am going to have Susan Brophy talk to
Dorgahi and possibly the VP or others, to let him kn6w that w~
don't/want him to'do this-- unless someone tells me not to.
~-
Attached is a letter from the President to Mitchell
and/o~ Moynihan clarifying that we still want to u~e the lobbying
deduction to pay for CFR, despite.the Ways and Means action.
and Senate Finan9e have a version of the lobbying
deduction that raises enough money to meet the deficit total and
pay fbr communications vouchers. Our posture should always be
confi~ence that this is what we want and how the public funding
should be paid for.
Mitch~ll
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This needs to go soon, hopefully today, so that Mitchell can
use 1t on the floor tomorrow.
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Recogn1z1ng that the budget
the moment, we need to make sure we
defeat on political reform either.
or Mabk to do targeted phone calls,
visib~lity on this issue.
~-.
is issue #1, #2, and #3 at
don't suffer a surprise
We may be calling on the VP
lobbying and/or media
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction· Sheet
Clinton Library
iSUBJECT/TITLE
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE·
DATE
RESTRICTION
I
I
/Michael Waldman to the First Lady; RE: Campaign fmance reform (4
pages)
·
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001. memo
Michael. Waldman to the President; RE: Campaign fmance reforin
!
002. memo
03/07/1993
P5
0~/06/1993
P5
03/01/1993
P5
;options (15 pages)
003. memo
'
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_ !Michael Waldman to David Wilhelm, Kent Marcus; RE: The DNC's
/proposal on soft m,oney [2 copies] (7 pages)
j-
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COLLECTION:·
!,
Clinton Presidential Reco~ds
Speechwriting · :
Michael Waldmrui
OA/Box Number: 13643
I
I
' FOLDER TITLE:
Campaign Finance Reform- 1993 [2]
.
I
. .
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2203
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
-
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))_
I
I
Nat!onal S.,ecurity CI~ssified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
Release would violate a: Federa_l statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclo~e trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial informationi[(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclo~e confidential advice between the President
1
and his advisors, or b etween such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted inv~sion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
PI
P2
P3
P4
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l
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of
PRM .. Personal record 11/isflle defined in accordance with 44 U . S c
2201(3).
:
.
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
gift.
·
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b(l) National securitY classified information [(b)(i) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) ofthe FOIA]
b(6) Release would constihite a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privah [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) ofthe FOIA)
b(S) Release-would disclose information concerning. the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA)
x r u isclose geological or geophysical information
· con ni
ells [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
·a(p·
�MARCH 1, 1993
MEMO~DUM
FOR DAVID WILHELM
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FROM: I
Michael Waldman
SUBJEGT:
The . DNC' s proposal .on soft money
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I believe that the DNC's proposal on soft money is a step in
the right direction. However, I believe that it does not go
nearly far enough in ·changing the current system, and thus
avoid~ng a significant political ~for the president .
.
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Simply put, it not only doesn't shut down the soft money
system, it doesn't seem to me to place a significant dent in it.
I exp]ain my concerns below.
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We must ·bite the bullet on this difficult issu·e.
We have no
choic~ but to accept·dramatic soft money limits, and try to make
the best of it, rather than seek to pretend that we do not have
to acCept such limits. Under your leadership -- and that of
President Clinton ·-- I believe that the DNC and the rest of the
Democratic party can be remade into a genuine grass-roots
organ~zation, and that this can be done while weaning ourselves
from ~oft money.
·
I bJlieve that-these provisions.can be softened for the DNC by
a) .expanding the availabilty of hard money; b) phasing in its
. provi~ions (perhaps even beyond the 1994 effective date for the
rest qf the bill); and c) expanding the presidential checkof~ to
include matching funds for small contributions for parties; and
d) setting up segregated funds to guarantee that adequate
. resou~ces go to the field and that cooperation·· with state parties
.continues.
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I C~J?.not over-stress .the urgency of coming to closure· on this.
Ross ~erot is testifying tomorrow, as is George Mitchell. We need
great~r specificity and a decision from the President. Let's see
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what we can resolve today. Ultimately, it is likely that ~ill
have to decide.
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The pdlitical context
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Letlme spell· out the reasons why I think we have so little
room to maneuver here.
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Soft money is the piece of campaign finance reform that
reflects our self-interes~~~P)C~ for Congress. So
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far, we have been lucky ..:..- little ink on our soft money donors,
who thky are, etc. But we will not be so lucky if we are
perceiyed as protecting the soft money system.
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ou:ring the campaign, the President committed to a)
supporting S.3's soft money provisions, and b) giving up soft
.
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money. 1. He subsequently used more general language -- put that
oniy buys us so much room • . (If -you think otherwise, look at the
recentf spate of editorials calling on us to live up to our
campaign promises-on reform, such as banning soft money.) A
signiflicant retreat from·S.3 1 s soft money . provisions will·be seen
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as a b1g broken prom1se.
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. *A~· stan Greenberg and other have repeatedly-told us, what we
do wii:l. be perceived as· "reform" or "sellout" depending on what
Commont"Cause and the press tell the public. As you
Werthe!imer is in a rigid· posture on this stuff. W
moveju~dercut him, but if we can't, his thumbs dow"'-=~·signifiicant. (Mitchell is his protector, and if we
that w:ill help.)
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* O~r wiggle room is further-diminished by Sen. Mitchell's
zeal on this issue. These provisions are his; he will fight for
them; land anything we do that· is seen as a significant retreat
from
3 •s ·soft money language will be the subject of public
posturing by the Majority Leader. The House Democrats will be in
no moo:d to rescue us •
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Specif;ic concerns about the DNC' s ·proposal
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My general sense is that the proposal doesn't take a big
enough! "hit" on our own money. I am particularly interested in
the a~swer·to.the question I posed the other day: how much money
~ould this proposal cost ~he DNC andjor state parties?
How would
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1t act ually affect operat1ons?. I do not mean to prejudge the
answe~ to that question. . ·
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Here are my specific thoughts about the DNC's proposal:
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* Coordinated campaigns -- By retaining coordinated campaigns,
with S tate party money raised gifts of unlimited size, your . ·
·proposal simply walks away·from_the main soft money proposals in
s. 3. -;You rightly say -that if the ~ederal candidate's name is
used,· :then the funds should be counted as federal. But how much
game playing will that lead to? ·
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If you want to preserve coordinated campaigns, I strongly
recommend that you think of some way to have federal and state
parti~s and candidates put money in. in a d~sclosed and limited
way. ·The concept we discussed last week ~~the one you and Larry
Gold ~eparately pointedtowiird t : l d
a good place to start.
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COPY
�*. L~rger campaign lim.its .:.._ As you know, at present
inciiv.ilduals are (putatively) limited to giving $25,000 to federal
candi4ates and parties. Your proposal would change this to·
$25,oqo to candidates, $25,000 to parties per year ~~ in other
words; $200,000 per coupl~ per cycle. That's hardly-limiting the
role of big money~ And it favors the wealthy, who in turn favor
Republicaris.·While this may be _defensible if soft money were
barred, it it sim~ly isn't within the framework bf yotir proposal.
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* Loophole 1n the "no fundra1s1ng" prov1s1on -- S.3 restr1cts
soft money fundraising by"_federal'candidates, and your proposal
does· ~oo. But it would exempt dinners arid other. party ev_ents.
If this is a normal Jefferson-Jackson dinrier that will benefit
the state party (e.g. 1 last week's ev.ent .:lri Georgia) 1 I have no
problJm with that. But this can't include fundraising dinners
:that are in reality for the presidential candidate's soft money
accounts. · That was, after all; what the Pres1dent' s D1nner
(Bush+Quayle '92's big bash) did last spring.
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·. * No party spending limit -- We can •t simply discard the state
partylspending limit. We should quibble with the size of the
l1m1 t; but we· must accept the l1m1 ts -- they are too 1ntegra·1 a
part 9f the proposal, and it's too difficult to' defend deleting
them. [ ·
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The $75,000 contribution limit for DNC soft money -- Added
to the expansion of hard money, this would allow huge
contributions. to continueJWhat about the idea of a phase-down,
as yo~ _suggested?
.. ~ ~~~~€00 pRA
p2--tf~; ~·
Reco~endation for further proposals by.the DNC
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Within the constraints that I see, I believe that our proposal
can, at most,· do . the following things:
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* ·I woulq. push t·o expand the allowable amount of hard money
that 9an be given to the party: to $20,000 or $25,000, or perhaps
your ~dea of $25,000 to candidates, and $25,000 to parties if the
~evere soft money restrictions are retained .
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S~gregate
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out coordinated campaigns; s_et up a "grassroots
campa~gn committee," and -require local and federal·candidates to
pool their money if 75% of c'andidates on a slate agree to make.
the g~assroots committee their sole operation for GOTV, voter
reg.,jetc. Thefunds.for.these activities would have to be
limit~d, perhaps coming under federal-hard money limits or some
simil*r set of restrictions. But it would free up the·soft money
for other state activities (e.g., party expense~, candidate·
specific media, etc.
0
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*. F~nally, as you. proposed, carrots as well as sticks to
encoui·age small contributions should be intr9duced. I would
recon$end to the extent possible using the framework of the
currert presidential publcor)sym
e.g.' expand the
�!
checkoff to $5, use the convention money, etc. This could
provide a pool of matching funds amounting to, say, ·$20 million.
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MARCH 1·, 19.93
MEMORANDUM FOR DAVID WILHELM AND KENT MARCUS
.. . 'I
FROM:
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Michael Waldman
SUBJEfT: 'TheDNC's proposal on soft money
. I b~lieve that the DNC's proposal on soft.money is a step in
the right direction. However, I believe that it does not go
nearly far enough in changing the current system, and thus
.avoid~ng a significant political embarrassment for the president~
Simply put, it not only,doesn•t shut down the softmoney
it doesn •.t seem to me to place a significant dent in it. ·
I expplin my concerns . below.
.
. .
..
syste~~
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,
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We must bite the bullet on this difficult issue. We have no
· choic~ ptt1; to accept dramatic soft· money limits, and try to make .
·.the bes,t of it, rather than seek to .pretend that. we do not have
to accept such limits. Under your le(!dership ~- and that of · ·
President Clinton-- I believe that the DNC and the·rest of the
[)emoci:-atic party can be remade into a genuine grass~roots
·
·organ~zation, .and that tl}is can be done while weaning ourselves
from soft money.
I.
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.
J bblieve that these provisions can be softened for the DNC by
a) expanding.the availability of hard money; b) phasing in its
provisions (perhaps even' beyond the 1994 effective date for the
·rest· ~f the bill) ; c) expanding the presidential checkoff to ·
inclu~e matching funds for small contributions for parties; and
d) setting tip segregated funds to guarantee that adequate
resources go to the field andthat cooperation with state parties
.continues.
·
·
·
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I cannot over~stress the u~gency of coming to closure on this.
Ross Perot is testifying tomorrow, as is· Ge·orge Mitchell. We need
. greater specificity and a 'decision from the ·President.·.· Let's see
what ~e can resolve today. Ultimately, it is likely that the
President ~ill have to decide.
·
I .
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The p~litical context
[
'
Let; .me spell out the reasons why I think we have so little
room .to maneuver here ..
'* sbft money i~ the piece of campaign finance reform that
reflebts our self-interest,· just as .PACs do' for Congress. So
far, ¥e have been lucky -- little ink on our soft money donors,
· . who t:pey, are,· etc. But we will riot be so lucky if we are
perceived as protecting the soft money system.
i'
COPY
�*During the campaign, the President committed to a)
SUpp~rting So 3 IS SOft nlOlley prOViSiOnS,_ and b) givirig Up SOft _
moneYi· He subsequently_used more gene:al langua~e --but that
only ,ibuys' us so, much room.
(If you thl.nk otherwJ.se, look at the.
recent spate.ofeditorials calling on us to live up t() our
campa:ign promises ort reform, ·.such as banning soft. money. ) . A
,signilficant retreat from S. 3 's soft money provisions will be· s~en
as a :big broken promis~.
. '
. *is-Stan-Greenberg and-other have repe~tedly told us, what we
do wiill be perceived as "reform" or "sellout" depending on what
CommO:n cause' and the--press tell the public. 'As you know,
· Werth:eimer is •in a rigid posture on this .stuff. We may be able to
movejuridercut him, but if we can't,_his thWD.bs .down becomes quite
signiificant~- (Mitchell is his protector, and if we move Mitchell;
that will help.)
. ·
I
* Our wiggle room is further diminished by Sen.. Mitchell's
zeal- 'on this issue. These provisions are. his; he will. fight for
them;! and anything we do that is seen as a significant retreat
. from ;s. 3 's · soft money language will be the subject of public
posturing by the Majority Leader. The House Democrats will be in.
' no mood to rescue us. '.
i
Specific concerns about the DNC•s proposal
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,
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·My ;general sense is that the proposal doesn It. take' a big
enough ·"hit" on our own money. I' am particularly interested in ·.
.the answer to the ·•- question I posed the other day: how much money
woul~ this proposal· cost the DNC andjor state_parties?
How would
it actually affect operations? I do not mean to prejudge the.
answ~r to that question.
·
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~Hele
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''
I
are my specific thoughts about the DNC' s proposal: .
. . .* _·Coordinated campal.qns ~~ By retaining coor'dlnated campaigns,
with ;unlimited state party money raised gifts, your proposal .
simpl:y walks away from the inain soft money proposals in. s. 3. You
rightly say that expenditures which mention a federal candidate's
. name 'would have to be paid_ fully in fe-deral dollars. But how
. · -·
. much .'ga,ine' playing will that lead to?·
i
. '
If ;you want to preserve coordinated campaigns, I strongly
·.recommend that you think of some way to have federal and state
parti;es and cand~dates put money _in a disclosed and lim~ted way.
. The c 1oncept w7 d1.scussed last week - the one you and Larry Gold
. sepa~ately pol.nted.toward- woul~·be a -good place to start.
I
"* riarger campaign limits -- As you know,. at present
indiv1iduals are (putatively) limited to giving $25,000 to federal
candi:dates ·and parties. Your proposal would change this to
'
$2s,o oo to candidates, $25,000 to parties per year-- in other·
1
words_, $200,000 per couple per two-year cycle. That's hardly
limit:ing the role of big money. And it favor~ the wealthy~ who
i
I .
COPY
�:
.I
I .
.
.
in turn -favor Republicans. While this may be c:iefemsible if soft
moneyi.were barred, it simply isn't within the framework of your
proposal.
.
I
.
.. * :r:.oophole
in -the ·"no fundraising" provision . . s. 3 restricts
soft.money fundraising by federal candidates, andyour proposal
does :too. · But it would exempt dinners and· other party events. ·
If this is a normal Jefferson-Jackson dinner that. will benefit
.. the state. party (e.g. , la$t week 1.s event in Georgia) , I have' no
probl~ni with that~
But this can 1 t .include fundraising dinners .
that are in reality for the presidential candidate • s soft money ·
ac'cou;nts·. That ·was, after all, what the President's Dinner
(Bush,Qtiayle 1 92's big bash) did last spring •
. *·.No party spending ··limit -~ We can It simply discard the state
'. partyi spending limit. · We. should quibble with the size of the
. limit'; but we must accept the limits -- they are too integral a
part 9f the proposal, ·and it's too difficult to defe~d deleting
them. I
·
·
.
·.
··
. *The $75.ooo·contribution limit for DNC soft money-- Added
to th~· expansion of hard money, this would allow huge
;contr;ibutions to .continue. Again, that allows a couple to ·
contribute not only $200,000 per two-year cycle, but $1,000,000,
(in.cluding soft'money) per presidential cycle. What about the
. ldea.of. a phase-:down, as you suggested?
.
I
..
. ..
.
RecoiDJ!lendation for furth(tr proposals-by-the DBC
I
.
,
..
Within tpe constraints that I see, I believe that ourproposal.
can, c;tt'most, do the ·fol~owing things:
·
!.
. * It would push to. eXpand the allowable amount o:f hard money .
that can be given to the party: to $20,000 or $25,ooo, .or perhaps
your· idea of $25,000 to candidates, .and $25,000 to.parties if the
·.severe soft money restrictions are retained.
·
· ·
·* Segregate 'out coordinated campaigns; set up a "grassroots
campaign committee," and require_local and federal candidates to.
,pool their money if 75% of candidates Qn. a slate agree to make .
the grassroots committee their sole operation for GOTV, voter
reg. , :etc. .The funds for these activities. would have to be
limited, perhaps coming under federal hard. money limits or some
similar ~et of restrictions. But it would free up the soft money
for .o~her state activities' (e.g.. , party expenses, candidate-:
~peci~ic media, etc.)
J
I
* Finally, as you proposed, ca~rots as well~a~ sticks t~
encou:t;age small' contributions should be introduced. I would
recommend .. 'to • the extent possible . using the _framew-ork . of the
!
•
•
•
•
"
current pres1.dent1.al publl.c f1.nanc1.ng system-- e.g., expand the
checkoff to. $5, use the convention money, etc.; This could·
provi~e a poOl .of m a t c h i U ' Q a P Y to, say,
$20
million.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECTrfiTLE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Michael Waldman to Leon Panetta, Harold Ickes; RE: Campaign
Finance Reform - Other Options (I page)
03/29/1995
P5
002. memo
Michael Waldman to Leon Panetta, JoanBaggett; RE: Unions and
Campaign Finance Reform (2 pages)
12/13/1994
P5
003. memo
Michael waldman, Steven Ricchetti to the President; RE: Campaign
Finance Reform Conference- Decision Needed (3 pages)
03/31/1994
P5
.004. memo
Michael Waldman to Ricki Seidman, et al.; RE: Campaign Finance
Reform Timing (I page)
03/17/1994
P5
Michael Waldman to Campaign Finance Reform Meeting; RE: Issues
in Conference (4 pages)
03/03/1994
P5
005. memo
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA!Box Number: 13643
FOLDER TITLE:
Campaign FinaiJ.ce Reforin 1994 & 1995
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2204
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
Pl
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b( 4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or· financial
.·
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6)Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) ofthe FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
. financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOlA)
o~~liilllilllfilii!SIIItV'Gul!lrliSCitose geological or geophysical information
((b)(9) of the FOIA)
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2).of the PRA)
Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) of the PRA)
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
-
.
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 .., ..,.. ...,_.,.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�THE WHITE HOUSE·
WASHINGTON
March 17, 1994
MEMORANDUM FOR
RICKI SEIDMAN
RAHM EMANUEL
DAVID DREYER
FROM:
MICHAEL WALDMAN
· SUBJECT:
CAMPAIGN FINANCE REFORM TIMING
Here's a heads-up on the campaign finance reform conference ....
Negotiations have been proceeding fast and furious, and rriost major issues
have been· more or less resolved.
.
.
The original goal -- strongly held by the House leadership -- was to finish
redrafting the bill, then appoint conferees (how a bill really becomes law),' report it
out of conference, and bring it for ·a floor vote all before the recess. This is highly
unlikely because of deadlock on a few key points, and the difficulty of putting
. together funding sources for the public financing.
It is my guess now that the legislation will be done after they come back
from recess, and will go to the floor a week or two after that. (It a)l depends on
various scandals and how they mutate.) It is possible thatit will drag on beyond
that;· most pessimistically, into April or even May.
I will argue very strongly that if we come up with a good bill out of the
conference, the President's public schedule should include both some time pushing.
for it -- we may have to break a GOP filibuster -- and a high-profile signing
ceremony. A win on campaign fipance reform, again depending on whether the
bill is regarded as anything to crow· about, will be a surprise (the press don't
expect it) and will be seen as real gridlock-breaking. (Plus, in light· of The
·Troubles, it is not a bad bit of positioning for us.) But we need to put a little
·presidential time into it for people to believe that he had anything to do with it.
(I believe that Greenberg, at least, believes there are real benefits to garnering
credit forthis if it happens.)
.
·
I'll
k~ep
you posted.
COPY
�March 3, 1994
MEMORANDUM FOR
CAMPAiGN FINANCE REFORM MEETING
FROM:.
MICHAELWALDMAN
SUBJECT:
ISSUES IN CONFERENCE
.
.
.
·. I. · Major issues that may need WH involvement
A..
PACs
House: 113 of spending limit ($200,000, plus inflation and exemptions); size
of.PAC gifts remains at $5000 per election ($10,000 per cycle).
Senate: Bans PACs. Since this is clearly unconstitutional; and will he taken
out of the bill, it has a fallback position: PAC contributions-limited to 20%
of the spending limit, and the size of individual PAC gifts is cut to $2500
·
($5000 per cycle).
.
.
Analysis: Final passage requires "something" to be done about the House
PAC provisions, even if the changes have insignlficant real-world impact.
Senate final passage requires the votes of GOP moderates, who support a
·PAC ban. And Synar et al. have made headway with the press in branding
.it as phony reform. Common Cause has proposed to the House that they
move to $5000 per cycle, which would allow CBC members to have their
PACs max out to them in the primary. In point of fact, such a restriction
would hinder the PAC fundraising of few members, given the aggregate
· PAC cap. But it would be some movement on the issue. House leaders say
they won't move on this, but in reality they may be holding out in
negotiations.
Issue: Do we -- through ,the President, or another senior official -- weigh in
·at the appropriate moment to reduce the size of the House PAC contribution limit?
B.
Public financing
Senate bill: No relevant provision.
House bill: The bill's most lauded feature are the communications vouchers
. (matching funds for small contributions up to 1/3 of the spending limit). The.
legislation did not fund the vouchers, however. .
·
Analysis: The House leadership is committed to finding a way to fund the
legislation -- and they believe it can be done in the legislation, without going
COPY
�back to Ways and Means. They are examining a variety of options for the
funding. (See attached.)
Issue: We simply need to keep in touch with them as the put together the
funding mechanisms.
C. · · Lobbyist provisions .
Senate bill: The Senate passed a version of the proposal -- first brought to
the table by the White House ~- to ban contributions from lobbyists to the
lawmakers they contact for a period of one year.
House bill: Did not include it.
Analysis: Sam Gejdenson says this is a "bill killer" for his colleagu·es. His
staff says that he asked the President about it on their trip to Connecticut,
and the President said he didn't really care about it. Nonetheless, the
. Senate wants to stick with it. The White House has argued for it in the
conference discussions (as much a matter of saving face as anything else).
We have been asked to redraft the Senate provision to make it more like
what we originally proposed.
Issue: Do we continue to push for this, as a matter of legislative negotiating
strategy as much as anything else?
D.
FEC
At one point, I thought we might need to weigh in on this, but now I think
we don't.
Background: In the Spring, both the WH and the leadership agreed that we
needed to strengthen the FEC, The provisions were taken out of the Senate
bill at the behest of the Republicans, and taken out of the House bill at the
. behest of Rep. Al Swift,. who wanted to do a separate, bipartisan FEC bill in
his subcommittee. He has now relented, realizing that the GOP will never
cooperate. He is working with the House and Senate conferees to craft new
FEC reforms to go into this bill.
I. Party money/presidential campaign provisions
A.
Soft money
The House and Senate bills are largely identical· to the legislation we so
painfully negotiated in the Spring. There are four major differences between the
two bills:
COPY
�·,
a. PAC contributions to party committees-- Today, a PAC can give $15,000
to a party comm~ttee. The House proposes raising that to $20,000, the
amount that an_individual can give.
b. Soft money fundraising by federal officials for state candidates -- The
Senate bill bars federal officials from raising soft money for state legislative
candidates in: federai eleCtion periods. The House bill does not. Gephard'ts
Tom O'Donnell promised Wertheimer that this would be taken care of in
·conference, a deal that was '.'cosigned" by (}eorge Stephanopoulos. Now the
. House is balking, but this is just a negotiation tactic.
'
'
.
.
.
'
c. Public funds for tlie grassroots funds -- The Senate bill (and our so_ft
money deal) expands the presidential grant to give approximately $11
million every four years to the campaigns for. transfer to the state grass
roots funds. Joe Sandler of the DNC was assured by O'Donnell that this·
would also be taken care of in conference. Now the House is blustering that
they will hold this hostage to the increase in PAC contributions to party ·
committees ..
d. Harriman Center-- The House bill allows national parties to raise soft
money for the ongoing operation of a broadcast facility, i.e., the Harriman
Center. The question is really how narrowly to tailor the exemption. Since
the Republicans are now t;1iles ahead of us -- e.g., GOP-TV-- should we
allow them subsidize their broadcast empire with soft money?
B.
Presidential debates
At the behest of Sen. Graham and Rep.' Markey, the legislation requires
presidential candidates who accept public financing to debate three times.
In the Spring, the President was asked about this provision, and expres.sed
support for a .debate requirement.
.
.
.
The provision is logistically very flawed, however. ·Cliff Sloan -- who was an
intellectual father of th~ Commission on Debate:s -- is grappling with how to
make the provision wor:k. One option ·would be to take it out altogether, or
merely to render it toothless.
·
C.
Party foundations
The legislation currently contains no provisions that deal with party
foundations. As we know, the DNC cancelled its plans to run the health
care campaign through a foundation. In the meantime, the RNC has
launched the National Policy Forum, which will likely absorb much of their
'operations -- in undisclosed corporate money.
COPY
�. Issue: Should this legislation bar party foundations that undertake the·
normal functions of the parties?
D.
Exploratory oommittees
The Senate bill counts toward the spending limit expenditures by
exploratory committees arid campaign committees for other offices. (In
other words, candidate X who spends $100,000 through his House
committee before declaring for the Senate must count that amount toward
his Senate limit.)
Proposal: Should we apply the same rule to Presidential campaigns?
President Clinton now faces a bevy of Republicans who are running agal.nst
him using personal PACs, campaign committees, exploratory committees,
.etc. This would barely affect the President's reelection campaign. On the
other hand, it would affect future Democratic challengers, if we should lose.
E.
Affinity c:ruUs/merchandising
The House bill allows parties (as well as PACs and other committees) to
develop affinity cards and merchandising arrangements with corporations.
The Senate bill contains no such provision. The House now is rethinking,
arguing that this looks like a loophole that will allow significant corporate
contributions -- primarily to Republicans.
Issue: Do we care about this? Do we care about affinity cards more than
merchandising -- i.e., can we redraft this to make it narrower?
F.
Presidential campaign spending limits
There are two revisions to the Presidential campaign spending limit (in·
addition to the additional public funding for grass-roots funds):
1. Itrepeals the current ,state-by-state spending limits for campaigns in
primaries. _Now there; will ·be an aggregate primary-season spending limit.·
2. It repeals the 20% compliance costs exemption in the presidential
spending limit, but raises the actual spending·limit by the same amount.
We need to make certain that the numbers add up.
·
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.·
AND TYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Bruce Reed, et al. to the Chief of Staff; RE: Options for Political and
Government Reform (4 pages)
10/3111994
P5
002. memo
Bruce Reed, et al. to the Chief of Staff; RE: Options for Political and
Goveinment Reform (5 pages)
10/2111994
P5
003. memo
Bruce Reed, et al. to the Chief of Staff; RE: Strategy for Political and
Government Reforin (7 pages)
1110111994
P5
Michael Waldman to the President; RE: Political Refotm- Action
Needed (4 pages)
05/3111994
P5
· 004. memo
COLLECTION:
.Cliriton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number:
I 3643
FOLDER TITLE:
Political and Gov't Reform
Debbie Bush
2006~0469-F
db2205
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) ofthe FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
· personal privacy [(b )(6)'of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIA)
·
b(~lli!lili~siiJtvOt~Ia,ctiscto.se geological or geophysical information
[(bX9) of the FOIA)
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) ofthe PRA)
Release would disclose trade secrets· or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U."·'--2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�October 21, 1994
MEMORANDUM, FOR THE CHIEF OF STAFF
FROM:·.
Bruce Reed
Michael Waldman
Paul Weinstein
SUBJECT':
Options for Political and Government· Reform
~.
.
Whatever the. results of the upcoming election~, the President will need to _put forth a:
bold, coherent set of reform initiatives to make government, Congress; and the political
syste~ work. It is no longer a question of whether Congress will address reforin issues; the
. only question is whether we will be leading the 'reform fight or being left behind.
·
In consultation with Rabin Emanuel, Jack Quirui, Ehtirie Kamarck, Cliff Sloan, Stan
· . Greenberg,. and others, we have assembled some preliminary options that could be included in
the President's reform agenda. We list them here in four categories: 1) reform issues the.
.
.
· Republicans are sure to push immediately;· '2) Administration initiatives left over from this· :.
Congress; , 3) relatively low-risk, low-profile ideas; and 4) boid ideas. This list is far from
.· ·. complete; if it makes sense, we can convene a niore thorough process to canvass ideas arid
prepare an actual proposal. '
. .
'
.
.
.
.
(
.
.
.
.
'
.
.
I. Response to 'the Republican Agenda
The Republicans have made it clear that government reform -:-' as they define it -- is
an early priority for action should they take controL They are likely to press a host of issues: .
·. · 1. Balanced Budget Amendment. With this expected to pass easily fn the next
- Congress, we will need to decide whether to amend, oppose, or accept it:
·a. Demand line-item veto.· One option .would be to demand that· it include a
... Cori.stitutionalline'-:'item veto that would make it easier to balance the budget. We
should insist oh the strongest possible version· of this veto, not the erihanced resCission
authority that pasSed the House this _time.
.
.
.
.
b. Capital/operating budget alternative. In the· campaign, the President said he
could support a balanced budget amendment that separated capital and operating
expenses so. that long-:term investments would be encouraged and operating costs
redueed. .
.
'
c. Freeze Congressional and Presidential ~ until budget is balanced.
COPY
I
�av~tea constituti~nal
2. Term Limits. Republicans pledge to bring to.
amendment
. limiting congressional terms to 12 years. But thex would grandfather in existing Members of
Congress. Beyond principledopposition, our response·-~ight be: ·.·
~
·
·
•
.f
•
•
....
'.:
Call their bluff. We could demand thaf·the iz~year-limit on service apply ..
. immediately (or by date certain, such as 1996), ~nd thereby affect sitting members of
Congress-.
· ·
·. - ··
._ · .
_· . ··
·. · .
_ ·.
· .
b. Let the states deCide." We could support a constitutional amendment to allow
states to vote to apply term limits, to their own federal representatives. 'this would be
:consistent with our legal position· that state-mandated· terin limits an~ unconstitutional.
· c. Change 'the debate. We could counter with our politieaLreform proposals _...:_
eampaign finance and.lobby reform -- so_ that we at least force them to. swallow some
medicine and .give us some credit for reforin. ·
·
· ··
·
a.
1
a
·-3. Cuts in Congressional Subcommittees and Staff.
The·Contract pledges to cut
committee staff by 1/3, arid to reduce the number of committees arid subcommittees. They
·
'
did not pledge to cut personal staffs (see below);
.
.
ll. Unfinished Business
1. Lobby Reform and Gift Ban. The lobby reform/gift ban legislation is basically .
sound (requiring_ registration of lobbyists, fuil disClosure of expenses aiidsources of funds,
bamng g!fts, mealsi etc. from lobbyists to lawmakers):· Disclosure ofgrass-:-roots lobbying
. expenses was pulled from the bill, and would probably be off the table in future versions of ·
the bill~ even though it was not the real, reason for defeat. ..
·
~ffice
suggests that some of the provisions of lobby reform could be
The Counsel's
implemented unilaterally. We could require that any professional lobbyist who seeks to
contact the executive branch would have to register and disclose tinder the provisions of the
legislation. There_ is no constitutional bar to this.
·
·
2. Campaign Finance Reform. .The failure- of campaign finance reform legislation ·
this year, coupled with the Republican ascendancy in Congress, makes it extremely unlikely
that a comprehensive campaign reform bill (with public funding) wm~ld pass. However, the
·
.issue has not lost its salience. Our options incl~de: ·
a. Limited bill (soft money only).
·Common Cause and other reform groups
.intend to push for separate passage of the .soft money provisions of the legislation,
effective for this pr~sidentialelection. This would likely pass, and we.'need to decide
whether we would want.to accede to it, take' the lead on it, or resist it.
.b. Co~prehensive bill. We couldpropose a co'mprehensive bill including public '
funding, to keep the high ground: If so, we may want to strengthen the other
provisions -- particularly; propose lower PAC limit -- with the assumption that
none of it will pass.
·
a
COPY
\
�c. Free TV time. In addition to,: or
· ..pf,a comprehensive bill, we could
propose free time for candidates (or for candidates who abide by spending limits). ·
This proposal has been advanced by the- President, Dole, and Perot over the years.
Alternately, it could .be done through the FCC ·· '· · ··· :. ::
.. ·
d. Base· closing commission. Trevo~ Potter, .the ch~lir of the Federal Election .· .
Commission, will. be-proposing that campaign finance reform legislation be cratted by.
· . a bipartisan commission. whose recommendations would be acted upon by. the
President- and Congress following the base-closing .model. Alternately,. we could
simply appoint our own bipartisan commission to draft a proposal. This would require
a Republican co-chair and members with genuine partisan credentials (i.e., riot just an
Eliot Richardson-~ype) .
I •.•
. 3. Apply Laws to Congress. Legisiation applying ·a host of' laws to Congress passed
the House but ·not the Senate this pa~t. Congress. This would. be a relatively noncontroversial
·measure (with the public, anyway)..
·
.
HI. Low-Risk Ideas
l. Fuli-Scale Assault on Bureaucracy~ One of the most promising reforms is
already under way.-- a significant downsizing of the federal bureaucracy. We cbuld do
. rriore to speedup and dramatize this effort through:
·
·
a. Accelerated ~eduction ofthe workforce: Buyotit authority expires i~ March·
. 199?, and NPR recommends that we should make the most of it while it lasts. We
could also ask the Cabinet to meet its FY99 goals by 1996, in return- for a pledge that
. departments whiCh meet their targets will not be ·punished further down the road.
b. Repealof all FTE floors: We can introduce legislation to rep~al FTE floors,
including the VA, and veto any appropriations bills that cOntain· them.
.<.
c. REGO SWAT team: The President could appoint a kind of burea~cratic
· bomb squad -- an elite group of troubleshooters and investigative journalists who ·
report directly to him. Any time a story breaks about fraud or mismanagement in the
bureaucracy, they would move in, get to the bottom of it, and report. back within days ·
with reCommendations to the President. They could also uncover such· troubles before
they become· public. ·This has been done before: FOR dispatched journalist Lorena
· Hickok atourid the country to see how the New Deal was really working. ·
i
-2. Reduce Congress,onal Bureaucracy. The Republican Contract calls for dramatic
changes in Congress, some
which they might regret we-~e they to take over. We. should
.press the case for changes of our own:
·
of
a. Cut Congressional staff overall Q.y 25%. ln th~ campaign~ the- Preside_nt
· promised.not only to cut the White House staff by 25%, btit to challenge Congress to
COPY
�.· IV. Bold Ideas
L National Referendum .. Most major ~e~ocracies have national refer~nda to allow
their people to vote on issues of :national importance .. For ·example;' in recent. yea:rs, Italians
have voted 1on divorce and'abortion; Spain v_oted on membership in NATO; ~nd Austria and.
··Sweden voted on the use of nuclear power. · Iri ~the U._S.; 43 .states allow their legislatures to ·
·
submit referenda· to the pe~ple, and 24 states allow citizens to sp<)nsor initiatives.· In
Arkansas, some of Govemor-.Clinton's best kflown legacies-- such as. ethics reform .,. . .... were.
·enacted· in .this way. ·
·
Establishing a binding national referendum would require a Constitutionat' amendment.
Such an amendment might provide for putting an issue to a nationwide vote if the legislatures
iri 3/4 of the states recOin mended it or if petitionerS gathered signatures from i% of the
population of every state. As Constitutional sa,feguards,. the referendum could require 60%
approvaUo be enacted, and could be overturned by a2/3 vote in the Congress. A tamer
approach might send any approved-referendum to the Congress for final approval,· and require.
Congress to pass it within one year or submit a revised version to another vote of the .
.electorate.
·
· ·
Is this a'·good idea?. For.starters, this is the one truly popular reform idea th~t has not
_·been appropriated by either party. The best argument for direct democracy is that it enables
the broad public to make its voice h~ard when the .congressional system is unresponsive or
_gridl.ocked. It also changes the balance of pow·er·between the President and Congress, ·since .
. the. President still has most claim to the national megaphone. The advance of. information ·
technology will.make this process easier (and perhaps inevitable) .. The strongest argument
against a referendum is· that it could fall prey to extreme social or fiscal proposals, and· that it
might make it impossible to rationally conduct the rest of the public's business. (Not that it's
so easy_ today.) In addition, campaign spending on referenda is even harder to regulate than
in candidate elections.
·
·
·
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·
2~ Sweeping Reorganization of Government." .Our attack on the bureaucracy could
· ·. go further, and propose the actual elimination of .one or more departments or· functions.
•
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a. Panetta--Kerrey plan. This proposal, put forward during the 1992 primary .
· campaign, called for consolidating the current 14 cabinet-level departments into seven:
Defense, State, Justice, Tre~ury, Human Resources, Natural Resources, Economic
Policy. · Kerrey argued that cutting the number of cabinet departments would reduce
adii1iriistrative costs of the Federal government by 25 percent over a ten-year period ..
At the time, the Clinton campaign ·dismissed it as rearranging the boxes, but it had
·. some appeal. ·
. b. Base-closing commission. ·Alternately, we 'could propose a base:...closing
commission Or fast track model for government reorganization, reform, and reinvention.
--·a Hooyer,.Commissionor Grace Commission. with teeth. Under a fast track model, .
a commission would propose legislation, which would have to be voted on by the
_ Congress ·with no amendments .. Under a base-dosing ~odel, the recommendations
COPY
�would stand unless they were. overtumeq by_ a !/3. vot~. ~!tlier version would require
· authorizing legislation. A fast-track process was considered by the administqltiori at
the outset of the REGO review in 1993, but was set aside dueto -likeiy congressional
- hostility.
·
·
·
·. 3. Reform Trilst Fund (Chiidren's Allowance Paid for ~y Cutting Special Intere~t
Subsidies). The President's most prominent remaining campaignprom"ise (and the
~epublieans'· -last hope for a wedge issue) is the middle-class tax cut. One option· would. be ·
to set up a trust fund to use savings from eliminating .unnecesSary government subsidies to
pay for a children's -allowance for middle..:.class families .. Rob Shapiro has identified a series
of special interest subsidies; an expanded deduction for middle-:-class families with children.
would cost in the neighborhoOd of $20-40. billion over five years. Nobody would get their
tax cut unless Congress agreed to make the cuts .. Established interests _would atta<;:k us, but
we could press the simple theme that parents can do more for' their children with that money ..
than government or those interests c.an.,
4. Tax Reform for B~iness.. The tax code is_ littered with special preferences for
. certain types of businesses -:-....: pharmaceutical, advertising~ dairy, life and casualty insurance·
. _...::which together cost nearly $50 billion In lost revenues.
could propose. simplification
·of the tax code that would eliminating special tax incentives for a few businesses and use the
savings to implement an across-the-board, long-term capital gains tax reduction and a tax
ctitfor business spending on worker training; These measures {which would cost around $25 .
billion a year) would level the playing field for all busin~SS; .and give liS a pro-business, proinvestment fight.
We
· · . 5~ Eliminate the Congressional Frank, and Give It to t~e American People~ The
frank is one of the most entrenched and abused symbols ofiriaimbe.ncy. We could propose
to take it away from Congress and give it to· the Ainerican people i11stead. Any jndividual
so- for· free. · ·
who 'wants to send a letter to their Congressman or Senator would be able to
Postcards; letters from organiZations, and letters from another district or state· would not be
eligible (mail could be delivered directly to the district office to prevent abuse). This is. how :
it works in .Canada, where Citizens can write Parliament for free.
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· ·
�November I,
i994 ·
.••,<.··
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.
. MEMORANDUM FOR THE CHIEF OF STAFF
FROM:·
Bruce Reed
..
Michael Waldman·
Bill (jalston
Paul Weinstein
SUBJECf:
! .
Strategy· for Political and· Government Reform
.
.The collapse of publi~ trust in the institutions of government is the fundamental
political fact of our time. After two decad.es of growing disillusion, this break between the
· people in office and the people who put the~ 'there dominates every aspect of American
politics, froiD the noisy bombast of talk shows to the silence-of empty voting booths.
Voters believed that Bill Clinton understoodthis situation, and would act· to rectify it.
But for all of our efforts over the past tWo years, the public· is now more disillusioned, more , .
embittered, than it was in November 1992. · Whatever the results of the upcoming election,
the President should put forward ~ bold, coherentset o{ reform initiatives to make
·
··
· government, Congress, and the political system work.
I. The Case for Reform
Why is a bold reform agenda so important?
First, the public demands it. Citizen cynicism and anger is deep and perVasive.
· Voters perceive a failure of government to act decisively and. effectiveJy. They see a federal
government that hotqes money and power, endless bickering between two seemingly outdated
political parties, and a proliferation of special interests that drown .out the voicts of average
citizens. Wh~n John Kennedy was President, '76% of the people said they trusted the federal
government to do what was right aU or most of the time. Today, after betrayals from
Vietnam to Water~ate to "Read My Lips;" only 22% of the people give that same answer.
Moreover, much of this critique of Washington and goverriment is valid. Govertiment
is bloated, irrational, and inefficient -- atl ossified institution, in an era of constant innovation.
Special interests do have too much power; a $300 million campaign overwhelmed health
care, gun groups practically derailed the crime bill, and some 80,000 lobbyists of every
. pinstripe have .succeeded in diluting or defeating scores of proposals. Congress js paralyzed
!
.
.
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�\.
by partisanship and resistant to. change. Changing the
perhaps the most significant legacy we could l~;av~;
. Finally, restoration Of trust in govei'Ilffient and·
.. · . is essellti~l to the success of the .
rest ofour agenda. As we have learne_d overthe past two years,\ve' ciumot count on public
.
support for health care, welfare reform, deficit r~duction or any' other issue unless we first
persuade them that. we understand what's wrong. with govemmenf ~d have set about to fix it.
Conversely, 'an agenda that links politica~ reform with oureffprts to ·make bipartisan progress
on· health care, welfare .reform,. reemployment, and other issues should ~trengthen and
··
·
reinforce those efforts.' ·
. To be sure, this. administration has made a ·real start on this front. 'Dte Vice.
President's reinventing govei11Illent initiative has been the quiet success story of the first two
ye~rs. As a result of the NPR, we-have dramatically shfunk the federal workforce, and
·passed sweeping procurement reform legislation: We imposed the toughest ethics
requirements ever on our senior officials, and repealed the deductibility of lobbying expenses.
We pi:opos,ed tough and well:-regarded campaign finance and lobbying reform bills. _And we
have taken on tnore vested interests than any administration iii decades. But these efforts
have not been enough to overcome the rising tide o{ public cynicism.
·. 1be ·Coming· Battle
TodaY's "mad"-aS-:hell" atmosphere is riot a flash in the' pan, but a firebell in the night
The .reform: impulse was strong two years ago;. by every indieation, it is even stronger today.
It is no longer a question of whether Congress will address reform issues; the only question is
. whether we will lead the fight or be left behind.
.
Early in -the next term, we can expeCt the Republicans to press forward with
their reform agenda:
·
-- balanced budget 'amendment; .
-- term limi~s;
·
.
-- cuts_ in congressional committees and staff.
On Election Day, voters in 8 states are expected to approve termli~its
referenda, bri~ging to 23 the number of states that have backed liinits. The .
issue will heat up even further when the Justice Department appears before the
U.S. Supreme Court to argue that these state measures are unconstitutional.
.Ross Perot's 19%. of the vote Was the second highest. by a third party candidate ·
this century, surpassed only by Theodore Roosevelt in 1912. Polls indicate that
-- if he were to run today -- Perot's vote would not slip significantly.
Support for independent candidates generally is at levels not seen in half a
century.
COPY
�When the new Congress convenes in ....
freshmen or sophomores, nearly all o.f .. ·
· · · · · · ';:cz';::":!-''/~.:;;;t':¥<if,.l
W,ashington." · ·
;,,.·:·:
''·
·A.Three-Front War
:.··.
. ··,::· >:
j
;"
·:!:
·4;;~:;.
This memorandum lays .out the elements of, a su~tained~· vigorous refonn campaign.
Tentative stabs at congressional or poli~ical reform, pursued separately andquietly,
neither succeed nor break through to the public. Instead, we ·must mount 3Il aggressive,
. comprehensive campaign, as .we have done Qn other issues, from the budget to NAFrA to the
crime bilL A concerted effort to .change the way Washington doeS business Will not only
offer the Presidentthe chance to rise above partisan arid narrow interests, but do more to
' ·advance the rest of our substantive. agenda than anything else we could do over the next few
months.
·
·
will
.
Our reform agenda should do battle ori three fronts: ·
.
Shifting power back to the American people, through campaign refonn that
requires broadcasters to provide free time to candidates; a national initiative
and referendum process; and a "citizen frank" that lets citizens contact
C()ngress for free;..
·
··
·
Fixing Congress, with a constitutional amendment allowing st(ltes to limit
legislative terms; lobt?y ref9rm; a ban on gifts; a congressional pay freeze until
the budget is balanced; and a 25% cut in congressional stat"f; and
·
Launching a renewed assault on bureaucracy, including the line-item veto;
civil service reform to give federal managers the right tb hire and fire; and a
fundamental overhaul of federal regulatory agencies.
This memorandum sketches out a 3-6 month campaign to unveil and fight for these
: proposals.
·
·'
. ll. Proposals
A. Shifting Power Back to the American People
In .the end, it will not be enough to change Washington. The American people are
ready to take government into their own hands. The spread of infonnatiori technology .makes
that possible, and the collapse of political institutions makes it almost certain. . .
., .
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�1. Free TV Time for Candida
funding wili0
·. not pass the new Congress. ~ste~d,
called for
.· in his campaign -- free TV time for
.. ~'a' $1,000 limit
·on PAC donations, and reforms on soft _ . ·.~'Free ]X;iti!Tie_:·p~s · . · · pu_~lic support.
1
Over the years, i~ .has. also been .
· ·by Bob Dole and_~~~s.,g~!~t.. The·idea would
prompt a m~jor battle ·with the broadc~~ing irr.dustry Clll.~ its champions__ in C()ngress. ~n the
other ·hand, It would negate the Republicans' smgle most powerful pubhc argument agamst
reform .
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2. N atio~al Refereridum. The p10st dramatic and .significatit reform proposal the. )~ ("' r- c
.·.
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(1)1.
~esident co~ld pu.t f.orward is a nationa~ ·referendum .that would ~How the people to vote on . < fY10ilf- ~Q/)1
. ISSUes of national Importance. MostmaJOf democrac;Ies have ~atlonal referenda. .For .
.
~
example, in recent. years, Italians have_ vpted on divo.rce; Spain voted on membership in
. . · -~ .
·
· NATO; and Austna and Sweden voted on the ·use of nuclear.power. .In the ·U.S., 43 states . · .· ·
·
· allow their legislatures to submit refereJda to the people; and 24 states allow citizens t.o ··
· · ·
·
sponsor initiatives. In Arkansas,: some/ Jf Governor Clinton's. best known legacies -- such as
..ethics reform ..... .,.. were enacted in this w~y. We could call for national votes on politieal
reform, health reform, etc., but it would be entirely up to the American people what questions ·
.
.
put on the ballot.
.
.
,
.
are
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/
'&tablishing a binding national refer~ndum or initiative process would require a ·
Constitutional amendment ·.Such an am~ndment might provide for putting· an issue to a .
. nationwide-vote. if the legislatures in 3/1 of the states recommended it or signatures were
gathered from 5% of the voters nationwide .. ·.As a· Constitutional safeguard~. the referendum
would require 60% .approval to be emict~d and would be subject to judicial review:
Anational referendum is -the one truly popular· refo~ idea that has not been
appropriated by eitherparty. The best argument for direct democracy is that it enabl,es the
broad publiq to -make its voice heard w~en the congressional system .is umespoilsive or
·
·
gridlocked. It cmild boost voter tUrnout! and enthusiasm; this year, twice as many
Californians say they are going to ·the ~Us to vote for or a~nst Prop 187 as are going to
vote . for a particular candidate. · The adv~nce of inforrilation technology will make this
I . .
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process easier. This administration has helped deyelop a tamper.;..proof digital signature,
which allows people to provide .a legal ~ignatute by computer~ Direct voting canriOt be far
behind.
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The most frequently. advanced argument against a_referendum is that it could fall prey .. ·
. to extreme soci~il or fiscal. proposals. Hbwever; a recent comprehensive study of referenda
foupd that in general, that has not provetl to be the case. Another concern is the difficulty of
controlling spending by opponents and ~roponents. Additional safeguards i:ould help address
these _concerns~ such. as free· TV time fot supporters_ and opponents; a pay-::-as-you:-go rule for
proposals with budgetary impact; and lithiting referenda to statutory rather than constitutional . ·
issues .(so. that constitu~ional amendments like term limits. and school prayer would.go through
. . .
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· the same thorough process they do now).
.
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aOPY
�Gephardt .
.PH}.9~rlg nation~l
referendum. I_n r~cent polls, support I.
.
_
_
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mess mtere_~t~_J_ha~
elite opinion, 1t will be opposed by
Congress, and by some interest groups nervous about the impulses
.
. . : Aillong
With
_too. llluch democracy.
... .
.· ..._ · ·
!~:~~~rfrE:~:=~~t~~t.~~;~fEg~r~~~~:~~~E~:~e./!!p
t~ th~ir
wo~ld
~iJ4v··.
.
who wants to send a letter
Conp.essman or Senator
_be able to do so for free.
Postcards, letters from organiZations; anq. letters .fr()m another di~tnct or st~te would not be
·
·.
.
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I
.
, .
.
.
. ._.,,.,·
.
. ·eligible (mail could be delivered directly to the district office to prevent abuse). This. is how . ·
It wofks·in Canada, where citizens can iwritC Parliament fodrte. , ·
"'
>·.· .. ..
4. Citizens: Congress. One dramatic experiment in direct democracy would be to
run a national Citizens' I!!!Y or Citizen~' Congfess that would bring ordinary cit~ens together
· to resolve a particular issue. We eould invite a random group of citizens from arQund the·
. eountiy to Washington to deliberate on a given issue -- political, reform, clime, comiriunity
service. They. would hear arguments from all sides, their .deliberations wou~d-. be nationally
.
.
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. .
. . ..
.. .
televised, and most important, we woula try to take action on the basis of what they
recommend. By selecting a· small group of ·ordinary Americans entirely at random and letting .
· them take part in goveinrnent for a fewj days, we mi~t s~ark new interest _In participatory ..
democracy and find a new way to ·get around the. special .mterests to promote common~sense
consensus.
the
5. Take Subsidies from the Special In~erests and Return the Mo~ey t~
Ariterican Peop~~· The whole point ofjreforming govermrient is to give ordinary people .a
better deal for their tax- dollars. One option would be to give them a reform dividend, by
eliminating special interest subsidies and using the savings to pay for a children's allowance
for middle-class families. Rob _Shapiro: has identified a series of special ~terest subsidies; an
expanded deduction for middle-class families with children would-cost in the neighborhOod •·
of $20-4o billion over five ·yearS. The 1savings could· go into a trust fund, so that nobody
· would get their tax cut unleSs Congress_ agreed .to make the· spending cuts. Established
interests would attack anyone who goes after their subsidies,· but we could press the simple
· theme that parents- can do more for their children with that money than government or those
• ,interests can. · · · ._·
· _·
· ~· · _ ·. · · · · ··
· · ·. ·
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6.. Devolution of Power to State and Local Governments. Last. year, the
.
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,
I
.Administration pushed two major. initiatives that would have restored. balance to the . .
I
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partne~hip between federal, state, and local governments. The Glenn-Kempthome unfunded .
1
mandates bill and the President's waiver legislation ·drew bipartisan supi>ort on the Hill:.· We
_ ~hould aggressively push both bills next year and back it up with a broader devolution
..
strategy. Public trust in state and local government, although weaker than decades ago,
~emains much stronger than confidence In the federal government.
.
1
.s
OOPY
.
�B. Fixing Congress
\
.
; -~~·
... :
....··
week'!) election, we should press for major changes
Regardiess of the outcoine of
in the way :Congress does. business ..
a ban!
~m.;,d
w:
should
that Congress pass gift
l. Lobby Reform and Gift
and a back-to-basics lobby reform . I as soon as they r~tum. · The Republicans raised
several bogus objections to the lobby
bill in the -waning days; we should call their
and ~ass the bill on a bipartisail basis.· ··
bluff, accept thosechanges if necess
.
J.
2.· .·Apply Laws to Congress. •· Le~slation applying a host of laws to Congress. passed ,
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. tqe House but not the Senate this past ~Iigress~ We shoutd press Congress to pass it · ·
immediately.
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3. Insist on Line-Item VetQ. jWith the Balanced Budget Amendment expected to
pass easily in the next Congress, we should insist th~t it include a COnstitutional line-item
·veto, and argue that it will be hard to bklance the budget without it.· We should insist on the
strongest possible' version of this veto; ~otthe enhanced rescission authority that passed the
House ~his time. We may also want to !offer our own capitaVoperating budget alternative. In·
the campaign, the President said he could support a balanced budget amendment that
separated capital and operating expensd so that long-term investments .would be.· encouraged .
and operating costs reduced. ..
-
~tf~~. ··.
. .flv.D.~
~
·1 .
· . 4. Term Limits. Republicans pledge to bring to a vote a constitutional amendment
limiting cangr~ssional terms to· 12 yearsl but they would grandfather in existing Members of
Congress. Beyond prinCipled oppositiort; we can respond in two ways:
.
·.
~II
-~uld
~n.service
• . . . . ·· _a..
their bluff We
demand that the 12-year limit
apply
tmmedtately (or by a date certam, sucb as 1996), and thereby affect stttmg members of
Congress; and/or
b. Let the states decide. We could support a constitutional amendment to
allow states to vote to apply term limits to their own federal representatives. This
would be consistent with our leg~l position that state-mandated tenn limits are ·
unconstitutional.
.
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by
5. Cut Congressional Staff Overall
25%: In the campaign, the President
promised not only to cut the White Hou~ staff by 25%, but to .challenge Congress to do the
same. · The Republican Contract calls fpt a 25% cut in committee (not personal) staff. We
could press forward with our original detnand to cut overall staff Qy 25%.
· ·
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· 6. Freeze Congressionaland Plesidentiai Pay Until the Budget Is Balanced.
we're going to make, significantspendinl cuts to reduce_ the deficit, public officials should
OOPY
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·
�The American
LJ"'-''LJ'".
1
don't,,getacg~~~-t~~~,~g~~~o~t~P,!;liyihg. incr~~e. ~hy .
freeze. ()n ,GqJ1gresston.;tl and Prestdenttal pay IS a
plans to "cufjheir.payaridsend them home." · ·
C. A Renewed Assault . on
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's success by escalating our assault on the federal.
bureaucracy, with a relentless, o:~~u~•laiJu"'u attack on fraud, red tape, unnecessary programs, .and
counterpfoductive rules and·re
~
,. ,,
1
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1. The Right to Hire and
.
bill that wiil reduce the number of job
hire and fire federal workers.
bill will be ready· to introduce in
2~
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N~R is. prep.aring.aswe~ping civil service reform·~···~~7~··
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and gtv~ federal_ managers the !igh! to . ' ,oecrf. ·
. with unions and management are under way; the
'. . . . •'
.· · ·
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· ·
· · · · ·
•
The Right to Downsize.
and OMB are preparing legislation to repeal. FfE
' ' floors in ~xisting appropriations bills, . ban the use ofFTE floors in future bills. This .
. · could be coupled with a Presidential
to veto future appropriations bills that limit our
.
ability. to down~i.ze. We should also copside.·r di~ec.tt.·ng agencies to a.ccele.rate the mandatej· . ~
..
doWnsizing of the workforce to accomplish its objectives J2y 1996 instead of 1999. To ·..
dliJ9.-"'
iilustrate. that downsizing· the bureaucracy is one of this Admi,nistratjoil's signature
.
IY'.z_;. .~.·.
~~.Kfl.
achievements, we should start a' Bureaui:racy Clock (in a prominent place like Times Square . .::J~.
.that would .track our progress.
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y
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· . · . 3. Regulatory Overliaut Re~latory reform will· be a top priority for NPR next
1
· year, with an extensive review that bfin~ business leaders and others to the White House to
developa new, more market-based approach to regulation for the 21st Century.
··
Presid~nt's
Pr~ident
· .· · . 4. · The
Fraud SqJd. The President and vice
could app<)int a ·
-REGO SWAT team or bureaucratic bo~b squad -- an elite group of troubleshooters and
investigative journalists who report direbtly to them. Any time a story breaks about fraud or
mismanagement in the bureaucracy, the~ would move. in; get to the bottom of it, and report ·
. back within days .with reoon:imendations. They could also~uncover such troubles before . they
become public, ·and demonstrate the Pr~ident's desire for unfiltered information on how his ·
goverillnent is working. This has beenldone before: FDR d}spatchedjotimalist Lorena
Hickok around the country to see how the New Deal was really working. It would be an
opportunity to make a high...:.profile refohn appointment, by naming a prominent journalist
' 'le~d the effort.
. .
.
. · 5. ·A Pork-Busting Bill. NPR and OMB cim put foiward a comprehensive reseission
bill, whichtargets pork in the recently passed appropriations bills.
--
adPY
.
�Withdrawhl/Redaction Sheet
C]inton Library
I
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
.
.I .
RESTRICTION
-
Mark Gearan, et al. to David Gergen, et al.; RE: Fall Calendar (3 ·
_pages) · ·
·
··
.
07/19/1993
P5
002.memo
Michael Waldman to Mark Gearan; RE: Planning/Coordination (2
I _
,· ·
pages)
.
06/22/1993
P5
003. memo
Bob Boorstin, et al. to-Mark Gearan, et al.; RE: Crowded calendar for
summer and fall (3 pages)
07112/1993
P5
001. memo
J
.
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number:
13643
FOLDER TITLE:
Fa111993 [Memos]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2206
· RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]-
Freedom of Information Act- [S·U.S.C. 552(b))
Pl
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) ofthe FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) ofthe FOIA] ·
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b )(6) of the FOIA].
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
·
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA]
b ( p s y - udisclose geological or geophysical information
co
r
ells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of.th.e PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA] ·
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
M~
I
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U . S a
2201(3).
_
RR Document will be reviewed upon request. _
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. COlfFIBBiJWXM: MEMORANDUM
TO:
David Gergen
Mack McLarty
George . Stephanopoulos ·
FROM:
Mark ·Gearan
. Bob Boorstin
Michael Waldman
Marla Romash
Rahm Emanuel
DATE:
J":lly. 19' 1993
·RE:
Fall caiendar
Summary
·.In preparation for the meeting to disc·uss the Fall schedule·
and the apparen~ coll~sion [of the three major issues {hea~th . .
care, NAFTA, re~nvent~ng government), we have prepared th~s .··.
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mem6r.iu1dum to review ·the· t~ming. and the comnmunications issues
involved. ·
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· This memorandlpll wiil l:!e supplemented with a suggested
calendar for the balance o~ the summer thru.Labor Day. The team
of Boorstin~Waldman-Romash ·!are the Communications Department .
·leads for the long-term policy coordination tracking. the planning·
of Adminis:tration · initiati~es. ·.
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· BackgrouJ?d
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· Dur~ng, the trans.1..t.1.on and at the Camp Dav~d retreat, the ·
·President listed five p::ior~ties for his first year in office . . .
They were: ·1) an econom.1.c growth package, 2) health care refoi1Jl~.
3) politicai reform, 4) nat~onal service and 5) welfare reform.
By the August recess, we wi~l have achieved two major legislative
victories: the economic package and national service ..
·But starting Labor Day1 a combination of external deadlines,
campaitin promises and policy priorities will collide. Contrary to
the preceding months, we will • no longer be able to push .issues.
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as~de and focus on the econc;:>m~c package. . .
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··Our bi9gest challenge is to set priorities and timetables
for the chief issues: health care, NAFTA and reinventing · ·
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government. If we fail, we face an, overcrowded ·agenda and a
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.. reemergence of the "loss·· of focus 11 theme that damaged us · during
the spring.
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·[issues and Timing
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. Health care: The health care proposal was promised for May
.·. and then delayed until 11 aft~r reconciliation." The President .has .
·.repeatedly promised that health care will come after th~ economic
·package passes. surveys indilcate that health care remains the
"second or th.l.rd pr.1.or.1.ty (beh.1.nd J.ob· creat.1.on) for the vast
-\\majority of voters, but alsd[ that people fear reform is just
L.
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DETERMINEDTO BEAN
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.AQMINISTRATIVE. Mii~G
INITIALS:
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::ll'do- h'oti
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Fall calendar/page two
another promise to b~ brok~n. Our ·core supporters are rapidly
losing patience and· co.uld block passage by throwing their support
to alternative plans. · .
The . final.decision making process onhealth care. has been
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, delayed, most recently bec~use of fears· that n~ers would leakin the midst of the reconcilia:tion debate~ A·detailed policy and
supporting data will be re4dy -for release in mid-September but
only if. a qo-ahead on a ~inal policy process is given
immediately. . . · ·.
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·N~TA: Deadlines. established· under . fast~track- legislation
ahd worries about the upconl.ing z.texican el~ctions are driving ·
resolution of NAFTA. The President has continued to express his .
conditional support forth~ treaty, but avoided making anypublic
t:ime~specific commi tme~ts.
Two factors compl~cate NAFTA t1.m1.ng. Fl.~st, successful
negotiation of t~e side a~~eements .. on labor ~nd th~ env~ronment.
Second., the ongol.ng lawsul.t demandl.ng an env1.ronmental 1.mpact
.statement (which the Adminilstration has promised to appeal. )
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qovernm~ntl: ~he
Reinvent_inq
reinventing government task
force is scheduled. to·reporit on September 7. The task-farce is
·preceding oh the assumption that it.will reveal its findings and
recommendations the w~ek of Labor Day, in a series ·of major
announcements. The National Performal}ce Review is. expected to
'offer significant savings and. dramatic changes· in government.
. ·. starting as an importapt priority and part of the ·
President's commitment to change and a goverriment that puts
.· people first, reinventing gbverrunent has increased in importance
, in· the. past several months.l ~s ·campaign finance reform has lost
momentum. in Congr,ess and the public becomes increasingly more .
frustrated with govermnent ~nd politicians, it has become more
salient. Ip addition, surveys indicate that it will prove useful
as a watershed issue for those searching for a New Democrat.'
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· ·. - Welta~a ·ref~rm: This a~ slimes ,that the welfare reform task
force cont1.nues 1.ts work through-the fall, .but .that introduction
of the plan is delay~d untii 1994.
Other issues:
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r·n addition to the three big issues, the fall offers other
opportunities. These includ~: . • . .
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• Internat1.onal JObs summ1.t
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• crime bill
• Continuing ·immigration legislation ·
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• _Education 2000
• campaign finance refch:1n/:% ·
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• Wetlands~ · J
The question on_a11 these 1.ssues: do they clutter or help?
·should the .President's time !commitment and public attachment be
limited (i.e. signing the c~ime bill) or developed into a fullscale initiative?
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CtOPY,·.·
�.Fall calendar (page three
The problem:·
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T~e preble~ is pretty\ simple: . neither the President,· at ·
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least 1n a publ19 _sense, nor the Congress can handle the three· ·
big ~s~u7s simultaneously .)• By trring to do too much, w7 raise the
pos~1b1l1ty.t~at we lo. se evleryth1ng_. Fro~ all perspect1ves ~- ·
pol1cy, pol1t1cs and·press -:--we need gu1dance on how to proceed.
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· The President has indicated to the Vice President that he is
eage:r: to launch the reinve~ting government initiative during the
week following Labor Day. ';t'heVice-President could maintain a
high profile on tJ'le .issue for about 10 days, before turning to
the next. big issue~ The vibe President would then carry.the
initiative forward throughbut the·f~ll,·with the President.
returning to the theme in the State of the Union.
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·.. The problem is the cOihpeting demands of health care reform
and NAFTA. Both will requit-e· a substantial, if not exclusive,
· ·. cc;nru!litment of Presider1tial·1time and ~ublic ic:tentif~cation for a ..
m,1n1mum of several months. : Both requ1re cons1derat1.on by some of ·.
' the same Congressional co~ittees. And both require assembling.
difficult, if different, alliances in order to secure
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Congressional passage..
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. Some·hav~ argued that the very nature of these different
alliances may allow, indeed demand, that healthcare and -NAFTA
.proceed simultaneously. Others doubt that the Congressional
process -- anq the difficul!ty of securing passage of either
program-~ will allow_therii to proceed hand in hand.
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conclusion
We urgently need guidance on establishing priorities and a
.chronology ·for resolving t~e traffic jam created by reinventing
government, health care reDiorm and NAFTA. In the cases of health
care_and_NAFTA, failure to take immediate actionthreatens the ·.
ability of policy team~ to present final proposals in time for
-September action. Failure tb.decide also means that we could
return to the "loss of foculsn theme that injured the President'~'
itanding during the spring~
�June 22, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR MARK GEARAN
CC: -
BOB BOORS,TIN
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. FROM:
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.MICHAEL
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SVIDECT:
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WALDMAN
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PIANNING/~rDINAT~ON
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_ I bel~eve the plann~ngjcoord~nat on effort could be very
exciting, . aJ1d ve'ry needed. 1 . I don't know how niuch progress you .
. made on thinking this throljlgh afte~ my. departure last riight, but
here are a !ew thoughts about how ~t should be structured.
.
. *As: I mentioned· last]night, I am pai-ticularly ,concerned
that . this has the potential for being verj nebulqus -- a·. recipe
for frustration. ·This protbess'will_only thrive with empowerment
. and access. Without theseJ it could be a gtand exercise in .
· wheel-spinning. This needs to be done under the auspices of, · and
with -the input c:>f, someone I ~t a. Gergen-~tephano~oulos-McLarty
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level.
(Even w~th that, tn~s w~ll. requ~r·e cons~derable . ·. · ·
. diplomacy.) And it can't -r.lrork unless the people involved are
given access to the fora where priorities are ·set and decisions
made. For this to happen, ·1 we W()Uld need ·your leadership •. ·
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* There are, in my view, .several distinct functions that are
now not being . filled adequcitely, that could be properly
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undertaken by the communications department (as well as·elsewhere
in the White. House).
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• Traff~c cop -- We've gotten better about th~s, but _the WH
still lacks. the ability ~to prioritize and order policy·
initiatives. This entfails things-such as executive orders,
new proposals, schedu]ed speeches to organizations, ·. etc.
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• Message cops -- Even at a non-presidential leyel, there
needs-to be a more efiective infusion of Clintonite. ideology
and priori tie~,·-·1. .
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• Issue track1ng
As d1scussed, the plann~ng operat~on
should systematize th~ tracking of what the departments and
. cabinet councils. are doing, for our informational and
planning purposes.·
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• ·Long-term caTemdar/};)lock schedule -- The compilation and
updating of·the long.
• Injecting a "communications" sensibility early into the
process of issue devellopment --. Especially for those. issues.
that ar·e _the next majo;r campaigns or projects; we should
have communications input early and continuously. Either
~OPY
�the people involved in planning can play tliis.role,. or they.
can ensure that someqne is doingit • . (Consider reinventing
government;_ that could b.e me or Bob, or it. could be. Marla.)
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* We shouldn't get too caught up in ~tructure at first. A·
good first step would be to think of it as a task-oriented
project-- e.g.,.weekly updates on what's going on; working on
and implementing a master schedule andplan·for the. next six
months.
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As for Bob's.idea of tripartite "teams" that work on the
various issues, I think th:at they probably exist.already to a
certain degree •. To the ex!tent they don't, however, it is a pipe
dream to ·seek to reorganizle other people's shops (e.g. ,. · .·
legislative). to match· this model.
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CCOPY
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.~· ':· .
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t
MEMORANDUM
TO:
FR:
Mark Gear an
George Steph~nopoulos
David Gergen
Mack McLarty.
.Bob Boorstin
·Michael Waldman
Rahm ·Emanuel ·
Marla R6mash
DATE:
July i2, -1993
RE:
crowded calendar for summer and fall
. This. memo identifies i~sues 'that are going t6 arise this
sumnier and fall and suggests a communicationsjpolicy·strategy for
avoiding issue. overflow.
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summer: Between the time the Pres~dent returns on July 15
and Labor Day I.· the following issues will require some level of
Administration effort·and attention:
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.(1) conference report/economiC plan and subsequent
·victory .lap' ·.
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(2) gays in the military;
(3) Flood reli~f aqtivities;
(4) Imniigrationjterrorism legislation;
(5). Passage of.natiorial service legislation;
(6) Crime bill introduction;
(7) Community deve'lopinent.banks;.
(8) Workforce 2000 Conference
Th~ ·economic conference. should 'Clearly. dbminate the
.President's calendar and schedule.-As· Stan Greenberg has said, .we
·. have _a limited amount of time· to define the program; and we must.
grab the hi.gh ground .. · The principles of our economic plan -- ·
progressivity, investment and deficit reduction -- must once
again be articulated. If the' President is deeply involved in the
conference negotiations -- and if that is the public message we
want to. send-- that will necessarily limit his participation· in
public events sur~ounding other' issues.
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The other issues should~ for the most part, claim the.
time only when absolutely necessary, or if they
buttress· the case on-the economic plan. One negative issue-.gays' in the.military -- threatems to swamp mid-July while one
. positive issue -- National Service ..:.,_ .'offers a great opportun~ty
to spotlight momentum on achieving the' President's agenda.
Pr~sident's
COPY
/
�.• 1
calendar Memo (Page.Two)
Week of July 12 · ·
Conference begins
Gays in the military
Community development banks (July 15)
· Flood relief
1·
Week of July 19
conference continues
Immigration/terrorism announcement (July 19)
Week of July 2 6 ·
Conference .continues
· Workforce 2000 event (July 26)
National Service passage (?) ·
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Week of August 2
Confe~ence
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concludes/budget legislation passes
Week of August 9 ··
· ·Budget victory· lap
(note: Papal vis~t]
Week of August 16
·Vacation
. Week of August· 23
Vacation
Week of August 30
Run-up to reinventing government·begins (?)
Fall: startingprior t9 Labor Day and carrying on through
the fall, a number of priorityissues threaten to collide.
Contrary to the preceding months, we will no longer be able to
p~sh issues aside and focus.on the economic package. our biggest
challenge will be-to m:ov.e b~tween issues and maintain a theme.
The issue~ inclUde:
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·
Reinventing gover~ment (report due September 7) . ·
Health care
NAFTA
Inter:national.jobs summit
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At the same time, .three issues
. crime, political reform,
· Educatio~ 2000 -- can be stressed as desired. {i.e. Should the
President's commitment to crime be limited to signing·legislation
emerging from Congress or shoul~ we develo~ a full-scale
.initiative with a number bf public .~vent~ to~ighlight our
commitment~)
·
COPY
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Calendar-Memo (Page Three)
.
. Froni all perspectives -- policy, politics and press -- we
. urgently need· guidance on which ·issues will be emphasized during_·
.the fall and which issues will be delayedUnti~ 1994.
_ One possible calendar envisions parallel development of and
stress on the reinventing government_and health care initiatives,
with NAFTA staying quietly on track~ ·(The obvious bottlenecks • \
remain the Senate Finance and House·ltlays and Means committees, _
which have jurisdiction over both ·health care and NAFTA.) Another
·.envisions a quick look at reinventing government, followed by
parallel development of health care and NAFTA (the -·1994 State of
the Union would reinforce }iealth care and and set up welfare .
reform for election-year passage. ] _
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The President must: de~ide imm~diately which of these
calendars -- or some other variant -- should be used as a
blueprint. Otherwise,· we face an overcrowded agenda anda
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reemergence of the "loss of focus" theme that damaged us during
the spring.
our group will meet regularly to begin developing a· detailed
-plan that cari be completed the week of August 16. We can either
develop a plan based on two scenarios (as aboye) or proceed from
a predetermined list of priorities.
COPY
�.Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet·
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Bruce Reed, et a!. to the President; RE: ·Political and Government
Reform (6 pages)
11123/1994
P5
002. memo
Bruce Reed, eta!. to the Chiefof Staff; RE: Strategy for Political and
Government Reform. (9 pages)
11101/1994
P5
003. memo
Michael Waldman to Clinton Campaign, eta!.; RE: Standing for
change (6 pages)
03/25/1992
Personal Misfile
Michael Waldman to Bruce Reed; RE: Campaign fmance reform
package (3 pages)
06/10/1992
Personal Misfile
11123/1992
Personal Misfll.e
004. memo
'.
005. memo
. Michael Waldman to George·Stephanopoulos; RE: Political reform (5
pages)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number: · 13643
FOLDER TITLE:
[Political Reform]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
dbl435
.RESTRICTION CODES·
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute .[(a)(3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) ofthe PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4)-Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b )(6) of the FOIA]
. b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(~i-11-iS~J..WClUIJto<Jisclose geological or geophysical information
con•r•o•••lell• [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
C.' Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 u.~• ......- ...
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�. . . ·.j·
THE WHITE HOUSE
·WASHINGTON
·November 23, 1994
.MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
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·BRUCE REED
MICHAEL WALDMAN
'BILL GALSTON
PAUL WEINSTEIN
FROM:
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ELAINE KAMARCK
THROUGH:
JACK QUINN..
~·0\N't
· CAROL RASC
D~. \
ROBERT RUBIN . . .
Political and Governmental. Refonn
.SUBJECT:
Attached for your review is a memorandum outlining options for a political and
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governmental, reform program.
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Our goal is 'to have a bold, coherent arid plausible reform agenda, as an integral
· component of your overall strategy. This agenda could be- included as part of a major address
in December, if you decide. to give one, or in your .State of 'the Union ~dd,ress. As you ciu1
see, some of the proposals are conceptually "ready to go," and primarily need a political
decision whether to go forward. Others require fu~her wqrk, as part of the budget process or
in other appropriate fora.
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It is clear that, to break through public cyniCism and. allow you to ret~e the mantle of
·reformer, this program must be both responsible and dramatic. Finding the right mix is the
' most significant task we now face. '
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We have a. one-hour meeting scheduled for next Tuesday to discuss this with you .
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Attachment
cc: George Stephanopoulos
COPY
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�:''·.·_,·, .
. POLITICAL, CONGRESSIONAL, AND GOVERNMENT REFOR\1
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The collapse of public trust in the institutions of government is the fundamental
political fact of our time. After two decades of growing disillusionment, this break between
the people .in· office and the people who put them there· dominates every aspect of American ·
politics, from the noisy bombast of talk shows to the silence of empty voting booths. ·
Voters believed that Bill Clinton understo~·d this situation, and would act to rectify it.
But for all of our ~fforts over the past twO years, the public is still disillusioned, more.
erribitterc:;d than it \Vas in November 199.2;
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Our reform agenda should do battle on two fronts:
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Shifting power back to the American people and cle<Uring up Washington,
through: camp<,1ign reform that· requires· broadcasters to provide free· time to
candidates; a "citizen frank" that lets citizens contact Congress for free; a
·sWeeping effort to.produce·a leaner, cleaner Congress (lobby refoirn.,.a gift ban,·
applying private. sector laws to Congress, a 25% staff cut, reducing
· unneeessary reports, and a pay freeze· until the budget is balanced); and perhaps
insisting that any term limits not grandfather ctirient members; and
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Launching a renewed government reform program, through: reducing special
mterest subsidies;. the elimination of one or more departments; faster .
downsizing of the federal workforce; and initiatives on civil service reform,
·privatization, devolution, state flexibility, and regulatory reform.
.
We need to address the role of government and, to ~se your words, to "repair the
.damaged bond betWeen the people and their government." Then, toward achieving those
· objec;tives, you .could propose specific measures from. sections I and IT froin this memo.
I. Giving Government Back to the People
1. Free TV Time for Candidates. A campaign· reform·' bill with public funding will
not pass the new Congress. Instead,· we should press for the changes the President called for. ·
in his campaign--' free 1Y time for candidates who abide by spending·limits, a $1,000 limit
on PAC donations or outright PAC ban, a ban on campaign contributions from lobbyists to ·
the lawmakers they contact, and our soft money reforms from· last year. Free TV time has
strong public support. Over the years, it has also been endorsed by Bob Dole and Ross Perot.
The 1dea would prompt a major battle with the broadcasting industry and its ch:illlpions in
.Congress. And a campaign reform push would put the cmigressioilal· GOP on the spot.
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2. Eliminate the Congressional Frank, and Give It to the American People. The
·frank is one of the most entrenched and abused symbols of incumbency. We could propose
to drastically limit it for Congress and give it to the American people instead. Any individual
.· who wants to se~d a letter to their Congressman or Senator would be able to do so for free.
Members of Congress could use the frank to answer letters, but not for unsolicited mailings.
Postcards,, letters from organizations, and letters f?.'om another district or state would not be
.citizens' frank could also be applied to letters t'o the White House. ·
eligible.
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3. A Leaner, Cleaner Congress. We should propose a comprehensive congressional
reform package that presses for major· changes in the way COngress does business:
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a. ·Lobby Reform and Gift Ban.· We should demand that Con!iess pass a
· gift ban and a back-to-basics lobby reform bill as soon as they· return. The
Republicans raised several bogus objections to the lobby reform bill in the waning
days; we should call their bluff,_ accept those changes if necessary, and pass the bill on
a bipartisan basis:
·
a
b. Apply Laws to Congress. Legislation applying host of laws to Congress
. .
·.passed the flouse -bu~ not the Senate this past Congress~· We·should press Congress to
· pass it immediately.
c. Insist on Line-Item Veto. The Republican Contract includes a strong
· ver5ion of the line-item veto.; We should support it, and insist that it become .
effectively immediately, not in some future Presidency. (Their version does not
specify ali effective date.)
d. Endorse Congressional Staff Cuts. In the campaign, the Pre~ident .
promised not only to cut the White House. staff by 25%, but to ,challenge Congress to ·
.do the same. We could praise Republicans for doing this, but we need to con~ider the
_effect of doing this on our D~mocrats.
e. ·Reduce Congressionally Mandated Reports. Since 1970, the number of
· reports mandated by Congress has grown from 700 to 5,300. Many of these reports
· consume the agenc.ies' time and the taxpayers' doliars for. the members' gain; most just
gather dust.· We could· introduce legislation to reduce or ,eliminate such reports. · In
Arkansas, the President ordered a complete· review Of every report produced by the
Department of Education, and got rid of those no one read.
.
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f. Freeze Congressional and Presid~ntiai Pay Until the Budget Is·
.
Balanced. The NEC is· preparing another memo on our strategy for· the Balan~ed
. Budget Amendment. One. position we Can take in any event is to insist that .if we're
go'ing to make significant spending cuts to reduce. the deficit, public officials should
lead by example. The American people don't get a guaranteed cost-:of-living increase.
Why should their leaders? A perlormance-based freeze on Congressional and
COPY
�Presidential pay is a respori.sible, common-sense alternative to plans to "cut their pay.
and send them home."
·
.
4. Term Lirrtits. Republicans. pledge to .bring to a vote a constitutional amendment ·
limiting congressional terms to 12 years, but they would grandfather-in e:dsting Merhbets of
Congress. Beyond principled opposition, we can respond. in two ways:
a. Call Their Bluff. We could demand that the 12-year limit. on service
apply immediately (or by a,date certain, such as 1996), and thereby affect sitting
members of Congress; and/or
·
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· b. Let the .States Decide. We could support a constitutiomil amendment to
allow ~ to vote to apply term liinits to their own federal representatives. This.
would be consistent with our legal position that state-mandated term limits are
unconstitutional.
IT. Renewed Government Reform Program .
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.
_Unlike the Rep1;1blicans, our goal is not cutting government for its own sake, but using ·
. government for things it can do well and getting it outof the business of things .it cioes badly.
As the President
said, \Ve want to cut spending oil yesterday's programs and deliver a
government that can deal with tomorrow's problems. -We should eliminate governmental
. functions that have outlived the purpose for which tQey were created. When a s~ate or lo~l
·government can do a.betterjob, we should 'give them more authority and control, not new ..
mandates. And when a government function could be done as well or better by the private·
·
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sector, we should find a way to make it possible.
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Such decisions are difficult and far-reaching, and should generally be made in th~
budget. process, where the tradeoffs are 'fully clear. But it is essential that. as we go thro~gh
· . that process, we look for bold; cpmpelling ways to dramatize what we're doing. In the first
two years, we have made great strides in re'inventing governinent, reducing the deficit, and
downsizing the federal workforte. But public-cynicism about government is so high Uuit it
may well take more visible, dramatic steps to break through. The following ideas are meant
to illustrate such an approach.
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1. ·. Cutting Special Interest Tax Expenditures or Supsidies~
This cut-and-invest strategy, proposed by Rob Shapiro, would give us the high ground of
insisting that a middle-class tax cut be fully paid for, and enable us to do so' with cuts that
would 9therwise be off the tabl~ for deficit reduction or new investment. Alternatively, this
.. money could be dedicated toward an-education trust fund, deficit reduction, or some other
worthy purpose.
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Like all other means of creating resources withm the budget, Rob's strategy involves
difficult decisions th~t are likely to be hotly contested. An example of a few ideas, or partial
ideas that could be considered are:
$17.5 biltion
$ 6.9 billion
· $ 3.6 billion
· * Reduce deductibility of acjvertising expenses
* Cut
Energy Supply, R&D grants -
* Reduce government subsidies to private utilities
,·
*
(REA, BPA, nuclear)
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Make industries pay for services government provides
· (maricet rates for water sales, inland·waten¥ays,
. ·
nuclear wa5te disposal, CITC, FDIC, poultry)
TOTAL
$10.2 billion-
. $38.20 billion·
2. Eliminating One or More Departments. We could seize back the)nitiative in
the debate over doWnsizing government by proposing to abolish one or more departments:·
The drama of eliminating a whote department far-·exceeds the impact of cutting numerous
smalie~ ·programs. ·Th.ls is no eru;y task, and only makes sense if it could produce real
budgetary
FfE savings. But we believe it is.· worth a careful look.
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3.. Faster Dow¢iizing. · ·NPR and OMB are preparing legislation to· repeal ITE floors ·
.. in'existing appropriations' bills, and bail the·use of FfE floors hi future bills. This could be . ·.
coupled with a PresidentiaJ vow to veto future appropriations bills t~at limit our ability to · ·.
downsize. We should also:consider directing agenCies to accelerate tbe·mandated downsizing .•
. of the workforce to accomplish its objectives by 1996 instead of 1999. The .current track will
.bring the workforce under 2 million by late 1996 .. To illustrate that downsizing the . I ' .
. bureaucracy is one of this Ac;lmirtistration's signature achievements, we should start a .
Bureaucracy Clock (in a prominent place like Times Square) that would track our progress. It
may also be possible to accelerate downsizing by-allowing early retirement without buyouts;
we are looking at the cost of legislation 'once proposed by Roth that 1would give 500,000 .
federal employees the ability to retire early.
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4. Privatization. A New Democratic approach to privatization would be based on a ·
set of principles whi.ch focused on privatization not as ,a means to ru'n the government but as
a means to get the government out of
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. a) obsolete. businesses such as: ·United State,s Enrichment Corporation, Sallie Mae,
. the Helium reserve, Alaska Power, some Department of Energy labs, etc; ·
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. .b) programs that are viable private sector .activities, such 'as: the Air Traffic Control
System(an NPR recommendation that pOT is anxious to purs'ue), Amtrak, the Export-Import
Bank, and the Ov~rscas Private Invf:":stment Corporation. (In the same vein: P-urhber of
·
DOD non~core missions could be priv'atized, but current law pre'-:ents this step.)
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S. Devolution. NPR and OMB are .looking at a number of federal categorical
programs that could be. devolved down to the state and local level, such as: public housing
programs, trade and· export promotion, economic development, and-perhaps job training. ·We ·
are also preparing initiatives on unfunded mandates, waivers, and state flexibility. A package
of initiativ~s could be amiounced at the NGA meeting in late January.
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.6. Civil Service Refonn. NPR is preparing a sweeping civil service reform bill that.
will reduce the number of job· classificatfons and give federal managers the right· to·. hire and ·
fi.r.e. federal workers. Negotiatio:Q.s with ,unions and management are under way; the bill will
_. be.ready to introduce in January.·
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7. Regulatory Overhaul.· There is considerable concern in the public and in the
business community that the current regulatory pr~cess is too intrusive and too costly. As
chair of the Regulatory Advisory· Group, the Vice President is setting up a process whereby
each member would conv~ne a seminar. to explore innovative approaches to regulatory reform.
This process would thenyield ~ s~t ofless bureaucratic proposals to reforrn our regulatory .
apparatus.
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�November l, 1994
· MEMORANDUM FOR 11-IE CHIEF OF STAFF · ·
Bruce Reed·
Michael Waldman·
Bill Galston
Paul Weinstein ·
FROM:
SUBJECf:
)
Strategy forPolitical and Government Reform
The collap~e of public trust in th~ i~stitutions of government is the fundamental
.
political fact of our time. After two decades of growing disillusion,· this break between the
people. in office and the people who put them there dominates ever}' aspect of American
politics, from the noisy bombast of talk shows to the silence of empty voting booths ..
VoterS believed that Bill Clinton understood .this situation, and would ·act to rectify it.
But for all of our efforts over the past two years,· the .P~blic is now·more disillusioned, more
embittered, than it was in November 1992. Whatever the results of the 'upcoming ·election,
the President should put forWard ~· bold, coherent set of reform initiatives to m3ke
government, Congress, and the political system work. , .
· ·
I. The Case for Refonn
, Why is a bold reform agenda so important?
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First, the public demands it. Citizen cynicism and anger is deep and pervasive. · ·
Voters perceive a failure of .government to,:act decisively and effeCtively: They see a federal
government that· hordes money and power, en~less bickering between two seemingly outdated
political parties, and a proliferation of special interests that drown out the voices of average ·
citizens. ·When John Kenne~y was· President, 76% of the people said they trusted the federal
· government to do what was right all or most of the time. TOday, after betrayals from
· Vietnarri to Watergate to "Read My Lips," only 22% of the people .give that same answer.
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Moreover, much of this critique of Washington and government is valid. Govetnrnent
is bloated, irrational, and ineffic~eilt -- an ossified institution in an era
constant innovation.
Special interests do have too much power; a $300 million campaign overwhelmed health
·care, gun groups practically derailed the crime ·bill, and ~orne 80,000 lobbyists of every .
pinstripe have succeeded in diluting or defeating scores of proposals .. Congress is paralyzed
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�by partisanship and resistant to change. ·.Changing the way \Y?Shi~gto1l_dp,~s business is .
perhaps the most significant legacy we c~uld leave. :. · :·;·~;:'l.,:·:z;;.' .·:·.~;;&:({:·< ·.
· ·
·Finally, restoration of trust in government and politics is essential to· the success· of the.
rest bi our·agtmda. As we have learned~ over the past hvo years, w~ cannot cOunt on public
support for health 9ife, welfare reform;· deficit reduction or any other issue unless we first
persuade them that we understand what's wrong with government . and .have set about. to fix it..
..
'Conversely~ an agenda that links political reform with our efforts to make bipartisan progress
on health care, welfare reform, reemployment, and other issues $hOuld Strengthen and
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reinforce those efforts.
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. . · To be sure, this administr~tion 'has mad~ a real start on thls front. .·The Vice-.
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President'~ reinventing government initiative has been the quiet succeSs story of the .first two
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years. 'As a result of' the NPR, we have dramatically shrunkthefederal workforce;· and
·passed sweeping procurement reform legislation. We imposed the toughest ethics ·
requirements ever on our senior offic~als, and repealed the deductibility of lobbying expenses.
We proposed tough and well~regarded campaign .finance and lobbying reform bills~ And we
have taken on more vested interests than· any administration in. decades. · But these efforts
have not been enough to overcome the. rising tide of public cynicism~ ·
'··-'
The Coming Battle
·Today's "mad... as-hell" .atmosphere is ilot a flash in the pan,. but a firebell in the night.
reform impulse was strong two years ago; .by every indication; it is even. stronger today. .
·. · It is rio longer a. question of wh~ther ~ngress will address reform 'issues; th~ qilly question is
whether we will.lead the fight
be left behind.
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The
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Early in the next term, we can expect the Republicans to press forward with
their· reform agenda:
·
-,- balanced budget amendment;
-- term liinits; ·
-- euts in congressional committees and staff.
. On Election Day, voters in 8 states are expected to approve term limits
. referenda, bringing to 23 the. number of states that have backed limits .. The
issue will heat up even further when the Justice Department appears before the .
U.S. Supreme Court to argue that these state measures are unconstitutional..·
Ross Perot's 19% of the vote was the second highest by a third party candidate
-.this century, .surpassed only by TheOdore Roosevelt in 1912. Polls indicate that
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.. -- if he were to run today -- Perot's vote would not slip significantly.
·Support for inqependent candidates generally is at levels not seen in half a
century.
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�When the' new C~ngress convenes. in}~~uary, fuiJf.half its. members. w!ll be .
freshmen or sophomores, nearly all of ·~hom ran Ori''a platform· to "change
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A Three-Front War
This memorandum lays out the elements of a s~stained,· vigorous reform campaign..
. Tentative stabs at ·cOngressional or political reform,·puriued separately.and quietly, will
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.neitlter _SUcCeed nor bre~ t~ough to the public. Instead, we must mount an aggressive,
·comprehensive campaign, as we have done on other issues; from the budget to· NAFI'A to the •
. crime bill. A concerted effort to change the way WaShington does- business ·will not only
offer the President the chance to ris~ above partisan aDd narrow interests, but do mOre to
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·· advance the rest of our substantive agenda than anything else we could do over the next few
months·~
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. Our reform agenda should do battle on three fronts~
Shifting_power back to the 1American people, through campaign ·reform that
requires broadcasters to provide free time to candidates; a national initiative._. ·
and referendum process; and a "citizen frank" that-lets citizens contact .
Congress for. free;
Fixing COngress, with. a coristituti6nal amendment allowing states to limit
legislative terms; ·lobby. reform; a ban on gifts; a congressiomu pay freeze until
the budget.is balanced; and a· 25% cut in co,ngi:'essioncn staff; and · '
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·_ Launching a renewed aSsault on bureaucracy, including tit~ line:._ item veto;
civil service reform to give federal managers the_ right to hire and fire; and a
fundamental overhaul-of ·federal regulatory agencies.
This memorandum ske.tches out a 3-6 month campaign to unveil. and fight for these
proposals. ·
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II.· Proposals
A. Shifting Power Back to the American People
In the end, it will not be enough to change Washington. The American people are
ready to take goveinment into their own hands. The spread of iliformatio~ techllology' makes,
·
that possible, and the collapse of political institutions makes it almost certain. .
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· · . •· ~ef~nn bill with public funding· will
not pass the new ~_gress. Instead, we· should press~or. th~ changes·!~~ Pr~sident called for
. in his campaign _ _.._(lee TV time for candidates who ~~ide by spending limH~, .a $1;000 limit
on PAC donations, ~d reforms on soft mo11ey. Free,,.£X,Jiine has strollg·public support.· .
Over the years, it h~ also been endorsed by Bob Dol~- and Ross ·Perot The idea would
prompt a major bat~ with the broadcasting industry and its champions in. Congress. On. the
other hand, it woulcf negate the Republicans' single most powerful .public argument against ..
1. Free
TV 'Time for Candidates.
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. · 2. Nationaf .Referendum. The most dramatic and signifiCant refo~ proposal the . ·..
. President could put (..orward is a national referendum that w()uld allow the f>eople to vote on
issu·es of national jtfilportance. . Most major democracies have national referenda .. For .
. example, in recent yK-ars, Italians have voted on divorce; Spain voted on membership in
, NATO; and Atistrilf ,and Sweden voted on the· use of nuclear. power. In the U.S., 43 states
··.
allow their legi~latt.tf~S to submit referen~a to •. the people, and 24 State~ allow citizens to
sponsor initiatives. · l,n Arkansas, some of Governor .Clinton's t>est known legacies --:- such as
. ethics reform-- w~._,:e enacted in this way. We could call for nati()nalvotes on pOlitical·.· ·
refo~, health refotfll, etc., but it would be entirely up to the ~erican pebple what questions
. are put on the ballo-1·
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. . Establishing .. a binqing national_ referendum or initiative. process would require a
Constitutional ametf11111ent. .Such an amendment might P!Ovide for putting art iSsue to
nationwide vote if tt~ legislatures in 3/4 of the states· recommended it or sigmiture8 were ·..
.·gathered from 5%. uf the voters natio~wide. As a Constitutional safegua~, 'the referend~m .
.· .
would require 60% #fJproval to be enacted and would be subject t{; judicial review.•
a
A national r6teren~um is the one truly popular reform· idea that has not been
appropiiated by eitl J.t:C. party: The best argtimei;It for direct democracy :'is th~t. it enables the .·
broad public to rna ~:.e Its vmce heard when the co~gressional system is unrespo~sive or ·
gridlocked. It cou flf boost v~ter turnout an~ entl:lusiasm;. this year,- twice as many . . .
Californians say th~Y are .gomg to the polls to vote for or against Prop 187 as ·a.:e going to
vote for a particulaf candidate. The advance ofi~fo~atiort technology will make this ·
proceSs easier. Thll). administration has helped develop a tamper-proof digital signature,
whiCh allows peopl~o= to provide a legal signature by eomputer. Direct voting .Cann()t .be far ..
·behind.
·
The most fr~quently advanced argument against_a·r~ferendum is that it could fall p~ey
to extreme. social of fiscal proposals. Howev~r. a recent comprehensive stUdy of referenda · ·
found·that in gencr,:tl, that has notproved to be the case. Another concern is the difficulty of
controlling spendiug by opponents and proponents. Additional safeguards could help address
·
these concerns, sucll as free TV time for supporters and opponents; a pay-as-you~go rule for.·
proposals with bud~tetary impact; and limiting referenda to statutory rather than constitutional
issues. (so that conc~tit~tional amendments like te~ limits and School prayer would go through.
the $arne thorough J1rocess they do now). ·
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At various times, this id~a has been endorsed b~1 .,.;~: .·' .. . ra11gi~g frgJl1 pick ~ephardt
to Jack Kemp. In 1981; a Gallup pall showed 52%.,_support f9r a legally btndmg national
referendum. .In recent polls, support has ranged fro,mover:.6Q% ·to as P.jgh ~ 84%. Among
· elite opinion, it will be opposed by business interests that prefer dealing directly with ·. · · ·
· Congress, and by some interest groups nervous about the impulses of too much de-mocracy.
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3 •. Eliminate the Congressional Frank; and Give It to the American People •. The
fraDk is one of the most entrenched arid abuS<;d symbols of incumbency. We eQuid propose
to take it away from· Congress .and give it to the AmeriCan people instead. Any individual
. w_ho wants· to send a letter. to their Congressman or Senatorwould be able· to do so for free.
Postcards, letters from organizations, and letters: ftom another district or state would not be
eligible· (mail could be delivered directly to the district office to prevent abuse)~ This is how·
write Parliament for free.. .
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it works in Canada, where citizens
can
· 4. Citizens' Congress. One dramatic experiment in direct democracy would ·be to
run a national Citizens' Jury or Citizens' Congiess that wouldbrmg. ordinary citizens together
.· to resolve a particUlar issue .. We could invite a random group of citizens from around the
. country to Washington to deliberate on a given issue :__ political reforill, crime, conimunity
SerViCe. They wouicl hear arguments from all.sides, their deliberations would be nationally .
·' ·
televised, and.most important, we would try to take action on thebasis ofwhat they ·
.recommend. By selecting small group of ordinary Americans entiiely at randc;>m and letting
·them· take part in gove11Ullent for a few days, we. might spark new interesr in partiCipatory ..
. ·democracy and find a new way to get around the special interests to promote coriuilon~sense
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consensus ..
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5. Take 'subsidies from the Special Interests and Return the Money to. the
·American-People. The whole point of reforming government 'is to give ordinary people a
better de'al for their tax dollars. One. option would .be to give them a reform dividend, by .
eliminatmg special interest .subsidies ·an~. using. the savings tp pay for a children's allowance · ·
for middle-clasS families. Rob Shapiro ha5 ideritified..la series of special futei:est subsidies; an ·
in the -neighborhOod ·
expanded deductioiT for middle-class families with children would
of $20-40 billion-over five years. The savings could go into a trust fund, s0 that· nolx>dy
would get their tax cut unless Congress agreed to make the spending cuts. Established
·interests would attack anyorie who ·goes after.their subsidieS, but we could press.·the simple
· thep1e that parents can do more for their children with that money than government or those
interests can. ·
eost
6. Devolution of Power to State and Local Governments. Last yeai, the
Administration pushed two major initiatives that' would have res~ored balance to the .
partnership ,between federal, state, and local governments. The Glenn-Kempthome unfunded
mandates bill and the President's waiver legislation ·drew ·bipartisan support on the Hill .. We
should aggressively push both bills next year and back it up with a broader devolution
strategy. Public trustin state and local government, although weakerthan decades ago,
remains much stronger than confidence in the federal government
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B. Fixing Congress
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Regarqless of the outcome ~f next w~e~'s electi.~n, we should pre~s for ·major changes ·
·in the way Congress does business.
·· ·
1. Lobby Reform and Gift Ban. We should demand ·that Congress pass .a ·gift ban
and a 'back~to-basies lobby reform bill as soon as they. return. The Republicans rais.ed _··
. severalbogus' objections to the lobby reform bill in the waning days; we should <:all their .
bluff, accept those changes if necessary, and pass the bill on a bipartisan basis .
.2. Apply· Laws. to -C~ngress. Legislation applying a host of la\Vs: to Con~ess pas5ed
the House but not the Senate this past Congress. We should press Congress· to pass it ·
immediately.· ·
.· , 3. Insist on Line-Item Veto. With the Balanced Budget Amendment expected to
pass easily in the riext Congress, weshould insist that it includea Constitutional line-item
veto, and argue that it Will be hard to balance the, budget without it.. We should insist on the
·strongest possible version ·of_this veto, not the enhanced' rescission authority that' passed the
. lfouse this time. We may also want to ,offer our own capitaVooerating budget alternative. ·In.
the. campaign; the President ·said he could support a balcmCed budget amendment that
sepafuted. capital and operating. expenses _so that long-term -mvestments would be encouraged
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and operating eosts 'reduced.
4 •. Te~ Umits. Republicans pledge to bring to a vote a: constitutional amendment
limiting cOngressional terms to 12 years, but they. would. grandfather in existing Members of
Congress. Beyond principled opposition, we can respond iii two ways:·
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Call their bluff. We could demand that the 12-year limit on service apply
immediately.( or by a <late certain, such as 1996), and _thereby affect sitting members of ·
Congress; arid/or
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b. Let the states decide .. We could support a-Constitutional amendment to
allow states to vote to ~pply te~ limits to their own federal representatives. This
would be consistent with· our legal position that state-mandated term limits are
unconstitutional.·
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5. Cut Congressional Staff Overall by 25%: In the campaign,. the ·President
promised not only to cut the White House staff by25%, but to challenge Congress to do the
·. same. The RepubliC-an Contract calls for a 25% cutin committee (riot personal) staff. We
. could press forward with our original demand to cut overall staff .Qx 25%. ·
6. 'Freeze Congressional. and Presidential Pay Until the Budget Is Balanced. If
we're going to make significant spending cuts to reduce the deficit,pu_blic officials should ,
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�lead by example. The American people don't get ~guaranteed cos~;~r~Hvingincrease .. Why
should. their lead~rsJ A .performance-based freeze on cOngressio~~(~d Presidential. pay is. a
'responsible, common:-sense alternative. to plans to ."cut their. pay and send. the~ home.
II
C; A Renewed Assault on Bureaucracy
·We should niake-the most of NPR's success by· escalatingour aSsault on.thefederal
bureaucracy, with a relentless, sustained attackon fraud, red tape, unnecessary programs, and.
· ·
counterpro,ductive ·rules and regulations~· ·
1. The Right to Hire and Fire. NPR is preparing a sweeping civil ser-Vice reform
.. bill that will .n:duce the number of job classifications and give .federal managers the right to .
. hire and fire federal workerS. Negotiations with· unions and management 'are .under way; the
bill will be ready to introduce .in January.
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: 2 ... The. Right to Downsize. NPR and OMB ·are preparing legislation to. repeal· FTE
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floors in· existing appropriations bills, and ban the use of FTE floors. in future bills. · This
could be .coupled with a Presidential vow to veto future appropriations bills that limit our
ability to downsize .. We should also consider directing agencies to accelerate. the mandated
downsizing of the workforce to accomplish ·its objectives Q.y 1996 instead of 1999. To
illustrate that downsizing the bureaucracy is one .of this Adnlinis~ation's signature
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achievements·, We should start a Bureaucracy Clock (in a prominent place like TimeS Square)
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that would track our .progress ..- ·
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. .· · 3. Regt~latocy Overhaul. :Regulatory reform.· will be a top priority for NPR next
year, with an extensive .review· th~t brings buSiness leaders and. others to the White House to •
develop a new, more market-based approach to regulation fof the. 21st Century.
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4. The Pres.dent'sFraud Squad. 'fhe.Presidentand Vice·President could appoint a·
REGO SWAT team or bureaucratic bomb squad ~- an elite group of troubleshooters. and
investigative journalists who report directly to them. Any time a story breaks about fraud or
mismanagement· in the bureaucracy,· they would move in, get to the bottom of it; and report
back within days with· recommendations.· They could also uncover such troubles before they·
become public, and demonstrate the President's desire .for unfiltered information on how his
government is working. This has been done. before: FDR dispatched journalist Lorena ..
Hickok around the country to see how the New Deal was really worki~g. It would .be an
opportunity to make a high-profile reform appointment, by naming a prominent journalist to
lead the effort;
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. 5. A Pork-Bustin~g Bill. NPR and OMB can put forward a comprehensive rescission
bill, which targets pork in the. recently passed appropriations bills.
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�6. : A B.tireaucracy-Cioshig Commission ... As part of NPR, the President's
"Management Council has begun an effort to identify ways to reduce the number of fe~eral
;-facilities around. the country~ by closing field offices, regional off~ces, etc. We could
~formalize this arrangement and give it .a higher profile to demonstrate our Commitment to
·. downsizing.
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. 7. REGO II. NPR: is preparing a detailed list of recommendations that were
considered in 1993 but not included in the final package.
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III. Strategy
· President Clinton has ~on credit 'for his achievements when his acirDII1istration. has ·
. drawn a sharp line on an issue with popular support, and then has focused on it in a'
concerted, systematic way over a period of months, not days. ·.
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.Timetable
. · · · · A sustained campai~ wouid use the element
presidential bully pulpit.
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...Before the election. it would be very helpful if the Pre5ident could point .
toward 'the change/reform themes before the election; otheiWise, a sudden tum·
toward reform issues risks seeming an ex post·fa:cto rationalization. This could'
be done in a one-on~one interview with a: refolm~mindedreporter, or on the
·_campaign trip 'to Minnesota with~ Wynia, who. has run ads crit.iciziligber.
opponent for voting against the lobby ref()rm bill. . ·
Statement the day after the election. The President's press .conference .
statement should characterize the results as a mandate for change, one lie
intends to meet. It should point toward political reform as an early and
important priority.
December. We should prepare to float some of the more dramatic r~form
initiatives. Because Congress will meet in early January to take up rules
changes, we need to m'ake our intentions known early.
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DLCSpeech, Dec. 6th: A chance to signal forthcoming reform efforts .
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pivot speech unveiling new refomi proposals.
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Speech to Incoming Freshmen: The President could bring the incoming
·freshmen to the White House· for a. speech on reform. ·
\
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COPY
�January pre-SOTU.. The weeks before the ·state of the U_riion should include
a series of events designed to underscore arid foreshadow the reform and
.. · ::··
·"'
'
·.. cha·nge theme.
·.
·.
,':::..
We should convene a citizen fury or Little Rock-style . cbnference to
address what's wrong with governrn:ent and pQlitics, arid how to fix it.
o
..
Tiie .President should make a major s~ech outlining his concept of how
goveminent should relate to the citizenry (something he has yet. to do).
. .
.
·.
.·.'
'
o
.
:
o
· Announce the Fraud Squad, naming its members.
.
.
.
We should prepare a doc~ment outlining the problem and prop<)sed · .·
solutions (this would be in addition io, or as part of, the budget '
document).
·
0
\:.
State of the Union •. Reform should be a major theme of the speech, which
should. unveil a few of the most dramatic ideas._· ..
Political Alignments
.
•
j
:''
•
.
•
•
•
· .
.A broad reform agenda would be popular with the- general public and with non...:
governmental elites (e.g., press, editorialists), but would likely meetresis~ance from many ..
. elected officials and interest groups from both parties. A natural coalition for refoim does. not
·.currently exist; we willliave to bring together disparate reform groups and-energize
.
independent voters. In these circumstances, a natimial mobilization spearheaded by, the · · .
President ~:... relying on prominent citizens arid moderate Republicans and Democrats, use of ·
the bully pulpit, and cross-party alliances -- would be the way to push for ~eform; .
..
If the President decides to push forward with an ambitious reform agenda, further
.planning is needed.
·
·
·.
.
9
COPY
I
'·
.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
~linton
. DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
002. memo
003. memo
Library
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
Harold Ickes to Abner Mikva; RE: WilliamS. Lerach (2 pages).
·Jeff Connaughton to Judge Mikva; RE: Legal Reform: Briefing
Mat~rials (1 page)
Joel Klein, et al. to t~?-e President; RE: Legal Reform I~sues (5 pages)
RES~RICTION
02/2111995
P5
03/03/1995
P5, P6/b(6)
02/24/1995
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number: . 13644
FOLDER TITLE:
Legal Reform Binder
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2207
Pr~sidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)f
RESTRICTION CODES
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) ofthe PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4)ofthe PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
.
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record niisfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) ofthe FOIA]
b(2) Release would disc.lose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOiA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) ofthe FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
·
information '[(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA] '
_b(7) Release would disclose inform-ation compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) ofthe FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
((b)(9) of the FOIA]
.
�.
·,
THE WHITE HOUSE
.,
.
WASHINGTON
c (____ .
.21 February-1995
MEMORANDUM TO ABNER . MIKVA
&J
FROM:
~q.rold
SUBJECT:
WilliamS. Lerach - Class action securities attorney
from Los Angeles
Ickes.
,.
.
.
On 15 February I met with Mr. Lerach who is very concerned about
certain "reforms" being considered by the Congress that would
severely restrict class action suits regarding fraudulent
securities matters.. He is a very successful attorney in this
area and is a substantial contributor to the Democratic Party.
He is particularly c.oncerned about revision of the anti-fraud
'provisions of the secuiities laws. Whil~ Congressman Dingle and
Senator Mitchell were in Congress there was no· problem.
HR10 was marked-up last week and, in effect, according to him,
would virtually end .the private enforcement of the securities
laws. It would eliminate the standard of "recklessness".·
He pointed out the Senator Dodd has a bill, S240, which is
. co-spon-sored by Senator_ Dominici. It is much more moderate than
HR10, but he is not enthusiastic about S240 either. He.saig that·
if S240 is adopted, ·it ·will force a conference which wtl.l result
.in very sefious adverse restrictions on consumer law suits
regarding fr·audulent securi tie's.
·
·
Senator Graham is "out of control" on this issue, and he feefi
that Graham will use· Dodd's S240 to force the issue into
· conference whi.ch will be very detrintef:ital to consumer5 class
action.
·
He also pointed out that Arthur Levitt had appointed a very
~onservatiye Republican as General Council to the SEC.
.
.
.
.
.
1
It is his thesis that Republicans want to severely restrictcortsumer class actions ·regarding fraudulent securities in order
to curry favor with the Wall Street crowd from which they wi~+
COPY
�then receive increased contributions.
He says there is broad. support against these "reforms" p-rimarily
from consumer groups, etc. Attached is a schedule of groups and
··individuals who, he claims, ar·e. against such "reforms" ..
_He urged very strongly-that the President have ~ di~cussio~ with
.senator Dodd and point out to him that S240 was unwittingly
helping the Republicans. He urged very strongly that.Dodd use
the Senate- tq "slow down the process'~, taking the posit_ion that
it needed more study,· etc.
He argues the currerit law should remain primarily to protect
investors who are cheated by the likes of Charles Keating~ If
.
these "reforms" go through, consumers will no loriger have serious·
re·t:ourse.
He claims· that Senator D'Amato is not enthusiastic about the
Republican's proposals because he doe·s not warit to be seem as
protecting Wall Street against potential fraud.
He points.out th~re is some urgency to this matter because he
sees the Houf;le adopting the "reform" by the end of February and
Graham has said that he will .open hear·ing ori the 3rd of March,
although Lerach thinks that is somewhat unlikely.
Attached is a 15 February New York Times Op-Ed piece by Herbert
Stein against the "reforms", as well as a 12 February Washington
Post by Benjamin J. Stein on the same subject.
Let.' s discuss.
COPY
�~ .
THE WHITE HOUSE
.WASHINGTON
February 24, 1995
MEMORANDUM. FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
LEON PANETIA, ABNER MIKVA & BO CUTTER
FROM:
JOEL KLEIN, BRUCE LINDSEY & PETER YU
·sUBJECT:
LEGAL REFORM ISSUES
This memorandum outlines for your approval a proposed strategy for addressing legal
· reform issues currently before Congress.
L.
BACKGROUND. Congress is considering (i) civil justice reforms (such as the "loser pays"
or English rule for actions brought under federal diversity jurisdiction), (ii) securities litigation
reforms (such as limits on shareholder class-action suits), and (iii) product liability reforms (such
as changes in the law of damages). Proponents of reform claim that the current system is unfair,
wasteful, stifles innovation, and undermines US competitiveness. Opponents of reform contend
that the _proposals are unnecessary and scr~·e only to shield defendants from liability and; in the
case of product liability, to federalize an area traditionally. controlled by state law.
. Both you and the Vice President have been critical, or at least skeptical, of reforms of the
legal system through preemptive federal legislation. Attachment A offers selected press accounts
of your statements on these issues.
The empirical evidence regarding the need for reform is far from definitive. While each
side marshals data that appear to support its claims, independent' studies have reached mixed
conclusions. These studies suggest that in the 1980~. litigation increased significantly (largely due
to asbestos-related claims), but also that the filings in more recent years evidence no clear trends.
With r~gard ·to product liability cases, the studies also fail to support charges that damage awards
have been increasing dramatically._ In response,· proponents of reform emphasize that the mere
threat of large awards has a deleterious impact on American innovation and competitiveness.
The legal reform legislation included in the Contract with America is, by most accounts,
quite extreme (see Attachment B). Howev~r, the House Commerce Committee recently
moderated the securities provisions somewhat. Senator Dodd has introduced a securities litigation
reform bill that is less extreme than the modified Contract provision; Congressman Markey has
introduced an eve11 more sharcholder....,friendly bill.· With regard to product liability, Senator
Rockefeller has for several years championed a more moderate' approach than the Contract bill;
last session, a cloture vote on his bill failed by only 3 votes. Most observers believe that the
House will pass legal reform legislation relatively quickly (perhaps within a few weeks) but that
the Senate will not begin work on a bill until late spring. Senator Rockefeller has not
COPY
�, ..
reintroduced his bill and it is not clear \Vhether his bill or a more extreme version championed
··by someone else will be the primary vehicle in the Senate. ft is possible that a Rockefeller-type
bill on products reform and a Dodd-type bill on securities reform will emerge as "compromise"
approaches.
A White House team led by the Counsel's office and the NEC has consulted with Justice,
Treasury, Commerce, and the SEC to develop the following strategy for addressing these issues.
The Vice President was involved with this issue in the Senate, and would like to discuss it with
you prior to your decision.
lL
CONSENSUS RECOMMENDATION. The group supports a three-part approach.
•
With regard to civil justice reform, the group recommends that the Administration firmly
·oppose the "English rule" proposal in the Contract bill (which applies to all diversity
actions in federal court), arguing that it is gross! y unfair to innocent plaintiffs and may
increase total litigation costs.
•
With regard to · securities litigation reform, the group recommends that the
Administration work with the SEC to encourage reforms that fall somewhere between the
Dodd and Markey bills. Such a package might include measures to reduce the ;,race to
the courthouse" and the risk of meritless claims, but would not include reforms that would·
significantly weaken private enforcement of the securities. .laws, encourage fraud, ~or be
inconsistent with the Administration's position ori p;odutt liability reform.
The
Administration's initial public position would be to favor "reasonable" rdorms and to list •
those provisions in the House bill that are problen1atic.
.
•
With regard to. product liability reform, the group recommends that the Administration .
.· emphasize a strong presumption against preemptive legislation, the need to ensure
full compensation for victims. and responsibility for unsafe products, and a package
of federal-court reforms. This position would stress that product liability reform is
generally a matter of state law (a position bolstered by a proactive position on federal
securities litigation reform). The Administration would consider preemptive legislation
only if the federal interest in preemption was clearly demonstrated. For example:
If we were. convinced an important national interest had been clearly
demonstrated, we would not oppose reasonable preemptive standards (such as
·"clear and convincing evidence") for punitives. (Business groups argue such
standards provide businesses with needed predictability.)
At the same time, there has been little justification for federal preemptive
provisions in other proposed areas -- particularly where the 1ieed to ensure full
compensation for victims and responsibility for unsafe products are paramount
concerns:
-2-
COPY
�*
arbitrary caps on or unreasonable standards for the awarding· of
compensatory or punitive damages and the discriminatory .treatment· of .
noneconomic damages-- such standards are not only unfair to consumers,
they also underdeter the manufacture of unsafe products; and ·
*
regulatory defenses that immunize manufacturers ~- as demonstrated by
DES,· Copper-7 IUDs,· and high-estrogen birth control, simply because a.
product survives government review does not ensure its safety and should
not provide immunity to a manufacturer,
The Administration would also advocate pro-,-consumer positions such as limits on
secrecy agreements in settlements in federal court and· reforms in federal court designed
to encourage alternatives to litigation and decrease frivolous suits without u11derdeterring
negligence ..
ilL .
ANAlYSIS
. This approach .balances several purposes. First, ·it is consistent with your expressed
concerns regarding both the fairness of reforms and the federalization of tort law. Second, it
plays upon the extreme nature. of the English rule as well as the. Republicans' inconsistent
positions (in. supporting federalization of the legal system but devolution in every other sphere
.
of government). Third, it indicates a willingness to entertain justified preemptive legislation and
thus will not wholly alienate business interests. Fourth, it raises consumer concerns and
challenges the premises of Republican reforms by highlighting portions of the Contract bill you .
find -to be unjustified, especially given federalism's strong presumption against preemptive
legislation and the lack of empirical data to support proponents' claims.
As always, there is some risk that such a modulated approach--while sound policy-....:will
be viewed in the current environment as equivocal. However, the group believes that this
approach places the Administration in the best position to influence the development of this
·legislation and to threaten a veto if consumer interests remain unaddressed. ·
IV
I
DECISION
Proceed with consensus recommendation .
.·Let's discuss.
-3....:
COPY
�.,
ATIACHMENT A:
PRESS ACCOUNTS OF PAST-STATEMENTS
President Clinton ·
e
"The proposals advanced by George Bush and Dan Quayle [presumably including S.640,
·the Rockefeller bill] are dramatieally tilted toward big polluters, manufacturers and·
insurance companies, and against consumers and victims.,.· The Candidates on Legal
Issues, ABA J., Oct.l992, at 57.
•
"Bush and Quayle want to cap the ability of juries to award victims punitive damages,
even when that is the only way to bring a powerful offender to justice, or to keep a
dangerous product off the market_." !d.
•
"[Bush and Quayle] want to make victims pay the legal fees of big rnanufacturers, if, for
sonic reason, they sue and lose.. It is nothing more than trickle-down justice."· !d.
•
"As a general matter, I believe that legal reform should be enacted in the laboratories of
the States, rather than at the federal level." !d.
·
.
.
·· •
•
·. "In my view, the best reforms are those that make it less likely for people to go to co~rt.
We should encourage greater use of alternative dispute resolution to give consumers
redress without having to litigate, Such as mediation, mini-trials, and the multi-door
courthouse. ·we should also encourage the usc of special masters ~o help sort through
complex cases. · And . we should restrict the use of secrecy agreements, which too
frequently force litigants to refightthe same battles, over and over, while endangering
public health." 1d.
·
"But I will oppose any proposals that pretend to 'reform' la\vsuits while actually
. encouraging dangerous products or marketplace fraud." !d.
Vice President
•
·•
•
Gor~
-
Voted ae.ainst S.640, the Rockefeller Bill, in the Commerce Committee in 1992.
.
.
Co-authored Minority Views in the Commerce Committee report on product liability
legislation in 1990.
Widely quoted in press as having -deemed the Rockefeller bill '_'anti-consumer.".
-4-
COPY
\
�AITACHMENT B: LEGAL REFORM BILLS
..-..
The more controv~rsial provisions of the Contract bill (as revised in committee) include:·
o
e
•
Civil just~.:::c reforms for federal courts:
a "loser pays" or "English rule" attorney-fee regime for diversity actions brought
in federal court; and
·
· tighter rules regarding expert scientific testimony. ·
ProduCt liability reforms that govern both federal and state court claims:
limitson the liabilityof product retailers;
·
.
,. "clear-and-convincing" and "actual malice" standards for punitive damages;
a cap on punitive-damages awards; and
a bar on joint-and-several liability for noneconomic damages.
Securities litigation reforms (as modified by the House Commerce Committee):
a fee-shifting provision if the court finds- that a losing party's position was not
substantially justified;
a recklessness standard and pleading requirements significantly greater than the
law of several circuits; and
a proportionate liability provision in certaiii fraud actions.
· .The civil justice reform provisions could significantly reduce suits by smaller parties (such as
consumers) against larger parties. The product liability provisions· preempt an are~ long the
province of state courts and legislatures. The securities litigation provisions would eviscerate
private enforcement actions.
.
.• .
•
•
•
.
The primary features of S. 687, introduced last session by Senator .Rockefeller, include:
establishment of a federal fault standard for punitive damages (including a safe harbor for
FDA- and FAA-approved products), but no cap on punitive damages;
·
elimination of joint and several liability for noneconomic damages;
incentives for out-of-court settlements and for the use of alternative dispute resolution;
uniform statutes of limitation and repose for product liability claims.
Consumer and attorney groups were particularly critical of the distinction between economic and
noneconomic damages, limitations on joint and several liability,and the FDNFAA safe harbor.
•
•
•
•
• .
The Dodd bill on securities-litigation reform inclu~es:
guardians ad _litem and steering committees for class action-s;
a more stringent scienter requirement;
limits on attorneys fees to a "reasonable percentage of the amount recovered";
restrictions on the use of Civil RICO in securities law claims; and
proportionate liability in certain fraud actions.
Consumer and attorney groups were particularly critical of the proportionate liability provisions
and the limits on attorneys fees.
-5-
COPY
�-----------~-
Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
--DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
-
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
RESTRICTION
. 001. memo
Michael Waldman to Mark Gearan; RE:Draft Communications Plan
. for Summit of the Americas [partial] (2 pages)
10/17/1994
P5 .
002. memo
Michael Waldman to MarkGearan; RE: Draft Communications Plan
for Slimmit of the Americas [partial] (2 pages)
10/17/1994
P5
003·. memo
Michael Waldman to Mark Gearan; RE: Draft Communications Plan
for SumriJ.it of the Americas [partial] (2pages)
-
10/17/1994
P5
004. memo
Michael Waldman to Mark Gearan; RE: Draft Communications Plan
for.Slimmit of the Americas [partial] (2 pages)
10/17/1994
P5
005. briefmg
paper
RE: Summit of the Americas Communication Plan (4 pages)
- 10/12/1994
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael. Waldman
ONBox Number: 13656
FOLDER TITLE:
[Slimmit of the Americas] Communication Plan
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2208
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
Pl National S~curity Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(aX3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
_P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
~~
.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
_.
.
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(bX3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) ofthe FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b )(7) of the FOIA)
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
s [(bX9) of the FOIA)
�\
...
News: the President's speech, wrap-up.on accomplishments of the meeting,
trip to Haiti(?)
· Photos: Plenary session; possible church service; dep~rture for Haiti(?)
.
.
IV. LOGISTICS
Structure of press operation .
A Summit public affairs working group is _being organized to produce, task ·
out, arid clear communications materialS, schedule and coordinate events,
and ensure the mutual reinforcement of domestic and foreign messages. ·
Much of the work'will be done by the agencies, especially the State
· Department, with coordination from the White House. Mitchell Schwartz
_ and. Anne Edwards will run the press center in Miami at Pier 12. Vicki
· Rivas-Vasquez will serve as a: White House press secretary for the event.
Foreign press
USIA and State will do the standard things with Worldnet, briefings for
· foreign press, etc.
Host Committee
·The Miami Host Committee's Media Relations Subcommittee will handle
the following:
Publish a media newsletter
Issue a reference guide for the press
Secure interpreters and translators
Help staff the International Media Center and assist in credentialling
Coordinate press transportation and hotels and arrange tours of Miami
Set up food court in Media· Center
Organize security for Media Center
:Plan the press party
V. OUTSTANDING TASKS. AND ISSUES/WARNING SIGNS
Where's the bee -- ·we are far down the road in terms. of emphasizing the
ic issues for e summit. Certainly,· the economic focus is ideal. But w.e
run a ria
a the expectations we create related to opening up trade throughout
the hemisphere will not be met with concrete action. We need to have a clear
sense o(whether or not there will be an announcement of a trade initiative ..
�Dealing with the TV networks -- The networks may be persuaded to give
major focus to the summit (anchor the news and/or do morning shows out of
Miami; broadcast the gala). Senior White House officials need to meet with the.
networks to lay out what we're planning for Miami and to encourage their
interest. · Nomi es: Mark Gearan or Dee Dee Myers and Mack McLarty.
is a potential problem in several respects. As the only
eader in there · not invited to participate, .Fidel Castro is likely to be the "sore
thumb" oft
ummit. Most other attendees disagree with our hard-line policy
owar
astro. · Conversely; the Miami Cuban community contmues to agitate for
·stronger action against Castro. Finally, Castro himself could throw a monkey .
wrench into the event by proposing some new initiative, by breaking his deal with·
the U.S., or whatever. A subgroup should be organized by the NSC to plan a
·
·strategy to defuse the Cuba issue -- e.g., Secretary of State Christopher might
make a speech on the subj~ct two weeks out, etc.
Haiti -- There needs to. be a decision made about whether the President
goes to Haiti before or after the Summit.
)
Drugs · -- Bob Boorstin has argued that 'the summit should address public
.
concern in the U.S. about Latin America's role in exporting drugs to our shores.
America's cooperative efforts with our neighbors to stop the flow of drugs i~to this
country and the administration's commitment tolowering demand through
. treatment and prevention could be the subject of SatUrday briefings to the press.
However, raising these issues may call attention to a negative element of our
relationship with the South which we'd prefer not to emphasize. (For what it's
worth, I don't think we should aim for a drug focus.)
.
urday's News - We need to generate news.forSaturday, when the
le era will be
· closed doors through the late afternoon. Administration
offic1a w give briefings in the Press Center on the issues being discussed in
each business meeting. The First· Lady's activities and the Commerce Department
trade expo may generate interest. We need to develop a plan to keep the press
busy on. topics other than Cuba arid Haiti.
.
.
7
COPY
�~ews: . the Pr~s!dent's speech, wrap-up on accomplishments ofthe, meeting,
·
trip to Haiti(?)
·
PhotO§:. Plenary session; possible church service; departure for Haiti(?).
.
.
.
.
.. tv.
~
·.
.
I.OOIS'l10!1
Structure· of press operation
·A summit public ~s working group is being o~ganiZed to produ~, task
. out, and clear. communications materials, schedule and coordinate events~ ·
and ensure the mutual rei.ilforcement of dom~stic and foreign messages.
.
Much of the work. will be done by the agencies, especially'the State · ·
.Department, With coordination.~om the WhiteHouse. Mitchell Schwartz
·and Anne Edwards will run the press center iii Miami at Pier 12. Vicki.
.Riyas-Vasquez will serve as a White Hou~.press ~cretary £or the event.
.~
.
Foreign press ·.
USIA and State will do the 'standard things with Worldnet, briefings for .
foreign pre8s,, etc.
·
,
·.
,
.
Host
i ,'
Committe~
The Miami Host Committee~s Media· Relations Subcommittee will~ndle
. the following:· · ·
·
· ·
. · Publish a media newsletter ·
Is8ue a reference .gUide for the press ·.
-- Secure interpreters and translators
.
Help staff the International Media Center and assist in credentiaUing ·
Coordinate press transportation and hotels and arrange tours of Miami.
.
.
.
·- Set up. food coUrt in Media Center
.. . ·Organize securltyfor Me~. Center
.:
~- Plan the press party
/
V. OUTSTANDING TASKS AND ISSUF.SIWARNING SIGNS
.·
..
.
.
'
.
.
.
\
Where's the. beef? -- We are 'far down the. road in terms of emphasizjng the · ·.
e<;onomic iSSues. for the s'!-lmmit·. Certainly, the economic focus is ideal But we . ·..
run a.risk that the expectations we create·related to opening up trade throughout
the hemisphere Will.not be met with concrete action. We need to have a clear.
sense of whether or not there will be an announcement of trade initiative.
a
6
COPY
�Dealing with the TV networks ·· The networks may be persuaded .to give
major .focus to the· summit (arichor the news and/or do morning shows out of
~Iiami; broadca~t the gala). Senior White House officials need to meet with the
networks to lay out what we're planning for Miallli and to encourag:e their
i,nterest.· Nominees:. Mark.Gearan or· Dee Dee Myers and Mack McLarty.·
.
.
.....
'
.
'
.. •
i
· ~.......
•.
'
. : Qlllla. .• Cuba 1a a potential problem in seyeral respects. ··A.· tbe only .
leader.in .the region not invited to participate; Fidel·Castro ia likely to be 'the "&Ore
thumb" of the Sununit. Moat other attendees d.&.sagree with ou:.r hard-line policy
.. ,
towards CastrO. Conversely; the ?YfiaJPi.Cuban community continues to agi~te for
.
··.stronger· action agairist Castro.· Finally, Cast~o himself coul~ throw a monkey ·· ,
Wrench into the. event by propQBing some. new initiative, by breakini hili deal with ·
_
. the U.S;, or wh$tever. A subgroup should be organized by the NSC to plan a
. strategy to defUse the Cub~ issue~- e.g., Secretary of State Christopher might. ·- /
·
·
\make a speech on the subject two weeks out, .etc. · ·
.· .:·Haiti ·· · Th~re: needs to be ~·.decision made about whether the Preside~t
goes to Haiti before' ()~ after the Summit.
· ·
··
·
. ·.. Drugs ... Bob Boorstin has ariued that the summit should address· p\lblic.
cqncem'in the U;S. about Uitin America's role in exporting drugs. t<Lou:.r shores:·
~erica's cooperative efforts with our ·neighbors to/stop the flow 9f.drup into thia
.country and the administration's cominitme~t toloweringdemand'through ' ..·
treatDlen~ and prevention could be the subject of Sa~urdaY briefinp·to the· pre...
. However,. raising these ,isSues may call attention to a negative eleJ:Delit of our ·
relationship With the South which we'd prefer not to emphaai21e. (For wha~ it'•
worth, I don't think we shouid aim for a drug focus;) ·. · · ·• .
· : _. · ·..
. . Saturday's News .. We need to generate news for Saturday, when the .·..·
·
leaders will be behind 'closed doors through the late afternoon.. AdmiiU.atration
officials will give briefings in the. Pi:eu Center on the i8sue~ being diacusaed iD .
each. business-meeting. · Tile FirSt Lady's activities and the CommerCe Department
· trade expo may generate interest.. We need·to develop a plan to keep the presa.
·
·
busy on topic& other than Cuba and. Haiti.
I
,''
'
�News: the President's speech,· wrap-up on accomplishments of the meeting,
. trip to ,Haiti(?)
·
·
· ·
· '
. Photos: Plenary session; possible church service; departure for Haiti(?)
...
·IV~
LOGIS11a3 '
.
. .
Structure of press operation
. A Summit public a~irs working group is b~ing organized to produce, task
out, and clear communicatiOilS materials, sChedule and COOrdinate: events,.
'and. ensure the. mutual reinforcement of domestic and "foreign message$~ '.
Much of the work will be done by the agencies, especially the State
· Department, With coordination from the White Hou8e. ·Mitchell Schwartz
and Anne Edwards Will. run the press .center in Miami at Pier 12~ Vicki
Ri~as-Vasquez will ~erve as a White House press secretary for'the eyent. '
•
.1
'
•
.
.
·.
'
.
.
Foreign press
USIA a.nd State wW do .the standard things with. W~rldllet, briefings' for
foreign press, etc. ·.
·
·· ·
· .·
·
.Host .Com~ittee
The Miami.Host Committee's Media Relations Su_bcommittee will handle···
the.followirig:
.
Publish a media newsletter·
~-~ ·Issue a .reference guide for· the press ·
-~- Sectire interpreters and translators
.
.
·- .Help staff the International Media Center and assist in credentialling
-- Coordiriat.e press transportation an4 hotels and arrange tours·ofMiami
'
. .
.
Set up food court in Media Center
Organize security for Media Ceriter
-· · Plan the press party
0
.
.
. .
V. OUTSTANDING TASKS AND ISSUESIWARNING SIGNS
. . Where's the beef? ~- ·We ~re far· down the road in temis of' emphasizlng- the .
economic issues for the ·summit. Certainly,· the economic focus is ideal. But we . ..
run a:risk that the expectations we create related to opening up trade throughout
. the hemisphere will not be met with concrete action.' We need to have a clear
serise 'of whether or not there will be an allnouneement of a trade initiative. .
6
COPY
�_,.
· Dealing with the TV networks· ·· The networks may be pers'-laded to give
major focus to the summit (anchor the news and/or do. morning shows out of
Miami; broadcast the. gala). _Senior White Ho~se officials need to meet with the ·
·networks to lB.y out wh3.t we're planning.~ for Miami and to enbourage their
interest. Nominees: Mark Gearan or Dee Dee Myers and-Mack McLarty. ·
,'
-
.
:..
.
'
Qyba -- Cuba is a potential problem in several respe~.- As the only
· leader in the region not invited to participate; Fidel Castro is likely tO be the "sore
··thumb" of the Suininit. ··Most other.attendee-s disagree with olri- h~-1ine policy ·
towards Castro~ Cbnversely, the. Miami ·cuban commuruty eontinues to agit~te for ..
· stronger action agS:inst Castro. Finally; Castro hiciself coUld throw a monkey
·
.
. . wrench into the event byproposing SOIIle new wtiative, by breaJrin'g his deal with
. · • the U.S., or whatever. A s~bgroup should be organized by the NSC to plan.a:
· strategy to defuse the Cuba issue -~ e.g., Secretary of State. Christopher might
make aspeech.on the· subjecttwo. weeks out, etc..
. . Haiti ~·~ Th~re needs to b~ ·a decision made 3ib6ut \vhether .the President
··
· goes to Haiti before or after the Summit.
. '.''
Drugs . -- -Bob B.oorstin has ·argued that the summit should\ addresS publlc
. concern in the U;S. about Latin America's role in exporting drugs to our shores. .
. America's cooperative efforts with our neighbors to stop the flow of dtugs mto this
· country and the administration's commitment to lowering demand through · · · · · ·
treatment and pre.vention· co~d be the .subject of SatUrday briefings to the press.
:However, raising the~e issues m·ay call attention to a negative element of our
relationship with.the Sout11 ~hich we'ci prefe.r not to emphaSize. (For what it's.
·
_
worth,· 1 dol't tblnk we ~hould aim for a drug focus.)
.Saturday;a News· -- · We· need to generate news for Saturday,· when the
. leaders will be behind closed ·doors through the late aftern:Q()n~ Adm:iiristration . .
· officials· will give ·briefings in the ·Press Center. on the issues. being discussed in ·
each business meeting.·· The First Lady's activities and the Commerce Department
trade expo may generate interest~· We need to develop a plan to keep the press
busy on topics other than Cuba and Haiti.
·
c
·
•
. . .
· .. ·.. ·.
~
�News: the President's speech, wrap-up on accomplishments of the meeting, .
trip to Haiti(?) ·
Photos: Plenary session; pos~ible church service; departure for Haiti(?).
IV.LOGIS'I1CS
Structure of press operation.
A Summit public affairs working group is being organized ·to produce, task
out, and clear communications materials, schedule· and coordinate events,
and ensure the mutual reinforcement of domestic and foreign messages.
Much of the work will be done by the agencies, especially the State
Department, with coordination from the White House.· Mitchell Schwartz
and Anne Edwards will run the press center in Miami at Pier 12. Vicki
Rivas~Vasquez will serve as a White House press secretary for the event.
Foreign press
USIA and State will do the standard things with Worldnet, briefings for
foreign press, etc.
Host Committee
The Miami Host Committee's Media Relations Subcommittee will handle
the following:
Publish a media newsletter
Issue a reference guide for the press
Secure interpreters and translators
-- Help staff the International Media Center and assist in credentialling
-- Coordinate press transportation and hotels and arrange tours <?f Miami
Set up food court in Media Center
Organize security for Media Center
· Plan the press party
V. OU'ISTANDING TASKS AND ISSUES/WARNING SIGNS
Where's the beef? -- We are far down the road in terms of emphasizing the
economic issues for the summit. Certainly, the economic focus is ideal. But we .
run a risk that the expectations we create related to opening up trade throughout
the hemisphere will not be met with co~crete action. We need to have a clear
sense of whether or not there will be an announcement of a trade initiative.
6
COPY
�·Dealing with the TV networks -- The networks may be persuaded to give
major focus to the summit (anchor the news and/or do morning shows out of
Mia.mi; broadcast the gala). Senior White House officials need to meet with the
networks to lay out what we're planning for Miami and to encourage their ·
interest. Nominees: Mark Gearan or Dee Dee Myers and Mack McLarty.
Cuba ~- Cuba is a potential problem in several respects. As the only
le.ader in the region not invited to participate, Fidel Castro is likely to be the "sore ·
thunib"of the Summit. Most other attendees disagree with our hard-line policy
towards Castro. Conversely, the Miami Cuban community continues to agitate for
stronger action against Castro. Finally, Castro himself could throw a monkey
wrench into the event by proposing some new initiative, by breaking his deal with
the U.S., or wh3:tever. A subgroup should be organized.by the NSC to plan a·
strategy to defuse the Cuba issue -- e.g., Secretary of State Christopher might
make a speech .on the subject two weeks out, etc.
Haiti -- There needs to be a decision made about whether the President
goes to Haiti before or after the Summit.
Drugs -- Bob Boorstin has argued that the summit should address public
concern in the U.S. about Latin America's role in exporting drugs to our shores.
America's cooperative efforts with our neighbors to stop the flow of drugs into this
country and the administration's commitment to lowering demand through
treatment and prevention could be the subject of Saturday briefiJ?.gs to the press.
However, raising these issues may call attention to a negative element of our
relationship with the South which we'd prefer not to emphasize. (For what it's
worth, I don't think we should aim for a drug focus.)
.
.
Saturday's News -- We need to generate news tor Saturday, when the
leaders will be behind closed doors through the late afternoon. Administration
officials will give· briefings in the Press Center on the issues being discussed in
each business meeting. The First Lady's activities and the Commerce Department
trade expo may generate interest. We need to develop a plan to keep the press
busy on topics other than Cuba ana Haiti.
.
7
COPY
�.
'
.
..
.
'
.
.
SUMMIT OF THE AMERICAS
.
COMMUNICATION,S PLAN
"
October 12, 1994
·Presented below is-. a draft plan.for optimizing media coverage for the Surnr!J.itof
the Arriericas,December 9~11, 1994. Allcoinmurtications work for the Jvli~i meeting
will be targeted towards presenting President Clinton as the Hemispheric leader working ·
in coric¢rt with 33 other heads.,of-state to assUre coordinated economic growth arid
· strengthened democratic institutions throughout the region. The significant benefits to
· the Unit~d· Stat~$ of enhanced cooperation among the Sumillit partners will be stressed..
.
..
.
PRE-SUMMIT ACTIVITIES
·.·'
.
.
•;
.
President Clinton sets the· stage
. . In the weeks leading up ~o the Summit, the President will stress the .
.
· Administration's consistent commitment to expanding fr~e trade and foste~ing the growth
' · ofdemoc~aQy around the globe: B-eginning afterthe Nov~inber elections and running.
through the A:PEC trip to Asia, the President will deliver·several speeches outlining the
··. .achievem~nts of his international eco~omic strategy, including NAFTAand GATT
·· {almost). He will define thtr upcoming·¥iami meetiii.g as a key step t~wards re~lizihg the •
·
.
· 'goals of prosperity and secillity in the Western Hemisphere.
·
If possible, a signing-ceremony for theGATTlegislationwillbe held the day Mr.
Clinto11leaves for the Summit. He will give a rousing speech about the irllportarice of .
expanding trade opportunities for us business and thenhop on.the plan~ fot the. historic .
convocation in Florida. ··
·
·
"
·
·l
.
'
.
.
.
Addressing controversy up-front. •
As the only leader in the region riot invited to participate, Fidel Castro is likely to
be the "sore thumb" 'of the Summit. A strategy group from NSC arid State will devise a
.· pia~ for pte..:empting excessive media focus on Cuba .. Secretary-Christopher may give 'a
. speech on tlie Cuban situation in the week leading up to the Miami meeting. (There are ,
. other potential problems, e.g. Haiti; less-than.;perfect records of some of. the Summiteer~,
etc. How do
defend against negative stories?!)
we
Briefings
.
the first White House presentation on- the schedule of SUITlffiit everits· arid .
logistics for the press will be given by Mack McLarty and Anne Edwards during the
week of October 24. ·
Novembe~ will be taken up with mid~term·elections,the President's trip to Asia,·
Thallksgiving, and the Congressional votes on GATT (Nov. 29_•in the House; Dec. 2 in
the Senate). DUting the week ofNovember 28, Saildy Be_rger, Mack McLarty, and Bo.
copy·
.
I
�Cutter will give a general briefing at the White House. Anne Edwards will conduct a .
.·detailed briefing on press logistics.
· . .. The bulkof our media rc:rlations activity will be co~centrated in the period
. following the final vote on GATT and up to the President's departure ,for Miami
(D~cember 3-8). Secretaries Bentsen and Christopher will begin the schedule with a
principals' briefing., Special briefings will be held for Spanisl;I-speaking pres's, regional
press, foreign policy press, economic press, and columnists .. The President will meet with .
selec~ed media (2~3 groups) to discuss his hopes for the Summit. '
·
. Qiiantifying the benefits t~ the US
.~n October, ,a reque~twill be made to. tile Commerce and· Treasury Departments
· . (?) to as.sessthe economic import~ce 'of the Unit~d States' trading relationship, current
and ptojected, with Latin America. Findings will be announced to the press during the
weekofDecember 5:
.
.
. .
. . .
Encouraging positive images .
. , ·.
'.
.In October, a plan will. be developed for coordinating Summit commlinicatiori~
efforts with the embassies of the 33 other participating nations.
. . .
·. Thei·%1te'Housewil,l ~ork.with national Hispanic·groups to generate positive··
act
press outside of Miami Mayors of major cities with large Hispanic populations
as spokesperson~.
·
·. . · ·
· · · · ·
.
may
will
be made withtheUS Chamber ofCommerceto
. . Also in October, contact
'suggest that the Chamber; in collaborationwith interested Latin American. embassies,•··
. consider ~ays of enhancing US public perceptions of our neighbors to the South.' A
campaignmight be lal.lllched to inform the public about the rich opportunities Latin
American markets hold for US business.. Implementation wouldnot be managed by the ·
White House. ·
Business leaders generate interest · ,
.
'
.In Nov~niber and December, the White House will invite US business executives
who. support strengthened ties with Latin America to talk with the press about the.·
importanceof the ·summit. .?? ·
·
·
Welco'ming the NetworkS
.
"
.
.
Anne Edwards is actively encouraging Network producers to anchor from Miami
during the week leading up to the Summit During the President's trip to Asia, Mark:
· Gearan will pay calls on executives in Ne;"Yv York and Wa:shmgton to sell them on giving
major attention to the upcoming events.
COPY
�COMMUNICATIONS IN MIAMI
.
Our best chance for generating positive NEWS at the ~ummit will be an : ..
announcement by Pr~sident Clinton on Friday of a Hemispheric trade init~ative. If no
initiative is a.nllounced, coveFilge may range from benign accounts ofthe 33 'leaders
coming together forwork and playfor the firsttime _..: to cyriical"Where'sthe b~ef?"
commentaries -~ to stories on the disagreement among Summit participants on thorny
issues like ·cuba. If Clinton presents a plan for opening up NAFTA to all democratic
nations 1A the regioii,,the Latin American press will_·_· and. the US press will likely
.
'
)
'
.
.
.
T.he following schedule is based on the optimistic assumption thatNEWS.on trade.
will be made on Day#l:
.
'
.
·.
· ·
· ..
. Thursday, Decembet 8
.
..
Administration officials ~ill leak the substance ofthe President's opening speech
to assure Friday nioniing coverage.· Ambassador Cantor and Secretary Btown wlll giv~ a
briefing iri the Summit press center. Their app~arance will ~ignal the beginning of a'
structured s~heduly ofbri~fmgs in the facility by senior Administ~ation officials over the
three-:day. event.
.
The GATT signing-ceremony may tak~ place :in Washington on Thursday. If so;
President Clinton will speak about his goal of continuing to expand trade opportunities
for the US at the Miami Summit.
· ··
·
·· ·
·
.
.
. ..
Friday, December 9
.
..
· The President speaks to a large cori:rmunity audience in Miami .before the arrival
ofthe other heads-of"" state. The event will present him as the le(lder of the Hemisphere ·
.· relat1ng to.Hispanic citizens of Florida. The trade initiative will be announced~ .
·
· Bo Cutter, Alek (sp?) Watson, and pthers will brief the press on the. substance of
. · Saturday's leaders-only meetings. .
.·
.
.
,~.·
Saturday, December io. ·.
..
.
.
. Because Summit par1;icipants will be meeting behind dosed doors beyond the-:
mid:.afternoon news d~adli~e, the· story ofthe. day is unclear: Several ideas are orr the
. table. Adrni!listration officials couldbriefthepress on a variety of topics, e.g~ drug
. policy. Secretary Brown's commerce exposition and the Vic~ President's possible
appyarance during lunch to address business leaders coulq be the focus, The First Lady
.will al'so have a full schedule of events which could make news.
·Saturday's visuals will be the "pool spray," ofthemorningmeeting and the '~class
photo" of all34leaders.
·
Pool reports will come out of the business sessions.
COPY
�Sunday, December ll.
.
.
.
.·
.· .
· The class photo and pictures from Saturday night's Gala and State Dinner will ·
provide the Sunday press excellenfimages'ofregional harmony, colorfulLatin cultures,
and President Clinton as graCious host.
. . .
·
.
.
.
.· The President will appear one.or more of the morning talk shows. He may ·
appear.alone orwith the leaders ofCanada.and Mexico.
ShouldMr. CliJ;ton attend a church service with other leaders or do some other
activitybefore his final address? .
.
·.The .President speaks to the. Plenary Session, with tra<:le. again ~· key theme.' He .
may announce a ne'Y framework for Hemispheric development ("Partnershi,p for
Prosperity").
,
At the conclusion of the SUIIllllit,the President departs for Haiti.. (Ifhe;s going
there~ mention must
made in Plenary speech.) ·
on
be
,.
COPY
. ''·
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library ·
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. draft
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
RE: Background Paper for the G-7 Jobs Conference [partial] (1 page)
02/18/1994
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
· Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number: 13656
FOLDER TITLE:
G-7 Jobs Conference: Conference Sherpa Papers
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2209
RESTRICTI!>_N CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom oflnformation Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) ofthe PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) ofthe PRA)
P5 Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(5) ofthe PRA)
_P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b )(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
g
Is [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misf'lle defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�. sought work.
Using standard tools of economic analysis, it is possible to "decompose" the. causes of
. changes in the unemployment rate in the G-7 countries. Taking this approach, the
U.S. Council of Economic Advisors found:
c::· NOTE: RESULTS ARE PRELIMiNARY! DO NOT CITE UNDER ANY
CIRCUMSTANCES! ::·)
o
All G-7 countries except the United States and Japan have at least 2 percentage
points of cyclical unemployment -- most have more.
.
.
o
. Nearly all the increase in unemployment not due to slack demand in France Jnd
Germany is classical.
o
Nearly all the increase in unemployment not due to slack demand in other G-7
. countries is frictional, structural; or transfer-induced.
A technical paper prepared by the U. S. Council ,of Economic Advisors .describes this
analysis and its results in greater detail.· Dr. Tyson will discuss this paper and its
implications in her session of the conference.·
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction. Sheet
. Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
RESTRICTION
AND TYPE
001. paper
RE: Daily G-7 Jobs Conference Meeting w/DavidLane (1 page)
' 02/24/1994
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
ONBox Number:
13656
FOLDER TITLE:
G-7 Jobs Conference: Meeting Notes
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2210
RESTRICTION CODES
P_residential Records Act- (44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2· Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA]
..P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or. confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
·and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C. ·
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
Freedom of Information Act --[5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
· b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of ·
an agency [(b)(2) ofthe FOIA]
. b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
.
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose 'information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
g
Is [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
�Daily G-7 Jobs Conference Meeting w/David Lane
Thursday, February' 24, 1994
·
0 Who to present briefings on conference sessions
·
· -problem with having the Cab. sec.'s do it is getting four versions
ofthe same thing
· -maybe should have Rubin!fysondo the briefings to control
message
o What to do with other Cab. sec.'s ·
- have them attend Sunday night dinner but nothing else
. -Kantor; Pena, Riley want to get involved. D. Lane felt that they
should only atterid the POTUS speech. No sessions or pubic
events
· o How to keep Michigan delegation away from conference
- Erskin Bowles (SBA) has been assigned Conyers for healthcare
purposes and has been offered to do a healthcare event with
Conyers in his district on Monday (14th) morning.
-Natalie Wymer saw big problems with it. Perception to press of
having both the conference and something in Conyers' district at
the same time
.
·
-D. Lane felt that only on lunch/breakfast with VP would suffice
to get delegation members to go. Problem with his availability
o Secretariat Tony Doss is working well. He has state and G-7 experience
o State will have protocol people available for the conference setup
. o Embassies are anxious about conference
-briefing at 3PM today for. embassy staff
o Still working on defing conference .message
.
.
- it will be on preparing nation/people for jobs in the 21st century
- need to decide if it will be on broad/narrow view of that theme
. o Need to decide who will talk for the US delegation to the conference ·
- JayByrne is OK for the conference itself, but need
someone to speak for the actual delegation. Possibly
Rubin and have someone like Waldrrian do talking .·
points.
· o Final version of the agenda should be out today
o Meeting with Cab. sec.'s chiefs of staff at IPM
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
Bill Whyman to Robert Rubin; RE:Jobs Conference Policy Surprises
(2 pages)
·
03/03/1994
RESTRICTION
P5
.~
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldiil.an
OA/Box Number:
13656
· FOLDER TITLE:
G-7 Jobs Conference: General
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2211
~·
RESTRICTION CODES
PresidentiaiRecords Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)] ·
Freedom oflnformation Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
Pi National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P~ Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA] ·
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President'
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) ofthe FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rule.s and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) ofthe FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a. Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) ofthe FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
pe.rsonal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) ofthe FOIA]
.
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(S) ofthe FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
lft'l,_ll.rlllog
s [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misftle defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C. .
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�THE WHITE HOUSE
·wASHINGTON
March. 3, 1994
.MEMORANDUM FOR ROBERT RUBIN
FROM:
BILL
WHYMA~
SUBJECT:
Jobs
Confer~nce
Policy Surprises
-We need to be ready for a number of policy surprises that could
arise at the Jobs conference: Though we will make all efforts to
ensure. that surprises ·do not happen, we know some of the
countries have different views from our own. .My major concern is
that a proposal from one of the countries, would go against the
domestic agendas of the others (including ·us), who are all
planning 6ne do~estic ~eform or another.
In such a case, it
·could set off a chain reaction, where Ministers are concerned the
message coming out of the conference could be used aga~nst them
ba'ck at home.
Even prickly allies like the Brits, who generally agree with us,
could get very upset in such a chain reaction. Most likely.
surprises include.
1.
French views linking trade to labor standards. The French
have at various times argued that other countries engage in
"social dumping" as they do not have labor, environmental, and
·social standards comparable to Europe.
Proposals include linking
trade access to meeting labor and. other social standards. Often
this is directed against the Asians. We have not made up our own
minds on labor standards issues (we need to sort this out b~fore,
if possible).
The argument -also comes in a number of other
protectionist packaging, .which complicate our· trade position.
· 2.
Mandatory work sharing.
Some in France and others in
Europe have propos~d mandatori sharing of jobs as a response to
·unemployment. ~his idea and other "mandatory" programs pose
government a:s highly intrusive in the economy, igniting-business
fears.
Mandates clearly are a sensitive issue for us .. More
broadly, we want to create more jobs and growth, not ration what
we .have.
·
3.
Blame or leave out the developing countries. The conference
.could be criticized as the "rich country club" getting together
to solve their unemployment problems, excluding or working to ·the.
detriment of the rest of the world. Combined with French noises
about "social dumping," this could send a bad message.
4.
Labor strikes/action. Currently the big German metalworkers
union is striking. This could still being going on at the time
of· the conference. Labor .ac(;i p y n in Europe (or
n
elsewhere) . could dra~atea c
ge t:: e tone. and public backdrop
.
\y
.
.
.
�...
for the conference. ~e ~ould try to argue this shows ho~.right
on the President was in calling for the conference.
This is
·
unpredictable at best.
5. · The Japanese fear "protectionist" policies at the
d6nference. They are apoplectic that the "over-representation bf
Europeans" in the G-7. (read France) may lead to views that
Western ,unemployment is due to Asian (Japanese) unfair trade
practices. Our own trade impa~se and super 301 position make
them e~en more uneasy--especially in Detroit.
Social taxes. Because payroll taxes have diive up the nonwage-costs to employers, it.has become as an.obstacle to job.
creation. The EU has propos~d an "en~ironmental tax," to finance
programs instead. Although we disagree with this "tax shifting;'.'
the greater proble~ i~ not the substahce, but that we don't want
the message coming out of the crinference to be tax increases.
·6.
In additi6n, we have the general problem of the conference not
producing a big "outcome." Given th~ diversity of views within
the G~7 about r~sponding to change (as Major told jou), quick
agreement on anything big is unlikely.
·
I .
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RE: Thematic Statement (partial] (1 page)
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
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Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
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FOLDER TITLE:
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Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
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�THEMATIC STATEMENT
,
0~ this trip, we confront the greatest challenge of our age -~ how to ensure
that the remarkable, unstoppable forces of global ecoil'omic change work for our
people. Asin 1919 a:n_d 1945, America and its partners face a fundamental choice:
wheth~r- to turn inward, retreating to protectionism arid nativism, or to face
outward, embracing our leadership role in the world. [One lesson is clear: we will
seize this moment only if average citizens are confident that these changes will '~·
work for them.}. In the past ye~l' apd half, Americar1s chose change -- putting our ·
.
economic house in order, cutting our deficit, embracing the, global -ecor1omy
through NAFTA and the global trade pact, and investing_ in training and education · .
·
•·
.
. ·
,
. . ·
for our workers.
Now we must take the next steps -- to build the ne~ ,irtstitution~ of · ,, ..
international trade and security that can lead to another era of global growth;. We
·wi.ll continue to push for expanded trade and exports. We will push onward :With
a ne~ structure for international trade, one that harnesses the dynamism of the
market while ensuring that the interests of workers and the environment are
protected. And we w!ll rilakeelear that this new international community of free
markets and free peoples extends .to the former communist nations of easter~;,,~:·
.
........ .
'europe.
:.
·
·
'._:~ ...:~·
.
'
,..
_
.
'•'
.
_ ~;;-
.
. As a new world eme:rg~s before:~r,~yes, pur nation is where it should be-~
in the lead, Once again~ our economy~~~i-~;li~.eligine of global growth, our
expansive vision shapes the emerging ·~~~r'economy, and our willingness to act
has galvanized the world. If we remaintlltue to our best selves, we have it within
our power to create a golden age in which the vast opportunities of the global
market produc~ prosperity for our_ middle class.
Tone: The President's public statements should be confident, heraldic,
declarative -- no need here for 'filial piety" or ambiguity. America is truly the
world's leading economy, our ideas really are the right ideas, and w~,; shouid be
proud of that. A "semiotic" reading of this trip, of ·course, is that Bill.; Clinton {arid
. America) are young and vigoro~s,. welcoming chl:).nge, while other lea)ers (and
Europe generally) are stodgy, withdrawn, fearful:
. ··
. : . ..W
·
'
. . • ..
.i
-
~
,'IWQ EVENTS:
· Departure statement.
h
.
.
'
..
·. _.\.- -·
'
.
.
':.
.
'
..
WilLfr;me the trip in dramatic terms -- a~ moment 'fpen the world, led
by Americ~f-~ill begin· to create new economic in~titutions t~ lit the post-cold-war
era. America ·tmt~rs this discussion from a position of strength; ·we have put our
house in order, at.{ our economy is now thes:rongeston t~e globe. Now we must
COPY' .
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Clinton Library ··
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
Lake to the President; RE: I;vfemo from Sec. Bentsen ·on Russian
Economic Reform (2 pages)
06/21/1994
RESTRICTION
Pl/b(l), P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
ONBox Number: 13656
FOLDER TITLE:
G-7 Naples: Speech Related
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
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'
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·
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
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DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Michael Waldman to Roger Altman; RE: Draft Thematic Statement
(1 page)
10/12/1994
P5
002. memo
Michael Waldman to Mark Gearan; RE: Draft Commurucations Plan
for Swnmit of the Americas [partial] (2 p~ges)
10/17/1994
P5
RE: Swnmit of the Americas .(2 pages)
n.d.
P5
e
, 003. paper
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number: Jj656
FOLDER TITLE:
SOA (Swnmit ofthe Americas]: Themes
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
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.-::-::-::::"0•--'..._
Is [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
�.,.
October 12, 1994
MEMORANDUM FOR ROGER ALTMAN.
FROM:
MICHAEL WALDMAN
SUBJECT:
A'ITACHED DRAFT THEMATIC STATEMENT
.
.
Here is a first cut, based on a variety of discussions, of a thematic
document. A few key points:
· ·
* It clearly focuses, first and foremost, on the economics. This is a different
emphasis from the material produced by the NSC and the deputies group -- we ·
need to just hash this out. (I obviously believe this ·must be the focus.) -I'm going
to fax this to Richard Feinberg on the road in Lati~ America.
*It is a set of themes aimed at the U.S. domestic· audience . .J believe that
as we talk about this, we need to inoculate trade with Latin America by
emphasizing the benefits to our people. So the tone is more nationalistic, more
U.S.-focused, than would be the case in a document aimed at a Latin American
audience. We have to avoid the temptation to make this something that thrills
the Council on Foreign Relations and nobody else.
*The "slogan" for now is "Partnership for Prosperity" --not perfect, but an
adequate placeholder. We c~ui put some others in the :mix ~swell.
COPY
�.
.-.
.
.··
News: the.President's,speech, wrap--up on accomplishments of the meeting,
trip to Haiti(?) ·
.
.
Photos: Plenary session; possible church- service; depan;ure for Haiti(?) · ·
IV. LOGISTICS·
.
.
.
Structure of oress operation
A Sumrilitpublic affairs working group is being organized. to produce, task
' out, and clear comni'unications,materials, schedule and coordinate events,
.. and ensure the 'm ut~al reinforcement of domesti.c and 'foreign mesSages.
Much of the work will be done by the agencies, especially the State Department,· with coordination from the White House. · Mitchell Schwartz---and Anne Edwards will run the press center iii Miami at,Pier 12.- Vicki
'Rivas-Vasquez will serve as a White House press secretary ior the event.
-Foreign press
·_ USIA and State will do the ~tandard things with Worldnet, briefings for
foreigD. press, .etc.
'.
Host Committee
Th~ Miami Host Committee's Media Relations- Subcom~ittee .will h~ndle
the- following: - _
··
Publish a media newsletter
-- Issue a reference guide for-the .press
Secure interpreters and. translators
.
_. _ _
_
Help staff the Intemationhl Media Center and assist in cred.tmtiallirig
-- Coordinate press; transportation and. hotels-and. arrange tours of Miami
-- Set up food. court in Media Center
· · · ·
Organize security for' Media Center
Plan the press party -
- V•._-OU'ISTANDING TASKS AND .ISSUES/WARNING SIGNS __
Where's the beef?--~ We are far down the road in terms ofemphasizing the
_economic issues for the su~mit. ·Certainly,_ the economic fc)cus iS ideal. But we --run a. risk that the expectations we create relited to opening up trade throughout
the hemisphere will not be met with concrete action. We need to have a clear sense -of whether or not there.will be an announcement of a .trade initiative.
'
.
'
..
6
COPY
'-
�·Dealing with the TV networks: -- The networks may be persuaded to give
major focus to·the summit (anchor the news and/or do morning shows out
Miam'i; broadcast the gala). Senior White House officials need to meet with the
networks to lay out what we're plannin-g for, Miami and to encourage their ·
interest. Nominees·: Mark Gearan or Dee Dee Myers and Mack McLarty.
of
· .QYh.il •· Cuba is a potential probkm in several respects. As the 01:1ly .
leader in the region not inviteq. to participate,. Fidel Castrq ~ likely to be the ~sore .
thumb" ofthe Summit. Most other attendees disagree with ()ur hard-line policy ·
·towards Castro; Conversely, the Miami Cuban community continues to agitate for
.·
stronger acti~n against Castro. Finally, Castro h.imself colild throw ~ monkey
· wrench int() the event by proposing some new initiAtive, by breaking his deal.with
the U.S., or ·whatever.: A subgroup should· be organized by the NSC to plan a. ·
strategy to defuse the Cuqa issue •· e.g~, Secretary_ of State Christopher might .
make: a spee'ch· on the subject two weeks out, etc.
.
.
.
· . ·Haiti ·· There needs to be a decision made about whether the Presiderit
·
. goes.to Haiti before or-after the Summit:
· Drugs ... Bbb aoorstin has argued that the summit should address public
concern in the U.S. about Latin America's role 1n exporting diugs ~o oilr 'shores ..
· America's cooperative efforts with olir neighb6rs to stOp the flow· of <irugs into this
country ,and the administration's eommitme_nt to lowering demand through'
treatment and preve]ltion co~~ .be the subjett of Saturday briefings to. the presti.
ij:owever, r~g these ~ues may call. attention i<> a negative ele]Dent ofo\lr ··' ·..
, relationship with the South which we'dprefer not to· emphasize. (For. what it's
worth,_ I dm't think we should aim for a. drug focus.)
..
.
i.
· Saturday'~ News .. We need to generate news for Saturday; when the
~eaders Will be behind closed doors through the late ·afternoon.· Administration
· officials will give briefings in the Press Center on· the issues being diScu&sed in .
·each business meeting. The 'First Lady's actiVities and the· Co~nlllerce Department ·
trade expo may generate· interest.· We need to deyelop a plan to keep the press ·
· b_usy on topics other than Cuba and Haiti. '
·
·
.
.
\'
�SUMMIT OF WE AMERICAS_-
- Themes & Consultations: Th(f USG has begun the. second phase of consultation iri _preparatiop. for the 34-coU:ntry Summit of the Americas, set for December- 9~ 11 in Miami.
_ We are seeking country views on 14 USG initiativesfalling under three themes: - (1) -·democracy and good governance (re-inventing government); (2) economic integraiion; and
(3) sus~bie development (investing -in pe9ple and alliance with nature). - All count.ries
- have received ~a. short description of these themes and initiatives through our Embassies.
-.In addition,- an interagency team is consulting with key countnes and t~e Rio Group with-_
a view to revising these initiatives, as appropriate. So far we'have consulted With Argentina,
Chile and Colombia, which were h,ighly receptive to all the initiatives, an:d with Brilzil, which
was fairly negative, perhaps for negotia~ing purposes. . · -.
-- _ _ _ - _ _ _
.
)_
Trad~ IntOgt~ti~~: .M~st c~untries see tr:ide as a central issue for the Summit an~ '.
0
U.S~
_' - a maJor
tmtlatlve_ m this area.. To date, wee have left a placeholder for tn1.de
told. countries -that we would prefer to delay submission of
detailed initiative until'
Congress
concluded itS deliberation ofthe Uruguay Round bill. To fill the gap created
· by the lack of a U.S. trade .propos~. the Organization. of American States, the UN
Economic Commission for Latin America and -the Caribbean and the Inter-American
Development Bank have jointly drafted a paper laying out_ tWo route's for trade integration: {1)
_ multiplying bilateni.l agr~ements; or (2) incorporating more countries into a subregional agreement, like NAFfA If we are unable to secure Congressional passage of fast track.
Je · lation before the Summit, we will have trouble meeting countries' e?CJ)ectations·on trade
and may nee -to. ee up our llll~lattves _mot e
'
- .-
a
pas
INL/Mary Beasley 2-1272
-
ithJ
~~~c.dlt~ Ilk )&tlf-(
COPY
-
\
----
�SUMMIT OFTHE AMERICAS
Themes & Consultations: The USG has· begtin the second phase of consultation in
. preparation for the 34-country Surninit of the Americas, set for December 9:-11 in Miami.
are seeking country views on 14 USG initiatives falling under three themes:· (1)
democracy and good governance (re-inventing governrilent); (2) economic integration; and·
(3) sustainable development (investing in people and "alliance with nature). All countries
have received a short description of these themes and initiatives through o.ur Embassies.
In addition, an interagency team is consulting with key countries and the Rio Group with
a view to revising these initiatives~ as appropriate. So far we.have consulted with Argentina, ·
Chile and Colombia, which were highly receptive to all the initiatives, and with Brazil, which
We
\
I
·:::~:.::::::· :::~::::~::::::~:::::s::~rrali~ue for the Summit an~ '
~
· a major lJ.S. initiative in this area. To date, we have left a placeholder for trade
told countries that we would prefer to delay submission of a detailed initiative until
Congress has concluded its deliberation of the Uruguay Round bill.. To fill the gap created
by the lack of a U.S. trade .proposal, the Organization of American States, the ·UN
Economic Commission for Latin· America and the Caribbean and the .-nter-American
Development Bank have jointly drafted a paper laying out two routes for trade integration: ..
(1) multiplying bilateral agreements; or (2) incorporating more countries into a subregional
agreement, like NAFfA . If we are unable to secure Congressional passa e of fast track ·
·1wslation before the Summit, we WI ave troub e meetmg countnes' e~ectations on tra e
and may need to beef up our uutlat1ves m other areas to ensnre a sncce·ssful Suiili!flt.
·.
_,
'
.
INL/Mary Beasley 2-1272
COPY
·
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
·Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
ANDTYPE ·
001. report
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
n.d.
RE: Road Map for Democracy Discussion (4 pages)
RESTRICTION
Pl/b(l), P5
COLLECTION:
Clintori Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number: 13656
FOLDER TITLE:
SOA (Sunllnit oftheAmericas]: Road Map for DemocracyDiscussion
Debbie Bush'
2006-0469-F
dbl476
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Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
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Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PM)
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P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
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C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
~~~
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PR.M. Personal record misfile defined in accord. ance with 44 U.S.c·
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.
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information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
·personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA)
(p~isclose geological or geophysical information
con ni
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O
1
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo·
002. memo
. SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
Feinberg to Berger; RE: Summit of the Americas (5 pages)
Richard Feinberg, Sandra Kri~toff to Sandy Berger, Bowman Cutter;
RE: Proposed Speech Linking APEC and Summit of the Americas (3
·pages)
·
RESTRICTION
10/2011994
P1/b(1),P5.
io/18/1994
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
. Michael Waldman
ONBox Number: 13656
FOLDER TITLE:
SOA [Summit of the Americas]: Feinberg
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F ·
dbl478
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P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
P4 Rele~se would disclose trad·e secrets or confidential commercial or
_financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) ofthe PRA]
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]_
.
b(3) Release would violate a" Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
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information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
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financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
isclose geological or geophysical information
lis [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
.
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of gift. .
.
-
-PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
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�8401
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
. WASHINGTON. D.C. 20506
. {N A
October 18, 1994
(
VL----,
6~~
MEMORANDUM FOR SANDY BERGER
BOWMAN CUTTER
FROM:
SUBJECT:
RICHARD E. FEINBE~
·. SANDRA KRIST~~ .
· Proposed Speech. Linking APEC and Summit of the
Americas
Our policies toward APEC andthe Summit of the Americas are_
strikingly similar. At the same time, they take into account
regional differences. Webelieve that a strong speech would lie
in spelling out these consistencies that mark Administration
policy toward the two most rapidly growing regions of the world,
while pointing out the regional differentiation that
·
characteriz~s our nuanced polic~es.
Similarities in Policy Regarding APEC and SOA
·The central similarity is ou~ impending endorsement of free trade
areas in both r~gion~. ·The domestic policy justification is the
~arne -- ieducing barriers to US ~xports creates good jobs at
home. Characterized by •open regionalism," both regional FTAs
will be GATT-consistent and advance global interdepende·nce and
market liberalization. Both reg~ons are to work on a blueprint
or action agenda for reaching fre~ trade goals modeled
subst~ntially ori NAFTA standards.
Both agendas will address
functional issues gradually rinder a building-block approach
(sometimes referred to as modular multilateralism).
There ~re many other policy overlaps in specific functiortal
areas. Both APEC_and our Summit agenda include initiatives to:
Invest in people through human resource
d~velopment;
Spur the growth of small btisinesses;
Deepen integration by developing infrastructure
projects;
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�8401
2
Encourage investment by establishing principles or
codes;
Spur the involyement of U.S. b~siness and the
participation of the private sector in regional
decisionmaking;
Foster the global information highway. using. the
principles spell~d out by the Vice President;
fiv~
Facilitate the exchange of techriology; and
Advance environmental protection.
This commonality is not of course coincidental.· It reflects the·
dynamics of economic development as well as the nature.of
interaction between industrial and developing·countries. These
,poticies meet the needs_of developing nations and advance their
integration into the global marketplace.
There is also a clear. foreign policy commonality -- .the
pr6jecti6n ~f U.S. leadership within a dooperative, multilateral
context whose tundamental purposes express core U.S .. interests .
.These economic policies create partnerships that will also serve
our security interests. Active U.S. participation and
Presidential involvement in bpth regional partnerships increase
our influence, thwart potential meddling by other powers
·(Europe, Asia in Latin America) and maintain regional power
balances (u.S.; Japan and China in Asia}:
Both iegional ~ssocia~ions·iticlude institutional mechanisms to
assure that d~cisions taken by the leaders are implemented. The
Summit of the Americas is to create a new follow-up architecture
for Inter-American relations that will include numerous periodic
ministerials, as APEC has done. APEC also will use its
secretariat to assure follow~up, while the Western Hemisphere
will fortify existing·regional institutibns (OAS, IDB).
In sum, APEC and the SOA are creative U.S. responses to post-Cold
War realities that advance U.S. economic and security interests
· -~ with little to zero cdst to the u.s. taxpayer and long-term
gains to U.S. firms and workers.
Regional Differences
APEC by definition focuses on ec6nomic cooberation whereas
~elations in the Western Hemisphere traditionally have a strong
political component.
The Western Hemisphere boasts democratic
institutions in all but one of its states whereas the Asia
Pacific is much more heterogeneous.
Accordingly, at the Summit
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�'3
8401
of the Americas we will. emphasize democracy as a core theme
whereas at·APEC we more modestly mainta1n that market
.liberalization will promote political opening. Our policies are
. crafted to pursue the same go~l -- democracy -~ utilizing means
that are sensitive to the cultures-and histo~ies of each~r~~iori.
or
The chartered pace
economic liberalization is more rapid in
the Western Hemisphere, reflecting the greater heterogeneity of
Asia as compared to the generally more opeh economies of Latin
America. A~ain, the ultimate goal
economic. integration -- is
the same.
(
Inititutional structures are distinct as well, even as we seek in
·both cases to construct·mechanisms to assure ·implementation ~ith
minimum additional bureaucracy.
In both regions, we are crafting nuanced.policies which respond
local circumstances while pursuing at low cost basic u.s .
. _interests in democracy and prosperity.
to
Speech Schedule_
An APEC/SOA speech could be delivered just prior to APEC, in the
-brief period between the two meetings; or immediately after the
SOA prior to Christmas when the media is publishing year-end
reviews.
In that the themes are conceptual and draw together
economic and foreign policy, the speech might best to delivered
by TOny Lake or Bob Rubin.
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton ~ibrary
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
RESTRICTION · ·
001. memo
Julia Moffett to Michael Waldman; RE: Miscellaneous (1 page)
10/28/1994
P5
002. memo
Julia Moffett to Michael Waldman; RE: Miscellaneous Suminit
Issues (1 page)
10/24/1994
P5
003. memo-
Julia Moffett to Michael Waldman; RE: Cabinet/Surrogate Summit
Activity (2 p~ges)
-
10/24/1994
P5
004.-memo
Julia Moffett to Michael Waldman; RE: Summit of the Americas
Organization (2 pages)
10/14/1994
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
ONBox Number: 13656
FOLDER TITLE:
. SOA [Summit of the Americas]: Moffett Memo
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2214
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) ofthe PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disdose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA] ·
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(I) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) ofthe FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) ofthe FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA]
b(~j.M-~~~ouifi,<ll!iCiose geological or geophysical information
con•n~#ellls [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 u.oo •...,_.._
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�October .28; 1994
. MEMORANDUM FOR MICHAEL WALDMAN
JULIA MOFFE'IT
FROM:
SUBJECT: MISCELLANEOUS
1) REMINDER .ABOUT REPORTS
.
.
'
.
.
.
'
'I just wanted to remind -you that if calls could be made to the appropriate pe~ple ·.
. in the appropriate agencies (it may end up being Chiefs of Staff) you may wa:nt- to
·strongly,requestthat they bring a list ofreport options to.your Tuesday meeting.
I mentioned tha:tDave Marcheck seemed to have good.knowh~dge about what was
doable out of USTR, for instance .
. 2) ANECDOTES/ACCOMPLISHMENTS
You may_:find peoplE~ t'alking about a nee,d f~rthis next week, andi wanted to let
you know exactly how Dave and I plan to proceed. While I am away; he will meet.
with the appropriate peopie at· Commerce, UST~, and Transportation to.take. an
. inventory of what. they. already have prepared. When I return; we will start to put.
.
.
.
.
.
. 'them in a form that will help us use them -for remarks, events and other needs .. ' ..
We will also, atDrey~r's suggestion, work with Presidential correspondence, to
find letters to the President, etc ... Marcheck also- plans to come to you·r Tuesday
meeting to have input into the mat~rials list and ways in which a i•success story"
document might fit into the overall plan~ . .
. .
. .'
\
3)
.
MYTRAVEL-·
I am lea:Ving for Rhode Island ori Saturday morning and for Seattle on Wednesday ..
I ·will return on Monday, November 7th. _As yqu know, you can always reach me
· through signal. l will also check my voice mail often. I would very much like ·to .
participatein any w.ayl c~n. Grace indicated that she would let me know how to_
call into the scheduling/cm:nmtinications meeting.·
Thanks--don't get sick!
Julia
COPY
.
'
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
October 24, 1994
MEMORANDUM FOR MICHAEL WALDMAN
FROM:
JULIA MOFFEIT
.SUBJECT: MISCELLANEOUS SUMMIT ISSUES
Beiow are a few miscellaneous issues that may need to be discussed at some point:
TUESDAY'S COMMUNICATIONS MEETING
·Dana is unable to attend tomorrow's meeting. She has asked that on matters of
process, we let people know that she wip. continue to serve as the contact for the
Cabinet. We will he providing Dana with a proposal for Cabinet activity later in
. the week. If people have recommendations/information for that proposal, they
should get it to you or me as soon as possible so that it can be factored in.
ANECDOTES/ACCOMPUSHMENTS.
We have loosely discussed the need for this information, whether it be to
determine good events, make fact sheets, use for remarks, etc... Dana Hyde has
informed me that Mark Gearan's office has. also been requesting this information
from different agencies. We need to coordinate so that people are not being .
redundant and so that we know what others have this information in mind for.
PUBUC LIAISON OUTREACH
We may want to get a communications slot in Steve Hilton's working group in
order to stay informed of what seems like an extensive operation. Purpose: to
a void train wrecks.
SECTOR SATURDAY
It seems as if "Sector Saturday" is still in development. Rob Stein is tentatively
going to present his vision of this Commerce-headed event at a Wednesday
meeting David Lane is organizing. I think it is important that you, and whoever
else you feel is appropriate, have a strong presence in that meetingso that it does
not get too farout in front of us. We need to know about issues such as: what is .
. the press situation, does this event come under the Sunshine laws, etc ...
CONFLICf OF. IN'IEREST ISSUES
David Lane and I will make the "accountability flow chart" we discussed in
anticipation of a discussion late Wednesday. Reta and others feel strongly that
this meeting is a good idea. The objective should be to make some decisions that
create a general framework for Ann, et al. to organize their events iri.
SCHEDUliNG INPUT
A draft memo from you is attached. Let me know if it needs revisions.
COPY
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON.
October 24th, .1994
MEMORANDUM FOR MICHAEL WALDMAN
FROM:
JULIA MOFFE'IT
SUBJECT: CABINET/SURROGATE SUMMIT ACTIVITY
I met with Dana Hyde this morning and have the following information and
recommendations:
.
.
.
Dana anticipates Mack and Roger making the decision on which Cabinet members
should attend the Summit by this Wed1;1esday. Once that decision is made, I think
we should aim to give a communications proposal/request to Dana for Cabinet
activity by Thursday or Friday of this week. It is currently assumed that
Secretaries Bentsen, Ron Brown, Christopher, Reich and Ambassador Kantor will
attend. Secretaries Cisneros, O'Leary, Babbit, and Administrators Browner and
Lee Brown are still to be determined. Attorney General Reno is also being ·
considered for her Florida history.
Once the list of participants is finalized, our Communications proposal should
_ include the following:
'
PROPOSAL:
·RAMP-UP:
*Interviews/Roundtable participation
*Pre-Summit briefirlg appearances
*Television appearances
-esp. Sunday shows
*Events
-Speeches in D.C.
-Events outside the beltway (if they have news value)
AT THE SUMMIT:
*Press Center briefings
*Interviews: Print/TV
*Events
-Adding communications to already scheduled events
-Pro-actively scheduling events
COPY
�ISSUES TO BE ADDRESSED PRIOR TO CREATING A PROPOSAL:
Several issues which need to be discussed before we can submit a proposal are:
'
'
-
*Are we looking to have Cabinet members make news on Saturday? Some
believe that the "SectorSaturday" is intended to fill the potential news gap.
-*How do we insure that the "Sector Saturday" events do not overshadow the
President's activities?
*What is the purpose of the Cabinet activity? Should their events help to
illustrate why our trade policies are good for Florida, reinforce messages coming
from the President. etc... ? Should each Cabinet member take a different angle
such as one focuses on Florida, the business community, -the Latino .community?
*Which Cabinet members should have slots at the Press center, should be
available for television, should occcupy slots in the briefings, etc... ?
OTHER PRINCIPALS/SURROGATES ISSUES:
'Principals
There is less chance of the Vice President, First Lady or Second Lady working at
. cross purposes with our intended news. Additionally, it is less likely that we will
want to pro-actively influence their schedules or media appearances. I suggest ·
that we just stay closely apprised of their schedules and. work with their staffs to
make sure they are sending complimentary messages.
Surrogates
We need to determine non-Principal and non-Cabinet surrogates, This is most
- important when compiling the comprehensive interview and briefing schedule. A
preliminary list of people who should _have roles/commitments carved out for them
are Leon Panetta, Bob Rubin, Sandy Berger, etc ... We need to determine the rest of
this list and then submit a proposal to Leon or, perhaps,- Roger or ~ack.
We also need to focus on other surrogate issues in order to start the process
rolling. For instance, we had discussed having big city Mayors as well as high
profile business types do media events during the ramp-up and at the Summit.
RECOMMENDED PROCESS:
*We need to address the issues listed above. Some of this conversati~n couldtake
place in the Tuesday morning intra-agency communications meeting. Other issues
such as most appropriate surrogates, use of outside validators, etc.. probably need
.to happen in internalcommunications meetings.
*We need to solicit all of the abqve mentioned schedules at the Tuesday meeting.
As for the other principals, we should fold into their scheduling m'eetings.
COPY
�.
,_/
MEMORANDuM
TO: MICHAEL WALDMAN
..
.
FR: · ~IA MOFFETI
RE: Slf.M:MIT OF THE AMERICAS ORGANIZATION
'DT:: ·.OCTOBER 14;. 1994
, -Attached is a Proposed organizational chart for the Summit of the Americas team.
·A.few things: ·
·
·
.
·
First, as youha~e.suggested, there may be too m:any people working onthis, o~, at
.. least, viewed as point people. The.attached chart attempts to winnow down this
·.. group so·that yoq., as the coordinator of this project, are only dealing with one·
'contact person from . each entity:
·
·
·
Second,· the proposed structure does nott~ke into a~count some of th~ more
immediate meetings we have identified as, necessary.· .For instance,' the
policy/substance. team is not refl~cted here as. you will meet with them shortly.· to.· ·
d~termine the probability .of a trade in,itiative and theri will not need to see the ln.·
.againfor a while~
·
·
·
··
'.
· .· Reconimenda tions
*Not knowing how entrenched the .current meetings are, you niay want to arrange · ·.
' .for a new set of me~tings.
.
.
I
Aw~eklyor bi-weekly Communications meeting with the' "Expanded
·commuhica'tions Group" would enable us to co~vey out needs/agenda as it ta).{es ·
.shape as well as to hear from the· top' PA contact from, the relevant departments. .
This would not bea repeat of yesterday's State Department meeting, but, rather, .
an expanded.version ofyour Indian Treaty Room meeting.·
A weekly meeting ofthe "Expanded Working Group" probably makes sense.
·. -;\gain, you wo~ld:need to enforce the concept of the pqint person from ea.Gh of the·.
. relevant departments attendi~g; and. that is it. .Otherwise,. as you know, the . . .
meeti!lg becomes· useless .. The purpose of the meeting would be to 1) ·update the
. entll:e team on the message development, etc; .. to make sure no one is working off··
a different page; and 2) to hear short updates from each representative, i.e. . . .
Scheduling may saytha.t asitehasfallen through, Public Liaison may:have'some
good news about business that we wan_t to capitalize on/appropriate, etc...
.,
,.
•.copy . •
�\.
Outstanding Issues/Questions
.
.
.
.
* As we discussed yesterd~y, I think you need to de~ide if you are taking £he
coordination o£ this entire project on, or just the communications piece. This is
not to say that the communications piece does not drive the entire thing---it does.
But there i$ .definitely a -difference. ·.
-
* _. If you are taking on the whole thilig', I think you 'need to establish who the - .
point people are at the relevant departments·. My suggestion iB that they be the
same as the commt.u1ications people. Whoever it is; I would try to enforce that
they be the contact person, setting up their own intern,al information systems, ·; This means 'that the same person comes to meetings, and, can speak on behalf o£
the PA, scheduling, .press,- arid policy people. This might be a pipe dream,.- ·
'however, .it' might not be asking that much.
.
.
..
.
.
.
.
..
'
'
* A few miscellan~ous issues: - · • _- -· · •_ --- -.- ·-- - - -- . -·-·
~sh6uld USIA be one of the departments always at the table?
-Who is talking to_ the Host Committee, or do we not need to worry about it
-
'a t
a11?
.
_
.
.
'
'
_ , _
_
~Wef!: need'to.-begininteracting with. Scheduling to identify optl.ons for the _- - .;·_Friday speech: --When should I do this?.--Despite tl?-e lack of_an APEC coordinator; should we arrang~ a ''one-time"
communications meeting to discuss the APEC/GA'IT/Summit of the
Americas continuity?' ·
\ -
''!.
,
I,
COPY
�--------.,------------------- -------------------------------------,-------,-
Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo.
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
Mitchell Schwartz, Nanda Chitre to Tom Donilon; RE: Suriunit of the
. Americas Press Center Costs (4 pages)
09/14/1994
·RESTRICTION
P5
·COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number:
13656
FOLDER TITLE:
SOA [Swnmit of the Americas]: State Department
Debbie Bush
2006~0469-F
dbi215
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)].
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
Pl National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal .statute [(a)(3) ofthe PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
·.financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information [(bXI) ofthe FOIA)
. b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules ·and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would. violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or.financial
information [(b)(4) ofthe FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
·personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Rele~se would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
a woul isclose geological or geophysical information
lis [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C
2201(3);
. RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�)\
United States Department of State· ·
Washington, D. C.
20520
September 14, 1994
MEMORANDUM
TO:
PA - Tom Donilon ·
THROUGH: PA - Michael
McCurry~~~~
FROM:
PA - Mitchell Schwartz /'h.f.
PA - Nanda Chitre-ne.
RE:
Summit of the Americas Press Center Costs
As you may know, the WhiteHouse has set up a meeting with.
embassy press attaches from countries which will be attending
the Summit on Wednesday, September 21, 1994. Anne Edwards has
.also invited two members of the·. Media Relations Subcommittee of
the Miami Host Committee, Julie Simon and Luis Laredo, -as well
as Susan Vodicka who is the Chief of Staff for the Host
. Committee. They will be at .the State Department on the morning
of the 21st to discuss the planning foi- the International Media
Center.· Since the White House and NSC have begun a weekly.
public affairs planning meeting on the Summit of the Americas,
we thought this would be a good time to bring you up to date on
·planning for the press center and some' of our· concerns.
Background·
•'
.We have been.meetingwith Ambassador Gillespie and his
staff continuously since March 23, 1994. At our initial
meeting we were very clear that PA would not be able to-provide
funding for an international· media c;:enter. We were told that
no_ money would be directed for press considerations. We were
told that· approximately $10 million_ has been appropriated for
this Summit.
In addition, the Miami Host Committee hoped to·
raise $6 million through fundraising efforts. We advised
ARA/SCO to put aside funding'forpress needs and a press
center. However, we were told that no monies would be
appropriate~ for pre~s relat~d ac~ivity.
We then met with Kimberly Marteau of USIA's Public Liaison
and Arthur Green of the Foreign Press Center. Since both the
domestic press and White House press also use the USIA
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�Page Two
furnished facilities, historically, it has been customary for
the Agency to "back:....bill" the White House for their press·
related share of expenses and share the balance of the expenses
· with the Department of State on a ratio commensurate with the
ratio of foreign to domestic press representatives.
USIA
asked for a memorandum from _State officially requesting Joseph
Duffey to authorize Foreign Press Center assistance to organize
the international Media Center. Such a letter was drafted and
reviewed by Mike McCurry and sent to Ambassador Gillespie for
_signature (See Attachment A). .To date, we don't know if the
· letter or another version was sent. · No copy was provided to PA.
Furthe~ discussion centered on the budget for the
international media ·center. Theoretically, the APEC press
costs were supposed to split 60/40 (foreign press/domestic
press) between USIA and the State Department. To date, USIA
alone has paid close to $380,000 for the APEC Meeting. We have
contacted EAP/EX and Steve Rodriguez, the contracts officer in
Administration, to determine how much State paid for APEC press
costs. That amount is unclear,· in particular the amount paid
for the· outfitting of Blake .Island. The officer in ~harge of
the APEC Support Unit, Chris Runkels, is in Hanoi. We have
cabled him.but we have not received a reply.
Steve Rodriguez
has offered to go through the financial records _from EAP/EX in
order to figure out what State costs were.
Based on previous experience, servicing the heeds of
4-5,000 press at an international media center at the Summit of
·the Americas would cost approximately $500,000. This figure
·does not include staffing costs. Based on· the APEC model, a·
$450,000.00 budget, again not including st~ffing costs, was
drafted (See.Attachment B). At the time, we were unsure about
the amount of in-kind contributions we would receive to offset
the amount.
'·
.on July 1, 1994, Kimberly Marteau,· USIA/Public Liaison,
sent a memorandum of conversation to Phil Walls, Deputy
Director for Logistics, ARA/SCO, listing categories-of expenses
·which USIA and State PA expects to be underwritten, through
direct payment or by in kind contribution, by the Host
Committee including media center and satellite media center
site infrastructure upgrades and transportation for the.press
(See Attachment C) .
On July 7, 1994, Mitchell Schwartz sent a letter to Phil
Walls stating once again that Public Affa1rs had not authorized
·any monies to be spent from the Public Affairs budget in
support of the press center in Miami (See Attachment D) .
Furthermore, if ARA/SCO expected PA to provide funding support
for any of the costs associated with the press center, it would
have to do so in the form of a written request to Michael
McCurry. To date, no such request has been made.
COPY
�Page Three·
Issues
It is our understandi~g that to date, the.Host committee
has not raised. any money for this Summit.· All offers of
assistance for.the International Media Center have been in the
form· of in-kind· contributions. While the·se in-kind
contributions would go a long way towards off-setting the costs
that were associated with the APEC Press Center (particularlyin media center rental, telephonic infrastructure· upgrades, and
transportation costs) , we believe that both White House and ·
ARA/SCO planning for a Summit.wl.th this number of invited
leaders involves considerable financial exposure.
For.example,.
the White. House has asked for photo credentials for the press.
These crederitiais would also have the country listed ~rid the
flag of that country displayed on~the credential. The EDS
system which was used at World Cup for credentialling is being
considered. While the need for a photo credential is a result
of security concerns voiced by the Secret Service,· the costs of
printing and processing such credentials are considerable.if
the system is not given as an in-kind contribution.·
:The concern is· who will pay for these costs, particularly
when they involve the domestic press. APEC was initially a
ministerial and then became a leaders meeting and thus, USIA·
and State shared the costs.
The Summit of the Americas.
however, is a Presidential Summit. Does the White House then
pay for the costs .of the domestic press? Does it pay for part
of the costs? It is doubtful that the White House can afford
these e::>g>enditures.
If the $tate Department ·is responsible for
this Summit, then is the bureau that has jurisdiction over the
Summit responsible for domestic press costs? We believe some
bureau in State will be asked to pay for the domestic press.
We have trl,ed to make it very clear that· it will ,not be PA.
~
~
The .summit Coordinating Office has not changed its position
·on allocating any monies toward press needs. And it is.very
unclear at this point just how much the Host Committee will in
fact be able to raise in both cash and ih~kind contributions.
If USIA and the State Department are to meet ~the. needs· of the·
White House and servethe best interests of the President and·
the· Secretary at this Summit, it is imperative that these
issues and.concerns are addressed before further planning
continues. We do not want to be in a situation where we are
back-:billed for costs incurred through White House
expenditures. We further believe that there is every
possibility for negative stories to s~rface regarding
expendit':lres and White House/Agency billing practices.
COPY
�...
-----------------------------.,.--~-----------------:----.
Page Four
Recommendation·
.,
We therefore recommend setting up a meeting withAnne
Edwards and Mack McLarty; Underse~retary Richard Moose;
Ambassador Tony Gillespie;
Phil Walls, Deputy Director for
Support and Logistics for the Summit; Iris Burnett, USIA's
Chief of Staff; Stan Silve~an, USIA's Comptroller and yourself.
at your earliest convenience to discuss these issues and come
to some resolution on guidelines for press-related expenditures
relating to this Summit.
. J
Attachment
·Attachment
·Attachment
Attachment
A
qillespie Letter to USIA
B ·Draft Budget
C - USIA/PL .Letter to ARA/SCO
.D -·PA Letter to ARA/SCO
COPY
•'
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet.
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
·AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
. SUBJECT/TITLE
Anthony Lake to POTUS; RE: Vietnam· (12 pages).
01/19/1994
RESTRICTION
P1/b(l), P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number:
I 3657
FOLDER TITLE:
Trade: Vietnam Embargo
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
dbl482
RESTRICTION CODES
.Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom oflnformation Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) ofthe PRA]
P3 Release wo~ld violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) ofthe PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasio·n of
pers~nal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would .constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial htstitutions [(b)(8) ofthe FOIA]
.
a woul isclose g~ological or geophysical information
ells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor is deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�--
-
-
-------------------------------
Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
·DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Walter Dellinger to Abner Mikva; RE: Line Item Veto Act (11 pages)
12/2111994
P.S
002. memo
Jack Lew to Pat Griffin, et al.; RE: Line Item Veto (1 page)
12/30/1994
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
ONBox Number:
13657
FOLDER TITLE:
·Political Reform: Line Item Veto
Debbie Bush
·2006~0469-F
db2217.
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- )44 U.S. C. 2204(a)]
Pl National Security Classified hiformation [(a)(l) of the PRAI
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRAI
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute i(a)(3) of the PRAI
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
. financiai information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
· PS Release would disClose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such adviso~s [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal pdvacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfiie defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
Freedom of Information Act- )5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices Of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIAI
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of.the FOIAI
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy i(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells i(b)(9) of the FOIAl
�'.
EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
OFFiCE OF MANAGEMENT AND BUDGET
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20503
December 30, 1994
. MEMORANDUM FOR PAT GRIFFIN, ABNER MIKVA'AND MARTHA FOLEY
FROM:
JACK LEW .
SUBJECT:
LINE ITEM.VETO
The Senate is planning to move very quickly in January on the line item 'veto.
'Attached is the most recent draft that has been shared with us. Pete Dominici is taking the
lead for Senate Republicans in trying to work on a bi-partisan bill, with Jim Exori taking the
.lead for Democrats. Alice Rivlin has asked me to share this draft of the current Senate
proposal. Senators Domeriici and Exon are planning to introduce the legislation on January
4, 1995.
·This draft would provide for expedited review of presidential actions.· Presidential
recommendations would have to be voted up or down and would not be amendable. The
authority would be extended to discretionary spending, entitlements and tax expenditures.
under this draft, but the extension beyond discretionary spending is still under active debate
within the Senate.
·
This version would require a majority vote by the Congress to approve a presidential
recommendation, Alternative approaches would require Congress to reject a ·presidential
recommendation to reverse a line item veto, effectively. requiring a supermajority to override
. a. presidential veto of the rejection. The supermajority approach appears to be more
· attractive to the Senate Republicans than Senate Democrats, and the simple majority
··
approach is an acco~odation to reach a bi-partisan consensus.
. .
Hearings on this proposal will be held on January ll-12 .. I am not aware of any
requests .for Adrilinistration testimony. Given the fact that the Republicans are supporting
stronger presidential veto authoritY than the Democrats, I am not sure that there would be
inuch benefit in our taking a high profile on the details of the legislation.
I think at a mininium we should review the language to det~rmine whether it is
•constitutionally adequate. If we hav5! technica~ problems, I think our comments would be
helpfuL ·In terms of policy, we shouid make a determination quickly whether or not to
weigh in actively to promote a stronger or otherwise 'different veto approach.
cc:
Alice M. Riylin
Bob Damus
COPY
a
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
· · ·..
DOCUMENT NO.
Clinton Library
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
RESTRICTION
AND TYPE
001. memo
002. memo
Michael Waldman to Mack McLarty, George Stephanopoulos; RE:
Political Reform D-Day (1 page)
·
· Michael Waldman to Leon Panetta, Harold Ickes; RE: Campaign
Finance Reform- Other Options (1 page)
06/07/1994
P5
03/29/1995
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldnian
OA/Box Number:
13657
FOLDER TITLE:
Political Reform: MW [Michael Waldman] Memo
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2218
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- i44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
Pl
P2
P3
P4
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIAl
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
. information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
would isclose geological or geophysica(information
..-::c::-::-.o._ _,..._
Is [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
.
National SecuritY Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice betWeen the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 7, 1994
MEMORANDUM FOR. MACK MCLARTY .
. GEORGE STE~HANOPOULOS
'
FROM:
·,..,..
. :.-!,,·.-,--.-t·'·•A·.;,·,L ·. ,
WALDMA.N J"WI
AA
.lYJ...l..\ . ~~ ~t1.-' ....
.i.
·
. SUBJECT:
.. ,-..,.
....
,·
'
..
.
POLI'l'IC./V.J Rl!;I. 'ORM D-DAY
.Sorry to intert~pt aterrific trip ·with a he~d~che from home. The whole
thinglooked very moving; and the President should be very proud-- he truly
embodied the nation this week, and did it so well.
Back her~ on earth: Weire at a boiling point on political reform.
Rep. Gephardt has told Tom O'Donnell that he wants the dealon campaign.
finance reform to be cut this week. Evidently, however, George Kundanis doesn't
want them to move forward until the Senate recedes to the House on PACs. The
House and Senat~ leadership is scheduled to co~vene again on Thursday
(tomorrow). · ·
·
Two things:
a) I. will discuss this with Pat, who's back ... but unless we're told not to. I
intend to send the Presidential letter to the Hill on Thursday AM. If you don't get
back to me, that's what I will assume you think is best.
b) Assuming that no deal is struck, I believe the President should call-- or
call together-- Mitchell, Foley, and Gephardt, quietly, maybe over the weekend ~
to come to closure.
Between Rostenkowski and our troubles, it is in our mutual interest' that
this get done! 1 think they are coming to see that. We 'just need to help theni see
the next logical step.
.
.
. .
(FYI, I've got a very compelling analysis that shows that a·PAC compromise
would not significantly affect the fundraising of Members, especially CBC
members.)
·
.
.
.
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library.
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Bruce Reed, et al. to the President; RE: Political and Governmental
Reform (6 pages)
11123/1994
P5
002. memo
Bruce Reed, et al. to the President; RE: Political and Govemrriental
Reform (6 pages)
11123/1994
P5
003. memo·
Bruce Reed, et al. to the Chief of Staff; RE: Strategy fro Political and
Government Reform (9 pages)
1110111994
P5
004. memo
Bruce Reed, et al. to the Chief of Staff; RE: Options for Political and
Goveinment Reform (6 pages)
10/2111994
P5
005. memo
Bruce Reed, et al. to the Chief of Staff; RE: Options for Political and
·
Government Reform (4 pages)
10/3111994
P5
006. paper
RE: Political and Governmental Reform (3 pages)
n.d.
P5
007. memo
Michael Waldman to the President; RE: Political Reform- Action
Needed (4 pages)
05/3111994
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number:
13657
FOLDER TITLE:
Political Reform: MW [Michael Waldman]/[Bruce] Reed Memo on Political Reform
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2221
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C .. 2204(a))
Pl National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRAJ
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advke between the President ·
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
Freedom oflnformation Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)J
b(l) National security classified information.[(b)(l) ofthe FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA).
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of ,
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for.Iaw enforceme.nt
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIAJ
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
financial institutions ((b)(S) of the FOIAJ
PRM. Personal record misflle defined in accordance with 44 U . S c o b ( F J Y " o udisclose geological or geophysical information
2201(3).
con r
ells ((b)(9) of the FOIAJ
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
November 23, 1994
·MEMORANDUM FOR TIIE. PRESIDENT
FROM:
BRUCE REED.
MICHAEL WALDMAN
BILL GALSTON
PAUL WEINSTEIN
ELAINE KAMARCK
11-IROUGH:
JACK QUINN ~OvJ\
CAROL RASC
D~ . \
ROBERT RUBIN , .
SUBJECT:
Political and Governmental Refonn
Attached for your review is a memorandum outlining options for a political and
governmental reform program.
Our goal is to have a bold, coherent and plausible reform agenda, as an integral
component of your overall strategy. This agenda could be included as part of a major address
in December, if you deCide to give one, or in your State of the Union ·address. As you can
see, some of the proposals are conceptually "ready to go;" and primarily need political
.
decision whether to go forward. Others require further work, as part of the budget process or
in other appropriate fora.
·
a
it is dear that, to bre3k through public cynicism and allow you to retake the mantle of
reformer, this program must be, both responsible and dramatic. Finding the right mix is the
most significant task we now face.
. .
.
.
-·
.We have a one-hour meeting scheduled for next Tuesday to discuss this with you.
Attachffient
cc: George Stephanopoulos
COPY
�POLITICAL, CONGRESSIONAL, AND GOVERNMENT REFORl\1
The collapse of public trust in the institutions of government is the· fundamental
political fact of our time. After two decades of growing disillusionment, this break between
the people in office and the people who. put them there dominates every aspect of American·
politics, from the noisy bo~bast of talk shows to' the silence of empty voting booths.
Voters believed that ·Bill Clinton understood this situation, and would act to rectify it.
But for all of our efforts over the past two years, the public is still disillusioned, more
.
'
embittered than it was in November 1992.
O~r reforn:i agenda sho~ld do b.attle on two fronts:
•
Shifting power back to the American people and cleaning up Washington,
through: campaign reform that requires broadcasters to provide free time to
candidates; a "citizen frank" that lets citizens contact Congress for free; a
sweeping effort to produce a leaner, cleaner Congress (lobby reform, a gift ban,
applying private sector laws to Congress, a 25% staff cut, reducing
unnecessary reports, and a pay freeze until the budget is balanced); and perhaps
insisting that any temi limits not grandfather current members; and
•
Launching a renewed government reform program, through: reducing special
interest subsidies; the elimination of one or more departments; faster
do\vnsizing of the federal workforce; and initiatives on civil service reform,
privatization, devolution, state flexibility, and regulatory reform.
We need to address the role of government and, to use your words, to "repair the
damaged bond between the. people and their government." Then, toward achieving those
objectives, you could propose specific measures from sections f and n from this memo.
I. Giving Government Back to the People
1. Free TV Time for Candidates. A campaign reform bill with public funding will
. not pass the new Congress. ·Instead, we should press for the changes the President called for
. in his Gaillpaign -- free 1Y time for candidates who abide by spending-limits, a $1,000 limit
on PAC d9nations or outright PAC ban, a ban on campaign contributions from lobbyists to
the lawmakers they contact, and our soft money reforms from last year. Free TV time has
strong public support. Over the years, it has also been endorsed by Bob Dole and Ross Perot.
The idea would prompt a major battle with the broadCasting industry and its Ch3.Illpions in
Congress. And a campaign ~dorm push would put the congressional GOP on the spot.
coPv
�2. Eliminate the Congressional Frank, and Give It to the American People. The
frank is one of the most entrenched and abused symbols of incumbency. We could propose
to drastically limit it for Congress and give if to the American people instead. Any individual
who wants to send a letter to their Congressman or Senator would be able to do so for free.
Members of Congress could use the frank ,to answer letters, but not. for unsolicited mailings'.
Postcards, letters from organizations, and letters from another district or state would not be
eligible. The dtizens' frank· could also be applied to letters to the White House.
3. A Leaner, Cleaner Congress. We should propose a comprehensive congressional
reform package that presses for major changes in the way Congress ·does business:
a. Lobby Refotm and Gift Ban. We should demand that Congress pass a
· gift ban and a back-to-'basics lobby reform bill as soon as they return. The
· Republicans raised several bogus objections to the lobby reform bill in the waning·
days; we should call their bluff, accept those changes if necessary, ·and pass the bill on
a bipartisan basis.
b .. Apply Laws to Congress. Legislation applying a host of laws to Congress
passed the House but not the Senate this past c;ongress. -We should press Congress to
pass it immediately.'
c. Insist on Line-Item Veto. The Republ_ican Contract includes a strong
version of the line-item veto. We should support it, and insist that it become
effectively immediately, not in some future Presidency. (Their version does not
specify an effective date.)
.
d. · Endorse Congressional Staff Cuts. In the campaign, the President
promised not only to. cut the White House staff by 25%, but to challenge Congress to
·do the same. We could praise Republicans for doing this, butwe need to consider the
effect of doing this ·on our Democrats.
· e. Reduce Congressionally Mandated Reports. Since 1970, the number of
reports mandated by Congress has grown from 700 to 5,300. Many of these reports
consume the agencies' time. ~d the taxpayers' dollars· for the members' gain; most just
gather dust. We could introduce legislation to reduce or eliminate such reports. In
Arkansas, the President ordered a complete review of every report produced by the
Department of Education, and got rid of those no one read.
f. Freeze Congressional and Presidential Pay Until the Budget Is
Balanced. The NEC is preparing another memo on our strategy for the Balanced
Budget Amendment. One position we can take in any event is to insist that if we're
going to make significant spending cuts to reduce the deficit, public officials should
l~ad by example.· The American people don't get a guaranteed cost-of-living increase.
Why should their leaders? A performance-based freeze on Congressional and
'
2
COPY
�Presidential pay is a responsible, common-sense alternative to plans to "cut their pay
and send them home."
·
4: · Te~m ·Limits. Republicans pledge to bring to a vote a Constitutional amendment
Jimiting congressional teirns to 12 years, but they would grandfather-:in existing Members of
Congress. Beyond principled opposition, we can respond in two ways:
a. Call Their Bluff. We coulddem-and that the 12..:..year limit on service
apply immediately (or by a date certain, such as 1996), and thereby affect sitting
members of Congress;· and/or
b. Let the States Decide. We could support a constitutional amendment to
allow ~ to vote to apply term limits to their own federal representatives~ This
would be consistent with our legal position that state-mandated term-limits are
unconstitutionaL
II. Renewed Government Reform Program
Unlike the Republicans, our goal is not cutting government for its own sake,· but using
government for things it can do well and getting it out of the business of things it does badly.
As the President. has said, we want to cut spending on yesterday's programs and .deliver a
government that can deal with tomorrow's problems: We should eliminate governmental
functions that have outlived the purpose for which they were created. When a state or local
. government can do.a better job, we should give them more authority and control, not new
mandates. And when a government function could be done as well or better by the private
· sector, we should find a way to make it possible.
Such decisions are diffirult and far-reaching, and should generally be made in the
budget process, where the tradeoffs are fully clear. But it is essential that as we go through
that process, we look for bold, compelling ways to dramatize what we're doing. In the first
two years, we have made great strides in reinventing government, reducing the deficit, and
do\.vnsizing the federal workforce. But public cynicism about government is so high that it
may well take more visible, dramatic steps to break through. The. following ideas are meant
to illustrate such an approach.
1. Cutting SpeCial Interest Tax Expenditures or Subsidies.
This cut-and-invest strategy, proposed by Rob Shapiro, would give us the high ground of
insisting that a middle-class tax cut be fully paid for, and enable us to do so with cuts that
would otherwise be off the table for deficit reduction or new investment. Alternatively, this
money could be dedicated toward an education trust fund, deficit reduction, or :;orne other ·
w_orthy purpose.
·
·
�Like all other means of creating resources within the budget, Rob's strategy involves
difficult deCisions that are likely:to be hotly contested. An example of a few ideas, or partial
ideas that could be considered are:
·
* Reduce deductibility of advertising expenses .
* Cut Energy Supply, R&D grants
* Reduce government subsidies to private utilities
$1 TS billion
$ 6.9 billion
$ 3.6 billion
(REA, BPA, nuclear)
• $10.2 billion
* Make industries pay for services government provides
(market rates for water sales, inland waterways,
miclear waste disposal, CFfC, ·FDIC, poultry)
· $38.20 billion
TOTAL
.
.
.
2. Eliminating One or More Departments. We could seize back the initiative in
the debate over downsizing government by proposing to abolish· one or more departments.
The drama of elimiriating a whole department far exceeds the impact of cutting numerous
smaller programs. This is no easy task, and only makes sense if it could produ·ce real
pudgetary and FfE savings. But we believe it is worth a careful look.
3. Faster DoWnsizing. NPR and OMB are preparing legislation to repeal ErE floors
in existing appropriations bills, and ban the use of FfE floors in future bills. This could be
· coupled with a Presidential vow to veto future appropriations bills that limit our ability to
·downsize. We should also consider directing agencies to accelerate the mandated downsizing
of the workforce to accomplish its objectives by 1996 instead of 1999. The current track will
bring the workforce under 2 million by late 1996. To illustrate that downsizing the
bureaucracy is oile of this Administration's signature achievements, we should start a
Bureaucracy Clock (in a prominent place like Times Square) that. would track our progress. It
may also be possible to accelerate downsizing by allowing early retirement without buyouts;.
we are looking at the cost of legislation once proposed by Rotli that would give 500,000
federal employees the ability to retire early.
4. Piivatization. A New Democratic approach to privatization would be based on a
set of principles which. focused on privatization not as a means .to run the government but as
a means to get the government out of
· a) obsolete businesses such as: United States Enrichment Corporation, Sallie Mae,
.the Helium reserve, Alaska Power, some Department of Energy labs, etc;
b) programs that are viabl~ private sector activities, such as: the Air Traffic Control
System (an NPR recommendation that DOT is anxious to pursue), Amtrak, the Export-Import
Bank, and the Overseas Private: Inv~stment Corporation.. (In the same vein: a r..umber of
DOD non-core missions could be privatized, but current law prevents this step.)
�5. Devolution. NPR and OMB are looking at a number of federal categorical
· programs that could be devolved down to the state and local level, such as: public housing
programs, trade and export promotion, economic development, and perhaps job training. We
are also preparing initiatives on unfunded mandates, waivers, and state flexibility; A package
of initiatives could be announced at the NGA meeting in late January.
6. Civil Service Reform. NPR is preparing a sweeping civil service reform bill that
will reduce the number of job classifications and give federal managers the right to hire and
~federal workers. Negotiations with unions and management are under way; the bill will
be ready to introduce iii January.
7. Regulatory Overhaut There is considerable concemin the public and in the
business community that the current regulator)' process is too intrusive and too costly .. As
chair· of the Regulatory Advisory Group, the Vice President is setting up a process whereby
each member would convene a seminar to explore innovative approaches to regulatory reform.
This process would then yield a set of less bureaucratic proposals to reform our regulatory, ·
apparatus.
5
COPY
�,.
. THE WHITE HOUSE
·WASHINGTON
November 23, 1994
MEMORANDUM FOR
THE
PRESIDENT
FROM:
_BRUCE REED
MICHAEL WALDMAN
BILL GALSTON
PAUL WEINSTEIN
ELAINE KAMARCK
TIIROUGH:
. JACK QUINN~
CAROL RASC
ROBERT RUBIN
7;fl\
Political and Governmental Refonn
SUBJECT:
Attached. for your review is a .memorandum outlining options for a political and
governmental reform prograin. ·
Our goal is to- have a bold, coherent and plausible reform agenda, as an integi-al
component of your overall strategy. This agenda could be included as part of a major address
in December, if you decide to give one, or in your State of the Union address. As you can
see, some of the proposals are conceptually "ready to go," and primarily need a political
decision whether to go forward. Others require further. work, as part ·of the budget process or
. in other appropriate fora.
'.
· It is clear that, to break through public cynicism and allow you to retake the mantle of
reformer, this program must be both responsible .and dramatic. Finding the right'mix is the
most significant. task we now face~
We have a one-hour meeting scheduled for next Tuesday to discuss this with you.
Atta,;:hment
cc: George Stephanopoulos
COPY
�POUTICAL, CONGRESSIONAL, AND GOVERNMENT REFOR\1
The collapse of public trust in the institutions of government is the fundamental
· political fact of our time. After two decades of groWing disillusionment, this break between
the people in office and the people who put them there dominates every aspect of American
politics, from the noisy bombast of talk shows to the silence of empty voting booths.
Voters believed_ that Bill Clinton understood this situation, and would act to rectify it.
But for all of our efforts over the past two years, the public is still disillusioned, niore
embittered than it was in November 1992.
Our reform agenda should do battle on two fronts:
•
Shifting power back to-the American people and cleaning up Washington,
.through: campaign reform that requires broadcasters to provide free time to
candidates; a "cltizen frank" that lets citizens contact Congress for free;
sweeping effort to produce a leaner, -cleaner Congress (lobby reform, a gift ban,
applying private sector laws to Congress, a 25% staff cut, reducing
unnecessary reports, and a pay freeze until the budget is balanced); and perhaps
~isting that any term limits not grandfather current members; and
a.
•
Launching a renewed government reform program, thiough: reducing special ·
· interest subsidies; the·el~ation of one or more departments; faster
downsizirig of the federal workforce; and initiatives on civil service reform,
privatization, devolution, state flexibility, and regulatory reform.
We need to ad~ess the role of government and, to use your words, to "repair the
damaged bond between the people and their government." Then, toward achieving those ·
objectives, you could propose specific measures from sections I and II from this memo.
I. Giving Government Back to the People
1. Free TV Time for Candidates. A campaign reform bill with public funding will
not pass· the· new Congress. Instead, we should press for the changes the President called for
in his campaign--:- free 1Y time for candidates who abide by spending-limits, a $1,000 limit
on PAC donations or outright PAC ban, a ban on campaign contributions from lobbyists to
the lawmakers they contact, and. our soft money reforms .from last year. Free TV time has
strong public support. Over the years, it has also been endorsed by. Bob Dole and R.oss Perot.
The idea would prompt a major battle with the broadcastipg industry and its ch:m1pions in
C<mgress .. And a campaign reform· push would put the congressional GOP on the spot.
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�2. Eliminate the Congressional Frank, and Give It to the American People. The
frank is one of the most entrenched and abused symbols of incumbency. We could propose
to drastically limit it for Congress and give it to the American people instead. Any individual
who wants to send a letter to their Congressman or Senator would be able to do so for free.
Members of Congress could use the frank to answer letters, but not for unsolicited mailings;
Postcards, letters from organizations, and letters from another district or state would not be
eligible. The citizens' frank could also be applied to letters to. the White House.
3. A Leaner, Cleane:r; Congtess~ We should propose a comprehensive congressional ·
reform package that presses for major changes in the way Congress does business: _
a. Lobby Reform and Gift Ban. We should demand that Congress pass a ·
gift ban and a back-to-basics lobby reform bill as soon a5 they return. The
Republicans raised several bogus objections to the lobby reform bill in the waning
days; we should call their bluff, accept those changes if necessary, and pass the bill on
a bipartisan basis.
b. Apply Laws to Congress. Legislation applying a host of laws to Congress
passed the House but not the Senate this past Congress. We should press Congress to
pass it immediately.
c. Insist-on Line-Item Veto. The Republican Cont~act inCludes a strong
version of the line-item veto. We should support it, and insist that it become .
effectively immediately; not in some future Presidency. (Their version does not
specify an effective date.)
·d. Endorse Congressional Staff CutS. In the campaign, the President
promised not only to cut the White House staff by 25%, but to challenge Congress to.
do the same. We could praise Republicans for doing this, but we need to consider the
effect o! doing this on our Democrats.
_e. Reduce Congressionally Mandated Reports. Since 1979, the number of
reports mandated by Congress has grown from 700 to 5,300. Many of these reports
consume the agencies' time· and the taxpayers' dollars for the members' gain; most just
gather dust. We could introduce legislation to reduce ·or eliminate· such reports. In
Arkansas, the President ordered a complete review of every report produced by the Department of Education, and got rid of those no one read.
f. Freeze Congressional and Presidential Pay Until the Budget Is
Balanced. The NEC is preparing another memo on our strategy for the Balanced
-.Budget Amendment. One position we can take in any event is to insist that if we're
going to make significant spending cuts to reduce the deficit, public officials should
lead by example.- The American people don't get a guaranteed cost-of-livirig increase.
Why should their leade~s? A performance-based freeze on Congressional and
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�Presidential pay is a responsible, common-sense alternative to plans to "cut their pay
. and send them home."
.
4. Term Limits. Republicans pledge to bring to a vote a constitutional amendment
limiting congressional terms to 12 years, but they would grandfather...:in existing Members of
Congress. Beyond principled opposition, we can respond in two ways:
a. Call Their Bluff. We could demand that the 12-year limit on service
apply immediately (or by a date certain, such as 1996), and thereby affect sitting ·
members of Congress; and/or
·
b. Let the States Decide~ We could support a constitutional amendment to
allow~ to vote to apply term limits to their own federal representatives. This
would be consistent with our legal position that state-mandated term limits are
unconstitutional.
II. Renewed GOvernment Reform Program
Unlike the Republicans, our goal is not cutting government for its own sake, but using
government for things it can do well and getting it out of the business of things it does badly.
As the President has said, we want to cut spending on yesterday's programs and deliver a
· government that can deal with ·tomorrow's problems. We should eliminate goverilmental
functions that have outlived the purpose for which they were created. When a state or local \
·government can do a better job,. we should give them more authority and control, not new
mandates. And when a government function· could be done as well or better by the private
sector, we should find a way to make it possible.
Such decisions are difficult and far-reaching, and should generally be made in the
budget process, where the tradeoffs are fully clear. But it is essential that as we go through
that process, we look for bold, compelling ways to dramatize what we're doing. In the first
two years, we have made great strides in reinventing government, reducing the deficit, and
downsizing the federal workforce. But public cynicism about government is so high that it
may well take more visible, dramatic steps to break through. The following ideas are meant
to illustrate such an approach.
·
·
1.. Cutting Special Interest Tax Expenditures or Subsidies.
This cut...:.and...:.invest strategy, proposed by Rob Shapiro, would give us the high ground of .
insisting that a middle-class tax cutbe fully paid for, and enable us to do so with cuts that
would otherwise be off the table for defiCit reduction or new investment. Alternatively, this
·_money could be dedicated toward an education trust fund, deficit reduction, or .some other
.worthy purpose.
�Like all other means of creating resources within the budget, Rob's strategy involves
difficult decisions that are likely to be hotly contested. An example of a few ideas, or partial
ideas that could be considered are:
* Reduce deductibility of advertising expenses
* Cut Energy Supply, R&D grants
* Reduce government subsidies to private utilities
(REA, BPA, nuclear)
* Make industries pay for services government provides
·
(market rates for water sales, inland waterways,
nuclear waste disposal~ CFTC, FDIC, poultry)
TOTAL.
$17.5 billion
$ 6.9 billion
$ · 3.6 billion
$10.2 billion
$38.20 billion ·
. 2. Eliminating One or More Departments., We could seiZe back the· initiative in
the debate over downsizing govenunent by proposing to abolish one or more departments ..
The drama of eliminating a whole department far exceeds the impact of cutting numerous
smaller programs. This is no easy task, and only makes sense if it coutd produce real
. budgetary and FfE savings. But we believe it is worth a careful look.
3. Faster Downsizing. · NPR and OMB are preparing legislation to repeal ErE floors
in existing appropriations bills, and ba:n the use of FfE floors in future bills.· This could be ·
coupled with a Presidential vow to veto future appropriations bills that limit our ability to
downsize. We should also consider directing agenCies to accelerate the mandated downsizing
· of the workforce to accomplish jts objectives by 1996 instead of 1999. The current track will
bring the workforce under 2 million by late 1996. To illustrate that downsizing the
bureaucracy is one of this Administration's signature achievements, we should start a
Bureaucracy Oock (in a prominent place like Tunes Square) that would track our progress. It
may also be possible to accelerate downsizing by allowing early retirement without buyouts;
we are looking at the cost of legislation once proposed by Roth that would give 500,000
federal employees the ability to retire early.
4. Privatization. ·A New Democratic approach to privatization would be based on a
set of principles which focused on privatizatioq. not as a means to run the governm.ent but as - .
a means to get the government out of
a) obsolete businesses such as: United States Enrichment Corporation, Sallie Mae,
the Helium reserve, Alaska Power, some Department of Energy labs, etc;
as:
b} programs that are viable. private sector activities, such
the Air Traffic Control
System (an NPR recommendation that DOT is anxious to pursue), Amtrak, the Export-Import
Bank, and the Overseas Private Inv~stment Corporation. (In the same vein: a r..umber of
DO[) non-core missions. could be privatized, but current law prevents this step.) ·
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5. Devolution. NPR and OMB are looking at a number of federal categorical
programs that could be devolved down to the state and local level, such as: public housing
. programs, trade and export promotion, economic development, and perhaps job training. We
are also preparing initiatives on unfunded mandates, waivers, and state flexibility. A package
of initiatives could be announced at the NGA meeting in late January.
6. · Civil Service Reform. NPR is preparing a sweeping civil service reform bill that
will reduce the number of job classifications and give federal managers the· right to hire and
~ federal workers. Negotiations with unions and management are under way; the bill will
be ready to introduce in January.
·
·
7. Regulatory Overhaul. There is considerable concern in the public and in the
.business community that the current regulatory process is too intrusive and too costly. As
·. chi:lir of the Regulatory Advisory Group, the Vice President is setting up a· process whereby
. each member would convene a seminar to explore innovative approaches to regulatory reform ..
This process would then yield a set of less bureaucratic proposals to reform our regulatory
apparatus .
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...
November 1, 1994 .
MEMORANDUM FOR THE CHIEF OF STAFF
...
.·
FROM:
Bruce Reed
. ·Michael Waldman
Bill Ga:lston. ·
Paul Weinstehi
SUBJECT:·
..
Strategy for .Political and Government Reforin
The collapse ·Of puqlic' trustjn the institutions of government is the fundamental
political fact of our. time:.· Mter tWo d~cades .of growi11g disillusion, this. break. between the
people in offi~ and the people who pu(them there dominates every aspect
Americati
· politic:S, from· the noisy bombast of talk shows .·to the silence of e~pty voting bOoths. •
of
Vo~ers
believed that Bin Clinton tinderstoodthis sitliadon, ·and woJld act to rectify -it.·.
Butfor all of our efforts over the past two years; the public is now. more disillusioned, more
embittered, than it was in November 1992.. Whatever the results Of the upcoming election, ..
'the President should put forward:~ bold .. coherent set of reform initiatives to make .
government;· Congress, and the political system work. ·
· ·
·
· ·· ·
I; · The· Case for. Reform ·
Why is a ·bOld reform; agenda s() important?
First, the public demands it.. Citizen cynicism and anger is deep and pervasive~
Voters perceive afaihire of government to act decisively and effectively. . They ,see a federal ·
government that hordes money and power, endless biCkering between two seemiiigty outdated
politiCal parties; and a proliferation of special' interests that drown out the voices of average
citizens: When John· Kennedy was rresident, 76%. of the people said theytttisted the federal
.
goyelliinent tp do what was right all or most of the time. Today, after betrayals from
. Vietnam to Watergate to "Read My Lips," only 22% of the people give that same answer ...
.
...:
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Moreover, much of this critique of Washington and government is. valid. - Govermhent'
is bloat(!d, irrational, and inefficient .,...- an ossified instjtution in an. era of constant innovation ...
Special interests. do have .top much power;.a $3()0million campaign overwhelmed health
.
care, guh groups practically derailed the crime bill, aild some 80,000 lobbyists of every
pinstripe have succeeded in diluting or defeating scores of proposals. Congr~ss is paralyzed
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by partisans-hip and resistant to chaTige. Chpnging the way Washington_does business is
perhaps the most significant legacy we could leave ..
. .
Finally, restoration of trust in government and politics is essential to the success of the
rest of our agenda .. As we have leame~f over the past two years, we cannot count on public
. support· for· health care, welfare reform, deficit reduction or any other issue unles-s we first
persuade them that we understand what's wrortg-·with govemnient·and have. set about to 'fu it.
COnversely, an agenda th(lt links political refonil with our efforts to make bipartisan progress.
on. health care, weifa~e reform, reemployment, and other issu.es should strengthen and
- ....
'reinforce those efforts. . '
-'
.
. ''
TO. be sure, this administration has made a real start on this front. The Vice. President's reinventing government initiative has been the quiet success storyofthe first
·.years. As a result of theNPR, we have dramaticaiiy shrunk the- federal workforce~· and
: passed sweeping procurement refonil legislation. We ii11posed the toughe!)t ethics
requirements ever on our senior officials, and repealed-the deductibility of lobbying expenses.
We proposed tough and well-regarded eampaign finance· and lobbying· reform· bills. ·And we ·
· have taken on more vested interests thail any administnitimt in decades~ But tHese efforts
have tiot been enough to overcome the rising tide of public cynici~m.
two
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. The Coining Battle
· ·: .· ~-- Today's i•ffiad-as-hell" -atmosphere is not aflash in the pan; buta firetrell in the nighi.
The reform impulse was strong two years ago; by every indication, it is evenstronger t()day ~
It isno ionger a ·question of whether COngress will address refonnJssues; the only. question 'is
whether We wiU lead -the fight or be left behind.
..
.•
.. Eafly in the next tenn, we dm expect the Republicans to press forward W,ith
· their reform agenda: .
· .
· ·
·. ·_ , ·
· · . _ . .l · .
::__ bafanced budget amendment;
·
-- term limits; ·
-·
-- cuts in congressional committees .and staff. On Election Day, voters iri 8 states are expected to approve term limits
. referenda, bringing to 23 the number. of states that have, backed limits.. The
· issue will heat up even further when· the Justice. Department appears before the ·
U.S. Supreme Court to argue that these state measures are unconstitutional.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
Ross. Perot's 19% of. the vote was· the second highest by a third party candidate
this .century, surpassed only by Theodore Roosevelt in 1912. Polls indicate that
. -- if he were to run today -- Perot's vote would Iiotslip significantly.
· Support for. inde,perident' candidates generally is at levels not seen in· half
century.
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When the'new Congress convenes in January, fully halfits members will be
freshmen .or sophomores, nearly all of whom ran on a platform to· "change
Washington."
·
·
A Three-Front War
This memorandum lays out the elements' of a sustained; vigorous reform campaign~ ..
Tentative stabs·at congressional or political reform, puciued separately and quietly, will
·
neither succeed nor break through to the· public: Instead, we must mount an. aggressive,
comprehensive campaign, as we have done on other issues, from the budget to NAFfA to the
crim:.e bill. Aconeerted effort to change the way Washington does business 'will n~t only .
· offer the President the· chance to rise above partisan and narrow' interests~ but do more to··.
advance the rest of our. substantive .agenda than anything else we could do . ovet the' n~xt few
.
I.
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. .
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..
,
months.
Our reform agenda should do battle on three fronts: .
Shifting,power back·to· the ·American people, through·campaign refoqn· that .
. requires broadcasters. to provide free time to candidates; a: national initiative
and referendum process; and a "'citizen frank" that lets citizens contact
· , ·
·
• Congt~ss for free;
'
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./
. Fixing Congress, with· a coristit11tional amendment allowing states· to -limit
- legislative.·terms; lobby reform; a ban on gifts; a congressional pay freeze until
· the budget is balane?ed; and a 25% cut in congresSional staff; and
Launching a renewed assault on bureaucracy, induqirig the ·line.,-item veto;.·
civil.service reform .to give. feder(ll managers the right to hire and fire; and a
' fund(lmentf:1l· overhaul of federal regulatory agencies.
·This :memmandtim sketches.oilt a 3-6 month ca~paign.to unveil and fight for these.
·
·
·
·
·
proposals.
·
· · ·
. n~
A~
Propo'sals
. Shifting· Power Back to the American People
In the end, it will not be enough to change Washington. The American people are
. ready to ·take government into their own hands ... The spread
information technology makes
. '
that pos~ible, and the collapse of political institutions makes it almost certain.
of
.\
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1. Free _TV Time for Candidates. A campaign reform bill with public funding will
not pass the new Congress. Instead, we· should .press for the changes the President called for·
in his campaign.,...- free TV time for candidates who abide by spending limits, a $1,000Jimit
· . on PAC donatioqs, and reforms .on soft. money. Free TV t;me has strong ·public support. ·
Over the years, it has also b~en endorsed by Bob Dole and Ross Perot. The idea would ··
· prompt a major battle with the· broadcasting in~tistry and its champions in Congress; . On the.
ot!Ier hand, it would negate the· Republicans' single most powerful public argument against
reform. ·
i. National Referendum.· -The most dramatic and significant--reform proposal ~he·
President could put fq!Watd is a- national ref~rendum that wol!ld allow the people to vote on
issues' of nationaUmportance. Most major d~nio<;racies have national referenda .. For .
example, in recent years, Italians have voted on div()rce; Spain· voted ort. membership in· .
NATO; and Austria and Sweden voted on the use ofnuclear poweL In the U.S., 43 states
allow)heir legislatures to submit referenda t(Hhe people, and 24 states allow citizen$ to
,
sponsor initia.tives. · In Arkansas, some of Governor Cli11ton's btst known legacies --'- such as
·ethics reform -.-.,.were enacted in-this way. j We could call for national votes on political
·
.· reforin, health.reforni, etc., but it 'would be entirely up to the :Americrui people what questions
. are put on ·the ballot. .
· ·
.
o,
EStablishing a_'binding ·nationai referendum or initiative process would require a. :
constitutional· rupendmep.t .. ·such. ~n _ame11dment might·· provide for putting· art i~ue.
nationwide vote ifJhe legislatures :in 3(4' of the states. recommended it or'signatur~s were . ·.
gathered from· 5% ·of the. voters nati9ri'Yide. As.· a COnstitutiomd. safegua~:d, .tpe refel"endum
.would require '60%. approyal to be ena~ted..and. would be subject to jud~cial revilwv;· . '
to a .· · .
. A natimial referendum is the one· tiury popular reform idea that: lias ·not ~en.· ··. ·
.,. appropJiated by either party .. The best argument for· direct d~m()Cl:acy ·is that -if ~riables the
broad public t<} make its voice he.ard when the congressiomil .system. is .unresponsive or .· ....
. griqlocked. It could boost voter turnout and enthusiaSm; this· year, twice as inany · •. . ·.
. Californians say they are going to the polls to vote fot or ag~inst Prop 187 as are going to
:vote for a particula·r candidate. The adv~rice 'of infonnation technology will mal{e this ·· .
process easier. This administration has helped· develop a tamper--proof digital signature,
. which £illows peopl~ to ptov'ide a legafsignature by computer. Direct voting.'eannot be far
·behind.
··
·
.
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·
·
The most frequently advanced argument against a referend-um is that it could fall prey
. to extreme social or fiscal proposals. .However; a. recent compr~hensive study of referenda·
.· fourid t~~t· in general, that has not proyed to be the case. Anot~er concern is the difficulty_ of ·
.· · controlling spending by opponents and pmponents. Additional· safeguards could help address .
these concerns, such as free TV time for supporters and opponents; a pay...:as-you_;go rule for
proposals with budgetary impact; and limiting referenda to statutory rather than constitutional
issues. (so that constitutional amendments like term limits and school prayer Would go through
·the same thorough process they do now).
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times, this idea has been endors~d by leaders ranging from DiCk Gephardt
to' Jack Kemp. In 1981, a Gallup poll showed 52%support for a legally binding national
referendum. In recent polls, support has ranged from ovec 60% to. as high as 84%. Ampng ·
elite opinion, it will be opposed by business interests that prefer dealing directly with '
Cortgress, and by some interest groups nervous about the impulses of too much democracy..
.
.
At various
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'3:
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..
Ellmiliate the Congre~sional Frank; and Give It to the American :People~ The
frank is one of the most entrenched and abused symbols of incumbency. We could 'propPse
to take it away ·from COngress and' give it to the AmeriCan peopleinstead. Any individual
who wants to senq a letter to their Congressman or Sen~tor would be able .to do so for free. .
Poste<U"ds, letters from ·organizations, and letters from another district ol' state would not be ··
eligible ~(mail could be delivered directly to the district office to prevent abuSer This is' how
·
it works· in Can~da, where citizens can write· Parliament for free~ · ·
·4. Citizens' Congress .. One dramatic _experiment' in direct -d~mocracy would ·be. to
·rim a national Citizens' Jury or Citizens' Congress that would bring ordinary Citizens.' together.
tO resolve a particular issue; ·We could invite a:random group of citiiens from around the
country to. Wlishirigton to detib~rate on a.· given issue'~- political reform, .crime, ·community
·serviCe. They would hear· argument~ from all sides, their deliberations· would be. nationally.·
.· •_ . televised, and most iinportant; w-e would try to take action <>n.the basis of whatthey
. recommend. By selecting a sma1l group of ordinary Americans entirely at random and letting
thein take partingovernme11t for a few days, we mightspark new interesrm p¥!itipatory- · .
. · democracy and fiil~ a new. way tO get. al'()Und. the special interests tO promot~i CO~IhOn~sense
consensus.
, s~ . Take. Subsidies froiD the Special· Interests and Return. the, Monty ~~- the
-·
American People•.· The whole point of reforming government js to giv~ ordiiJ,acy people a
'better deal for their taX dollars.·. ODe option ~ould·be to. give them a.reform,dividertd; by
' eliilliriat,ing spe<:ial interest-subSidieS and-usingJhe saviltgs to pay for a clrildieri~s 'aiiowance ;
· for middle~Gl~ fam,ilies. Rob S~apirohas identifieci a Series of special interest 'subsidi~s; an
expanded deductioir for middie-class families with children would cost in the neighbOrhood ''
of$20-40 billion over five years~ The savings could; go into _a~rust fund, so th~t nobOdy · would gettheir tax cut unless COngress agieed to make the spending. cuts •. ESta~lished
. interests would a:ttack anyone who goes after their subsidies, but we c(juld. press the simple
theine ·that parents can do more for their children with that moriey than· government or those
-·
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· ·
··
,
interests can.· ·
6. Devolution of Power to State .and Local GovernmentS. LaSt year, the_ ·
· Administration pushe~ two major initiatives that would have res.tored balanee to the
partnership-between federcil, state, and local- governments. _The GleiiD~Kempthome unfunded
mandates bill and the President's Waiver legislation_ drew bipartts<m ·support on the Hill. We
should aggressively push both bills. next year and back it up with' a broader devolution
strategy. Public trust in state and local government, ·although weaker than decades ·ago,
remains much stronger than confidence in the federal government.
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�B. Fixing Congress
Regardless of the outcome of next wee~'s election, we should press for major changes
in the. way Congress does business .
. t.· Lobby Refomi and Gift Ban.· We should deniandthat Congress pass.a gift ban:
and a ba:ck-to~b~ics lobby reform- bill as soon as they return. The Republicans raised·
several bogus' objections to the lobpy reform bill in the waning days; we should .call their
bluff, ·accept those ·changes if necessary, and· pass the bill. on a bipartisan. basis,
.
·.
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. 2. ·· Apply, Laws to. Congress .. ~gislation applying ~ host _of laws to Congress_ passed ·
the House but not the Senate·this past Congress. We should press Congress to pass it
immediately. · ·
· ··
3. Insist on Line~ Item Veto. With the Ba:lanced Budget Amendment expected to
pass easily in the next Congress, we should insist that it indude a Constitutionalline~item ·
veto,' an~ argue thatiiwill be hard to balance thebudget without it. We should insist mi the
· ·'strongest pos~ible verSion of this veto, riot the enhanced rescission authority thai passed the
Hol.lse this time. We may also wanno offer our own capitaVop¢rating budget alternative. ln.the campaign, the President said he could support a balanced budget amendmenrthat .
separated capital and. operating exr}enses so that l<mg-teini investments would oo·encotiraged·
..
and operating costs reduced.
'.
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. 4. ·.Term Limits •. Republicans pledge to ·bring to.a'votea consti~utional ainendmeht .
limiting congressional terms to 12 years, but.· they would grandfather. in existing Members of
· . Congress. Beyond principled opposition, we Can respond in. twoways:
. .
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.
\
a. Call their bluff. We could.demand that the 12:-"'yea:r.Jimit on service apply
• immediately (or by a date certain, such aS 1996), and thereby affecf sitting members of
Congress; and/or
·
· ·
.
b: Let the states decide. We could support a constitutional amendment to ·
allow states to. vote ·to apply terril limits to their own federal representatives. This
would be consistent with our legal position that state-p1andated term limits are ·
. unconstitutional.
·
5.. Cut Congressimtal Staff Overall by .25%: In the campaign, the President .
promised not only to cut the White House staff by 25%~ but'to.challenge Congress: to do the ·
same. ·The Republican Contract calls for a 25% cut ineommittee (not personal) staff. We
could press forward with our original demand to cut overall staff Qy 25%. ·
.
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. · 6. Freeze Congressional and Presidedtial Pay Until the Budget Is Balanced~. If.
we're going to make significant spending cuts to reduee the deficit, public officials should
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... lead by example. The American people don't get a guaranteed cost-of-living increase. Why
should their leaders? A performance-based freeze on Congressional and Presidential pay is
responsible, corilmOn"""Sense alternative td plans to "cut their pay·apd send them home.
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c; A Renewed Assault on Bureaucracy.·
We should niake the most of NPRis success by· escalating our assault on ~he fed~ral .
bureaucracy, with a relentless, sustained attack on fraud, red tape, unnecessary prograinS; and.
.
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cpunterproductive 'rul,es. and regulations. . . . .
1. The )light to Hire and Fire. NPR is preparing a sweeping. civil ser\fice reform
. bill ,that will red_uce the number of job classifications and give federal managers the_ right to·
hire and fire federal workers~ Negotiations withuilions and managemeiitare under way;.the .
bill will be ready tp introduce ~n January: -'
·
... ·. ·.. • 2~ The- Righ~ ~0- Do~nsize.. NPR arid: OMB are preparingleglslatiqn to repeal FIE .
. floors il1,existing ap'propriatioris_bills,and ban the'use ofFTE floors in'future bills .. This .
could be coupled with a Presidential voW to veto future appropriations bills thatJimit our .
·.·.·ability to clownsize~ W~ .should. also ~rtsider dire'1ting agen~iesto. aecelerate the mandated
downsizing of the workforee to accomplish its objectives .!?Y _1996 instead of 1999. To
. .
illustrate that downsizing the bmeauctacy is one of this Admlliistration's signature
.· acliievemeiits;~:we··sliould ·starfa Bi.ireaiicracv Clock .(hi·.a.·J.iromirienr-pra:ce.·.IikeTimes· sq_ua.re)
' that would track our progress.~
.
.· .
. . .
.
. ..
3. Regula~ory Overhaul. Regulatory reform will be a top priority for NPR next ·.
year, with an extensive review that brings business lead~rs and others ~o the White· House to·.
develop a new, mote market~based approach toregulationforthe 21st century.
4.. The President's Fra~d Squad~ The President and Vice PI-esident could appoint a
REGO SWAT team or bureaucr-atic bomb squad:-:.:.. ·an elite group of troubleshooters· and ·
investigative journalists Whoreport directly to them, Any time (l story breaks about fra~d or.·
.mismamigement in the bure(lucracy, they would· move in, get to the bottom of it, and :report
·:back within days with recommendatio'ns. They could also uncover such t~oubles before they
· become public, and dem{)nstrate the President's desir.e for unfilt~red iiiformation on how his ·
government is working. 'This· has been done ~etore: FDR. dispatched journalist Lorena ·
HiCkok around the country to see how the New Deal was r~ally working. It would be an
opportunity. to make a high-profile reform appointment, by naming a· prominent journalist to.
· lead the effort. ·
5. A Pork-Busting Bill. NPR and OMB can put forw~rd a
bill, which targets pork in the recently passed appropriations bills:'
7
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compreh~nsive rescission·
·
�.
.::
.·.,,
6. A Bureaucracy-Closing Commission. As part of NPR, the President's
. ·..
Management Council has begun an ·effort to identify ways to reduce the number of federal
faCilities ~uound the country, by closing field offices, regional offices,. etc. We could
formalize this arrangement ~ndgive it a higher profile to demonstrate our commitment to
downsizing.
·
·
-7. REGQ II. NPR is pt:eparing a detailed listofrecommendations that were
consiqered iii 1993. but not included in the final packag~. · ·
-
· III. Strategy
administratio~
haS . .·
. President Clinton has won credit for his achievements when his
dra~ a sharp 'line Ori an issue with popular 'support, and then has foctis~d Oil it in, a
. c::oncerted, systema!ic way over a period of months, not days: _
·
Timetable·
·..
.
.
.
'
.
'
·.
.
.
.··
.
.
- A sustaine~ campai~ WOt!ld use the element of surprise, uriil!lteral action, ~dl the' . ..
presidential bully pulpit.".
··
·
. i. '
Before the election. It would be. very. h~lpful if the Presictent. could poirtt . · •
toward 'the change/reform themes before the election; othel"Wis(:; ·a. 5udden tUni . ·_
toward reform jssues risks seeming: an- ex post facto:rationalization~- ,Thls could· .
be done _in a·one-"-Oil-oneiriterview With a -reforin_::minded reportet, or on the'·_ .
campaign trip to Minnesota: with Arin Wynia,_ who has run ads crlticizilig her
opponent for voting ag~inst:the lobby-reform bilL .
· ·
Statentent the day afler the election~ The President's press_ conferencestatement should characterize theres\llts as mandate 'for chang~,' one he _· .
intends to m~et. -It shouldpoint toward political-reform as an early and_·.
· importan~ priority.
a
-
.
Dec~mber.· We should prepare to hoat some. of the more dr~Il1atic reform· .
___ initiativ~s. · -&cause Congress will meet in early January to take up rul¢s ·
·
·
changes, we_ need to m·ake our intentions known early.
·-
o
DLC Speech,_ Dec~ 6th; . A· chance to signal forthcoming reform efforts ...
o
Post'-Sumrnit of the Americas, Dec . .12th: .The President could make a
pivot speech unveiling new reforni proposals.
o
Speech to Incoming· Freshmen:· The President couldbring the ·incoming
freshmen to the White House for a speech on reform. _ ·
8
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.'
·'
�.
.
"
.
.
..
.!
January pre..;..SQTU. The weeks before the State ofthe U~nion should include
a series of events designed to underscore and foreshadow the reform and
·change theme.
o
o
·o
o
We should convene a citizen ]!!y or Little Rock-style conference to
. ad(iress what's wrong wi.th government (lnd_ politics, and how to fix it
The President should. make a major speech outlining his concept of how
governn1ent .should relate to the citizenry (something he has yet to dof
. ~ounce· the F~aud Squad, naming its members.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.,
We should ·prepare a document outlining the. problem and proposed.·
..·. solutions (this would be in addition to, or as part of, the budget .
document). ·
·
· .~
·
.\
State of the Union. Reform should be a major theme ofthe speech,'which
should. unveil a few of the most dramatic ideas.
·.. !
· ' Political· Alignm~nts
.
. ..
..
.
.
. A bro_ad ref~rm agenda would be popular with the· general public and with nongovefnmental elites (e.g., press, editorialists), but would ·likely meet resis~ancefroril many
elected officials and interest groups from both· parties: A natural coalition for reform. does. not .
.currently exist; we will have to bring together disparate reform grtmps and energize
·
.. ,,
independent voters. In these ,circumstances; anational mobiliicition spearheaded by the·.
President -- relying on prpmfuent citizens. and moderate Republicans and· Democrats, use: of .·
the bully pulpit, andeross-'party alliances ~- would be the 'way to push for refon.n.
.
. · If the President
· p~anning i~ needed.
d~ddes
to
p~sh forward. with an ambitious
reform agenda; further .·
·
. :
.
.· .
'
/
9
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�---~--------.-
---
-------------------~------,------------------------.
October 21, 1994
MEMORANDUM FOR THE CHIEF OF STAFF
. FROM:
SUBJECT:
Bruce Reed
Michael Waldman
Paul Weinstein
Options for Political imd Government Reform
Whatever the results of the upcoming elections,. the President will need to put forth a
. bold, coherent set of reform initiatives to make government, Congress, and the political
· system work. It is no longer a question of whether Congress will address reform issues; the
only question is whether we will be leading the reform fight or being. left behind.
In consultation with Rahm Emanuel, Jack Quinn, Elaine Kamarck, Cliff Sloan, Start
Greenberg, and others, we have assembled some preliminary options· that could be included in
the President's refomi agenda. We list them here in four categories: 1) reform issues the
Republicans are sure to push immediately; 2) Administration initiatives left over from this
Congress; 3) relatively low-risk, low-profile ideas; and 4) bold ideas. This list is far from
complete; if it makes ~ense, we can convene a more thorough process to canvass ideas and
prepare an actual proposal.
I. Response to the Republican Agenda
The Republicans have made it clear that government reform -- as they define it -- is
an early priority for action should they take control. They are likely to press a host of issues:
. l. Balanced Budget Amendment. With this expected to pass easily in the next
Congress, we will· need to decide whether to amend, oppose, or accept it:
a. Demand line-item veto. One option would be to demand that it include a
Constitutional line-item veto that would inake it easier to balance the budget. We
should insist on the strongest. possible version of this veto, not the enhanced rescission
authority that passed the House this time. ·
b. Capital/operating budget alternative. In the campaign, the President said he
could support a balanced budget amendment that separated capital and operating
expenses so that long-term investments would be encouraged and operating costs
reduced.
·. c. Freeze Congressional and Presidential ~ until budget ~ balanced.
COPY
�2. Term Limits. Republicans pledge to bring to a vote a constitutional amendment
· . limiting congressional terms to 12 years. But they would grandfather in existing Members of
Congress. Beyond principled opposition,· our response might be:
a. Call their bluff. We could demand that the 12-year limit on service apply
immediately (or by a date certain, such as i996), and thereby affect sitting members of
c.ongress.
· ~ . b. Let the states decide. We could support a constitutional amendment to allow
states to vote to apply term limits to their own federal representatives. This would be ·
consistent with our legal position that state:...mandated term limits are unconstitutional.
. · c. Change the debate. We could counter with our political reform proposals --:- ·
campaign finance and lobby reform -- so that we at least force them to swallow some
medicine and give us some credit for reform.
3. Cuts in Congressional Subcommittees and Staff. The Contract pledges to cut
committee staff by 1/3, and to reduce the number of committees and subcommittees. They
did not pledge to cut personal staffs (see below).·
II. Unfinished Business
1. Lobby Reform and Gift Ban. The lobby reform/gift ban legislation is basically
sound (requiring registration of lobbyists, full disclosure of expenses and sources of funds,
barring gifts, meals, etc. from lobbyists to lawmakers). Disclosure of grass-roots lobbying
expenses was pulled from the bill, and would probably be off the table in future versions of
the bill, even though it was not the real reason for defeat.
The Counsel's office suggests that some of the provisions of lobby reform could be
implemented unilaterally. We could require that any professional lobbyist who seeks to
contact the executive branch would have to register and disclose under the provisions of the
legislation. There is no constitutional bar to this.
'
2. Campaign Finance Reform. The failure of campaign finance reform legislation
this year, coupled with the Republican ascendancy in Congress, makes it extremely unlikely
that a comprehensive campaign reform bill (with public funding) would pass. However, the
issue has not lost its salience. Our options include:
·
a. Limited bill (soft money only). Common Cause and other reform groups
intend to push for separate passage of the soft money provisions of the legislation,
effective for this presidential election. This would likely pass, and we need to decide
whether we would want to accede to it, take the lead on it, or resist it.
.
.
b. Comprehensive bill. We could propose a comprehensive bill including public
funding, to keep the high ground. If so, we may want to strengthen the other
provisions -..,. particularly, propose a lower PAC limit ,.--with the assumption that
· none of it will pass.
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�c. Free TV time. In addition to, or instead of, a comprehensive bill, we could
propose free time for cimdidates (or for candidates who abide by spending limits).
This proposal has been advanced by the President, Dole, and Perot over the years.
Alternately, it could be done through the FCC.
d. Base closing commission. Trevor Potter, the chair of the Federal Election
Commission, will be proposing that campaign finance reform legislation be crafted by
a bipartisan commission whose recommendations would be acted upon by the
President and Congress following the base-closing model. Alternately, we could
simply appoint our own bipartisan commission to draft a· proposal. This would require
a Republican co-chair and members with genuine partisan credentials (i.e., not just an
·Eliot Richardson-type).
3. Apply Laws to Congress. Legislation applying a host of laws to Cqngress passed
the House but not the Senate this past Congress. This would be a relatively noncontroversial
measure (with the public, anyway).
III. Low-Risk Ideas
1. Full-Scale Assault on Bureaucracy. One of the most promising reforms is
already under way -- a signifiCant downsizing of the federal bureaucracy. We could do
more to speed up and dramatize this effort through:
·
a. Accelerated reduction of the workforce: Buyout authority expires in March
1995, and NPR recommends that we should make the most of it while it lasts. We
could also ask the Cabinet to meet its FY99 goals by 1996, in return for a pledge that
departments which meet their targets will not be punished further down the road.
b. Repeal of all FfE floors: We can introduce legislation to repeal FTE floors,
inCluding the VA, imd veto any appropriations bills that contain them.
c. REGO SWAT team: The President could appoint a kind of bureaucratic
bomb squad -- an elite group of troubleshooters and investigative journalists who
report directly to hfm. Any time a story breaks about fraud or mismanagement in the
bureaucracy, they would move in, get to the bottom of it, and report back within days
with recommendations to the President. They could also uncover such troubles before
they become public. This has been done before: FDR dispatched journalist Lorena ·
Hickok around the country to see how the New Deal was really working.
.
.
.
.
.
. .
2. Reduce Congressional Bureaucracy. The Republican Contract calls for dramatic
changes in Congress, some of which they might regret were they to take over. We should·
·press the case for changes of our own:
a. Cut Congressional staff overall Qy 25%. In the campaign, the President
promised not only to cut the White House staff by 25%, but to challenge Congress to
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�.---------.----,--------------c--------- ------------
do the same. The Republican Contract calls for a 25% cut in committee staff.· We
could press fo!Ward with our original demand.
b. Reduce Congressionally mandated reports~ Since 1970, the number of
reports.mandated by Congress has grown from 700 to 5,300. Many of these reports
consume the agencies' time and the taxpayers' dollars for the members' gain; most just
gather dust We could introduce legislation to reduce or eliminate such reports. In
Arkansas; the President ordered a complete review of every report produced by the
Department of Education, and got rid of those no one read.
3. Regulatory Overhaul. The administration could launch a major effort to
streamline the regulatory· system. Republicans rail against red tape, and over time have
proposed gimmicks such as a regulatory moratorium, but have never done anything systemic
to change the way regulatory agencies work. The process is cumbersome; slow; imposes
irrational burdens on people in the private sector; and (as Justice Breyer argues) both
overregulates and underregulates, seemingly at random.
•
•
•
w
a. Across the board. The administration could announce a proposal to revise .
the Administrative Procedures Act,· impose time limits. on rulemakings or regulatory
litigation, or significantly increase negotiated rulemaking. These changes would be
opposed by many both on the left and, to a lesser extent, the right
b. Small business only. Alternately; we could propose dramatic regulatory
relief for small business only -- e.g., exemptions from a defined set of rules, an
expedited appeals process for small business, whatever. (Note: this might not be
particularly appealing in ·some areas, such as OSHA, where a 75 person business can
pose as much threat as a large conglomerate.)
·
4. Assault on the Filibuster. We .should consider mounting a drive to eliminate
dilatory rules like the filibuster, which is now a prime obstacle to getting things done.
Republican senators have used the filibuster more in the first two years of this administration
than at any time in American history. Once reserved for the weightiest matters of
constitutionaHmport, it t:JOW is used to effectively require a 60 vote supermajority for any
legislation. Lobby reform, campaign finance reform, even the stimulus bill received a
majority of votes in the Senate -- and telecommunications, Superfund, Clean Water, and a
host of other measures expired merely due the threat ~fa filibuster. Moreover, Lloyd Cutler
and others argue that the filibuster is unconstitutional. (In fact, as a private citizen he plans
to file a lawsuit to overturn it.) Whether we want to push for this depends on the political
landscape -- if we retain a slim majority, this might be seen as an attempt to avoid
bipartisanship. If we are in the minority, our motives would be less suspect, but our side .
might not want to do it.
COPY
�IV. Bold Ideas
1. National Referendum. Most major democracies have national referenda to allow
their people to vote on issues of national importance. For example, in recent years, Italians
have voted on divorce and abortion; Spain voted on membership in NATO; and Austria and
Sweden voted on the use of nuclear power. In the U.S., 43 states allow their legislatures to
submit referenda to the people, and 24 states allow citizens to sponsor initiatives. In ·
Arkansas, some of Governor Clinton's best known legacies -- such as ethics reform -- were
enacted in this way .
.Establishing a binding national referendum would require a Constitutional amendment.
.Such an amendment might provide for putting· an issue to a nationwide vote if the legislatures
in 3/4 of the states recommended it or if petitioners gathered signatures from 1% of the
population of every state. As Constitutional safeguards, the referendum·could require 60%
approval to be enacted, and could be overturned by a 2/3 vote in the Congress.· A tamer
approach might send any approved referendum to the Congress for final approval, and require
Congress· to pass it within one year or submit a revised version to another vote of the
electorate.
.
.
Is this a good idea? Fnr starterS, this is the one truly popular reform idea that has not
been appropriated by either party. The best argument for direct democracy is that it enables
the broad public to make its voice heard when the congressional system is unresponsive or
gridlocked. It also changes the· balance of power between the President and Congress, since
the President still has most claim to the national megaphone. The advance of information
_technology will make this process easier (and perhaps inevitable). The strongest argument
· against a referendum is that it could fall prey to extreme social or fiscal proposals, and that it
might make it impossible to rationally conduct the rest of the public's business. (Not that it's
so easy today.) In addition, campaign spending on referenda is even harder to regulate than
in candidate elections.
2. Sweeping Reorganization of Government. Our attack on the bureaucracy could
· go further, and propose the actual elimination of one or more departments or functions.
a. Panetta-Kerrey plan. This proposal, put forward during the 1992 primary
campaign, called for consolidating the current 14 cabinet-level departments into seven: .
Defense, State, Justice, Treasury, Human Resources, Natural Resources, Economic
·
Policy. Kerrey argued that cutting the number of cabinet departments would reduce
administrative costs of the Federal government by 25 percent over a ten-year period.
At the time, the Clinton campaigri dismissed it as rearranging the boxes, but it had
.some appeal.
b. Base-closing commission. Alternately, we could propose a base-closing
commission or fast track model .for government reorganization, reform, and reinvention
. -- a Hoover Commission or Grace Commission with teeth. Under a fast track model,
a ·commission would propose legislation, which would have to be voted on by the
Congress with no amendments. Under a base-closing model, the recommendations
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�would stand unless. they were overturned by a 2/3 vote. Either version would require
authorizing legislation. A fast-track process was considered by·the administration at
.the outset of the REGO review in 1993, but was set aside due to likely congressional
·hostility. ·
.
.
.
· 3. Reform Trust Fund (Children's Allowance Paid for by Cutting Special Interest .
·
Subsidies). The President's most prominent remaining campaign promise (and the ·
Republicans' last hope for a wedge issue) is the middle-class tax cut. One option would be
to set up a trust fund to use savings from eliminating unnecessary government subsidies to ·
pay for a children's allowance for middle-class families. Rob Shapiro has identified a series
of special interest subsidies; an expanded deduction for middle-class families with children
would cost in the neighborhood of $20-40 billion over five years. Nobody would get their
tax cut unless Congress agreed to make the cuts. Established interests would attack us, but
we could press the simple theme that parents. can do more for their children with that money
than government or those interests can.
·
4. Tax Reform for Business. The tax code is littered with special preferences for
certain types of businesses -- pharmaceutical, advertising, dairy, life and casualty insurance
-- which together cost nearly $50 billion in lost revenues. We could propose simplification
of the tax code that would eliminating special tax incentives for a few businesses arid use the
savings to implement an across-the-board, long-term capital gains tax reduction and a tax
cut for business spending on worker training. These measureS (which would cost around $25
billion a year) would level the playing field for all business, and give ~s a pro-business, pro- ·
investment fight.
5.. Eliminate the Congressional Frank, and Give It to the American People: The
frank-is one of the most entrenched and abused symbols of incumbency. We could propose
to take it away from Congress and give it to the American people instead. Any individual
who wants to send a letter to their Congressman or Senator would be able to do so for free.
Postcards, letters froiri organizations, and letters from another district or state would not be
eligible (inail could be delivered directly .to the district office to prevent abuse). This is how
.
it works in Canada, where citizens can write Parliament for free.
\
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�('
October 31; 1994
MEMORANDUM FOR THE CIITEF OF STAFF
·.FROM:
SUBJECT:
Bruce Reed
Michael W aidman
Paul Weinstein
Bill Galston
Options for Political and Government Reform
L Government Reform: A Full-Scale Assault on Bureaucracy
.
'
We aie in a position to build on the NPR's success by escalating our assauit on the
federal bureaucracy. We envision a relentless, sustained attack on fraud, red tape,
unnecessary programs, atid counterproductive rules and regulations.
1. The Right to Fire. NPR is drafting.a sweeping civil service reform bill that will
reduce the nuinber of job classifications and give federal managers the right to hire and fire
federal workers. Negotiations with unions and management are under way; the bill will be
ready to introduce in January.
·. 2. Sweeping Reorganization of Goverilment Our attack on the bureaucracy should
include the actual elimination of one or more departments or functions. We could propose a
base-closing commission or fast-track authority for government reorganization, reform, .and
reinvention -- a Grace Commission with teeth. Under a fast track model, the commission
would propose legislation, which would have to be voted on by the Congress with no ·
. amendments. Under a base-closing model, the recommendations would stand unless they
were overtunied by a 2/3 ·vote. Either version would reqUire authorizing legislation. .We
developed a fast-track bill in the early days of the REGO review in 1993, but it was set aside
amid concerns that it would get in the way of other legislative objectives.
-
' If we wanted to forego 'a commission and introduce an off-the~shelf reorganization bill,
we could use the Panetta-Kerrey plan, which Kerrey championed during the 1992 campaign. ·
That proposal called for consolidating the current 14 cabinet-level departments into seven:
Defense, State, Justice, Treasury, Human Resources, Natural Resources, Economic Policy.
Kerrey argued that cutting the number of cabinet departments would reduce administrative
costs of the Federal government by 25 percent over a ten-year period. At the tiine, the
Clinton campaign dismissed it as rearranging the boxes, but it had some appeal.
3. Workforce Reductions. NPR and OMB are preparing legislation to repeal FTE
·floors in existing appropriations bills, and hap. the use of FTE floors in future bills. We
should also consider accelerating workforce reductions. To illustrate that downsizing the
bureaucracy is one of this Administnition's signature achievements, we should follow one
COPY
�Congressional Republican's advice to start a Bureaucracy Clock (in a prominent place like
Times Square) that would track our progress.
4. REGO SWAT. team. The President colitd appoint a kind of bureaucratic bomb
·. squad-- an elite group of troubleshooters and investigative journalists who report directly to
him. Any time a story breaks about fraud or mismanagement in the bureaucracy, they would
move in, get to the bottom of it, and report back within days with recommendations to the
President. · They could also uncover such troubles before they become public, and demonstrate
the President's desire for unfiltered information on how his government is working. This has
been done before: FDR dispatched journalist Lorena Hickok around the country to see how
the New Deal was really working.·
1ft f), i > ~ te_ [fiA_ i3f!a~ dfJ ~ ~ ·
·'
0~~
"'t-.
.
.
.
'/~;~~-~
· · 5. Regulatory Refonn. The Vice President is planning to make regulatory reform
~
NPR's #1 project next year, with an extensive review that brings business leaders and others 0\1/.d'
;,1
.to the White House to develop a new, more market-based approach to regulation forth~ 21st ~~ d
Century.
(~
J~l'v>-~+6. · Waivers and Mandates.
-fi ~
eosf.·
ll. Congressional Refonns
Regardless of the outcome of next week's election, we should press for major changes
in the way Congress does business.
.
1. Cut Congressional Staff Overall by 25%: In the campaign, the President promise4
not only to cut the White House staffby 25%, but to challenge Congress to do the same.
The Republican Contract calls for a 25% cut in committee (not personal) staff. We could
press forward with our original demand to cut overall.Mf!ff_Qy~. -W:tr eeltla alse eall fur
With the Balanced Budget Amendment expected to pass
easily in the next ongress, we should demand that it include a Constitutional line-item veto
that would make it easier to balance the budget. We shoUld insist on the strongest possible
version of this veto, not the enhanced rescission authority that passed the House this time.
We may also want to offer our oWn. Capital/operating budget alternative. In the
campaign, the President said he could support a balanced budget amendment that separated
capital and operating expenses so that long-term investments would be encouraged and
operating costs reduced.
3. Freeze Congressional and Presidential Pay Until the Budget Is Balanced.
e
American people don't get a guaranteed cost-of-living increase. Why should Congress? This
is a responsible, common-sense alternative to Laniar Alexander's plan to cut-their-pay-andsend-them-home.
COPY
~
.
�~------~------.-----------------~------------------------------------------~----------------,
4. Tenn limits. Republicans pledg~ to bring to a vote a constitutional amendment
limiting congressional terms to 12 years. But they would grandfather in existing Members of
Congress. Beyond principled opposition, we can respond in two ways:
a. Call their bluff. We could demand that the 12-year limit on service apply
·immedi<l:tely (or by a date certain, such as 1996), and thereby affect sitting members of .
Congress;
-b. Let- the states decide. We could support a constitutional amendment to allow
states to vote to apply term limits to their own federal representatives. This wouldbe
consistent with our legal position that state,.maridated term limits are unconstitutional.
5. Lobby Reforin and Gift Ban. We should demand that Congress pass a gift ban and
·a back-to-basics lobby reform bill as soon as they return. The Republicans raised several
bogus objections to the lobby reform bill ill the waning days; Vfe should call theirbluff,
accept those changes, and pass the bill on a bipartisan basis.
6. Apply Laws to Congress. Legislation applying a host of laws to Congress passed
the House but not the Senate this past Congress. This should pass easily next year.
m. ·~ng Power Back to
the ·American People
In the end, it will not be enough to changeWashington. The American people are
ready to take government into ·their own hands. . The spread of information technology makes
itpossible, and the collapse of the political system makes it inevitable. We can either get
behind these changes, or we will b~ ~e.fi behind by them.
·
-.
. .
~·
.
1. Free TV Time{A comprehensive campaign reform bill with public funding will
not· make it through the new Congress. Instead~ we should press for the changes the President
called for in his campaign -- free TV time for candidates who abide by spending lilnits, a
$1,000 limit on PAC donations, and reforms on soft money. Over the years, free TV time
has also been. endorsed by Bob Dole and Ross Perot.r:.t wo:d involve a major battle with the . .M:._.
broadcastmg mdustry.
.
~ ;5 - tJ~"idiJ..
6t:t%~ k
t;}
W ). ·
2. Elhiri.nate the Congressional Frank, and Give Itto the American People. The frank ·
is one of the most entrenched and abused symbols of incumbency. We could propose to take
it away from Congress and give it to the American people ,instead. .Any individual. who wants
to send a letter to their Congressman or Senator would be able to do so for free. Postcards,
_letters from organizations, and letters from another district or state would not be eligible (mail
could be delivered directly to the district office to prevent abuse). This is how it w'orks in
Canada, where citizens can write Parliament for free.
ost major democracies have national referenda to allow
their people to vote on issues of ational importance. · For example, in recent years, Italians
have voted on divorce and abo on; Spain voted on membership in NATO; and Austria and
.
�Sweden voted pn the use of nuclear power. In the U.S., 43 states allow their legislatures to
submit referendato the people, and 24 states allow citizens to sponsor initiatives. In
Arkansas, some of Governor Clinton's best known legacies -- such as ethics reform -- were
·
enacted in this way.
Establishing a bindllg national referendum or initiative process would require a
Constitutional amendment. Such an amendment.might provide for putting an issue to a
nationwide vote if the legislatures in 3/4 of the states recommended it or if petitioners
gathered signatures from
. As Constitutional safeguards, the
referendum would require-~0% approval to be enacte and would be subject to judicial
review.
rjt.L ~ V1Al~
Is this a good idea? For starters, this is the one tr y popular reform 1 ea at as not
been appropriated by either party. The best argument for direct democracy is that it enables
the broad public to make its voice heard when the congressional system is' unresponsive or
·_gridiocked. The advance of information technology will make this process easier (and ·
perhaps inevitable). The strongest argument against a referendum is that it could fall prey to
extreme social or fiscal proposals (a pay-as-you-go fule might be necesssary), and that it will
be difficult to control spending by opponents and proponents (free TV time would help). We
might call for national votes ot:e line-item veto, school prayer, and charter schools or
public school choice, but it wo d be entirely up to the American people what questions ate
· put on the ballot. .
·
c, F(l..,
·
·
'·
4. Gtizens' Congress. One dramatic experiment in direct democracy would be to run
a national Citizens'~ or Citizens' Congress that would bring ordinary citizens together to .
. resolve a particular issue. We could invite a random group of citizens from around the
country to Washington to deliberate on a given issue -- e.g., crime, cominunity service, the
deficit. They would hear arguments from all sides, _their deliberations would be nationally
televised, and most important, we would take action on the basis Of what they recommend.
\By selecting a small group of ordinary Americans entirely at random and letting them run the
country for a few days, we ~~t spark new interest in participatory democracy and find a
new way to bypass the special mterests and reach common-sense consensus. ·
·
.,
t
-
.
. · 5. Take Subsidies from the Special Interests and Return the Money to the American~
People. The President's most prominent remaining campaign promise (and the Republicans' ·
last hope for a wedge issue) is the middle-class tax cut. One option would be to set up a
trust fund to use savings from eliminating unnecessary government subsidies to pay for a
children's allowance for middle-class families. Rob Shapiro has identified a series of special
interest subsidies; an expanded deduction for middle-class families with children would cost
in the neighborhood of $20-40 billion over five years. Nobody would get their tax cut unless
Congress agreed to make the cuts. Established interests would attack us, but we could press
the simple theme that parents cari do more for their children with that money than government
or those interests can.
COPY
�~-----------------------------------------------.
The Republicans appear determined to press forward.with
their reform agenda (which differs markedly from ours) . · We
can expect the GOP to press forward with term limits, .
congressional staff cuts, and a balanced budget amendment
early in the next term.
·
We believe that a .focused and vigorous campaign by the
administration -- of the sort not yet attempted by us on these
issues -- can begin to turn this dynamic around. An aggressive
reform agenda can begin to alter the psychology and sociology of
. Washington. As important, a dramatic approach -- which
necessarily would prompt conflict with Congress or interest
.··groups -- allows ·us to be seen to be making progress . And at the
very least, it will reinforce voters perception that President .
Clinton shares their values and their perception of the problem.
It offers a chance for him to rise above partisanship to fight
for the national interest.
This memorandum.lays out the .elements of a sustained and
comprehensive government and political reform effort. We believe
that tentative stabs ·at reinventing govenrment or reforming
lobbying laws, pursued separately. and quietly, will neither
succeed nor break through to the public. Instead, if we are to
do this, we must mount an aggressive, comprehensive campaign (as
we have done on other issues, .ranging from the budget to NAFTA to
the crime bill), to substantively and symbolically seize the
initiative. In terms of policy, this should include:
·
an assault on bureaucracy, including the li:IJ.e-item
veto; legislation letting public employees be hired and
fired; a fundamental overhaul of federal regulatory
agencies; and a base-closing-style commission to
propose a government reorganization;
a vigorous effort to reform Congress, including a
constitutional amendment allowing states to limit
legislative terms; ·lobby reform; a ban on gifts;
campaign finance reform; and a 25% cut in congressional
staff; and
an effort to renew democracy and shift power back to
the American people, by requiring broadcasters to
provide free time to candidates; creating a national
initiative and referendum process; and a "citizen
frank" that lets citizens contact Congress for free.
Finally, the memorandum sketches out a 3-6 month campaign to
unveil and fight for these proposals.
COPY
�.. Dn~
~
I ~!fi::f-w::
.
. "l)l"
The withdrawal of public trust from gave
ental and
.
· ·(s 1"'1~,
political institutions· is an overwhelming and
damental fact
. di~ll~5'1'rr4
facing the Clinton presidency. This break bet . er: the $'overn.ors
.
~~
and the governed colors every aspect of our po 1t1cal s1tuat1on,
~ ·.
·
J~
from the noisy~bombast of talk shows to the sii nee of empty
· . voting booths. ·The public believed that Bill C inton understood
.
this situation, and would act to rectify it.
Recapt~riHg
~
the sense that this President understands this situation, shares
.
t-he-: pre vailin'::!J skepticisiu a1X5ut gove:rtnuentai solutions, . and i s
_takjpg Cl@Gir step~ t9 changf? tyashirigton is urgently necessary- to
· ~,c~.eooful pres±~etlt!y. Whatever the results of the upcom1ng
elect1on, the Pres1dent should put forward a bold, coherent set
of reform initiatives to make government, Congress, and the
political system work.
The Ameritan people
not pleased by the way governmental
institutions
·
. They perceive a failure of
government to act decisively and effectively, a federal
government that is overextended at the expense of states and
localities, an excess of wrangling between two seemingly outdated
political part. ies, and a proliferation of special. interests that , ~
drown out the voices of average citizens. When John F. ·Kennedy ·~
was President·, 76% of the people said they trusted government
do what was right all or most of the time. Today, · .~+-e..----
betrayals from Vietnam to Watergate to "Read My Lips," only 22%
-of the people give that same' answer. L!r-~ (()(.
r:. ·n,.,:_.o , ..L
In fact, as we all know, much of the public's critique of
Washington and government is valid. Government is bloated,
.·
irrational, and inefficient -- an ossified institution at a time
when the best private sector firms are transforming themselves ..
Special interests do have to_o much power; a $300 million campaign
overwhelmed health care; gun groups practically derailed the
crime bill, and have succeeded in diluting or defeating scores
of. Congress is paralyzed by partisanship and resistant to
change.
·
· ·
·
not act to coopt this-reform impulse,
Ross Perot's.19% of the vote was the second highest this
century, exceeded only by Theodore Roosevelt. Polls
indicate that -~ if he were to run today-- Perot's vote
would not slip significantly.
·
OOPY
�·.~.·~·~.·
.
.
COPY
.
.
. .
.
)
�·I I I . STRATEGY
A. Defining success
.
.
.
In arguing for a major effort on government and political
refo:rm, we recognize the need to frame the issues in such a way
as to give us a ·chance at success -- · success on our te:rms. At a
minimum, it will be a success if this effort persuades the
American people that. President Clinton remains true to his·
promise of attempting change, and positions him to critique the
political and governmental culture should he fail. In a sense,
the public sees this as a values issue;. as with crime and
welfare, he must show that he is not "tone deaf" on the ·
relationship between the governed and the governors. Moreover,
. B. Calendar
A sustained campaign would use.suprise, unilateral action,
and the presidential bully pulpit.
*
Before the election -- It would be very helpful if the
President could point toward the change/refo:rm themes before the
election, then any move toward them will risk looking like an ex
post facto.rationalization. This could be done in a one-on-one
interview,
. *Statement the.day after the election-- The President's
press conference statement should characterize the results as a
mandate for change, one he intends to meet. It should point
·toward political refo:rm as the first priority.
·
* December -- We should prepare to float
dramatic refo:rm initiatives. ·
~orne
of the more
·* January pre-SOTU -- The weeks before the State of the
Union should include a series of events designed to underscore
·and foreshadow the refo:rm and change theme.
o
We should convene a citizen jury or Little Rock-style
conference to ·address what's wrong with government and.
politics, and how to fix it.
o
The President should make a major speech outlining his
concept of how government shuould relate to the
·citizenry (something he has yet to do) . ·
o
We should prepare a document outiir{ing the problem and
proposed solutions (this would be in addition to, or as
part of, the budget document).
* SOTU
C. Political alignments
COPY
�'t
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
May 31, 1994
·MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
THROUGH:
MACK MCLARTY
GEORGESTEPHANOPOULOS
CAROL RASCO
LLOYD CUTLER .
FROM:
MICHAEL WALDMAN
SUBJECT:
POLITICAL REFORM -- ACTION NEEDED
I.
ACTION FORClNG EVENT
Political reform legi~latioh -~ lobby reform and campa:lgn finance reform -- is .
. coming to a head on Capitol HilL
L<;>bby reform legislation is proceeding. relatively smoothly. On campaign
finance reform, however, the House and Senate leadership have been _in a "preconference" for nearly five months, and are deadlocked on the issue of PAC
· contributions. Resolving this issue is the key to en.acting the legislation.
Prospects of passage will dim ifthe issue is not resolved soon .
. II.
BACKGROUND
Lobby reform
Lobby reform legislation will go to conference after the Memorial Day
recess. The legislation is now significantly stricter than anyone believed likely.
During its passage through the Congress, however, the administration has
conspicuously elected to remain silent, ·out of deference to congressional
. prerogatives.
·The legislation includes three separate major elements:
Lobby registration and disclosure. This provision -- supported by the
administration -- will toughen the requirement that lobbyists register and
disclose their clients, issues, etc., bringing a larger number into compliance.
COPY
�(Today, only 7000 people register; it is estimated that as many as 40,000
would under the new rules.) .This legislation, introduced by Sen. Levin and
Rep. Bryant, is relatively noncontroversial.
·
Disclosure of gifts from lobbyists·. This provision -- similar to the proposal
enacted in Arkansas -- would require lobbyists to disclose specifically what
meals, entertainment, travel and gifts they provide to Members of Congress
or their staffs. The administration did not take a position on this proposal
· . before it was attached to the legislation in t.he Senate; you expressed your.·
strong support thereafter. It was introduced by Sen. Wellstone and Rep.
Bryant.
Banning gifts from lobbyists. This provision overwhelmingly passed the
Senate last month after an. acrimonious debate. A weaker version ·passed
the House previously. (For example, in -the House bill a lobbyist's client can
take a lobbyist and a lawmaker out to dinner, and not even have to disclose
it.) (Sponsors: Sens. Wellstone, Lautenberg and Levin, and Reps. Bryant
and Fazio.)
Despite the overwhelming margins of approval for these measures, they
have generated ill-will among lawmakers. Members feel the reforms are
.
unnecessary, and are acting in response to public pressure. and fear of further
· exposure by tabloid TV shows, which have focused on lobbyist-funded trips by
Members. It is possible that the House will balk at the stronger Senate
provisions. However, the same factors that impelled Mem·bers to vote against a
provision they detested will likely lead to a confe~ence product that falls on the
strict side.
Campaign finance reform.
Other than PACs, the significant campaign finance reform issues are close
to being resolved -- spending limits, public funding, bundling, soft money. (See
attached summary sheet.) Thus far, we have achieved significant progress
without expending much effort.· However, the entire legislative package could fail
if the two houses do not com promise on P ACs.
Last year, the two houses passed radically different PAC provisions. The
Senate bill banned PAC contributions, and the Senate reiterated that
position earlier this month (though they know it is unconstitutional); as a
fallback, PAC funds were limited to 20% of the spending limit, and the size. ·
of an individual PAC contribution was reduced from $5000 to $2500 (i.e.,
$5000 per cycle). The House bill capped PAC funds at 1/3 of the spending .
limit (about $250,000), but kept the individual contributions at $5000
($10,000 per cycle).
·.The Senate Republicans who backed the bill last year have indicated that
COPY
�-----.~~~~-
.
they will filibuster the proposal if there is not some compromise on PACs. ·
The House has thus far refused to compromise ort PACs with the Senate.
Common Cause has suggested that PACs be limited to giving candidates
$5000 per cyCle (however, they could still give that much in either the
primary or the general election). This proposal, combined withthe ·
aggregate limit, would have little actual effect ori the fundraising of House
members, and would benefit those Democrats who are most concerned about
primary challenges ..
·v
· In addition, the A to Z budget cut movement may have an impact on the
willingness· of members to vote for public funding while they vote for cuts
elsewhere.· This will potentially be mitigated by the sources of the funding
-- a fee bn PACs, a voluntary surcharge, and eliminating the deductibility of
lobbyist meals and gifts for lawmakers. The Southern Democrats have
signed off on this funding mix.
III. OPnONS
A. Telephone Speaker Foley ·and Rep. Gephardt to discuss political reform.
(See attached call sheet.) The purpose would be to privately but firmly push them
to ~0 what they know is necessary for legislation to pass.
Pro: If ~e ·do riot bring the two sides together, it is likely that this initi~tive
will languish or fail. The Senate leadership is unlikely to bring a bill to the
floor that does not "fix" the PAC provision;
Con: A PAC compromise will anger the CBC and other key constituencies.
The leadership argues that it will have a hard time passing legislation that
includes further PAC reform. In addition, Rep. Gejdenson has assured his
colleagues that there will be no ·cut in the individual PAC limit.
B. Broadly 'signal that you want action on political reform -- including lobby
·reform and campaign finance.reform --through a letter to the leadership. (See
attached draft letter.)
Pro: This would position the administration as being pro-reform, without
· entangling it in messy details. It would begin to garner some credit if the
legislation passes, or protect us from charges that we did nothing to speed.
its progress.
Con: This is a particularly public way to weigh in. It might be seen as an
affront by members who are enacting these measures only under duress.
COPY
�IV.
DECISION:.
A.
Call~
_·__ Appro:ve
to Foley and Gephardt
_ _ _ Approve as amended _·__ Reject
No action
B. Letter to leadership on need for compromise
_ _ Approve
·Approve as amended ____ Reject
COPY
·No action.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
-
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
Clinton Library
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
001. memo
Michael Waldman to George Stephanopoulos; RE: Follow-up on
_Contract Issues (2 pages) .
002. memo
Michael Waldman to Jack Quinn, George Stephanopoulos; RE:
Regulation and the GOP Contract (2 pages)
-
.
RESTRICTION
12114/1994
P5
12/1411994
P5
.
COLLECTION:.
. Clinton Presidential Records
- "'Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number: 13657
FOLDER TITLE:
GOP: MW [Michael Waldman] Memo toGS [George Stephanopoulos]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2222
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) ofthe PRA]
P2 Relating to the' appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3).ofthe PRA].
. P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between-the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a dearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.,
PRM. Personal record misftle defined in accordance with 44 u......--.
2201(3),
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
Freedom of Information'Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
b(l) National security ~lassified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internai personnel rules and pra-ctices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
·
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) ofthe FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b )(8) of the FOIA]
~~~~~~~~..b('~illllllllil.S••oul!lriisl:lose geological or geophysical information
cont·n~f{.~l\lls [(b)(9) of the FOIA] ·
�.
.
.
Tl':l E WHITE. HOUS.E
WASHINGTON
December 14, 1994
.,
MEMORANDUM FOR GEORGE STEPHANOPOULOS
.
.'·
·.
.
FROM:
. .
·.
'
.M:CHAEL WALDMAN!#
.
'
SUBJECT:
.
.
.
FOLLOW-UP ON CONTRACT ISSUES
'
j
.
..
•
-
'
A few thoughts on ·Monday's meeting:
·.)
'•,'.
. -Just as I and others did a·historicallook at the previous ,;comeback kids,;,:
we need to look e3.t how Nixon, Ford, Reagariand Bush dealt with an
·
opposition Congress.-- what tricks ~hey he3.d up their sleeves, what the .ways
are to signal a veto without waving a pert, etc .. I always knew what Bush
was going. to veto without him ever having to say it. Those of you who Were
in the Congress when the GOP had the White House will have thEf best
sense of this_,
'
.
.
· - w: Lh a
shrunken Democra:tic committee staff, .we will need to do more ..
resE 'lrch and legwor.k for lhem than would ot4envise·be' the case .. This will
af:fe,:t what people here do day,to~day.
·
·
.. · .
-We need to decide· where, if anywhere,is (th~ place to try and blow u:p the·
taiJr,,)adtracks. I take your point that the GOP didn't tactically .identify the
stimulus, ~e gave it to themby refusing to compromise; larding it with;
pork; etc. 'Nonetheless, they knew whatthe line of attack woulP, be on us~
big.governm€mt -- and
walked into theU: trap,., We need to set a trap of
our own, and wait for them to walk into it (or lure them into it) .. Siinpiy
lobbi:t1g clever ain~ndment or .two at each bill ..they offer is not a:n ultin1ate.
.
.:
.
.
answer ..
we
a
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~"
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·:
.·
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1
- We :1eed a complete strategy on how to paint the GOP as· t ,,;~fparty.of
wealthy special interests, while making sure that the Presid
s seen as
. the defe:pder of th,e middle class against those special interest , ,;It's not : •
enough to be a defender of the middle class; you ·have to' say .w;}ial;you're
defending against.· Critical to this may be the deregulation pi~sW:9J;the
contract (see attached memo to Jack Quinn and you). A frorft~~;@~~if?:~: ' ·
1,-:'
t'·> .:
assault on regulation mayforce us to defend those agencies'?-b:~::;,:B,M~~t~ms, .
. or willingly watch them be· destroyed. While no one likes 're_g}i'Hil~l6~~tand red
·fiA,
tape, there is also a. good; pro-middle class story to .be told ::~-5··:·
..
.
~
:
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COPY
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j; .;,
[!,,'
>
....
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,:j,
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�..
'"·i
cancer-prevention, dangerous toys, etc. There ~eeds to be a concerted effort·
to. gather together the relevant,agency heads fora politicaJ str~ategy here.
This may be a different matter from the VP's effort to rethink and recast
. the regulatory system -~ which lthink is very important -- or it may be part ..
. of the same p-rocess .
.,,:
J.
. ,,1
COPY
�·~
'
'\
THE WHITE HOUSE
~;
.
WASHiNGTON
December 14, 1994
·MEMORANDUM FOR. JACK QUINN · .
.· ..
· GEORGE STEPHAN.OPOULOS .·.
MICH~L WALDMAN/1J
.. FROM:.
)
·.
<'
.
REGULATION AND THE ·GoP. CONTRACT .
·suBJECT:·
. It is clear that the GOP ~ill seek to use their control of' Congress to ·
dismq.ntle the regulatory state, The Contract includes several pieces of legisiatiori
that would go aJter regulation.· We can also'.expectthe appropriations and budget
proGesses to take aim at specific agencies or programs.
.. .
·
I knqw that the Vice~Pr~sidentis co'nvening a process to propose a . ·
..·
· regulatory overhaul; and as you know I think that is :a very gbod idea; It seems to···
me that a rather distinct project needsto be undertaken.-- possibly separately,
possibly folded in to the VP's operation -~ to organize a politicaland public .
responseto the GOP assau'It. (This may already be underway, so this memo n.ay ·
coyer gromi.d that's already well-trod.}
· ·
'
,.
·
.
..
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. .
,
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I assume that we ~ant to portray the Republicans as advoc~tes for weaV hy
.
special interests; :while the President is a defender of the middle class against
those who would take advantage of l.t ..The trick is .h6~ to do this witHout seeming.
to be ari adyocate of big government and red'tape. Obviously, all this presupposes
a deGision on what posture we want to ta:ke on<the regulatory issues.·
. .
Some possible steps:·.
- Our r~gulatory agencies are headed by a number of bright, politically
savvypeople.who can be pulled together for a politicaLstrategy. group_. I'r:1
· tl}1nking of Anne. Brown .(CPSC), David Kessler (FDA), Carol Browner, Anne
Bingainen (Ahtitru~t divis,ion), ChristinE( Va.rney, Martinez at NHTSA, ·
Joseph Dear af OSHA, etc.
- They·can Pllll together a ;eady-to:go contpilation of why their regulation
has been both reas'onable and good for the middle class. '
. .
-As Rubin and Bowles have discussed, we have a good deregulatory record,
.
,·
'·'
,COPY
�·I'··
which we should trum·pet appropriately~
- Thoroughly, intensely studying the GOP's reg:ulatory proposals. For
example; our Council of Economic Advisers should be ready to refute the
most extr.eme cost-benef:ii analysis proposals ..·
.
- If we 'decide to try, at a sub-Presidential level, to defend our regulatory
agencies; then we may want to orga;nize the public health, environm'ental,
and consumer groups to fight ba~k. · ·
·
'
'
. Again; if this is already being done, th€m .~. never mind. If you need any
thOughts/help, let i:ne know. As George remembers, we fought out some ofthe·se· .
broaq regulatory issu·es on the Quayle Council, with some success,. though the·
·terrain may .have shifted·r~ther dramatically sine~ the!\..
.
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COPY
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�·withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
RESTRICTION
OOl:memo
David Dreyer and Gene Sperling to O'Donnell Group; RE: Operating
Principles (1 page)
-
09/14/1994
P5
002. memo
David Dreyer to Leon Panetta.; RE: Memo to Leon, Harold, Joan,
George, Pat G., Mark T (2 pages)
08/22/1994
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
ONBox Number: 13657
FOLDER TITLE:
GOP: Gingrich Event
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2223
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S~C. 2204(a))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of ihe PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute[(aX3) ofthe PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) ofthe PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U . S c
.· . 2201(3).
'
'
. RR. Document will be reviewed upon request..
. .
.
· ·Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b})
b(l} National security classified information [(bXI) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(bX3) of the FOIA)
b(4} Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
· information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b )(7) of the FOIA)
b(S) Release would disclose informationconcerning the-regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(S) ofthe FOIA)
( f J Y o u lisclose geological or geophysical information
con
lis [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
O
.
'
'
�Memorandum
To:
.Fr:
R~:
Da:
O'Donnell Gioup
and Gene Sperling
09-27 Press Plan
september 14, 1994
Da~id Dr~ye~
operating Principles
o
The Republicans gained two kinds of legitimacy: first, the
· media elite now agree that Republicans are bound to make
substantial s~at gains, and will likely win functional if
n6t arithmetic control of t&e cong~es~; se~ortd, the crime
bill rul~ vote and the hang-up of health care are vie~ed ~s
."intellectual" not just "political"· victories~
_o
Because the elite view the GOP now as "serious," our response to September 27th at the national level must also
be serious-- quite apart·from the retail sloganeering our
c~ndi~~tes can use at ho~e, dtistomized to their own
district's needs.
o
we need an on-the-level response to the Republican pr6gram
to expose it as rtot serious, a kind of promise them anything
poiitics that represents cynicism no~ a governing
philosophy.
·
o
once. the economic analysis of the program is complete, we
will follow an outreach strategy for opinion makers lasting
until September 27th.
o
It's message must be intellectually compatible with the
local press strategy of our 6andidates. If we win the
elites,· it will empower our candidates to disagree with the
program as appropriate.
o
our stronqest push off against the Republicans gathering in
washinqton 'continues to be campaign finance reform
especially in ·view of the fundraiser scheduled for that
night.
If we can pair·a successful negotiation on campaign
finance reform with the economic cynicism message, this day
will belong to us.
1
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
·
RESTRICTION
OOla. memo·
.·.Michael Waldman to Mack McLarty, Bob Rubin; RE: Reemployment
Act -Update Strategy (4pages)
n.d.
P5
OOlb. memo
·Michael Waldman to Bob Rubin; RE: Reemployment Act- RequestS
and Assignments (2 pages)
n.d.
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records ·
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number: 13658
FOLDER TITLE:
[Reemployment Act] Draft MW [Michael Waldman] Memo Strategy
Debbie Bush
. 2006-0469-F
db2224
RESTRICTION CODES
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
National Security Classifi~d Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
·ps Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between siich advisorsJai(S) of the PRA]
-P6 Release would constitute a clearly.unwarranted invasion of
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PI
P2
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P4
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·
·
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
.
.
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
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an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
·information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
.
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personai privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) oftlie FOIA]
. b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
·
disclose geological or geophysical information
con r
ells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
.
·ab(pyu
�MEMORANDUM FOR MACK MCLARTY
BOB RUBIN
FROM:
MICHAEL. WALDMAN.
SUBJECT:
REEMPLOYMENT ACT --- UPDATE & STRATEGY
The passage of the Reemployment Act (REA)·* or some
fadsimile thereof, is possible but ~ar fr~m -certain. It will
require concentrated effort by the·administration, some of which
i~ already occ~ring.
Th~ purpose of this memo is to sketch out
what is going on. and lay out the strategy by which we can win·
enactment of the reemployment act..
·
I
In brief, passage requires three separate actions: First,
fixing the problems with the legislation, which have hindered
support from key constituencies and lawmakers; second, making it
clear that this is a political priority of the-administration and
a political win for Members of Congress .
. I.
CURRENT STATE OF PLAY
The REA was introduced in [March], and hearings are
currently being held in the·relevant committees. There are no
markups scheduled.
a. Problems with the legislation.
The legislation, as currently constituted) has problems with ·
seveial key constitu~n~ies. W~ are operating under a ·selfimposed mid-June deadline to "fix" the problems and turn
opposition into support:
Labo~ objects to tw6 things: Indu~trial unions oppose the
provision that eliminates Trade Adjust!tlent Assistance (it
elimiriates it as ari entitlement for workers who los~ their
jobs due to trade, and folds it into the general dislocated.
worker program, a discretionary account). .The public
employee unions object to the privatization proposals. The
Department of Labor is now negotiating with the AFL-CIO. The
privatization iss~e should soon be worked out; for labor,
the TAA issue is non-negotiable, and I expect that we will
·_ * The·name "Reemployment Act" is cumbersome and, as Bob
Rubin has pointed out,· doesn 1 t mean very much to people. Since
we haven 1 t ye·t come up with a better alternative, this memorandum
will continue to use "reemployment" and its· acronym.
COPY
�have to simply give in at some point.
and for what. )
(The question-is when
Stat~s and loc~lities are concerned about governance issues,
adn want fewer dir~ctives fro~ Washington about ·how to run
the one stops, etc. Here, too, the
Consol1dation is:an issue that is defining for Rpublicans,
and that ii a~sb very ~ppealing to busin~ss: In breif, the
Reinventing Government task ·force -- and .the GAO -identified 150 separate training programs that·should be·
consolidated. This legislation consolidates six programs
(through the one-stops, states are given the option to
coniolidate 40). We are accused bf stopping short. of_ our .
own prescriptions. Since we support furtper consoldication, ·
our posture is to enco·urage GOP and Democratic efforts ·to
propose further·streamlining. However,-we must avoid a
situation where lawmakers enact-consolidation instead of the·
REA,- or hodl up the REA until the complexities of
consolidation are ironed out.
·
B.· Legislative
1) Timing
At .present, there are no scheduld markups. Full attention
from the committees must come when they finish health care;
2) Jurisdiction/committees
The legislation must pass through four committees before
hitting the floor -- the Senate Finance and Labor Committees, and
the House Ways & Means and Labor & Human Resources Committee.
Each-of these panels has a.different attitude toward the
legislation and its importance. And all four committees have
been immersed in health care, and have paid relatively little
attention to this issue.
Senate Labor~ ~hich has jurisdiction over the nonentitleement work~r training provisiosn, is perhaps the most
enthusiastic and focused committee. Sen. Kennedy regards a
worker training bill -- and particularly a consolidation
bill -- as good reelection politics. Senator Kas~ebaum has
expressed support for much great~r consolidation "of,
programs. While it may never be p·ossible · to win her
support, it is necessary to soften her resistance to win the
support of Durenberger, Jeffords, and o.ther moderate GOP
committee members. Kennedy _and Kassebaum are currently
negotiating a "statement of principles" on consolidation.
COPY
�.-----.~~----:--~~~-----,-~~-----c---c-~~~~~~~~~~~~----,--~~~-----:-~~---------------
Senate Finance has jurisdiction over.the mandatory portions
of the legislation. Sen. Moynihan has Vigorously expressed
his enthusiasm £or the legislation, but his attentioti to it
. ha$ b~ert fleeting. Sen. Bradley is a strong supporter who
wants to become mar~ acti~~.
·House Labor has been the most problemmatic·committee.
Chairman Ford has expressed deep reservations about the
legislation, primarily ech6ing the concerris of organited
labor, and has also indicated that he·is sensitive about his
·appropriate role as draftsman being respected. He also is
more enthusiastic about OSHA reform and other bread~and
butter union issues than REA {this is his last year_in
Congress) .
·
·
·
Ways and Means is, simply, preoccupied. Rep. Rostenkowski
has been a cosponsor; Chairman Gibbons is·an unknown.
II. FIXING THE BILL ---CONSTITUENCY
III.· POLITICAL IMPERATIVE
The main obstacle to the REA (assuming it is fixed) is not
gridlock but legislative overcrowding -- the understandable
obsession with other issues such as health care, welfare, etc.
We must make it clear that there is a political imperative
. to pass the REA;
1. Administration prioirty·
We have no-choice but to make it clear that this is a "must
pass" l:;>ill for the administration -- one that, as we engage in
the ne~essary practice 6f legislative triage, we preserve.·
·2. 1994 election politics
We need to persuade the ·Democratic Members of Congress that
contirtuig, pervasi~e feelings of insecurity on the part of our
base compel direct' legislative remedy. Our.economic plans is
seen as good for the country -- deficit reduction, free trade -but not necessarily good for the middle class. This legislation
meets the need of a lunchbucket issue that appeals to working
people. It shoudl be a campaigntheme, at theveryleast.
3. Necessayr for the Clinotn agenda
'The Reemployment Act is the major remaining piece of the
"lifetime leraning" agenda (folloiwng on Goals 2000, Head StarE·
reauthroization, and School~t6-Work) . The ·
IV.. CALENDAR
COPY
�June
. Week of
~
Jun~ 12:
continue to cut the deal with labor,
secure legislative· timetables ftom
Week of June xx
·"re-laurich" of bill·
~.roll-out of support at WH
Week of xx
- recess:· contacts
- release studies
Week.of .xx
-:·markups?
Week of XX
- floor ..
COPY
~tate
and locals
�MEMORANDUM FOR BOB RUBIN
FROM:·
MICHAEL WALDMAN
SUBJECT:
REEMPLOYMENT ACT -- REQUESTS AND ASSIGNMENTS
Speech on the "human capital" agenda. Also as we discussed,
we 'will book for you, pr~pare; and ~ublicize a major speech by ·
you on the lifetime learning/human capital agenda and its place
in our economic policy. _This, too, -will have a bit of "dog bites
. man," . and will give the White House imprimateur on the act and
the agenda. Query: . Does this need to be rethought ·or recas't in
the wake of the Woodward book -- will it seem as if it is
·
deferisive, rather than proactive?
Roping a big-name CEO.
Public Liaison and DOL are putting
their heads together and developing a short list (about six) of
CEOs who are logical targets for recruitment as prominent
boosters of REA. I am reaching out to GE; based on the
discussions at the meeting. last week, the politic~ of GE are
quite complex. It may be that they would want to "get well"- by
.supporting REA.
Editorial boards.
Member visits.
COPY
�* LEgislative
-
contact.every member of the comittee
seek vehicle .
pressure for schedule for markup
discuss GATT process
* Press
- Member targeted
- free
= tongs
studies
- op-eds
- editorial boards
- National [recognizing that, w/ ·health care, .Korea,
elections, etc., there is no w~y.to "break through"]
- op-eds
studies
- editorial boards
- approach tv networks w/ stories re: training
* Constituency
- late
-
June events at WH Bus rdtble .
gore event with ceos
labor.
endorsement by state and locals
roping in new ceo leadership
regional opinion leader days
community college
- conclave
- letetr from POTUS
* "Political imperative"
= campaign committees
- dear colleage: let~- s do t1 this year
assemble polling data .::. pollster letter to hill
cabinet talking points/visits to worker trainign
centers
* Materials
*
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
_Michael Waldman to Mark Gearan; RE: Business Rountable Speech
(1 page)
001. memo
-06/14/1994
- RESTRICTiON
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
· Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number:
13658
FOLDER TITLE:
[ReemploymenfAct] POTUS Business Rotindtable Speech
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2225
-RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records ACt- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act -[5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI
P2
P3
:P4
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federarofflce [(a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financi.al information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
.
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or betWeen such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
.
.
C. Closed in accordance' with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance· with 44 U . S c
2201(3).
.
.
'
. RR. Do_cument will be reviewed upon request.
'b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) ofthe FOIA]
b(2) Relea.se would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would. violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
·
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
. personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
·
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA)
·
b(~;g:isclose geological or geophysical information
r
ells [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
'
r
O
I
�June 14, 1994
MEMORANDUM FOR MARK GEARAN & CIRCULATION
. MICHAEL WALDMAN
FROM:
.
SUBJECT:
.
.
:
.
.
.
BUSINESS ROUNDTABLE SPEECH
It goes without saying that the BRT speech is fraught with peril -- in
· particular, that the press will focus on their health care dissatisfaction, rather
than any other subject ..
The only way to avoid that, in my view, is to "blow past it" with a ·
significant speech or announcement on some other discrete economic topic.
t
'
.
'•
•
'.
1
I don't think that a speech layirig out ·an internationalist economic vision,.
theoretically as a scene-setter for a trip over two weeks away, will do that. -(I
strongly believe we need a scene setter,. but it should be closer to the trip itself --.
possibly, as we discussed, a departure ceremony.)
. I would recommend that the speech make some _hard news
something like . . .
-~
focusing on
·
* a newsy review of the economy, and .some sort of new pledge or promise
on economic growth or job creation
* some sort of challen-ge to business on training and education
. *.some sort of national goal or pledge on training or education. (we have
discussed a goal of making every American computer literate by the year 2000,
though that may be a silly idea -- but something like that)
. * engaging in some semi-controversial way on GATT (attack the opponents,
whatever)
* challenge the audience to help create a fe~ling ofeconomic security on the
part
average Citizens, so that they won't resis(change (this won't be newsy
unless the President is relatively tough).
of
.
.
.
.
* Is there some trade-related n-ews -- e:g., proposing the new GATT round?
.)
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Libraiy .
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. paper.
·
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE .
RE: Possible Changes in Negotiating Positions Due to Budget (1
page)
05/26/1994
RESTRICTION
P5
·COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speech~ting ·
Michael Waldman ·
. OA!Box Number: 13658
FOLDER TITLE:
[Reemployment Act] Budget Related
·Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2226
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) ofthe PRA]
P4 Releas~ would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
. financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
.
· PS Release would disclose confidimtial advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such adVisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Clo~ed in a~cordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
. PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U . S c
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
Freedom of Information Act- [S U.S.C. 552(b))
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose intermit personnel rules and praCtices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
.
b(3) Release wo-uld violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release 'Would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
·
'
information [(b)(4) ofthe FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
. , personal privacy [(b)(6) ofthe FOiA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
·
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning tile regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) ofthe FOIA]
out isclose geological or geophysical information
.
con r
ells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
(py.·
O
'.
'
�DJL:
5/26/94
POSSIBLE CHANGES IN NEGOTIATING POSITIONS DUE TO .BUDGET
o
0
o
. Nee~ to reconsider proposed formula:
do we drop the entire formula change (26 weeks}·
or only drop 25% national reserve?
recommend do second at minimum
Do we . reconsider the formulation: of discretionary income
support? following options possible:
..
try to move all income support to mandatory side (need $
and lots of politic-al problems wjbus & Rep.
·could mean tightenin·g up requirements
to ensure
·discretionary money goes tq income support
or could . mean · loosening requirements to make income
·_support more discretionary decision for st~te
It could raise issues re: speed of TAA ·.and NAFTA phase-out if
our FY 96 level would potentially mean reduction in service
compared to FY 95.
Given that we need_ the offsets, I don't
-recommend that we propose any change, b~t it could be raised.
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction· Sheet
Clinton Library
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE.
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Michael Waldman to John Podesta, Mark Gearan; RE: Op-Ed
Strategy (2 pages)
. 03/04/1994
P5
002. memo
Michael Waldman to John Podesta, Mark Gearan; RE:Op-Ed
Strategy (2 pages)
03/04/1994
P5
003. memo
Bruce Reed, et al. to the Chief of Staff; RE: Strategy for Political and
Gove~ent.Reform (9 pages)
11101/1994
P5
004. memo
Micahel Waldman to Ingrid M. Schroeder; RE: OGE proposed
comment on lobbyist gift bill (1 page)
05/25/1994
P5
005. memo
Sally Katzen, et al. to the. Chief of staff; RE: Sen. Boren's Revolving
Door Proposal (2 pages)
12/20/1993
P5
006. memo
Michael Waldman to Sally Katzen; RE: Revolving Door and Ethics
Issues (1 page)
n.d.
P5
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
· ONBox Number:
13659
FOLDER TITLE:
Elections [Memos]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2227
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential. Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) oftii.e PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
. P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
"and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) ofthe PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy.[(a)(6) of the PRA]
·
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U . S c
2201(3).
.
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
·
·
Freedom oflnformation Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
· b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA] .
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA]
·
b(Qsu;disclose geological or geophysical information
r
ells [(b)(9) ofthe FOIA]
r
O
I
�'.
)
f·
'1>~.
--.
.
.,.
-
November l, 1994
. · MEMORANDUM FOR THE CHIEF OF .STAFF
··FROM:•.
Bruce Reed
..Michael Waldman
·. ,_Bill Galstoh
Paul Weinstein ·
I
'
.
,
. St;ategy. for Political and· Govemme~t Reform .·
SUBJECr:.
··.. · the collapse of public ,trust in the institutions of government is the fundamental
. political fact of our time. After two decades of growing· disillusion; this. break between the
people in office and the people who put t)lem' there dominates every aspect of American . /
politi~, from the noisy bombast of 'talk SQOWS to. ..the silence Of empty. voting .booths.
.·
..
·-.
'
'.
.
. .
.
.
. . Voters believed 'that Bill Clinton understood this situation; and \VOUld acfto 'rectify it.
• . But. for all of ~mr efforts m~er tlJ,~ past_two years, .th~. Pllblic is 11ow more disillusi()n.:ed, more .
· embittered, than. it was Nove~ber 1992.. Whatever the results of the upcOming election;·. .
the President should Pill forWard ~bold, coherent set of reform initiatives to make government, Congiess,· and the politfc::al system work.
. . . ..
.
in
.. ·
'
'
.
J
.
I. •The Case for ,Reform.··
'I
:·
why .is. a 'bold. reform. age~da so. important?
First,. the public demands it. Citizen cynici~m and ~mger 'is deep ·and pervasive. · ... - .
V,oters perceive a ·failure ofgovernn1ent to ad decisively and effecdveiy: Utey ~ee a federal
government that hordes money and power, endless· bickering between two seemingly outdated
political parties,· and a proliferati()n of special iiiteiests that 'drown out the voices of average
citizens; When JohnKe1111edy was President, .76%. of the people said they.trustedthe federal
... _govelliment .to do what,was right all or most o.fthe time': .Today; afterbetrayals from
·Vietnam to Watergate· to "Read My Lips,." only 2.2% of the people give that same answer.
. Moreover, much of thts critique of Washington and government is. valid; Governinent
. is. bloated, irrational, a:nd inefficient -- an ossified institution in an era of constant innovat~on~ .
Special· interests do have too much power-; a. $300 million campaign ovenvhel~ed health
... ·. 9lre, gun groups practically derailed the crime bill, and some 80,000 lobbyists of every
pin~ tripe have succeeded in diluting or defeating scores ·Of proposals. Congress is paralyzed
.
.
.
'
..
'
CdPY
�(,
. \.
. by partisanship andresistant to ~hange. Changing the way Washington does business is
·
·
··
perhaps the most significant legacywe could leave.
· Finally, restoration· of trust in government and politics is essential to the success of the
rest of our agenda. As we have leame.d over the past two years, we cannot count on public .
. support for health car~. welfare reform, ·deficit reduction or anyother issue unless we first
. persuade them that we understand what's wrong with government and have set about to fix it.
Conversely,· ari agenda that links political reforn1 with our-efforts to make bipartisan progress
on health care, welfare reform, reemployment, and other issues should strengthen and
·
reinforce those efforts~ ..
..
'
~ .
.
To be sure; this administration.has riiade a real start on this front. . the Vic~....,
President's reinventing govenlln.ent initiative' has Qeen th~ qui~t success. story of the first two
, years. As a r~sult of the NPR, we have Qramatically shrunk the federal workfor~e, ~md ..
• passed sweeping procurement reform legislation. We imposedthetoughest ethics
.
• requifements ever On ·OUF,Senior officials, and repealed the deductibility of lobbying expenses.. ·
We proposed tough.andwell~reg~rded campaign finance and lobbying reform bills.· And we
·. have taken on more vested interests; than any administration iri decades; But these efforts
. have not been enough to overcorrie' the: risirig tide of public cyni~ism ..
i:'
.
'!
..
.
. ·.The Cmning Battle
.· .Today's "mad-as"'7hell II atmosphere is not a flash in the pan, but a firebell)n the night
The refOrm impulse was stiongJwo years ago; by every indication, it i~ even stronger today;·
·It is· no longer .a question of whether Congress will address reform issues; the. only question· is ·
' ·•· ·
·
,
whether we wilUead the fight or be left behind'
·
·
.
..
.
Early in the next term, we can expect the ,Republicans to press forward with,
their reform agenda:. ·
·
.· ·
.
.
·
. ~~.balanced budget 'amendment; . ·
'--·term limits; .
. .
\.
'"""- cuts.in congressiomil committees and staff.
· On Election Day~ voters in 8 'states are expect~d to approve term lill1its
referenda, bringing 23 the number of states that have b~cked limits. The··.
issue will heat up even further when the Justice Department appears before the
U.S. Supreme Couit to atgue that these state ·meas~res are unconstitutional. .
to
.
.
.
.
.·
.
.
Ross Perot's 19% of the vote was the second highest by a third party .candidate
this century, surpassed only by Theodore Roosevelt in 1912. Polls indiCate that
. -- if he were to run today --.Perot's vote would not slip significantly. · .
. Support for independent candidates generally is at levels not seen in half a
century.
CdPY
�I.
r'.
When the new Congress conven~s in January, fully half its members will be
freshinen or sophomores, nearly a,ll of whom ran on a· platform to ."change
Washington."
A Three-Front War. ·
, This. ~nemorandum lays out.· the elements of a sustained, vigorous reforin cam~aign.
Tentative stabs at congressional or political reform, pursued separately and quietly, will·• ·
neither succeed nor break through to the publi¢. Instead; we must 1mountanagdressive, · .
comprehensive campaign, as we have done, on other issues, tfom the budget to NAFrA to the
crime bill. A concerted effort to change the way Washington does business will not only
offer the· President the chance to rise ab_ove partisan and narrow interests, but do rriore to
. advance the rest of otir ~ubstantiye agenda than anything else we could do over' the next few
months. · · ·
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.Our reform agenda should .go battle on three fronts:
Shifting power back to .the Anieri~ari people, through campaign refprm that
·- ·. requires. broadcasteis to provide free. time to candid~tes; ·a nafional initiative ... ·. ·
and referendum process; ·and a'"citizeh.fraM,II thatlets citizens contact , ,
free; ·
·. ·· ·· · ·.
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·eoAifess f'or
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to
. Fixi~g C~ngress, with a constit~tional arhendin~nt ~llowing states
limit
. ; legislative terms; lobby 'reform; a bari on ·gifts; congre·ssional pay freeze until
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·the budget is bal<m~ed; and. a 25% cut in COI]gressionalstaff; and
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, Launching a renewed assault 011 bure(lucracy, iri.clu,ding the line-,-item veto; • .
. ciyil seryi~ reforrri to give federal managers the rightto ,hire and fire; and a
fundamental overhaul of federal regulatory' agencies.
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This t'nemorandum' sketches out a
. proposais.
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3~6 month campaign to
unveil
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fight for' these :.
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II. · Proposals
·A.. Shifting Power Back.to the American People
\ 'In the end, it will not be enough to change Washington. The American people are , ..
reaCiy .to take government into their own hands. · The sp.read ·of irifprmationtechhology makes
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1~ ·Free. TV Time for Candidates~ • A campaign refoim bill with pubiic funding will ·.
not pass the new Congress. Instead, we should press for. the changes the President called for
in his campaign-~ free TV time for candidates who abide ·by spending limits, a $1,000 limit .
on PAC donations, and reforms on soft money. Free TV time bas .strong public support.
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Over the years, it has also been endorsed by Bob Dole and Ross ferot. The idea ~ould
· prompt a major battle ~ith the broadc(lsting industry· and its champions in Congress. On the ·. ·
other hand, it would negate the Republicans' singl,e inost powerfulpubfic argument agai'nst .
· reform.
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· 2. ,Nation~l Referendum., The most dramatic imd significant reform proposal the
President" could put forward is a national referendum that would allow the people to vote on
--·. issues·ofnationalimportance. Most major detnoc.r~cies.have nationafreferenda. For
exainple, in recent years, italians have voted on divorce;' Spain ~oted on membership in.
NATO; a11d Austria andSwedenvoted on the use of nuclear power. In the U.S., 43 states.
allowt~eir legislatures to submit referenda to the· people, and 24 states allow citizens to ' , ... ·
spo_nsor initiatives; In Arkansas, some dr Governor Clinton's best. known legacies.::.__ such as ·
. ethics 'retorm 1~_~ wete enacted in this way. _We could call for national votes on political
·reform, health reform, etc:; but it would be entirely up to the American. people.'what questions
·are pu(op. the, ballot
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· · :Es,tablishing. a' binding nat~onal 'referendum or initiative. process woulci require a · ·.
Co11stitutional.amendment. •. Such. ari ameridment·iriight 'provide for putting an issue to a ._ .
. nationwjde vote if the' legislatures in 3/4 of t])e .states ,reconuneJ!dedit qr signatures were
gathered.#om 5% .of the yoter5. nationwide. ·.·As a· dmstitutioilal- safegua_rd, the referendu'm
wo.uld require 60%'?PP!oyal to: be enacted and wo~~d .be subj~ct to judiCial review,
A··J!atiop~l r~fer-endl1~ ~s
])~s
the one truly popular J"eform idea that
not been
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· appropriat~cl by elther.paity. ·nte bestargi.linent for direct democracy ;is that it enaples the
broad_ public to ~ake its voice heard when the congressional system is unresponsive or
gridlocked. It could boost "voter tuniout and enthusiasm; this year, twice as many
Califqrni,cujs S(ly tiiey a{~ going to 'the polls to vote fo,r or against Prop 18;7 as are. going to
.vote 'for particular candidate ...·The advance of Information techn()log~, will_ make this .
proce~s e(lsier...·This adminiStration has helped develop a· tamper-proof d,igital signa~ure,
which allows. people topro:Vide. legal sigriature by corllputer. Direct· voting tannot be far
.behind.
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.·._Th¢ most-frequently advanced argumenf against-a referendum is that it could fall prey ·
to ex~remd social otfiscal proposals. .However, a recent comprehensive study of referenda ·
found, that. in· ge~eral, ·that has not proved to be the case~ . Another concern is the difficulty of
controlling spehdipg by opponents and proponents. Additional safeguards could help ao~ress
these ~ncerns; ~.ucli·asfree TV time for support~rs and opponents; a pay-as...:you-go rule· for
proposals with budgetary impact; and limitin,g referenda to statutory rather than constitutional
issues· (so that· consti~uti onal: ·amendments like term limits and school. prayer would go through
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t~e same ·thoroughprocess they do now).
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�At v~rious times, this idea has .been .endorsed by leaders ranging from Dick Gephardt
to Jack Kemp. In 1981, a Gallup poll showed 52% support for a legally binding national
.. referendum. In recent. polls; support has ranged from over 60% to as high as 84%: Among
elite opinion, it will be opposed bybu~iness interests that prefer dealing directly with.
Congress, and by some interest groups nervous about the impuls·es of too much democracy.
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3~ Eliminate the. c·ongressional Frank, and Give It to the American People. The
. · frank is. o~e o{ the. most entrenched and abust:d symbols of incumbency .. · We. could propose .
.· to take it away from Congress and give it to the American.people instead. Any individuaL
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who wants to send a letter to their Congressman or Senator. would be able to do so for free.
Postcards, letters from organizations, and. letters from another district or state would not be
eligible(mail could be delivered directly to the district office to prevent abuse) .. This is how
it works in Canada, where citizens can write Parliament for free. ·
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4 .. Citizens' Congress. One dramatic experinientin direct democr~cy would be to
run-a national Citizens' Jury or Citizens' Congress that would bring ordinary citizens together
to /resolve a particular issue, We could invite a random group of citizens from armind the ·
. · . couritry to Washington to deliberate on a gi~en issue -- politicalreform; crime, community
- service.·. They would hear arguments from all.'sides, their deliberations would be nationally .
televised, and most important, •We WOUld try tO take. action On the basis Of what they
· 'teco~mend. By,seleeting asmall groupof ordinary Americans entirely at random andJetting
.· thein.take part 'ill gove~entfor a' few days,.we might spark new interest in partiCipatory.'
_democr~~yandflnda new way. to get around the special .interests ~0 promote comrrto~-sense .
consensus; ··
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Take Sl.bsidies 'from the Special Interests and Return the Money to the ,
Ametican_People~ ·The whole point of. reforming government is to give·ordiriary people .a
. , .. · better ·deal for • their tax. dollars. .• One option would be to give them a reforin dividend, by ..
elimi11ati11g. special interest subsidies ahd using the' savings. to pay for a children's allowanCe .
.· ' for ¢icidl.e7 class _families .. Rob Shapiro has identif~ed .:a series of ~peciaHnterest subsidies; an . ·
expanded. deduction fonniddle-dass familjes withchildren would cosf in the neighborhood ·
.·of $20,...40. billion ·over five years. The savi~gs could go into a tnist fund, so. that uobody .
would get their tax cut unless O?ngiess agreed .to make the spending GUtS. Established
#iterests would· attack artyone who goes afte~ their subsidies, but we could press the simple
theme that parents can do more for their; children with that ,money than goveirunent or, those
interests can. · ·
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6. :rievoluti~n of Power to State and Local Governments~ Last year, the. ·
·Administration pushed two major initiatives that would~ have restored balance-to th.e
partnership betw~en, federal, state,_and lo~l governments.· The Glenn-Keinpthome unfunded.·
mandates bill.and the President's waiver legislation drew bipartisan support on the Hill: We
. should aggressively push both bills next year and back it up with a broader devolution .
strategy ... Public trust· in state and iocal government, although weaker than decades ago,
· · ~emains much stronger than confidence in the federal government
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�. B. Fixing Congress
Regardle~s of the outcome of next week's eleCtion, we should press· for major changes
in the way Congress does business; .
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1. Lobby Reform and Gift Ban. Wt;. should demand that' Congress pass a gift ban
and a back-to...:basics lobby reform bill as soon as they return. The ·Republicans r~ised ·
· several bogus objections to the lobby reform bill in the waning days; we should ~11 thei~ ··
bluff, accept those changes if necessary, and pass the bill on a bipartisan basis. .
. · 2~ Apply Laws to Congress .. Legislation applying a host of laws to Congress passed ·
the· House but notthe Senate. this past' Congress. We should press Congress to pa,ssit
immediately.
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. 3.· :U}sist ~n Line-:-ltem Veto .. Wi_ththe Balanced Budget Amendment expect~d to ·
pass _easilyiri the next Congress, wesho!Jld insist that it include a Constitutionalline~item . .
· ·veto; and· argue that it w,ill be hard to balan~ the budget without it We shouid .insist' on the··
strongest· possible version of this veto, notthe e~anced rescission ,authority that passed the
House this .time. We may. also want. to offer our own capital/operating budget ·alternative. In
· .the' campaign, the.President said he. could support a balanced budget a~enciment that · · ·
separated capital and operating e*pei1~es so that long-tenninvestments would be encourag~d
and operating costs reduced .. ·
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4~ >Term ·Limi~ .. Republica~s.·pledge to bring-to.a _vote a co~stitutional amendirterit.
limiting cOngressional tenns to •12 yea~, but they would grandfath~r iJ;I existing Members· of
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. Congress. B~yondprincipled opposition, w,e can 'respond in two ways:
a. Call their bluff; We coulq d~mand that the 1~-.:year limit on servic,e apply
. immediately (orby a'date 'certain, suchas 1996); and thereby affeCt sitting members of.
COngress; and/or·· ·. ·
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· allow states- to vot~ to applytenn limits to their own federal representatives. This
would be. consistent with our legal position that ,state-mandated tenn limits are .
unconstitutional.
· 5. Cut Congressional Staff Over~ll by ·25%: In the. campaign, the_ President .
promised not oniy to c.ut the White Hquse staff. by 25%, but to challenge C~ngress to dothe .·
same. The Republican Contract calls for a 25% cut'in committee (notpersonal) staff. We
could press forward w,Hh our original demand to cut overall staff Qy 25%. · .
Until
6.. F~eeze Congression'al and Presid'ential Pay
the Budget Is Balan<;ed. ·If
. we're going to make significant sp~nding cuts to reduce the .deficit, .public officials should .
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·_ lead by example. Th~ American people don't get a guaranteed cost-of-:-living increase. Why ·
. should their leaders? . A ·performance~based freeze on Congressional and Presidential pay is a ...
responsible, common-:-sen,se alternative to plans to "cut their pay and send them ho111e." ·
C. A Renewed Assault on ·Bureaucracy
We should make the most of NPR's s~ccess by escalating our assault on the federal
. bureaucracy, with a relentless, _sustained attack on fraud, red tape, unnecessary programs, .and
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counterproductive rules and regulations .. ·
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l~ The Right to Hire arid Fire. · NPR is'prep~ri.ng .a sweeping civil serviCe reform ··
.bill that will r~duce th~ number of job classifications and give federalnianagersthe righ! to' · ·
. hire and fire federal workers. Neg~tiations with unions and management are under way; the ··
. ! bill will be ready to introduce in January.
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·2. The Right to Dow~size.. NPR and OMB ~re preparing legislati~n to J:ep~al FiE ·
· .floors in existing approp~iations. bills, and ban the· use of FTE floors .in future bills. This ..
·. could -be coupled with a Presid~ntial vow' to veto future. appropriations bills that limit' our
ability to do\vnsize. We should also: consider ditectingagencies to accelerate the mandated . _
accomplish its objectives Qy' 1996 iiistead of 1999. To · ·_.
downsizing of the workforce
· illustrate .·that downsizing the -b:uieaucr~cy is one ofthis Administtatiori~s signature
! achieveme.rtts, we shquld start a Bur~auctacy Clock (in a promine.nt place like Times Square)
thaJ would ti:ack oor<progtess·.
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year, with anextensive re.yiew- that brings business leaders and others 'to the White House to
· .· ·
develop anew, more Wai"~et-:'b~ed approach toregulation,for the 21~t Cepfury .. · .
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. · ~4~ The Presid~itt.'~ Fra11d Squad. The Presjdent and. Vice President co\lld appoint-~-. ·
·REGO SWAT teani 6r bureaucdtie bomb squad ~- an elite group of troubleshooters and ,
inv~stigativejoumaHstswho 'report_ directly to them. Any. time a story breaks about fraud or ._
misrrianagemel)t in t~e bureiulctacy, ~heywould Jilbve in, get to the bottom of it, and ,report
.· · back within days. with recommendations; · Th~y could. also uncover such troubles before they
become public; and d~mo11strate the President's desire for unfiltered)nformation on 'how his
governmentris worldng. This has be(mdone before: FDR dtspatch~d journalist Lorena ..
Hickok c;trourid the cduntry to. s.ee how the New Deal was really working. ·It would be ·an_
opportunity to make a higH.,-profile reform appointment, by. ~aming a prominent journalist. to .
lead the effort. ·
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�- 6. A Bureaucracy-Closing Crmmission. As part of NPR, the President's
· . Management Council has begun: an effort to identify ways to reduce the number of federal· ·
facilities around the country, bydosing field offices, regional offices, etc. We could
fonmilize this ?ITangement and give it a higher profile to demonstrate our commitment to
downsizing.
· · 7. REGO II. NPR is preparing a detailed list of recommendations that were
· considered in 1993 but not included in the final package.
III. Strategy .
President Clinton has won cr~dit for his achievements ~hen his administration has ·
drawn a sharp line on an issue with popular support, and then has .focused on it in a
.concerted, systematic way over a period of months, not days.
Timetable
1
A sustained campaign would use the element of surprise, unilateral action, and the
presidential bully pulpit.
<•
Before the election. it would be very helpful if the President could point
toward the change/reforn1 themes before the· election; otherwise, a sudden turn
toward ~eform issues risks seeming an ex post facto rationalization. This could
be done in a one-on-one interview with a reform-minded reporter, or. on the
campaign trip to Minnesota with Ann Wynia, who ·has run ads criticizing her
opponent for voting against the lobby reform bill.
Statement the day after the election. The President's press conference
. statement should characterize the results as a mandate for change, one he
intends to meet. It should point toward political reform as an early and
important priority.
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December. We should prepare to float some of the more dramatic reform
·initiatives. Because Congress will meet in early January to take up ·rules
-changes, we need to make our intentions known early.
o
DLC Speech, Dec. 6th: A chance to signal forthcoming -reform efforts.
o
Post-Summit of the Americas, Dec. 12th: The President could make a
pivot speech unveiling new reform proposals.
o
Speech to Incoming Freshmen: The President could bring the incoming
freshmen to the White House for a speech on reform.
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�January pre-SOTU. The weeks before the State of the Union should include
a series of events designed to underscore and foreshadow. the reform and
change theme.
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·We should convene a citizen i!!!Y or Little Rock-style conference to
address what's wrong with government and politics, and how to fix it.
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The President should make a major s·peech outlining h{s· concept of how
government should relate to the citizenry (something he has yet to do).
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Announce the Fraud Squad, naming its members.·
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We should prepare a document outlining the problem and proposed
solutions (this would be in addition to, or as part of, the budget
document).
State of the Union. Reform should be a major theme of the speech, Which
should unveil a few of the most dramatic ideas.
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PQ.Iitical Alignments
A broad reform agenda would be popular. with the general public and with nongovernmental elites (e.g., press, editorialists), but would likely meet resistance from many
·. elected officials and interest groups from both parties. A natural coalition for reform does not
currently exist; we Will have to bring together disparate reform groups and energize
independent voters. In these circumstances, a national mobilization spearheaded by the
President --relying on prominent citizens and moderate Republicans and Democrats, use of
the bully pulpit, and cross-party alliances -- would be the way to ·push for reform.
If the President decides to push forward with ·an ambitious reform agenda, further ·
planning is needed.
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�0 F F I C E
TO:
. FROM:
0 F
25-May-~994
E X E C U T I V E
T H E
R E S I D E N T
08:25am
P
Ingrid M. Schroeder
.Michael Waldman
Office of Communications
CC:
CC:
CC:
CC:
Bruce N. Reed
Donsia strong
Christopher F. Edl~y, Jr
Karen L. Hancox
SUBJECT:
OGE proposed comment on lobbyist gift bill
'
I have a strong objectiofi to at least one part of the proposed OGE
comment on the. gift bill.
The OGE appears to oppose, or at least sees severe problems with,
the requirement that individuals who file public financial
disclosure reports disclose all gifts from lobbyists (other than
food, ~edging, or entertainment).
This is a proposal.that the President has publicly endorsed on
sever~l oca~sions.
It is modeled after a proposal he fought for
in Arkansas when he was governor.
It is highly controversial,
yet passed the Senate by something like 95-3.
It may be that the
House and Senate bills differ in whom the disclosure requirement
is placed on -- the lobbyist or the lawmaker.
It may be that the
House provision is superior, though I don't really know. (I doubt
it.) But I believe .that given our silence overall on the
·
provisions of·this bili that relate to the legislative branch, we
·should not fire our first ·salvo at our own position!
I do not have an objection to' the second part of the.OGE letter-it see~s to rehash art earlier, negotiated-out statement they made
during testimony on the Boren bill.
I question whether an OGE
letter on this subject alon~ makes sense.
Given that the legislation has now passed both houses, and is in
conference, I believe that it is appropriate for the
·
administration to weigh in on matters (such as the revolving door·
··provision) that clearly af.fect the executive branch, and in a
gener~l m~nner on the other provisions of the bill~
We need to decide, however, what the best way ,to do this is -- ·.
whether it's an OGE le~r~. ~'dSI!t'al letter, a broad
·
pro~ouncement on then e. f r
· o
.
.pled with quiet lobbying
aga1nst the Boren, revo v1
do
ov 1on, or whatever.·
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MEMORANDUM FOR SALLY KATZEN .
FROM:
MICHAEL WALDMAN
SUBJECT:
REVOLVING DOOR AND ETHICS ISSUES
·Attached is a draft memorandum on the Boren bill. Bruce Reed and I have ·
reviewed the issue, and he is reviewing this draft this AM. As you will see, my
views ori what we should do have hardened. I believe that, post-Howard and Roy,
. it would be dangerous for us to intercede -- for the first time ever on any such
· ethics bill -- on the revolving door issue, ofall issues.
· As for· the draft OGE letter on the Conyers bill: I do not object to OGE
sending soine letter of this sort. But it seems to me that they miss the major
argument against the Conyers bill, which is that the conduct that Conyers is
seeking to affect is covered by the Levin~Bryant bill. Levin-Bryant requires
disclosure of a wider array of activities than current law. It does so for all
lobbyists ~- not just former government employees. Levin-Bryant strikes the
better balance than Conyers. · Our comments on Conyers should be couched in that .
context.
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction· Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo'
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
Michael Waldman to Mark Gearan; RE: Planning/Coordination (2
pages)
06/2211993
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwritmg
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number: '13659
FOLDER TITLE:
Strategic Scheduling
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2228
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Pl National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA).
P4 Release would disclose trade. secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
. ·and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
. P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U."·'--.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
Freedom oflnformation Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
·
b(3) Release would vlohite'a Federal statute [(bX:3) of the FOIA)
b( 4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
.
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
·
personal privacy [(b )(6) of the FOIA)
'
. b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) ofthe FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA) ·
~........ b(!j,MIIIIilils~r~•uljiiJdiscllose geological or geophysical information
con~n...lellls [(b)(9) ofthe FOIA)
�June 22, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR MARK GEARAN
. cc:
BOB BOORSTIN .
FROM:
MICHAEL WALDMAN
SUBJECT:
PLANNING/COORDINATION
I believe the planningjcoordinatio~ effort could be very
·exciting, and very needed. I don-'t know how much progress you
.made on.thinking this through after my departure last night, but
., here are a few thoughts about how it should be structured •
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i, '· * As I mentioned last night, I am particularly· concerned
that this has the potential for being very nebulous -- a recipe
for frustration. This process will only-thrive withempowerment
and access. Without these, it could be a grand exercise in ·
.. wheel-spinning. This needs' .to be done under the auspices of I . and
with the input of, someone at a Gergen-stephanopoulos~McLarty
level.
(Even with that, this will require considerable
diplomacy.) .And it can't work unless •the people involved are
given access to the fora where priorities are set and decisions
made. For this tohappen, we would need your leadership.
1
* There are, in my view, several distinct functions that are
now not being filled adequately, that.could be properly_
undertaken by the communications department (as well as elsewhere
in the White House).
• Traffic cop-- We've gotten better about this, but the.WH
still lacks the ability to prioritize and order policy
initiatives. This entails things such as executive orders,
new proposals, scheduled speeches to organizations, etc.
• Message .cops -- Even 'at a non:...presidential level, ·there
needs to be a more effective infusion of Clint6nite ideology
and priorities~
• Issue tracking
As.discussed, the planning operation
should systematize the tracking of what the departments and
cabinet councils are doing, for our informational and
planning purposes.
• Long-term calendar/block schedule -- The compilation and
updating of the long
• ·Injecting a •icommunications" sensibility early into the
process of issue· development -- Especially for.· those issues
that are the next major campaigns or projects, we should
have communications input early and continuously. Either
COPY
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the people involved in planning can play this role, or they
can-ensure that someone is doing it. (Consider reinventing
government; that could be me or Bob, .or it could be Marla.)
*
We shouldn't get too caught· up in structure at first •.·A
good first step would be to.think of it as a task-oriented
project-~ e.g., weekly updates on what's going on;·working on
and_implementing a master schedule and plan·for the next six
months.
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.' .
As for Bob's idea of· tripartite "teams" that work on the
various issues, I think that they probably exist already to a
certain degree.· To the extent they don't, however, .it is a pipe
dream tO Seek tO reorganize Other people IS ShOpS . ( e • g • I .
legislative) to match this model.
COPY
.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
RESTRICTION
10/06/1994. · P5
Doug Sosnik; et al. -to Erskine Bowles, et al.; RE: The President's
Schedule for the next two weeks ( 5 pages)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA!Box Number: 13659
FOLDER TITLE:
Strategic Planning: Michael W~ldman Memo on Past Mid-Term Elections
-Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2229
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial ,
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
·
b(6) R~lease would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
·
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA]
PRM. Personal record misme defined in accordance with 44 U . S c · o ( P s ' S f udisclose geological or geophysical information
2201(3).
.
·
.
con rm
ells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
RR Document will be reviewed upon request.
.
PI National SecuritY Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasio·n of
personal pri~acy [(a)(6) of the PRAj
.
.
.
�MEMORANDUM.
To:
From
Re:
Erskine Bowles, Billy Webster, Mark GearanDoug Sosnik, Barry Toiv, et al
THE PRESII?ENT'S SCHEDULE FOR THE NEXT TWO.WEEKS
·October 6, 1994
This memorandum lays out a proposed schedule of events for the President over the next two ·
weeks that convey the message we are trying tO drive home between now and Election Day ..
The message, as developed by Stan Greenberg, contrasts the President's efforts to take the
nation forward and address the problems of ordinary people with the Republicans' efforts, as
symbolized by the Contract, to take the country back to the trickle~own, deficit-busting
policies of the 1980's.. In essence, the President, working with the Congress, has· made a
start. We've begun to tum the country around. The Republicans, not orily by the Contract
. but by' their recent actions in the CongreSS, have shown that they want o~y to tum back.
Attached is a copy of Stan's most recent memo on the message, which more fully describes
.the message. ,
The key to the next month is discipline: we need the discipline to focus entirely on our daily
message, and we need· to keep- the schedule disciplined so that we have only one event a day
at which: we create message-oriented news without interference from or competition with .
other Presidential messages.
·
The best way to project th~ message is to use each event to demonstrate our successes in
moving the country forward in a specific way, cOntrasted, where appropriate, with
Republicans' efforts to prevent that from happening or in fact to take us in the opposite
direetion.· It is important to keep in mind that, while we want to remind voters of the
President's accomplishments, what they. care most about is the future. Therefore, the
discussion of our accomplishments, as well as the Republicans' actions, should be futureoriented rather than simply dwelling on tile past.
There are three basic areas where the message should be highlighted: the economy/budget;· crime; and making government work for peaple (reinventing government). Most of the.proposed events will focus on one of these themes, although some will focus on the broader
message itself. Of course, we recognize that on some days, events.outside of our control
will dominate the news and affect the President's words and actions. To the extent possible,
.the proposed schedule takes into account those events which we can try to anticipate (Haiti,
for example).
.
-
.
.
'
..
Atsri, it is important that.~e have the President·and the Vice President do an event together
as soon as possible in order to elevate the en~ effort and get the press to focus greater
. attention on the message.
COPY
�In scheduling events for the President, we need to keep
· .that were agreed upo,n several weeks ago:
'
in mind these four essential points
·
•
Events should, elevate the President's stature. They should be Presidential.
•
Events should in seme way make a connection to ordinary .people-- especially when··
they 'are situated in the language of the future or. the language of reform. .
• ·
Events should enableus to present the President's character .
••
Presidential events should be complemented by those by the Vice President, Cabinet
members, and the White Hou5e staff -- he cannot do this alone.
· ··
OVERVIEW OF SCHEDULE
·Following is a proposed Presidential schedule for the weeks of October 10 artd 17, with
. proposed events-of-the-day for getting our message out. .
MONDAY,OCTOBERlO
The President will be in New Jersey for an evening fundraiser for Senator Lautenberg.
There will be an event before the fundraiser relating to crime, related tO getting guns out of
schools. · The event is fairly set. It will take place in Newark in late afternoon.
•
We need· to be sure that the event is used tO express the me8sage on.crime as it relateS
to ordinary people.
•
We should use the language of the event to presage the kick-off events in Michigan
·on Tuesday.
•
White House staff
others use Monday to inform journalists about the purpose of
Michigan (Gearan), e.g. Sperling breakfast, network briefings, etc.
and
TUESDAY,QCTOBERll
. The President travels to Michigan: This iS the kick-off or thermal stage or the canipaign:
In addition to a private meeting with the CEO's of the Big Three automakers, the President
.will deliver major political address. There may be a visit to a factory floor as well as a .
meeting with approximately 300 UAW workers. The President's speech will lay out the full
message. He is also tentatively scheduled for an ~ board meeting. At each event, the
President needs to express and remain focused on the same core message.
a
COPY
�Other·Administration officials will do a number of press events before and on this day to get
the press to focus on this speech as major.event. In addition, the Vice President Will be .
traveling with Senator Sasser in Tennessee most of the day.· His remarks should also reflect
: the President's message, but with a· sharper edge.
a
.
·o
.
.
We should program a briefing for. Michigan press by a Member of the Economic
team, possibly Dr. Tyson, on Monday.
.
.
~NESDAY,OCTOBER
12
The highlight of this day is an announcement at the White House of grants to local
governments to hire additional police as part of the 100,000 cops from the crime bill. The ·
: funds will go to 300 cities, and it is enough to help put abOut 3,000 new cops on the streets
immediately. {This event should focus less on the ·money and more on the additional police).
•
This event is about making the streets safe for ordinary people. · It should project that
(1) we have made a start, (2) Republicans fought hard tO stop it, and (3) the Contract .
would cut the heart out of the crime bill and make it impossible to accomplish this
g~
.
. This event will be ·supported throughout the week by local events around the country with
Administration officials.
·
(The President will appear this evening at a DSCC fundraiser. While the.. speech should
· emphasize the broad message, it would also be a good idea to give a plug for the inain ·
event or the following day, which will be the procuremen~ bill signing.)
.THURSDAY,OCTOBER13
We are considering two mutually reinforcing message events for this day. First, we want to
ask the President to sign three pieces of REGO legislation :-- procurement reform, CFO
reform, and· Agriculture Department reform -- to emphasize how cutting the size of government has helped us put our house in order and make the country work for ordinary
people again~ Also, it is possible that the President will announce that he is sending a
·proposal to Congress this day to eliminate floors established in some of the appropriations
bills which prevent us from cutting the number of Federal personnel in certain areas.
Decisions need io be made about site, visuals, news hook, etc.
Second, we would like the President to repeat the overall mesSage in a satellite feed to the
Radio Television News Directors Association, which is meeting in Las Vegas.
This evening, ·the President is receiving the honorary Top Cop award from the National
.Association of Police Officers. This should be a good visual, with the President surrounded
bypolice, and his remarks should emphasize the message as it relates to crime-- we've
made a start, we're putting more cops on the street now, and we can't let the.oppasition take
us back.
·
COPY
�b
Efforts should be made to make the evening event sufficiently newsworthy. to get into the .
Friday monting news cycle.
FRIDAY,OCTOBER14
Friday through Sunday. is likely io be dominated by events in Haiti,
deadline for the military leaders to step doWn.
·
a8 October 15 is the
the.
This is probably
wrong day to a message event. This day should be serious
and about the President's stature on a day devoted-to foreign policy.
There is a meeting with the foreign policy team that day for which serious thought needs to
be given to the location and ·the picture. No message event is scheduled, although the · President is handing out the Arts and Humanities Awards. IT IS A GOOD IDEA FOR TillS
DAY TO REMAIN OPEN,. TO RESPOND TO CRISES OR TO TAKE ADVANTAGE OF . OPPORTUNITIES THAT MAY OCCUR.
SATURDAY,OCTOBER15
The President will travel to Connecticut for a campaign event during the day, and to Miami
for a fundraiSer in the evening. -The Connecticut event is the message opportunity. At this
time, there is no specific issue set for it, so it may be a restatement of th~ basic message.
Miami should be a quiet visit, given probable events in Haiti.
_ SUNDAY, OCTOBER 16 _
.Given Caribbean issues, decisions need to be·made about tlie length of the President's stay in
Florida. Outside events may determine o~ me5sage on this day.
·
MONDAY, OCTOBER 17
The event of the day is a speech to the International Association of Chiefs of Police in
Albuquerque, N.M. ·
·
The President will announce a wlicy which expedites putting 100,000 cops on the street.
However, we believe this should be a major speec.h-la)ing out a forward-looking strategy
on clime control With a heavy emphasis on values such as community and personal
_responsibility •
.
_,
Efforts should be made to point the media toward this speech as a major address.
COPY
�. Because crime is such a major issue in the mid-term elections and Democratic candidates are
on the offensive on this issue, we should cOOrdinate ·this speech with the campaign
committees so that our candidates can make use of this event.
·
TUESDAY, OCTOBER 18
: The event of the day· should be a joint appearance with the· Vice President. . Any time the two
are together, it provides greater impact, and it will provide a forum for the Vice President to
hit hard at the Republicans. However, this should.be done ou!Sid~ the Beltway, perhaps
campaigning with Senator Sarbanes in Baltimore. An event needs to be developed which will
attract significant press attention.
·
weDNEsDAY,
OCTOBER 19
.
.
.
. Governor Cuomo has asked· the President to attend an economic event·in New York Gity
·. · which is patterned on the Little Rock economic summit during the transition, and which is
·focused on Federal/State relations. However, the President's appearance should be used to
.
.
talk about the following:
e
economic recovery and achievements, which have boosted the economy in New York.
·and elsewhere, thus easing the choke hold that existed previously on state budgets
•.
investments we've made which have benefited New York and other states/urban areas
•
the Rqmblican Contract, which (1) Cuomo's opponent is, in effect, emulating at the
. State level, and (2) at the national level, would result in severe cuts that _would put .
enormous budgetary pressures on the States.
. . This should all be put in the context of the overall message of moving the country forward,
· not back, to solve the problems of ordinary people.
While in New York, we should set up a one-on-one interview with a network anchor,.
:which should be used to highlight the next day's major event on education.
THURSDAY,OCTOBER20
The highlight of this day is a major education eventin Boston surrounding the signing of the.
ESEA reauthorization. The emphasis should be on education, and it should be related to the
overall mes~e. This is a joint appearance with Senator Ken11edy, who played a major role .
in the enactment of not only this bill but-most of the President's Lifelong Learning agenda.
While there are different views as to which element of that agenda should be emphasized at
this event, we should work with the Kennedy campaign and, most importantly, make
decisions as soon· as possible about the emphasis, theme, arid 'site of the event. ·
Attachment
COPY
�..
.
·Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
· Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Michael Waldman for circulation; RE: Draft Opening Statement for
East Room Press Conference (1 page)
n.d.
P5
002. memo
Michael Waldman to the President; RE; Peter Jennings Interview on
NAFTA (1 page)
11115/1993
P5
003. memo
Michael Waldinan to David Gergen, et al.; RE: My Anti-Nafta
Background (1 page)
rt.d.
P6/b(6)
004. memo
MichaefWaldman to David Gergen; RE: Possible Television Address
(1 page)
11116/1993.
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
· Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
ONBox Number: 13660
FOLDER TITLE:
[NAFTA]
Debbie Bush ·
2006-0469-F
db2230
·.RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
PI
P2
P3
P4
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA) ·
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
Freedom of Information Act -[5 U.S.C. 552(b))
b(l) National security classified information [(bXI) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release ·would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b )(2) of the FOIA]
·
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute ·a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b )(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(S) of the FOM.J
~illllll.,.b(~illllllils:•muljrdisi:Iose geological or geophysical information
cone-J~#ellls [(bX9) of the FOIA]
�TO:
CIRCULATION
FR:
MICHAEL WALDMAN
· RE: · DRAFT OPENING STATEMENT FOR EAST ROOM PRESS CONFERENCE
Here's the draft opening statement for the press conference. It reflects the strategic
·
judgement of the NAFTA War Room folks:
a) The President should aim high in the opeiti.ng statement,· making the foreign policy
·and global economic poirits. .
'
· ·
b) After last night's blowout, we are in a position to argue to members of Congress
that this is. about courage to do what they know is right, in the face of pressure. (Some
might say "musclebound").
,
c) The President should not directly refer to the debate in the opening, though
obviously there will be at least one question, and he should have a snappy and on-message
answer ..
COPY
�November 16? 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR
·FROM:
SUBJECT:
DAVID GERGEN
GEORGESTEPHANOPOULOS
MARKGEARAN
BILL DALEY
RAHM EMANUEL
MICHAEL WALDMAN
-POSSIBLE TELEVISION ADDRESS
Allow me to weigh in on the issue_ of whether the President should do a brief
·_television address --on Tuesday morning or Tuesday evening.
I believe that he should do something like this, for thr(:e reasons : ..
a) ·When the arguments are put out there to the unorganized public, it moves
public opinion. According to many congressional offices, calls are now 50-50 post-debate,
or even better. · This can help vs keep the momentum going.
·
b) It ups the ante, which we still need to do. In the end, we still need to make the
"national interest" and "interest of the Presidency" arguments. The President as national .
leader, the only official charged solely with safeguarding our national interest, is still
.powerful. This is an important part of our strategy to guilt-trip lawmakers.
c) It helps us rise above the "let's make a deal" atmospherics.
d)· It will show the President as fighting to define the national interest, pushing
-for som,ething he believes in.
The downside is that we lose -- and- that this is seen as a token of the President's
inability to call forth public response. 1 t~ we crossed that bridge a long time ago'!
* * *·
As for daytime versus prime-time, let me throw out something to consider: we have a
reasonably compelling event tomorrow (the governors), so we'll get on the news no matter
what; a TV speech might actually step on our other story.
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
Michael Waldman to Thematicians; RE: Draft Memeorandum to the
Vice President on Debate Goals (5 pages)
001. memo
n.d.
RESTRICTION
·P5
\.
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
SpeechWri ting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box N~mber: 13660
FOLDER TITLE:
NAFT A [North America Free Trade Agreement] - Gore v. Perot Debate
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2231
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom ofinformation Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office· [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(aX3) ofthe PRA)
·p4 Release would disclose 'trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
' .
P5 Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly-unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b X3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b )(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FO lA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal :record misfJ.Ie define. d.in. ·'accordance' with 44
2201(3).
•
.
· RR. Docuinent will be reviewed upon request.
.
'
u.sc·
O(Ps~udisclose geological or geophysical informati.on
.
con r
.
ells [(b )(9) of the FOIA]
�'5f!T.
· i 9:Ja·~~
. TO::
THEMATICIANS
FR:
MICHAEL WALDMAN
SUBrnCT: ·
DRAFT MEMORANDUM TO THE VICE PRESIDENT·.
ON DEBATE GOALS
Attached is the first draft of a memorandum on goals an~ methods to be sent to the
VP. Please get .us your comments ASAP. · (This may be sent in to the VP before all the
c<>mments are· ,
it and alter along the way.) ·
COPY
�The debate with Ross Perot is a unique opportunity to hammer at Perot's arguments,
undercut his credibility, intensify public interest in the issue, and advance the case for
NAFfA .
.The goal should be to remind Members of Congress and other elites that this. pact is
opposed by fearmongers and demagogues. The operating principle should be: "we have the
facts; Perot has the fear." Every statement imd answer should seek to present the case for
·. NAFTA while· marginalizing or rebutting Perot.
··
This is not a ~didate debate. · The purpose Is not to build up ·the character or
.standing· of one candidate over another, or to render another candidate unfit. . Consistent with
the dignity of the office, the skills you should call on are more those of a congressional
interrogator than a candidate debater.
.
.
.
.
.
.
The purpose of this memorandum is. to outline the goals for 'the debate; clarify the
audience you should keep in mind; and spell out the themes and arguments that are working
well in the fight for NAFTA. ·
I. GOALS
. .
.
.
.
'
'·•
1) To pr~ent a positive and persuasive case for NAFfA. As in the last weeks of a
political campaign, the public is only now. focusing on NAFTA .. Much of what they know is
sketchy or wrong; there is a need to present in. simple terms what the agreement is and what
it does. (For example, the President's radio address this week explains what a tariff is, and
that NAFfA will reduce tariffs on gOods going to Mexico.) The case for NAFTA should be
presented in an optimistic, expansive, even visionary fashion, stressing the benefits of
exports and our confidence that America can compete and win in the world marketplace;· We .
h~ve the national interest at heart; our opponents have narrow or nativistic interests at heart.
2) To undercut Perot and his facts. On NAFTA, Perot is compelling but -- on most
of his points -- one sound-bite deep. He only appears in controlled forums, where no one
will pose·challengirig follow-ups or, or follow arguments to their illogical conclusions. ·
. Ideally, by the end of the show viewers should believe that Perot misuses facts and has·
dubi~us motives for his opposition. (Voters are primed to believe these things anyway.)
· Perot's persuasiveness on NAFTA stems from an underlying intuitive validity to his
argument -- to some degree, jobs· have chased ·lower wages, business has abandoned
Atnericari workers, etc. There are, however, persuasive rebuttals to the "giant sucking
sound" argument. A -principal goal must be to undercut Perot on this point, to leave viewers
believing that this is an argument that can· be won (or at least fought to a draw).
In addition' to Perot's message, this is· an opportunity to wound Perot the messenger.
His business dealings in Mexico; the support for NAFTA by his son, Ross Perot Jr.; the
COPY
�poor union-relations records of his companies -- all undercut his credibility. Our task over·
the next several days will be to assess which of these foibles are most effectively highlighted.
3) To draw a sharp contrast.between the proponents o{NAFTA and the.
opponents ..;.. .to marginalize the opponents as "wackos." Polling data indicates that when
the public learns who is on each side of the issue, it helps us tremendously. After all, they
know little about NAFfA --but when they are told that all the Presidents; Nobella.ureates,
etc., support NAFTA, and th~t the opponents are Perot, Buchanan, Brown, Jackson, etc.,
they side with the respected figures. This can be accomplished a) by the c6ntrast in
demeanors and stature of the debaters; b) by your repeatedly citing the 14 Nobel laureates,
42 governors, 5 former presidents, etc.
4) To reassure members of Congress about their ability to vote for NAFTA ·and
live to tell the tale. The principal purpose of the debate is to give members of Congress
confidence that they can sell NAFTA to their constituents...,- or, at least, defend a proNAFfA vote. (If AGJ can take on Ross Perot on Larry King, it makes it easier for
Members of Congress to take on the United We Stand chapter in their district.) An ancillary
element of this is to show toughness, on the part of the you personally and the
·
·
Administration generally.
ll. AUDIENCE
·Despite Larry King's populist image, the audienCe for this debate is primarily elites-the members ofCongress who are looking for cover for a "pro-NAFTA" vote, and the press
who will tell the public what happened.
·
·
·
* Congress -- As you know, the undecided Members of Congress about whom we
care about are intellectually for NAFTA, yet fear the political consequences of a yes vote.
They need to see that the arguments for the agreement can be present~ iri a direct, populist
style, and that those arguments can withstand assault from Mr.-Giant Suc~ng Sound himself.
They also need to be stiffened in their resolve by seeing us confronting their toriT1entor
directly. (They hate Perot almost as much as they crave the support of labor, so elevating
· him.as chief NAFfA foe hel!Js·there, too.)
. '
.
.
* The media -- The broadcast media and, to a: lesser extent, the print media will be
the interpreters of the event for members of Congress and for the public. As with
presidential or vice presidential debates, they will redact a compelling exchange, witticism or
soundbite that supposedly encapsulates the entire encounter. Perot is a genius at producing
soundbites" while denouncing soundbite-ism,' so. you should. be ready with some of your own.
*The public-- On a typical night, Larry King has approximately 3 milli6n viewers;
on this night, that number might rise to 5 ·million. This is small compared to normal
ne~ork fare (for example, XX viewers. watch Nightline), but still oile of the largest audiences
·
ever for a high-stakes issue debate of this kind. ·
ill. ARGUMENTS
/
COPY
�·,
· You are familiar with the arguments for the trade pact, and have expressed them
yourself many times publicly and privately. Here is our sense of the most compelling
arguments that help us at this stage in the debate:
* NAFrA will expand exports, and exports create jobs. Our- nation's future
prosperity depends on exports. We cannot expand our economy without expanding
exports; h3.lf our growth over the past five years came from exports. Already, millions of
jobs depend on exports, and these jobs pay 17% above average. If we don't expand trade,
·our economy will wither.
,
. NAFTA will create jobs.by tearing down Mexico's tariffs and letting our products in.
(This simple causal relationship cannot be overstressed.) We expect that NAFTA will create
200,000 jobs in by 1995 alone. We know that this will work because it already has. Mexico
. began lowering its tariffs in .1986; our exports have boomed from $12 billion then to $40
billion now. We've turned a$5.4 billion trade deficit into a $5~6 billion trade surplus. And .
some 700,000 U.S. citizens earn their living from exports to Mexico. ·
A corrolary of this is: we are optimistic tha(America and its workers can compete
and win. If cheap wages were all that mattered, Haiti and Bangladesh would be world
manufacturing centers. When Mercedes Benz, Toyota, xxxxxx chose .to locate in this
hemisphere, they chose the U.S., not Mexico. Perot and the America-can't-win crowd
b~lieve that we can't compete, and tha:t our only remedy is to hide behind wall~ of
protectionism. That's not only self-defeating and economically illusory; it's cowardly and
counter to the American character. (Think of how Reagan would argue for this.)
.* NAFrA will improve the current problemS in our trade with Mexico - it will
make it less likely than today that rmns will move there. Today, Mexican law forces
U.S. firms that want to sell in Mexico to produce in Mexico. (The best example is the
domestic content rule iri. autos.) NAFTA lets U.S . firms ship products, not factories, to
Mexico. For example, NAFTA repeals the Mexican requirement that cars sold in Mexico be
largely built in Mexico. Today, the Big Three ship 1000 U.S.-made cars to Mexico; after ·
NAFTA, they will ship 60,000 in the first year.
In addition, by raising Mexico's environmental standards, and forcing them to enforce
labor laws and raise their minimum wage to keep pace with productivity, NAFTA will make
it less likely than today that firms will move south of the border in search of lax rules or low
wages; You have enormous prima facie credibility on this issue, as a publicly committed
environmentalist.
This argument shines a spotlight on the logical fallacy in Perot's case: there is nothing
· stopping a firm that merely seeks a cheap workforce from moving to Mexico now. (Perot
and his co-author, Pat Choate, lamely argue that lots of firms are now "on the fence," and
that NAFTA's intellectual property protections and anti-expropriation measures will "tip the.
balance.")
COPY
�.
A cautionary note: Citizens have certain stereotypes about Mexico and our trading
relationship, and it is futile to seek to disabuse them in this forum. The public is skeptical
that Mexicans as individuals have enough money to buy our products. They are willing to
believe, however, that Mexico is a large and growing market for our products. . ·
.
* NAFTA is in the national interest, and will be a test of American leader-Ship in
the post~Cold War
FILLED IN]
era.
_[THIS IS THE FOREIGN POLICY ARGUMENT -- TO BE
-
.
.
.
.
* NAFTA is supported by every living President, 42 Governors,
laureate economists, etc. [TO BE FILLED IN]
COPY
14 Nobel
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO ..
AND TYPE
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Michael Waldman to David Gergen, et al.; RE: Possible Television
Address (2 pages)
11116/1993
P5
002. memo
B.J. Hughes to Michael Waldmand; RE: Home telephone number
(partial) (1 page)
11118/1993
P6/b(6)
· . 003. letter
Carolyn Laban to Michael Waldman; RE: Home address (partial)--(1
page)
11118/1993
P6/b(6)
004. note
Bonnie White; RE: Home address and telephone numbers (partial) (1
page)
11118/1993
P6/b(6)
005. letter
Maria Bowersox; RE: Home address (partial) (1 page)
11118/1993
P6/b(6)
006. fax
Carolyn Laban to Michael Waldman; RE: Home address and
telephone number (partial) (1 page)
n.d.
P6/b(6)
007. letter
Joyce Manuel to Waldman; RE: Home address (partial) (1 page)
11117/1993
P6/b(6)
008. letter
Gail Schayfer to Emanuel oi Waldman; RE: Home address (partial)
(1 page)
11118/1993
P6/b(6)
009. letter
Pat Szilcs to Mike Waldman; RE: Home address (partial) (1 page) .
11118/1993
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael W aidman
ONBox Number: 13660
FOLDER TITLE:
NAFT A [North American Free Trade Agreement] -Misc. Correspondence
Debbie Bush
. 2006-0469-F
dbl494
RESTRICTION CODES
· Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. SS2(b))
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Pl National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relati!lg to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) ofthe PRA) .
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions ·contained in donor's deed
~~
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
.
u • .,•• .,.._.,.
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOlA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal per'sonnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b )(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) of the FOIA)
b( 4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b )(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy. [(b )(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b )(8) of the FOlA]
u• 11,...,,uu•~ geological or geophysical information
con,e~r.~"ells [(b )(9) of the FOIA)
�November 16, 1993 ·
MEMORANDUM FOR
DAVID GERGEN·
GEORGE STEPHANOPOULOS
MARKGEARAN
BILL DALEY
RAHM EMANUEL
FROM:
MICHAEL WALDMAN
SUBJECT:·
POSSIBLE TELEVISION ADDRESS
Allow me to weigh in on the issue of whether the President should do a brief
, television address --on Tuesday morning or Tuesday evening.
·
·
I believe that he should do something like this, for three r~asons .
a) When the arguments are put out there to the unorganized public, it moves
public opinion. According to many congressional offices, calls are now 50-50 post-debate,
or even better. This can help us keep the momentum going.
• J
•
•
b) It ups the ante, which we still need to do.· In the end, we still need to niake the
_ '.'national interest" and "interest of the Presidency" arguments.· The President as national
leader, the only official charged solely with safeguarding our national interest, is still
powerful.. This is an important part of our strate$Y to guilt-trip lawmakers.
c) It helps us rise above the "let's make a deal" atmospherics.
d) It will show the President as fighting to define the national interest, pushing
for something he believes in.
,
The downside is that we lose -- and that this is seen as a token of the President's
·inability to call forth public response. 1 think we crossed that bridge a long time ago!
*. * *
. As for daytime versus prime-time, let me throw out something to consider: we have a
reasonably compelling event tomorrow (the governors), so we'll get on the news no matter
what; a TV speech might actually step on our other story.
COPY
�.
.
*Today we enter the next great era of American growth. We have faced the first
great foriegn policy decision following the end of the cold war, and we have not
[flinched].
·
*World of economic change. [Need to freshen up with statistics on world
economy.]
· COld war over.
* Faced choice- compete or retreat .
. Scary for people
*"
-exports
- productivity going up
.
.
.
~ that means same people producing more - often fewer people
- thus the only
bies 11 Harvey Simon 617 495-0590 Kennedy School
3/6/54
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
· Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE.
SUBJECTffiTLE
·
DATE
RESTRICTION
· 001. form
Personal and Family Background; RE: Louis Joseph Freeh (partial) (5
·pages)
·
·
n.d.
P6/b(6)
· 002. form
Biographical Information; RE: Louis Joseph Freeh (partial) (6 pages)
n.d.
P6/b(6)
Michael Bromwich to Bernard Nussbaum, Clifford Sloan; RE: Louis
J. F:r:eeh (6 pages)
06/27/1993
P2, P5, P6/b(6)
003. memo
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldm~
ONBox Number: . 13660
FOLDER TITLE:
FBI Drrector Transition: Nomination [3]
.
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
dbl502
'
RESTRICTION CODES.
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
-P2 Relating to the appo-intment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(aX3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release ~ould disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
. b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel-rules and ·practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA)
()::Js~isclose geological or geophysical information
rru
ells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
.
.
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U . s c ·
.
2201(3).
· RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
r
O
I
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
.
001: memo
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
RESTRICTION
·. 08/17/1993
P2,P5
.
Ch~les Buffon to Ricki Seidman; RE:William B. Gould (3 pages)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman ·
OA/Box Number: 13660
FOLDER TITLE:
[Bill].Gould Nomination Writings
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2232
RESTRICTION CODES .
Presidential Records Act- ·[44
u.s:c. 2204(a))
Pl National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(aX3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U . S c ·
2201(3).
.
.
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
b(l) Nationa] security classified information [(bXl) of the FOlA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b )(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)( 4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for· law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOlA)
.
b(o~~disclose geological or geophysical information
r
ells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
.
r
O
J.
�DETERMINED TO BE AN
ADMINISTRATIVE MARKING .
INITIALS: Ob.. DATE: 4}~bf1° ?JbO{r-tY+&A- F
CONFIDENTIAI:i
August 17, 1993
MEMORANDUM TO RICK! SEIDMAN
Re: · William B. Gould IV
Possible Arguments Against
Corifiimaiion as Chairman of the NLRB
Pending reteipt of information about the financing of
·his travel, no known ~asis exis~s for attackin~ Gould on
tax/financial/personal/ethical issues.
Oppositionto Bill will,
-of necessity, focus on his substantive views.
Bill has written five books and over 100 scholarly ~nd
popular arti~l~s on a wide v~riety of stibject~.
He has also
testi'fied before Congress . . Based on review of this material,
opposition.will focus on the following themes:
First, Bill will be Gharacterized as biased toward
·unions and as someone who would upset the existing bala~ce
between labor and management.
It will be argued that the
"reforms" Bill has proposed in his most recent book, -Agenda for
Reform (MIT Press 1993), overly favor unions and are out~ide the
mainstream.
The following proposals will be cited:
(1) permitting ~uthorization tards (instead of a secret ballot)
to measure ~nion support, (i) r~quiring employers th~t have
violat~d the NLRA to bargain with non-majority unions,
(3) permitting unions to organize employees now con~idered part
of man~ge~ent, (4) forbidding union members to resign during
.
.
.
.
strikesi ·(5) permitting nonemployees to organize workers on
.
'
-
employer property, (6) forbidding permanent replacement of
strikers,
(7) making NLRB orders enforceable pending appeal,
(8) increased NLRB efforts to obtain preliminary injunctions,
(9)
damages, and
�J
·'
- 2 -
(10) mandatory arbitration of some labor/management disputes.
.
.
Not one of these proposals is unique to Bill Gould, and·
many have been incorporated in past and pending le~islation
introduced by congressional Demo·c:rats (e.g., Senators _Kennedy and
Metzenbaum).
Also, most of these reforms would require. hew
legislation.
But, the~ all evidence a point of ~iew counter to
.
.
-the pro-management orientatiori of the l~st twelve years, and that
fact is bound to inspire opposition.
Second, it will be argued that adoption of Bill's
~·agenda" would place undue· burdens on employers and make them
less ~ompetitive.
The focus would be on proposals (1) that
labor/management agreements ~urvive bankruptc~ and. mergers,
(2) that employees have access to management information
(including financial information, strategic plans, and plans for
plant closings) and (3) that "good cause" be required for
employ~e
discharges.
Again, none of these proposals is novel, and each would
require legislative and judicial endorsement.
But, it will be
argued that Bill is so protective of workers that he is
.
.
indifferent to effects on competitiveness.
Third, Bill has been ~n ou-tspoken champion of minority
workers againit both mana~ement and.unions.
He has represented
black workers in cla~s action suits, and he has argued (1) that
the NLRB should be active in attacking racial discrimination as
an "unfair labor practice~" . (2) that racial discrimination should
.
- .
.
be a mandatory subjedt
o~
bargaining, (3) that management sh6uld
be required to deal w i C O P Y a t i o n s that assert
_)
�- 3.-
racial grievances, and (4) that "affirmative action," such as
management financed training programs, may be necessary to
eradicate effects of past discrimination.
It is unlikely
th~t
Bill will be attacked fot support of minority workers as such,
but his views on remedies might be charac.terized as additional
evidence of
indiff~rence
to competitiveness.
Finally, opponents may try to cast Bill as ·ari academic/
Social ·Democrat/internationalist with his feet off the American
ground.
Bill advocates
.
u.s.
readmi~~ion tb the ILO . and agreement
.
·to its Converitions; he has studied and ~ritten extensively on
-----~~~--~~--~~--~----~~~----~~~--~~--~~~--~~--~----~~--~~--~
labor/management relations in Europe, Japan, Canada and South
Africa; and his writings often cite foreign practices as models
for
u.s.
emulation.
Critics may argue that Bill is not
sufficiently sensitive to the unique attributes of the American
labor/management situation.
For example, then Professor Reich
said in a review of Bill's boo](, Japan's Reshaping of American
l'
·Labor Law (MIT Press 1984), that it "can sharpen our perspective.
but such.studies cannot, and should not, persuade us merely
to follow by example."
Given Bill's
ex~erience
as an NLRB staffer, an
associate in a management-oriented law firm and as an arbitrator
in over 100
with
u.s.
~eal-world
_cases, it is clear that Bill is familiar
labor/management reality.
Nevertheless, efforts may be
made to cast his knowledge of labor/management regulation outside
our borders as a subject of criticism instead of recognizing the
beneficiial added perspective that it provides.
COPYharles.E.
Buff on
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
Michael Waldman to Gould Team; RE: Some Coinmunications Issues
(2 pages)
12/07/1993
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
ONBox Number: 13660
FOLDER TITLE:
Gould Nomination: Miscellaneous
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2233
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S. C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act -·[S U.S.C. 552(b))
PI National Security Cla~sified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to.the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
·. P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or .
. financial information '[(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or betwe~n such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions co~tained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in a~cordance with 44 U . S c
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
.
.
y
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release wouldviolate a Federal statute [(bX3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a.clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b )(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
· purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the F.OIA) ·
b(t=Js~. isclose geological or geo. p~ysical information
ells [(b)(9) of the FOIA]·
. r/ I
0
�· TO: . GOULD TEAM
FR: MICHAEL WALDMAN
RE: SOME COMMUNICATIONS ISSUES FOR GOULD NOMINATION
December 7, 1993
* Thematic developmentlcore decisions:·
-This is GOP obstructionism ... partisan gridlock. AND/OR
--Rebuttal on substance/bolstering of his credentials
- stigmatize the opposition
- who is the Labor Policy Association? are they the best villain?
- is this racl.sm? (too early to use?) .
-do we use Gould? or do we use surrogate spokespeople?
* Editorial boards
- research on who's come out which way
.
.
- mailing to edit bds.
- visits?
- Gould wants to go to Atlanta Constitution and
· Chicago Tribune
- Wall Street Journal - prep~ring responses
*Press
- elite print press
- col uminists
-keeping track of who's written
- local press?
- specialty press
- Mrican-Amehcan
- labor press
, -' television/ra~io
- chat shows
- debate shows (i.e., Crossfire, Jesse Jackson)
- network producers
COPY
�* ResearCh/production tasks
~ editorial board packet
- drafting an op-ed · .
- research on opponents
-previous statements by GOP-senators about the right of a President to
have his nominees unless they're off the charts
- what companies he's ruled for (he's ruled for business in 52% of the time)
- rounding up prominent surrogates
-what other vominees have been blocked- how many are women or
minorities?·
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library·· ·
Michael Waldman to Gould Team; RE: Some Communications Issues
(2 pages)
001. memo
002. memo
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
Pete Lunnle to Nam EmployYe reaitionsCommittee, et al.; RE:
. Telephone number (partial) (1 page)
Jeffrey C. McGuiness to LF A Company Representatives; et al; RE:
Telepho~e number (partial) (1 page)
003. memo
-,
RESTRICTION
12/07/1993
P5
10/07/1993
P6/b(6). ·.
. 09/10/1993
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting ·
Michael Waldman
. ONBox Number:
13660
FOLDER TITLE:
Gould No:riliriation: (Communication Issues]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
dbl505
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
..
Freedom: of Information Act- [5 U.S. C. 552(b))
.
PI
· P2
P3
P4
National Security Classified information [(a)(l) of the PRA) .
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
Release would disclose trade 'secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
P5 Release w~uld disclose confidential advice between the President
arid his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a cle.arly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record ·misfile defined in accordance with 44 U . S c
2201(3).
.
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
. .
·b(l) National security classified information [(bXl) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose.internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FO lA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(bX3) ofthe FOIA) ·
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidentiai or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of,
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA)
( p u : i s i : l o s e geological or geophysical information
ells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
con m
O
1
�TO:
FR:
RE:
GOULD TEAM
MICHAEL WALDMAN
SOME COMMUNICATIONS ISSUES FOR GOULD NOMINATION
December 7, 199.3
* Thematic developmentloore decisions:
-This is GOP obstructionism ... partisan gridlock. .AND/OR
- Rebuttal on substance/bolstering of his credentials
~ sti~a:~~ ,::~~:i:~~~0.;olicy.
~is
,/YJ.;)
(.W .
Association? are they the best villain?
this racism? (too early to use?)))--.& ,'fiJ
. . •.
-do we use Gould?. or do we
~~e- ~~~~g~te spokespeOple~
- elite print press
. - col urn:inists ·
- keeping track of who's written
- local press?
. .·
- specialty press
- African-American
- labor press
- television/radio
- chat shows'
- debate shows (i.e., Crossfire, Jesse Jackson)
- network producers
.. {&t
/ARM!;~
.
C~¥~~~
�t
' f.
* Research/production tasks
.
v;rnrl~;/g
'(editonarbmtrd
-drafting an op-e 1
.
·n~l(
·
'---+
.
.
.
LoftMM. fl1.u ~ .• •
. - research on opponents --.------~-----r
- previous statements by GOP senators about the right of a President to
.· have his nominees unless they're off the charts
. .
...
-what ?ompanies h~'s ruled for (he's ruled for business in 52% of the timi}.
- roundmg up promment surrogates
.
·
.
-what other nominees have been blocked- how many are women or
minorities?
~
~~~
~·
/u
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
·
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
. 001. paper
RE: Beverly Bassett Schaefer (2 pages)
n.d.
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number: 13661
. FOLDER TITLE: ·
·[Miscelhmeous Note l.
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2235
RESTRICTION CODES
·.. Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S. C. 2204(a)]
Freedom oflnformation Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
PI
P2
P3
· P4
National Security Classified Information [(a)(t) ofthe PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA].
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
C .. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of girt.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in a. ccordance with 44 U . s c ·
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.. · ·
-
.
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
·
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
· personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
( P J Y " u l isclose geological or geophysical information
con n
ells [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
O
'
.
�. H~
..
we
~nflt-- </f4
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Robert Rubin to David Kusnet; RE: President's State of the Union
Address [partial] (1 page)
02110/1993
P5
002. memo
Anthony Lake, Samuel Berger to David Kusnet; RE: Suggestions for ·
the President's February 17, 1993 Address (2 pages)
n.d.
P5
COLLECTION:.
· Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
ONBox Number: 13661
FOLDER TITLE:
[Possible Speech Inserts] [Binder]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2237
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S. C. 2204(a)]
Freedom oflnformation Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
Pl National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
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P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(aX3) of the PRA]
P4 Release wouid disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information [(bXl) of the FOIA]
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.
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Refease ·would violate a Federal statute "[(bX3) of the FOIA]
b( 4) Rei ease would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
· information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
'
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personal privacy [(b )(6) of the FOIA)
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purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
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of gift.
.
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA]
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O ( P s ' f ' u l isclose geological or geophysical information ·
2201(3).
.
.
con r.
ells [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
RR. Document will be re~ewed upon request.
.
·
·
·
· · .·
.
.
�.
)
-2-
c·
f)
a multi-agency task force on training and job placement
for people displaced by reduced defense spending, NAFTA
and other developments, to be conducted·under the aegis
of the NEC and headed by Secretary Reich;
_g)
development of a comprehensive trade policy; and
h)
small busines• initiatives.
There undoubtedly will be other significant initiatives as
we focus on major opportunities.
on·a totally different tact, I strongly recommend that the
speech have at least.one sentence that says the Administration
will enforce the tax laws to deal with the issue of international
transfer pricing, but does not intend to enact new tax laws that
discriminate against foreign companies. My.point here is ·that
both before I came to the Administration and since; I have heard
a lot of. concern abroad .about the intent of the campaign language
and the. $45 billion number relating to foreign companies. This
allegedly is deterring foreign investment in the United States.
I also strongly recommend that the speech have a sentence
similar to one which I believe.! remember from the acceptance
speech at the New York Convention, to the effect that the
President believes that the private sector is the engine of
economic growth. ·I think that the business community will accept
being asked to share the burden of dealing with the difficult
long-term issues which for so long have been overlooked and which
so vitally affect our economy. But that should be combined with
a positive atmospheric tone with respect to the. private sector,
rather.than a negative one. The confidence of the business
community is critical if our economic plan is going to work, and
langu·age such as I have recommended could be very important · in
reassuring them and engendering such confidence.
COPY
�,..--.
0517
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
(
MEMORANDUM FOR DAVID KUSNET
FROM:
ANTHONY LAKE (J. _,-/
SAMUEL R. BERG~ .
SUBJECT:'
Suggestions for the President's February 17, 199j
Address
The President's address on February 17 offers opportunities to
frame the nation's economic challenges within the br6ader context
of global economic and political change. Con~ersely, it will be
important for the President to touch on certain international
is~ues -- particularly tr~de -- in laying out his economic
strategy. Attached is some suggested language on these ideas
.that you may find useful.
We see four reasons for framing the economic challenge, at least
in part, in terms o~ internatiortal dynamics.
First, it is substantively true: many of our economy's problems
have their roots in international developm~tits, particularly the
globalization of commerce and capital and the global recession.·
Second, framing the challenge this way is rhetorically useful.
It enables the President to avoid any suggestion that the
American people have "failed": .the villain is global change; not
U.S. malaise. Making the economics package a response to
international dynamics also lends national security o~ertones of
the kind that united the country in response to Sputnik. There
also may be useful rhetorical par~llels to the struggles of
people in Russia, China, etc.: refusing to accept diminished
-horizons; taking matters back into out own hands;· calling for
change despite the risks and adjustments required.
"Third, one of the President's campaign pledges was to recognize
the inherent linkages between foreign and dome'stic poli_cy. It
would be odd for him. now to deliver an economics address without
noting the international pieces.
Finally, a domestic economic revival is crucial for achievin~ our
.foreign policy goals. Many friends and allies abroad look to our
recovery for their own prosperity. We are the world's biggest
economic market; a strong American economy is the best hope for
world growth. Moreover, many of our foreign policy goals -~
fosteririg democracy, r c u o i p y e f e n s e s , contributing to
�·-··· ......... "'"
.1.
.......,. .
~
........
"·
~···-
....
--
.....
·-· .. -
'"'
·,_
2
multi-lateral efforts abroad (e.g., in· the former Yugoslavia)
are e~sier to reach if bur economy is growing.
(
.In addition to using internation~l angles as a theme, there are
several substantive issues we would urge you to touch upon:
Trade:· GATT and NAFTA. One out of every 6 U.S.
manufacturing jobs depends on trade. In general, more open
world trade rules will create Arn_erican. jobs and prosperity.
That argu~s for pushing for a fai~ agreeme~t in the current
Uruguay Round (which holds potential for major benefits for
agriculture, industry, and services), and supports qUick
negotiation of parallel agreements on labor and the
environment for NAFTA.
·
World economic growth and G-7 .coordination. Slow global
growth is one cause of our economic sluggishness. That
argues for strengthening economic coordination ~mong our G7 partners~--~he G-7 finance ministers will be meeting later
this month to lay the groundwork for the July Tokyo meeting.
Reform in Russi~ and the former Soviet- Union. If Russian
reform falters,· it will be harder to. reduce defense budgets,
which will reduce dollars available for domestic investment.
Conversely, if FSU reforms succeed, we_can help create an
enormous new market for American goods and services.
A defense budget that was reduced on the basis of an
analysis of the changed threats, not through arbitrary
b~dget calculations.
·
Finally, we would endorse the idea of the President
acknowledging, in some way, the service and commitment of the men
and women of our armed forces in Somalia, K~wait, Europe, Asia,
ahd elsewhere in the world.
Attachment ·
Tab A.
Language-for the President's February 17
COPY
ad~ress
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
·
DATE
SUBJECTri'ITLE
RESTRICTION
001. email
Suntum to Joshus Gottheimer, et al.; RE: Tape 4 of SOU meeting (15
pages)
01/13/1999
P5
002. email
Olcott to Michael Waldman, et al.; RE: Tape 3 transcript (17 pages)
01/13/1999
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
ONBox Number: 14417
FOLDER TITLE:
SOTU [State of the Union] 1999 Speech Drafts 1/13/99 ~ 1114/99 [Binder] [3)
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
. db2239
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act_-. [44 U.S,C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. SS2(b)]
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) ofthe PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
·
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) ofthe FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information ·compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
· financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA)
ea woul isclose geological or geophysical information
Us ((b )(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
22,01(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�1 ...
SUNTUI'J!_M@ A1
01/13/99 07:46:00 PM
Record Type:
To:
Record
Joshua S. Gottheimer, Michael Waldman, Jeffrey A. Shesol
cc:
Subject: Tape 4 of SOU meeting
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
MEETING ON STATE OF THE UNION SPEECH
January 13, 1999
(
TAPE 4
(Side one)
THE PRESIDENT: --you know, what are we going to do,
once they get their literacy certificates are we goirig to do our best
to get them back in a GED program. And then once they're in the work
.force we're going to do our best to make sure they have lifetime
learning. And we're ·talking about immigrants and we're talking about
high school drop-outs, we're talking about older workers. They all
need it, too.
Who are we talking about? You've got to say who we're
talking about, and there's millions of them out there and what we're
trying to do.
Q
I also believe that -~ incredible validation of
your economic strategy. ·You know~ everybody always, oh, yeah, the
deficit part is good; now here's the business community --
THE PRESIDENT: Okay.
Q
--justifies -- agenda.
THE PRESIDENT: When are we going to sign the agreement
to ban child labor?
COPY
�Q
(Inaudible.)
THEPRESIDENT: Well, what does it say?
Q
The problem for us is --
THE PRESIDENT: Does it say you can't work atall if
you're under 18?
Q
No, it doesn't.
Q · It has this labor for like, '13 and 14 year olds, or
·something like that -- an issue, or raises c:oncerns among some of the
agriculture folks -THE PRESIDENT: For their own children or because they
have immigrant workers coming in who are 13 and 14?
Q
For immigrant workers. There's an exception for
your own children, there always has been.
THE PRESIDENT: Are there a lot of immigrant workers who
are13and14?.
(
I
Q
There ·are. It depends on who you talk to. Yeah,
there are.
THE PRESIDENT: Do you think we should sign it?
Q
Yeah.
Q
Oh, yes.
THE PRESIDENT: Hell, you can't keep everybody happy if
you do anything ..
Q
(Inaudible.)
THE PRESIDENT: We can't go around and bash the shit out
of all these people using child labor to produce all these cheap
manufacturing projects and say, but we can't sign this convention
because we want to keep the Mexican children working on our farms .
.0
I couldn't agree with you more ..
THE PRESIDENT: And make sure they get exposed to
pesticides so they have bad lungs for the rest of their lives.
Q
It's a worthwhile --
COPY
�.(····
THE PRESIDENT: Okay. Keep going. I have to tell you,
I think it is so jarring to start -- I mean, even though I believe
it, since we don't have the same strong leverage we had a year ago on
tobacco, since we haven't even made up our mind what to do with the
states, apparently-- or we're going to roll over and die or the
_congress is going to roll over and die -- I think it's jarring.
I'm kind of with Mark, you know. I think it's sort of
_
weird for us to. be raising the tobacco tax 55 cents and suing the
tobacco companies. And in suing the tobacco companies, even though
the effect of a victory would be to raise this tobacco tax 55 cents
is a hell ·of a lot more popular.
. Q
I think you don't have to worry too much about
actually raising the tobacco tax by 55 cents.
THE PRESIDENT: Of course you don't, but we're talking
. about--- we don't actually say we're trying to raise it 55 cents in
here, do we? So they could assume that we're going to get the money
from the suit.
Q
(Inaudible.)
·Well, it's going to be .in the papers tomorrow-the tax increase. So it's not going to be a secret. But I think
·you're right about the placement of it. If you can say-- Ju~tice
Department -- so it doesn't matter where in the speech you say that,
that's going to be a big moment.·
Q
Q
(Inaudible.)
Q
We should start with work and family.
THE PRESIDENT: My view is --let me just look and see,
hold on .. You've got-- my view is you ought to start with child care
Q
And health care?
THE PRESIDENT:. Where did we put family leave?
Q
Under child care, it's th·e same -- we're bouncing
THE PRESIDENT: Family-leave, yes. And then I'd go to
health care. And do patients' bill of rights and then I'd do -you've got patients' bill of rights, medical records-- then I
would do tobacco, then I would do -- where are we doing Medicare?
Then I'd do Medicare extension -- I'd do Medicare extension to old
COPY
�people, tobacco/young people. You might want to talk a little more
about what we're doing on the 5 million children, you know what
progress we're making on the 5 million children. Is there a progress
report there? Because that's something we're still doing, what do we
know, you know.
·
And then I'd put tobacco there. Then you do medical
· records -- Mrs. Gore -- you could do medical records if you wanted
under patients' bill of rights. ,Aren't medical records protected
.there?
·
Q
What's nice about that is that it's an executive
option.
THE PRESIDENT: Yeah, i_t's fine. Two points. On
welfare to work, you know, we're up to 10,000 businesses hiring
people and we ought to have a sentence qr two on welfare to work,
what's in there, what we're doing, how it's working better than
anybody ever dreamed. And it's not just for the~- you're not just
cherry picking, we're going and we're seeing efforts to get all kinds
·of welfare people going. ·
And you might even say that the first rqund of states
all met their job participation requirements, work participation
requirements, whatever it was.
But we don't have anything in here on this Shalala idea
now.
Q
Right. I think we should add --
Q
Community health centers?
·THE PRESIDENT: Yeah.
Q
For those who are not --
THE PRESIDENT: That's what I think.
Q
EH Segal says that if this is going to be in the
speech -- and we told him it probably would -- that they would really
be able to gear up more activity around the welfare to work.
THE PRESIDENT: So we are going to do that, we're going
. to -Q
Sir, we put tobacco--
Why not begin with minimum wage so you get all
these people standing and cheering -Q
THE PRESIDENT: That's fine.
Q
And then ending on -- announcement that you're
COPY
.!
�(_. ....
suing tobacco companies -THE PRESIDENT: Yeah, fine.
Q
And then all the rest --
Q
So start with ~orking families --
THE PRESIDENT: We need to get an understanding, based
on my conversation with Breaux last night, a strong America is one
that can put up with a speech this long.
Q
We have made no progress in cutting.
THE PRESIDENT: We will, though. Look, it's more
important to have the ideas clear and things in order. Let me tell
you what I'm going to do tonight. I'm going to take this -- and I .
wish you could also give me smaller copy, a print copy-- because
what I'm going to do is take and I'm going to make an outline and
then say what the main point we want to make is. And once you decide
what the main point is, then there's some things you have to explain.
Like you .have to expiain the financial crisis; you have to explain
what you're doing with the surplus for seniors; you have to explain
how we're going to change the way we give out federal education
money. You have to explain that.
·
(
Anything you don't have to explain, you ought to assert. And when
you get into what you have to explain and what you have to assert,
there may be a way .to distill more of this. You know, there are some
things just by stating the factual sentence, the linear sentence,
people will get it-~ or they'll get it enough. Or at least it will
sound -Q
Single spaced or double spaced? ·
Q
Double space, small type.
THE PRESIDENT: Yeah, like this. Now, I think some of
this stuff .can be tightened up, this strong America thing.
My question here, you see where I put Congressmen King, ·
Kennedy and Dodd? In many of my states of the union -- and I think
last year, you ought to go back and check -~ I've got them all and I
. was going to check. But I think in almost all of them I mention a ·
smattering of Republican and Democratic senators. Like, I think you
can mention Jeffords and Harkin and Kennedy in this thing we did
today.·
Q.
That's in there.
T!"iE PRESIDENT: That's in the speech, isn't it --the
disabled, employment of the disabled.
Q
--not.
COPY
�THE PRESIDENT: What's that in?
Q
In the health care section.
THE PRESIDENT: And so I think in this section it's a
. good place, non-gratuit9US way to mention Peter King. And you
mentioned all the other Democrats, Peter King and other House members
of both parties for something like that. Or even mention one
Democrat, too.
--the. more generic point that I think that, you know,
you don't wanf to just lard it up, but we normally have some mention
of members of Congress.· And if all I'm doing is bragging on AI and
·Hillary and Tipper and a few citizens, so we've got to be a little
careful about that. You want to -Q
It shows you're able to work in bipartisanship.
THE PRESIDENT: Yeah. And I brag on Hastert, so that's
Now, my question on this: Israelis, Palestinians in the
world, blah, blah, blah -- we've got important legislation here. I
don't know if. it helps, but important information to implement the
Wye accord that has aid for Israel, the Palestinians and Jordan in
here. And I question whether we can get away with not mentioning it.
.; .
Q
(Inaudible.)
THE PRESIDENT: Yeah, if the NSC doesn't want me to,
it's fine.
·Q
Well, it's not like this is a --
Q
I also think we could even tighten up the rhetoric
· iri th()se three peace paragraphs to make them more dramatic.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, on this Russia, Ukraine, former
Soviet Union and all this stuff we want to do for Russia and all
that, ·1 have a question here about whether we ought to-- it's an NSC
question, you can take it back, Tony -- whether I ought not to use
this forum to ask the Russian duma, please, finally to ratify the
START II treaty so we can get on with START Ill, which is in their
best interest for security and economic terms and also in ours and
the world's -- with other countries, out there talking about
developing nuclear weapons. We need -- Russia and the United States
need to be setting a good example, and continuing to implement our ·
treaties and our agreements to reduce our arsenals.
Okay, so I think you ought to think about that. I also
COPY
�think -- I have a question whether we ought to say anything about the
missile defense issue in here, since we -- and I think that the
Saddam Hussein paragraph is too long. It looks like we are obsessed
with Saddam Hussein. I mean, it looks like, jesus, he's the only guy
we ever think about. There's a whole world out there.
Q
Mr. President-- riot being schooled in foreign
policy, like my colleagues. I actually think it's important to do
Saddam Hussein at some length, because we just had such a significant
military action there. To not really talk about it --
THE PRESIDENT: Oh, I think you've got to say it.
just thought you could say the sentence. No, no, I don't think you
ought to say; oh, by the way, we zapped him.
The truth is, we hurt the guy far worse than most
Americans think. Now, most Americans think the attack was a failure .
.1 mean, we actually -- he did a pretty good job of concealing it.
We're only now getting the intelligence out that shows that he was
actually hurt a lot worse
Q
-- the first paragraphs sounds almost defensive.
THE PRESIDENT: -What?
(
Q
-- the second paragraph is great, about our
missions and what happened. And it's sort of-- the first paragraph
sounds, to me, defensive.
THE PRESIDENT: The first paragraph; that's what I mean.
It just --tonally-- we're saying the same thing we have said 500
times before, in the State of the Union, and it's like, we don't have
. anything new to say about foreign policy, so we'll just say the same
old thing we say about Saddam Hussein every time we open up. We
don't need-- I think you can say, Saddam Hussein-- we held him in
check with blah blah blah, and then --and we're prepared to work for
the day, and we had to hit him, and our soldiers were great, and by
the wayhere's this guy, and the Republicans will stand up for him .
. Q
-- international purpose, not domestic, is that,
with all th·e -- remind people that this is a really bad guy, even
though we've said it hundreds of times before, it's useful --
-
THE PRESIDENT: Well, maybe. I'll look at it. It just
struck me -- it looked defensive to me. It looked like --
0
Would it help if we flipped the paragraphs? Or-just to set the case.
THE PRESIDENT: I don't know.
Q
The emotional peak is --
THE PRESIDENT: Yeah, but not only that. We've got --
COPY
�it logically goes into where we are with the military. Military
strike, fact fact fact, which I like.
Q
Can we go to the --
THE PRESIDENT: Okay, NATO, Asia-- ·
Q
What's this brackets here?
THE PRESIDENT: Whether we want to call for a second
round of base closings.
·Q
Okay, I don't know what John thinks about that.
It's going to be painful.
THE PRESIDENT: . I'm for it, but they won't pass it, so
if we're going to -- I don't mind proposing it, but we might as well
not do something we'll take a hit for on the dial-meter-Q
And that you have no chance of passing.
Q
That's a commencement address-type thing. Mr.
President, in an early outline that you wrote out --
(interruption to tape.)
THE PRESIDENT: -- I think we ought to say that it's
still a big problem and that the United States-- say, one of the
things we're proudest of, you could put it up there with our
achievements, is that this year, again, we invested more than half
the resources the world dedicates to de-mining, to try to rid the
world of the scourge of dangerous landmines that are killing kids.
Q · -- problem is that the Pentagon is going, frankly,
a little slow on finding alternatives to anti-personnel mines in
Korea and we're getting a little bit of flak for that. They just
haven't been --
THE PRESIDENT: Precisely. Which is why I think. it's
-worth reminding people that those lines ain't killed nobody.· The UN
sent us there; the UN gave us a mandate. And we're out, while all
these other people are sanctimoniously putting their fingers in the
air and pointing at us, we're actually out there ~aving people's
lives with landmines. We destroyed a million and a half landmines,
or two millio'n.landmines; we've done all this stuff. I don't feel
terrifically strongly about it, but I think that-- you know, the
United States has the be_st record of any country on the landmine
· issue in the last five years.
' .And all we do is take shit becaus·e we can't sign that
Convention, because they wrote it to make it impossible for us to
sign, and enjoyed doing_ it. People that never had a landmine,
wouldn't know one if they saw it, and don't send people all the way
across the world. We lost a plane in the last year -- I think that
COPY
�(
plane, did that plane go down since the last State of the Union? Off
the coast of .Africa?
Why don't you check that out? Was it iri '98? Yeah, off
the coast.of Namibia, was it '98 or was it earlier? So it would have
been '97 -- ·
Q -- one problem, Mr. President, is that if you do
that, it opens up-- takes to explain it, so you're dragging a
·
little. Now, you can do it--
THE PRESIDENT: What is it you have to explain?
Q
Well, you have to explain why you get into this.
You say -THE PRESIDENT: I don't want to get into. it. I just
want to assert that we've tried to lead the way toward ending the
threat of landmines. We've destroyed X million and we've put up 55
percent of the money the world spends on de-mining every year. We're
working at it in Bosnia and in other places around the world.
We don't have to do it, but I think it's important. I
don't think we should be defensive on this. I think we should be
offensive. I do not wish to be defensive. But I also don't want to
hide our light under a bushel. Nobody else in the world who has done
remotely what we've done on this issue. And they're trying to
gang-bang us because we wouldn't sign an agreement that they knew we
couldn't sign~when they wrote it the way they wrote it. Just to
screw us. And none of them have to--_ you know, they don't have to
worry about Korea and 1, 700,000 North Korean soldiers, 20 miles from
SeouL
On Hurricane Mitch -- I think there are over 3,000
military people still down there. I think that ought to be-put in
there. I think we ought to point out that they're still down there,
we still have 3,000 people down there. And we might talk about how
much money we've dedicated already, and how much we want to spend -1 think we have a program to get more money for them. And we could
thank the First Lady and Tipper and the members of Congress of both
parties who have gone down and -Q The Republican members who went dowh there. That
might be another place where you --
THE PRESIDENT: Yeah, and thank the Republicans and the
Democratic members of Congress that went down there. And we're very
grateful. Okay, what?
Q
The readiness paragraph.
THE PRESIDENT: Yeah?
Q
.I've heard you talk about the issue of readiness,
privately, in a more compelling way than this, in terms of what the
COPY
�r-··(
soldiers have to put up with, you know, in terms oftheir quality of
life, and the weapons, and that sort of thing. Do you have a
particular way you want to talk about readiness, because -- right now
it's very bureaucratic.
THE PRESIDENT: No, I think you ought to say, look,
they're out there. We've downsized the military. They're gone
longer, they're taking on more foreign. missions, they're away from
horrie for longer periods of time. Their resources are more stretched
and, if we want to keep the best people in, or keep getting good
people, we've got to pay them well, support their families, give them
good training, give them world-class equipment and keep it .
well-maintained. You kriow, we've got to do that. We owe that to
them. That's what readiness is.
And if you think about what it's like-- you know, we
flew those missions over Iraq, and we didn't lose a single plane.
Whatever job we give them to do-- we say, go down there and help
those countries rebuild after Hurricane Mitch, they figure out how to
do it. But we're down on enlistments in the Navy. We're having a
hard time holding our pilots because the economy's good and private
airline companies can pay them a lot of money. And we've got some
other problems. We've got to do something~ We've gotto address
them. That's why I've made these proposals.
You know, l'mtrying to make it more-- almost
conversational. Explaining to people what the hell the deal is,
here. Get people to imagine what it'd be like if they were there.
Now, on the Cuba deal? That's sort of our obligatory
throwaway line, our pander line, that we always say. Don't you want
-- I mean, shouldn't I say something about the recent initiative we
made to bring the people of the United States and the people of Cuba
closer together, do more to help the people there? Even as we
continue to press for expanded freedom and democracy in Cuba?
Q
Depe-nds on whether or not you want to make the
Republicans applaud. The first part of that, they will applaud. You
use this line; they won't applaud. You have to do this first-- I
mean, if that was the purpose of having this in there, which I assume
was what it was, then they are forced to applaud --
THE PRESIDENT: I don't like this sentence. This is
sort of a yawner. No, yeah, I was thinking about 21st century
communities.
Q
Can I just go back to the China piece? Given that
China has been really clamping down, I mean, significantly --
THE PRESIDENT: Yeah, I think we've got to do that.
was going to do that when I got it again.
Q
We have to recognize somehow --
COPY
�Q
I think it's very-effective, Mr. President, when
you actually address foreign nations in a speech like this. If you
look at Reagan's State of the Unions, half of them were actually
addressed to Russia. Had nothing to do with the Congress, but it was
entirely appropriate. And China and the Duma are both places to 'do
that.
THE PRESIDENT: Yeah. I could say, you know, thatwe
had a wonderful trip there. We respect the achievements of China in
modernizing. We respect their culture, their heritage and their
people. We want very much to have a partnership for the future. But
we think it is a serious mistake to crush out legitimate political
- speech, or something like that.
In other words, vile defend our policy of engagement, but
we explicitly say what we don't like, and we do it in a metaphorical
way, that it's not such a big insult. And you also don't have to use
_that word. I think that "engagement" word is so awkwardly used. It
has a sort of a tinny feel to it, you know? Engagement. You don't
know whether you're asking somebody to darice, asking somebody to
·shoot dice with you, asking somebody to have a drink, asking somebody
to go over Niagara Falls. I mean, you just don'tknow -Q
-- sixteen -- actually done so much to strengthen
democracy there.
THE PRESIDENT: Yeah, I think-- we've got a hell of a
lot better record in Latin_ America. We don't say anything about
that. Yeah, go do that. Now, can we start again? Otherwise we're
neve.r going to get finished if we just -- we're just going on and on
and on and on arid on here.
.
Q
You said you thought the intro to the families was
weak?
THE PRESIDENT: No. I think the first sentence is good.
Here are my-- let me just give you my observations, because we're
· going to run out of time. "The tiesthat-bind us together to.o often
have been frayed by the forces of change." You know, this 20th
century,-21st century-- I would say, in this case --I mean, you can
say that, bu·t really what I'd like to say is that here, in America -the ties that bind people together have been frayed -- these words
are going to be all wrong, but I'm just telling you what I'm
thinking.
This is like going back to the 20th century. This is
like thinking about the KKK lynchings in the '20s or something.
You're trying to sweep back across the 20th century. What I'd really
like to say there is that the vast diversity of America has strained
the ties that bind us together in recent years, even as we have seen
even more violent con.flicts, you know, whatever, in other countries.
And then, in the 21st century, I wouldn't say "restore those threads
COPY
�of community." I don't like that. I think you should say; we have
no choice but to be One America. If we want to have a positive -- if
we warit to have a good influence around the world, then we must be
· good at home. Something like that, you want to say some idea like
that.
·
Q
You've said that before.
THE PRESIDENT: This thing here, I'm just not sure -- I
guess it's okay to have this here, but it seems so logical to put it
ih the economic section where-- that it ought to be in the economic
section because we're talking about expanding opportunity to people
and places that have not yet felt it.
Now, in this budget do we have new empowerment zones or
community banks?.
Q
Increases -- we have a whole --
THE PRESIDENT: Fine. Now, I have to tellyou --now,
I'm going to read this to you and you tell me what I just said.
Tonight I propose the next stage of our opportunity strategy -- I
presume this should be a colon -- more capital into our inner cities,
a new American private investment corporation to make loan guarantees
for investment in our untapped domestic markets; tax credits for new
investments; 100,000 new vouchers to help poor people move out of
public housing; a better farm safety net for rural America with crop
insurance-- that's good.
If you put crop insurance and foreign income assistance,
you may not need this last sentence there. But what is the American
private- investment corporation? Is it modeled on OPIC, is that why
it's called American private investment corporation? If it is,
shouldn't we say, modeled on the Overseas Private Investment
Corporation? I think that's a nice parallel. People are always
saying we ought to do at home what ·we do abroad.
If it's going to have toari guarantees, where does the
money come from? And where are the tax credits for new investments
coming from? And are they new tax credit not now in th_e law? And
all of this is ·going to be explained in my speech ori Friday morning?
All I'm saying is, everybody doesn't hear that speech on
Friday morning, they WOD't know what the hell I'm talking about.
Q
Doing it this way was designed to show there's a
whole lot of.stuff going on that you're putting out there. Maybe
we'd be better off explaining what you're talking about a little more
without identifying new initiatives. But you can't do both for
length.
c·
COPY
�THE PRESIDENT: No, no, what you could do, you could
litanize the points -- and have the last one be, and an American
private investment corporation. Then you could have, if it's modeled
on OPIC, modeled on our Overseas Private Investment Corporation,
which will do thus and so, and explain what it will do in one
sentence.
You want it to be-- this is a pretty damn. big idea.
And we're going to try to play it big on Friday, aren't we? So I
think if we're going to play it big on Friday, we need to play it big
in the State of the Union.
Q
-- untapped markets -- give .incentives to people to
Q
You could even say Gene's line, then say, last
week, before an audience of many of America's business executives, ,unveiled a new initiative to get-- don't go through the whole litany
except for closing with APIC. I don't think you can do both -- in
terms of compression, that might be more ~-
THE PRESIDENT:. All I'm saying is, the big idea here is
the American Private Investment Corporation. And it has a certain
resonance to it.
Q
Because people always get upset that you're willing
to invest in overseas and not at home.
THE PRESIDENT: They're wrong, but -Q
When they find out it is for the inner cities, they
won't like that either.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, they do. They support that. They
get big numbers. People think, if you're trying to put people to
work anywhere, they will-spend the money on it. Every one of Mark's
polls shows surprising support for investment in the inner cities. _
On strong communities and safe communities, I think you
can make this first paragraph much shorter.
Q
I think that's true for the whole section.
The big three things are keeping guns out of the
hands of juveniles, -- 1 00,000 police -Q
Q
More police targeted to high-crime areas. Better
tools -- 21st century tools to make sure the police are as well
equipped as the criminals. And then juvenile Brady :Which is not
mentioned here.
THE PRESIDENT: We ought to put juvenile Brady in.
Q
I think you need to make a decision -- with all the.
COPY
�gun stuff, do you want us to say it quickly, do you want us to save
it for later -THE PRESIDENT: I don't see why we don't-(End of side one)
·(Side Two) ·
THE PRESIDENT: (in progress) -- But South Carolina,
Maryland, and Virginia all have this? Those.are two conservative
states, that one handgun a month.· Maybe we ought to leave it in
there. But I think you need. to tighten it up.
The same thing on the livable communities -- you can
that up a little bit. I think it's interesting, we put
global warning in here with livable community -- you could have. put
global warming up there with the global challenges. We just need to
tighten that up.
·
tighte~
. Q
(
-- went back on AmeriCorps and made it better --
THE PRESIDENT: It's better, but it sure is long. Too
long. You can make it just as good and make it shorter. It doesn't
need to be three pages long, you can make it just as good and short.
God, this one America thing is long, too. It is so
long. We have got to really talk about who the hell we're going to
have there, too.
The immigrant thing is too long. Way too long.
Q
Look at the end of it, which is nice.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I hate to repeat, ordinary time.
I said that last year.
Q
Not in theState of the Union -- line for the
election.
THE PRESIDENT: My line for the election was, building a
bridge for the 21st century. A perfectly good line all you stomped
out -Q
"- good news in domestic economy as well -- foreign
policy agenda -THE PRESIDENT: So based on what John said, I guess I
ought to delete the paragraph that Paul Beg aI wrote that urged people
to --
COPY
�Q
I had told my wife that she could not be seen in
public with more than two of any item. (Laughter.)
END
COPY
�OLCOTT_E@ A1 ·
01 !13/99 06:40:00 PM ·
Record Type:
Record
Michael Waldman, Joshua S. Gottheimer, Jordan Tamagni, Jeffrey A. Shesol
To:
cc:
Subject: Tape 3 transcript
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
MEETING ON STATE OF THE UNION SPEECH
January 1 3, 1999
Q
There's some pages coming.- Math is not our strong suit. We'll
leave that to the NEC.
THE PRESIDENT: What do I normally have to do here-- 60 to 70 pages?
lsn 't that what we normally do?
Q
Yes. This is significantly longer, almost twice as long as it
will wind up being. And tonight,_ after we're done with this, task number one is
to --
THE PRESIDENT: Because I tried to cut it some. Let's just do the first
-- let me make sure I've got it right. I had some factual -- more factual
questions In here, too. Gene's not here, we'll ask him later. Okay. Are you
going to let Diana Walker come in here and take pictures, is that right?
Q
Yes, once we get started, so that we'll have some --
THE PRESIDENT: Okay. What's that, the beginning? Just leave it -Q
It's so sensitive, Mr. President, even you can't see it.
THE PRESIDENT: See, I think that's better, that first. It gets right
off --
i
\
Q
You mean the chestnut--
THE PRESIDENT: The way we tighten the first paragraph.
COPY
�Q
We actually thought of even cutting out-- in fact, I thought we
had done it -- just start, I have the privilege of -- responsibility of --
·THE PRESIDENT: Do we have a $76 billion surplus or a $70 billion
surplus.
·· Q
It's $76 was the number that was announced a week ago.
THE PRESIDENT: That's the estimated number for this year?
Q
·Q
Right.
Note on th~ second paragraph -- it ends where -- .
THE PRESIDENT: Just make notes of all that. Don't you think it's better
to say, In the last years of what has been called the American century a new
American century has already begun)
Q
We actually have gone back and forth on this.
THE PRESIDENT: You don't really need anything there,
actually.
(.
Q
I actually don't like the phrase, a new American century.
think it sounds hyperbolic.
THE PRESIDENT: You know me, I'm against hyperbole. I think there's too
much -- I can take it altogether, if you want. You don't need anything there.
Q
The biggest -- before us, it's a really big idea is -THE PRESIDENT: Yes, I agree with that.
Q
-- lead paragraph here at all. But I think at the end of the
speech it makes a lot of sense.
THE PRESIDENT: You want to make them look small. Lott's worried about
it and we want tci give -Q
(Inaudible.)
Q
The other possibility is AI From's line of an era of new
American progress-has begun.
Q
I would just make it --we've begun a new era.
THE PRESIDENT: Did you see, I moved this John Glenn thing up here.
don't know if we need the John Glenn thing or not, but it's--
~:
The government thing is'pretty good, though. That President Washington .
thing, that really should be a separate paragraph, because it's a different
. point, really.
COPY
�This you could probably tighten up, too -- what we make of this moment.
But it's a good point.
Q
beginning.
We need a little bit of futuristic stuff right near the
THE PRESIDENT: Large, long-term, unmet challenges. Unmet is
duplicative. It's repetitive, .isn't it? If it's met, it's not a challenge:
Large, long-term challenges, .that's okay.
Now, I think the way I rewrote this is better. We must-- what we must
And I think it allows us to get, you know, not get right into aging and
children and then economy and -Q
We'll tidy it up and then you might want to see--
THE PRESIDENT: We can tighten it up, but the point is this is ·specific
and I think people like -- I think the specifics are more powerful than the
general. People will know what the hell we're talking about with this language.
You may want to tighten it up.
This is actually the paragraphs that lays .in one paragraph what
this is about.
Q
THE PRESIDENT: Yes. That's why I like it.
(
Q
We'll make it--
THE PRESIDENT: And that last should be a separate. paragraph, too, this:
We must keep coming together to build one America.
And I think it's worlds better to say: Our budget surplus growing, our
economy expanding and our confidence rising,
.
let's get to work~ The economy is almost certainly going to slow down soon.
When we get down further into this section there was some
editing made that we couldn't understand what we wanted to do.·
Q
THE PRESIDENT: I don't know if 2017 is the right date. But the reason
I want it in tliere is because securing things to 2050 looks longer.
a·
(Inaudible.)
THE PRESIDENT: No -- but it looks like we did more.
Q
Moving from 32 to .50 doesn.'tsound as good --
Q
Moving from 1 7 to --
(
\
COPY
�THE PRESIDENT: 2013?
(
Q
(Inaudible.)
THE PRESIDENT: Why? If I'm going to get flat, we can get rid of it.
The most important thing is to keep the Democrats happy here. ·We can always
lose sentences. So you can put a bracket around that sentence.
I do think on the: Tonight I propose -- we've got to get into this.
think we should put: Invest a small portion of the trust fund -- you can't say
"a small portion" in the private section.
Q
. Thati~ actually explained. And we didn't really talk among
ourselves about whether it should be the stock market or the private sector -though I kind of think the private sector.
Q
(Inaudible.)
THE PRESIDENT: I think the stock market -- you might want to buy
· corporate bonds.
Q
(Inaudible.)
Right -- be acquiring something -- if you do private sector -then you're not talking-Q
(
THE PRESIDENT: Well, they might want to put it in corporate bonds, too.
Q
Right, exactly.
THE PRESIDENT: Now, you couldn't tell what this -- what I was going to
say is, what I meant by this edit here -Q
Where to move it?
THE PRESIDENT: What I was going to do is to say -- is that really you
could take the second sentence "- "that the best way" -- the middle part of that
bracketed thing -- and give the Democrats. a little of what they want by putting
it -- "inves~ the surplus to save SoCial Security" and then have a separate
paragraph -- "the best way for Social Security to remain for the long-term a
rock solid guarantee is to invest its resources more widely, not to make drasticcuts in benefits, not to raise payroll taxes, riot to dr.ain resources from Social
Security and
·
. (inaudible) saving it. So tonight I propose that we invest half the budget."
Do you see what I'm saying? It belongs there, I think.
Q
(Inaudible.)
THE PRESIDENT: Well, we can decide that. We can decide that. We've
got to make up our minds.
Q
My guess is that. it would be better for us to -- if you do that
-- some people will come out and say, the President ended Social Security --
COPY
�Tf:lE PRESIDENT: We don't want to do that. And we opened the door to
s'ome forms of accounts and we can't turn around and close that. We just never
have opened the doors -- payroll tax.
Q
-- briefing the other day saying, we're not having individual
accounts -- what we do have is universal pension thing --
Q
Mr. President, the First Lady, I gather, Gene, you were there,
had a suggestion on this point of a way to make this point without doing it in
this way. Which I think was to talk about why people need that kind of security
of the guarantee. In other words, you think you're doing fine now, but who
knows when you're going to get that phone call to say, your parents--
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, I know we've got to cut words, but there's that
point. I also -think that maybe we ought to restate our five principles here,
too -- almost in one sentence, you know, just comma; comma, comma. I think that
should be considered somewhere iri this thing.
Q
(Inaudible.)
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, I want to work with you. You know, you can have
that a~ the end. I want to work with you. A lot of people have different ideas
about how to do this. My concern has always been to uphold five principles -one, two, three, four, five.-- but we can get it done this year. We can do that
at the end, but I think -- okay.
(
The second; I would lose that, "after we save Social Security," for the
simple reason that as a practical matter you don't want to be put in the
position of saying if we're not going to vote on Social Security reform until
. September 6th we can't pass the Medicare before that. And you don't need that,
since you're holding the surplus that you need for Social Security -- see what
I'm saying?
.
-
.
I actually think that we are underestimating the degree to which
the public, which heard last year's speech as save the whole surplus for Social
· Security, might see this as a retreat.
Q
·a
I think the way we could do that is something like -- with the
funds devoted th.at are necessary to solve Social Security -- we can still
THE PRESIDENT: We will still have -Q
Q
\
I want to do it the way Gene did it. I think --
Q
\
(Inaudible.)
-- funds to save Social Security.
THE PRESIDENT: Once we've set aside-- After we set aside the funds to
save Social Security, we must also fulfill our obligation to save and improve
Medicare.
COPY
�-- get into the commission on the Medicare?
Q
THE PRESIDENT: I think you have to.
Q
-- had some questions about this paragraph, maybe you've
answered it.
THE PRESIDENT: My question is, you take -- I have two questions.
Number one is, you don't say, "are you setting aside this 20 percent for 15
years, ·as well." And it sounds truly pathetic. You're going to set aside 20
percent of the surplus for 15 years, and it only adds two years to the Medicare
trust fund?
No, it's 12 on top of--
Q
THE PRESIDENT: Twelve on top of the 15? But how long are we-- shit,
how long do we need to save the Medicare trust fund? We don't ever have more
than 20 years in the Medicare trust fund.
What I'd like to say-- if that's true, this language doesn't say it.
This says for 12 years. You can say-- this would extend the life of the
Medicare trust fund from 2008 to 2020. Then you say -I
Q
(
. -- secure for the next 20 years
c-
THE PRESIDENT: 20 years, 21 years. Then I think the question is~-
\
Q
-- when you devote this amount of moriey, when people see this
amount of money float into Medicare, there's going to be a barnstorm to your
office to say, prescription drugs, prescription drugs. So if you focus on 2020,
we're using all the money just for solvency, butTed Kennedy can come and say~-
THE PRESIDENT: · But that's where I was getting to. Is this
Breaux-Thomas-(inaudible) proposal anything that we can live with? And if -let me finish. And if they are going to propose something we can live with, is
it possible -- with this amount of money plus whatever we can live with coming
out of that panel -- to create enough money to start a prescription drug
.benefit?
Q
-- the answer to your fiscal question, I believe, is that the
prescription drug benefit would take about half the money you're setting aside,
here.
THE PRESIDENT: If you did it as a full-blown benefit right away?
You're talking about (inaudible). There's a need for that, and after the
Breaux-Thomas commission, you know, makes .its recommendation, I think we ought
to all get together and see if we can't figure out a way to add to the life of
the Medicare trust fund and, you know, at least make a beginning on this
prescription drug benefit. I don't know if you feel comfortable with that, but
I think that's huge politics.
Q
-- but I think if you said, "if .we put this aside, we need to
make sure that Medicare (interruption to tape) efficient. I believe we can
include things like prescription drugs and still extend it that long."
COPY
�r
THE PRESIDENT: Yeah. That's what I want to say, just what he said.
Just now. That's what I want to say, just what Gene said. And that's good
politics, I think, because it gets you a little on both sides.
Q
-- conce.pt of the 1 5 year --
THE PRESIDENT: Well, maybe what we need to do is to have a deal up
there where, somewhere after the surplus is, this year it will be $76 billion,
following on a $70 billion next year. And over a 20 year period, it's projected
to be $2 trillion.
Q
-- invest the surplus. The next 20 yea'rs the surplus is $2
trillion, and I'm going to propose we invest half of that surplus for the next
15 years. So .it's right in the same time--
THE PRESIDENT: I agree with Mark. We've got to put it in there. Well,
let's just keep going. We know we have to do it; you all figure out how to do
it.
.Q
That's a number that a lot of people don't--.
THE PRESIDENT: Can't say an ass-pocket full of money, can you? Even
though it's real money, even here. Even for these turkeys. All right.
Now, here's the deal. This does not say-- if I were listening to this
pension thing, I wouldn't know what in the living hell we were talking about.
Q
It doesn't say that the government's putting in money.
THE PRESIDENT: It doesn't say the government's putting in the money.
It doesn't say what percentage of the surplus we're putting in. It doesn't say
that people have to put up their money, but poor people may not. It doesn't say
anything. It says -- now just listen -- assume you didn't know anything about
it. "Therefore, I propose a new universal pension, personal savings invested as
each worker sees fit, which would be bolstered by the national government." I
would say, is he saying that-- we're going to force people to save their own
money, but they can invest it, their own money, however they see fit. And we'll
give them a tax credit for it? I mean, you.can't tell what the hell we're
saying here. This does not make a lick of sense.
Q
-- actually know that. But let's say it's something like we did
before. I think what (inaudible) was saying is-- you know, I think we should
use -- every single American has their own savings account or pension, and we
will contribute blank dollars -- ·
THE PRESIDENT: We have to say it. But then you've got to say, we'll
contribute it only to people who save their own money this much. Every year
that people save $100, we'll give $100. Every year they save --whatever· the
number is --except if your income is below X, we'll make a contribution, we
have to give them $200?
(
\
You've got to work it out. You've got to figure out exactly what it is
we're going to propose; what we don't know; and if we want to set aside the
COPY
�inoney, but we don't want to make the decision, then that's fine, we can say
we'll work with Congress to work out the details. But the point is, the way it
is, is very confusing. It doesn't tell you anything. If I heard this, it would
raise more questions than it answers for me. I wouldn't ihave any"-- we can't
get any credit for doing it because we didn't tell them what we're doing.
.
:
Q
-- can't we give it a name, to --
THE PRESIDENT: Absolutely.
I
I
Q
-- because you're trying -- I think there's something good about
.
I
.
-- the criticism we will get from our side is that you really just did give them
an individual account.
1
I
Q
-- call it Universal Savings Account, the acrdnym is USA.
. just think this would really lift this up in people's consci~usness.
I
THE PRESIDENT: ·You're a great American. (Laughter.) Don't go back to
. I
Israel until the storm passes.
I
I
Q
-- defined contribution versus defined benefits, you might want
to call it a savings account as opposed to a pension accqunt.
(
·
THE PRESIDENT: USA. It's your USA account, P~ople will go around 10
years from now, 20. years from now, saying, how much 'money you got in your USA
· account?
I
·
Q
Q
That's okay with the Democrats, right? I
. They'll love it.
m~an
--
J
I
I
.
THE PRESIDENT: Even with -- let me just say this.' you call it a name
like that and you say we're going to put money into~it every year, and then
you've just got to make up your mind how you're going to work out the details,
or how much you want to leave to Congress, but I thinkiit's a hell of an idea.
It's also so good that the Congress may have trouble changing the name
of that. You know, they changed the name of America Reads, they changed the
name of our mentoring program, they changed the name of --they're so obsessed,
you know, they don't want me to get any credit for any !idea "- I think if they
could change "AmeriCorps" to "Kids in big . baggy t-shirts" ..they'd double the size
I
of it. It's sick, but-.
·
Q
Universal Social Security Reform accounts, USSR
'
·
I
.
I
·Q
Thank you, Michael.
!
I
THE PRESIDENT: Back in the USSR -- all right, let',s go. It is weird,
though. It wouldbe better, if you think about it rationally, if you had Social
Security and the savings and the Medicare and the long-~erm care-- we're going
flip7flop, flip-flop -'
Q
But I think you can'tunderestimate Gene's point about how
sensitive our friends are ..
COPY
�I
I
THE PRESIDENT: Sensitivity will ~ubstitute for thi~king every time.
•
I
Let's go.
Q
Old programs to new programs.· Saving the old programs, coming
into the new millennium.
1
:.
THE PRESIDENT: That's good.
*
*.*
* *
I
THE PRESIDENT: Okay. Now, do you want to do this? Is this enough
people to justify another paragraph?
1
I·
THE PRESIDENT: We can do this, we_ can have an .event, you know -- you
like it?
Q
The nu~bers bother me, but the thought th~t you can give more
people the option of being at home than in nursing home is really a light
heart.
·
a
THE PRESIDENT: We do need to cut. Now, the reason I want -- I like
cutting it._ The reason I want another sentence here, in this next paragraph,
"preparing for the aging of America" is, it's important, b~cause otherwise it's
going to look like hell --you know, we worked our ass o~f to get this surplus,
we've got the poverty rate among kids as twice the poverty rate among old ·
people, and we're shoving all this money at old people instead of making them
· pay more. The Republicans are right. I mean, basically, we are. And the ·
Democrats are throwing money at people who aren't goiJ;lg to vote for them anyway,
because of gays and whatever else.
·
I
I mean, I think, my own view is, we are giving too much money, and we
should make people pay more for it. But, I guess_-·'
Q
I think what she's saying is, by us being prudent and saving the
surp[us now, we will be taking the burden off our children and allow them to
focus on education and all those things. In other words,ithat's what your-~-
(
.
THE PRESIDENT: I just want you to think about wbere you could be in
America if you means-tested Social Security and did some of these more radical
things, and pour all this surplus for 20 years and spend it on children. You . coul9 hire a million teachers and increase their salaries by 50 percent and
really do something. It wouldn't be nearly as popular, bJt I mean, if you're
I
going to do this, and spend 85 percent of this surplus orj seniors, you have to
say that one of the benefits of this will be that you're going to leave more
.
'
money in the hands of their children to spend on their grandchildren. And I
don't know what other way to say that is.
COPY
�I
But that's true, and that's the only way I can justify doing this for
!
them.
I
I-
But I think this shows that thi_s framing isn't the framing you
want. Our framing is, are we going to waste this money[ right now on, like, tax
cuts and frivolous spending things?
.
.
: ·
.
.
Q
1
I
.
THE PRESIDENT: That's right. That's right. I can':t get it in to the
kids, I realize that. That's another problem.
I
I
-- section is this sort of political rallying cry, the way
Q
schoolhouse was two years ago, and last year Save Soda! Security First. We
need to really firm this up so that people know what yoU:'re saying is, let's do.
this now, let's not waste the surplus.
i
THE PRESIDENT: Yeah, I agree with that.
I
i
Q
-- I thought the best line was your ad-lib at ~eorgetown, in the
Social Security speech where you said, "no one in my generation wants to solve
this problem by putting the burden on our children." By saving this now, ·
helping to take care· of it -1
1
THE PRESIDENT: I think you ought to put that in there. Maybe you ought
to take these last two paragraphs here, before you get tp education, and put
that in there. You knOw, "as the oldest of the baby bo~mers, I can tell you
that nobody _in my generation wants -- you know, I talk ~o a lot of people in my
age group and all income groups, and none of us wants ,to impose an intolerable
burden on our children and their ability to raise our grandchildren. We should
do this now. We worked hard for this surplus, and we ought to solve this
long-term problem for 21st century America, and free tHe children of the baby
boomers to build strong families and to raise grandchildr en." Something like
that. That's better than these last two paragraphs. It's more personal; more
passionate: more pointed. I think Gene is right about th:at.
.
{
\.
1
I
Okay, but let's go on to education.
(Begin Side Two)
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.
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)
,/
.
THE PRESIDENT: -- (in progress) --worst system,ever
-- anytime in our history -- open the doors of college tot all --
'
I
(..
\
.
You could, if you wanted you could save a little words. You could say,
today we can say yvhat we could not say six years ago Together we have opened
the doors of college to all -- easier student loans -- and the HOPE Scholarship
-:-tax cut that nearly 6 million Americans will receive this year.
•
1
1
COPY
I
�We ·have also made progress in --that's a sentencJ you can save if you
want. These are important, though. Nearly every state has imposed tougher
academic goals -- tougher academic standards -- higher academic standards. Why
is tougher academic goals better? Never mind, I've already said that. I got
lost.
You have to say, we have supported. You can't s~y, we are teaching,
because we at the national level have supported the schpols -- now, the three
things we don't mention here -- there are four things we don't mention here, one
of them lfole mention later, charter schools.
I
We mention Internet, but later when we do it we can mention this, but we
started NetDay not in :96, but in '94 I think. We went t:o San Francisco -Q
That was in '96.
THE PRESIDENT: In front of that park? That was '96? But, anyway,
there is some measure of progress-- there's been like a· doubling or tripling of
the number of schools that are wired since then, and a lot of it has been done
with IT)Oney we had. So if not here, then later we ought to say that.
Then we ought to say something about America Reads, or whatever the hell
we're supposed to call it now, and the 1,000 colleges -- people in 1
colleges are helping kids to read; using their work-study money to help. kids to
read.
I
1
(
Q
;ooo
--that's still called America Reads.
THE PRESIDENT: And then there's that Fattah's mentoring program that we
have a huge deal on.
·Q
High Hopes:
THE PRESIDENT: I wish somewhere we can mention those two things.
Q
You are doubling it--.
THE PRESIDENT: We are doubling the mentoring !program? Then we ought to
say it somewhere else, down there where we're doublil)g it. But we ought to put
that in there. Those two things should be mentioned because they're significant
and we don't want to reduce the visibility of the thing.· We ought to increase
the visibility to keep the college kids still doing this .. Otherwise, the damn
university will have them in there washing dishes and stuff again.
Q
-- 35 percent to -I
THE PRESIDENT: You could just put that in there. But I think those are
the things I'm interested in.
Q
You want concrete examples --
THE PRESIDENT: Yes.
And more -- all these efforts and more-- I think that's one. You've
COPY
.r .
I.
�got to give the states and schools credit. You can't say/ all these efforts and
more. It looks like we're running the school systems and we're doing it aiL
And that's why-- even though we don't need more words, I think-- that people
that will be listening to-ttiis, I've been fooling with them for 20 years, it's
important that you say this.
So when we cut don't take that out, okay?
This revolution of rising expectations is an overworn phrase, I think.
It's been beaten to death I think.
Q
You kind of put it out there in '96. We can change it.
THE PRESIDENT: Is that right? Is that the first time we -Q
_I think it's yours and I don't think it wasused in another
State ·of the Union.
THE PRESIDENT: I don't care. What I said, more reforms at work and
more accountability. I didn't say resources. Each year the national government
iiwests over· $13 ·billion in our schools -- is that right?· I know that this is
redundant, we'll have to tighten this up-- it's okay to tighten this up, but we·
must be very clear that we are proposing someth-ing dramatically different and we
need words that are different.
(
The American people will support this. Now, the Republicans won't like
it because the school superintendents and school boards are telling them it's
bad, and the Democrats won't like it because the teacher crowd are telling them
it's bad. But we ought to be out there for this, because the public will think
it's important. And I can tell you it is important, this is important.
So we need -- just like Bob or somebody said, we need to highlight some
other thing -- you said that earlier thing about the surplus -- this is a sea
··
change in the way we are proposing to spend federal money.
Q
· -- giv_e us a name --
THE PRESIDENT: Let me give you the background and maybe you can think
of some way to say it. Basically reauthorized the Elementary and Secondary
Education Act. And this year what we propose to do is to reauthorize it by
changing it. Instead of just giving them money to spend in the same way they
spent it over all, we propose to actually require the school districts to do
something quite dramatic about this.
Whatl'm saying is-- again, I know you don't want it to be too long,
but I'm saying that every five years we have the responsibility to reauthorize
-- I think it's every five years-- the Elementary and Secondary Education Act.
This is the federal fund which gives X billion dollars to our schools. And I
think it's time that this money be directed toward what works and have some real
accountability in it.
.
·
We have seen in the schools what works. We know what works now, so we
COPY
�have no excuse for continuing to invest in what doesn't. And we have a moral
responsibility to our children to invest in what does.
I don't know what words you want to use, but this needs to be clear,
unambiguous. Therefore -- see, you can do that instead of these sentences that .
we've got here on Page 25: Therefore, when the bill comes up for consideration
this year -- or whatever -- therefore, this year I will propose that every
school in every community receiving federal help -- you don't have to say for
the schools again -- take the following steps, steps which teachers and students
have already proved do work. Already proved do work.
Q
Can we· say we should invest in "only" what works?
THE PRESIDENT: You can't do that because it's foily to say that. We
don't want to over-say. This is dramatic.
The rest of it, this is fine, it works~ Chicago is long, long, long,
long. ·Long, long, long. You can just say they give after-school help, they
give summer school, you have to go to summer school'if you don't pass the test.
· Dramatic improvements in summer school kids that do pass the test.
It takes people's breath away wheri you tell people tt;Jat the summer
school in Chicago is now the 6th biggest school district in America. That's a
graphic statistic. There are more kids going to summer school in Chicago every
summer than go to school all year long in all but five school districts. That's
. a little picture there.
Let's go down to second. Let's see here. Here, I feel badly about all
this because -- now, my balanced budget includes $200 million to help turn
around failing schools. Is this what-we tried to get last time, this is people
that will do what Chicago is trying to do and we'll give them this money?
Q
This is an accountability fund, money that goes to states as
·funds as part of Title I, and they're required to spend it to turn around -public schools.
THE.PRESIDENT: But they can bring in better-trained teachers, so this
is money for better-trained teachers.
Q
-- to identify the worst school~ -- to put plans into effect --
THE PRESIDENT: Well, should we mention any of these states?
Q
I think North Carolina we should mention somewhere.
THE PRESIDENT: . I do, too, They had the biggest improvement, they were
first. Texas is doing this under Bush, but it was passed under Ann Richards. I
bet you anything he forgets to say that in his 30-second ads.
·
Q
I.
\
He knows a gocid thing when he sees it.
THE PRESIDENT:. You've got to give him credit for that. The only thing
that bothers me is now, apparently, we went from spending what I thought was too
much, now we're not really doing anything to improve teacher quality.
COPY
�Well, I think we have an opportunity to. There's not a lot of
new money in the budget. After the State of the Union we need to figure out
future Goals 2000, the future of the Eisenhower program, a couple other ESEA
issues, th-at there may be an opportunity to create a future program that is
worth something.
Q
THE PRESIDENT: The Republicans will never let us suspend a program
named for a Republican. We could change it, if we cail it the Eisenhower-- if
I called it the Harding-Coolidge-Hoover National Health Insurance program, I
could pass it.
Yes, my budget includes fivefold increase in scholarships, from 2 t? 10
Q
From $1400 to $7000. You're now back at where you started.
THE PRESIDENT: That's good.
.
.
You must empower parents by giving them better information. I guess
that's all right.
Q
-- charter schools --
THE PRESIDENT: I do, too. You guys have got to reword this. If you're
going to do it like that -- you must empower parents by giving them better
information about their schools and more choices, by creating more charter
schools. You've got to put them in the same sentence.
Q
Except that charter schools isn't really new.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, but there are 900 today; by the next ·century there
should be -- because this budget does keep us moving toward 3000, right? But
then you've got this sort of gratuitous sentence about parents -- new public
school choices -- school construction --yes, 42 years old. I don't thLnk
· that's very good. I don't know if you want to say the average building. In
some of our cities the average age of school buildings is 65. You just lose the
42 years.
And then you say -- I think it's worth saying that some of them can't be
wired for the Internet. Then I want to say, the other big problem that we have
is that we've got 53 million kids and some of our school districtsare
overflowing with them and putting them in house trailers.
Q
You definitely want to keep the 53 million.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes.
Q
I think we should do that right in the beginning of the·
education section.
THE PRESIDENT: All I'm saying is I think you can tighten this up a bit
COPY
�and get the same goal. I love the way this -- for the sake of our children,
Congress must not miss that opportunity again. I think that's a good line.
That's a good th!=>ught, anyway, if you can make it even terser, it's okay.
I think it's okay on that, on the blood alcohol, on anything that they
didn't do last time. You can say, we can't miss this opportunity again ..
You might want a reprieve there. I just ask you guys to think about it.
You could say that on that, ori the blood alcohol, on the p~tients' bill of
rights, stuff that we're coming up with again.
We're putting family and medical leave in here again for Mark again,
even though they won't do it. And when you do the polls after it's over, nobody
ever remembers that I mentioned it in the speech.
Q
THE PRESIDENT: You know me, I love it. Hell, if it was up to me, I'd
have 12 weeks of paid leave. There's just not a shot, though. It wouldn't-Q
-- very little piece in the budget, about $10 million, to do
research on paid leave plans. It's so small. But they would still like you to
give a nod to it to try to push it along.
Q
-- 400,000 of the greatest books-- I don't think there are
400,000 great books because --
THE PRESIDENT: I agree with that-- 400,000 of the greatest books -- my
God.
Q
This whole proposal really came out of what you said last year
-- that we want a future where every child can reach across the keyboard and get
every book ever written.
THE PRESIDENT: Up to 400,000 books, I agree with that.
Did you see that summary that Bob Rubin gave me of where we are on
international economy?
Q
If we want these quick hits on the economy ~- computer
investments, financial right to know, and antitrust. First of all, we have to
decide whether we want to do them -- language saying our antitrust forces have
brought more cases than either of the two administrations combined.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, they didn't believe in antitrust laws. They
thought they were an impediment to Rupert Murdoch and all those people that were
trying to turn us into a sort of right-wing, fascist state. ·=.:;'
Q
(
-- Chicago schools-- that's how I got here --
THE PRESIDENT: You didn't have anybody to defend or prosecute. Kind of
like playing the lute.
You might be able to have a little bit -- sexier paragraph here at the
· beginning. I think this 30 percent increase in long-term computer research, I
COPY
�think it speaks for itself. You don't have to say anything else. People know
that's a good thing,
I'd rather have, aggressive but prudent, instead of, prudent but
·aggressive. -If you're proud of what you did. You can be aggressive, but
prudent. It's hard to imagine how you can be prudent, but aggressive. Know
what I mean? An aggressive prude? A prudent aggressor.
Do we have to do all this? Who is this for, the Y2Kthing·?
Q
First of all, you have to make some mention of it. We can
tighten this,· but I actually think it's quite important--
.
·THE PRESIDENT: You know I think it's important. Hell, I beat the crap
out of the government h,ere for a year before we ever got anything done. You
ought to be able to make it a little tighter.
·
Q
You should also report to the public that the federal government
is going to be ready.
THE PRESIDENT:· Yes, give them a little update -- that's good. Keep in
mind, all these stuff we've done press conferences on, a few people heard it,
but not everybody. So I think telling them Social Security is ready and we're
working ori defense and all these others -- the checks is in the mail, that sort
of thing.
Q
-- buy shotgun shells and bottled water --
THE PRESIDENT: Put a few extra cans of gasoline in your pickup, right?
God, I wish I could make a speech like that.
This is a little bit more bull-shitty here.
Q
The international economy stuff?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes. This really is big, though. And keep in mind,
this -- particularly if we've got Brazil still shaky when I give this, the Stock
Market drops 300 points or something, is still way down next we_ek -- one of the
reasons people are for me is they think I know what the hell I'm doing on this.
And remember, when we spoke in September it has a very salutary effect on this ..
Remember? Even though people didn't understand the details.
Q
We'll shorten it, but _I don't want to shorten it too--
THE PRESIDENT: It's better to start with the international economy, and
then say, here's some things we're doing at home-- boom, boom, boom --then put
·that manufacturing thing at the end. Don't you have that manufacturing
assistance little blurb in there?
Q
·I think that talking about a trade round can be
-- if it comes out this way -- as one of the big things --
THE PRESIDENT: Actually, if you decide to lead w_ith the international
economy, it may be that what we've got on 45 is the way to start. This year we
have two big challenges ahead --
COPY
�Then go back to the explanation of what we're doing now. But right now
we've got this immediate crisis in the global economy, and then you go into the
explanation -I don't know, it may not work, because you're dealing with the-- we
need to tighten it up, but there needs to be enough to really explain to people
what the hell is going on here.. ·
Q
In the Council on Foreign Relations speech that was how you did
it -- you said, this is the immediate crisis, but then we have long-term
challenges of trade and architecture.
THE PRESIDENT: Then you have to say, there are two big long-term
challenges ahead. I'll have to spend some more time on this, but you all can
look at it, too.
Q
-- your re'action when we did that was that it seemed out of
pla-ce. I know that most jobs are not lost due to trade, th~y're lost due to
other r~asons --
.
THE PRESIDENT: If we're going to put the education section, which I
wouldn't be against, then we ought to have more to say than we got here. As I
understand, we're putting a hell of a lot of money into this thing.
Let me just say, let's go all the way to that because and you need to go
over that economic stuff. But on this tools to succeed, I'm okay on putting the
education section, but if you do, you need to say, our adults have a lot of
educational needs, too. We've got a lot of immigrants and a lot of others who
never finished high school. We want to mount a much larger national campaign, a
large national campaign to improve adult literacy. And we want to do more to
get people who have dropped out of high school to come back and get their GED.
And we want to make sure that adults who need it will have access to training
for a lifetime.
I would like to do more. It's fine with me if you put it in the
education section. But if you do -- if we're going .to do this adult literacy
thing, put some life ~c
(end of tape.)
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
· Clinton Library ·
Jeffrey Shesol to Michael Waldman and Joshus Gottheimer; RE: Draft
. of the State of the Union (27 pages)
·
· ·
001. email
James Edmonds to Michael Waldman and Joshua Gottheimer; RE:
Phone number [partial] (1 page)
002; email
·
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
.-..).
01/1311999
RESTRICTION
· P5
·,-
Ol/i3!1999
·. P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting .
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number:
14417
FOLDER TITLE:
SOTU [State of the Union] 1999 Speech Drafts 1/13/99- 1114/99
[Bin~er]
[4]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2240
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
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Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
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b(l) National security chissified info.rmation [(b)(l) of the FOlA)
b(2) Reiease would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
· an agency [(b)(2) of the FOiA)
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(J) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA) · .
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
·perSonal privacy [(b )(6) of the FOIA)
·
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
.
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOlA)
· PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U)i..f.JNTQN L~ Release would disclose geologicai or geophysical information
LL
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IHRA_~gpN{i)>lOOOPJAI . ·
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2201(3).
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RR. pocument wi!J be reviewed upon request.
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PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRAJ.
P2 )lelating to the appointinent to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
·.PJ Release would violate a· Federal statute [(a)(J) of the PRA)_
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
· PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors; or betweim such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
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�~effrey A. Shesol
, 01/13/99 06:43:18 PM .
Record Type:·
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Michael Waldman/WHO/EOP, 'Joshua S. Gottheimer/WHO/EOP
from speech prep 1 /13
. sotu99.7
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS
UNITED STATES CAPITOL
·January 19, 1999
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, honored guests, my fellow
Americans:
On your behalf, let me aclaiowledge in the presence in the box with Mrs. Hastert of
Wei Ling Chestnut and Lyn Gibson, the widows of the· two Capitol Police officers who were
struck down defending this house, the heart of this democracy ..· As much as any soldier in our
histo.ry, they were watchmen on the walls of freedom. I ask us all now to bow our heads in
silent prayer in honor of JJ Chestnut and John Gibson. [moment of silence]
Tonight, we begin again our work together for the people of America. And let
_me begin by saluting the new Speaker of the House. Mr. Spea~er, on the day you
were sworn in, you asked us to work in a spirit of civility and bipartisanship. I
accept. Let's heed the words and honor the spirit of Thomas Jefferson, who in
1 801 asked a divided Congress to restore ''that harmony and affection without
which liberty and even life hself are but dreary ~hings." More and more, all across
our nation, Americans are working in that spirit. They demand no less of us.
Tonight, I have the honor and responsibility of delivering the last report of the
20th Century on the State of our Uniori, and to call on our nation to rise to the
challenges and opportunities of the 21st Century, barely more than 300 days
-before us.
·
·
. I have the privilege to_report'that we have.created the longest peacetime
economic expansion in American history -- with wages rising at twice the rate of
inflation' and nearly 18 mil[ion new ·jobs.
·
.
.
.
.
I stand before you to report that more Americans ar.e living in their own
homes than at any time in our history -- that the ,welfare rolls are the smallest in 29
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�.
~
.
years -~ and that the peacetime unemployment rate is the lowest it _has been since
1957.
-. I stand before you· the first president in three decades -to report not just' that
the budget is balanced, but that we have a $76 billion surplus --the highest in
American history.
I stand before you to . report that violent crime .is ~t its . lowest point in a ·
.
.
quarter century.
I_ stand before you to report that the environment is the cleanest in a quarter
. century, and that in six years -- even as our economy has boomed -- we have cut
pollution from factories in half.
.
I stand before you to report that America st~nds strong - a force for peace
and reconciliation in lands torn by ancient hatreds; from Northern Ireland, to Bosnia,.
to the Middle East.
In the last years of what has .been called the American· .Century, a new
.
.
.
American century has already begun.
(
Once again our government is a progressive instrument of the commori good.
Thanks to the pioneering leadership of Vice President Gore, America has a
government fqr the Information Age that lives within its means. ·The smallest
government since --: well, since John Glenn first orbited the Earth. A flexible,
creative government driven not py rigid ideology, but by ideas that work; devoted
to giving the American people the tools they need to solve their own problems. A
·21st 'Century government for 21st Century America.
Once again, after years of doubt, we have proved to ourselves and the world
.
.
.
.that when America faces a challenge at home and abroad~ we can meet it.
·President Washington told the First Congress that succeeding generations must
. carry forward· "the sacred fire of liberty" which is "finally staked on the experiment ·
entrusted in the hands of the American people." My fellow Americans, at the end
of one American century and the dawn of another, that sacred fire still burns
brightly. The State of our Union is strong.
What will we make of this moment? We stand. before time of unimaginable
possibility for our nation-- of vast new economic opportunities, stt,.n'lning scientific
. discoveries, remarkable advances in the health and happiness of our people: a time
when cancer is a thing of the past; when new -technologies r:nake it easier for
parents to succeed at work and be raising their children; children 'acquire new
knowledge in new ways that keep us together ~- moving us forward. .
.
.
.
.
'
· This' is the future we can build together. But we cannot do- it if we allow the
.
hum of our prosperity to lull us· into complacency. New times pose new perils even
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
.
�as they offer new promise.· They demand new ·action.
Yes, America is working again. But we still face large long-term [unclear]
challenges on our way to the 21st Century.
We must deal with the aging of America. by saving Social Security and
Medicare and do more forretirement ~avings. We must give our growing and
·increasingly diverse population of schoolchildren a world-class education, We must
bring ·economic opportunity to people and places still untouched by our prosperity
arid put a h.uman face on a more stable global economy. We must bui!d stronger
families and communities for the 21st Century, giving parents health care and child
care, safer streets and a cleaner environment. We must maintain our leadership in
. science and technology so that we can conquer dreaded diseases and stay at the
forefront of human discovery. We must remain, in the face of new threats, the
world's leading force for peace, prosperity and security. And still we must keep
coming together to build, out of all our difference arid diversity, One America -- a
21st Century America, stronger and safer, richer and fairer, more diverse and more.
united than ever.
There will never be a better time to meet these challenges than now -- now,
with our budget surplus growing, our economy exp.anding, and above all, our
confidence rising. Let's get to work.
AGING OF AMERICA
Our fiscal discipline gives us an unsurpassed opportunity to address perhaps ·
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our greatest new challenge: the aging of America.
Though our nation.is young in spirit,· our people are aging. Life expectancy is
. at an all.time high. With the number of elderly AmeriCans set to double by 2030, the Baby.
Boom will become a Senior Boom. We must prepare for this seismic demographic shift.
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First and before alf else, we must save SoCial Security .. Early in this century, to
be old meant to be poor: Whei! President Franklin Roosevelt created Social Security,
~ousands wrote to thank him for eliminating what one woman called the "stark terror of
penniless, helpless old age." Even now, without Social Sec!lrity, half our nation's elderly
would plunge into poverty.
(·
Today, Social Security is strong. But it will soon face a crisis. By 2017,
payroll taxes will not cover retirement obligations. By 2032 the Trust Fund will be
exhausted, and Social Security will be unable to pay out the full benefits older Americans
·depend upon to live.
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Last year, from this podium, I said we should set aside the surplus until we save
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�Social Security. Working together, we have done so .. Tonight, let us resolve to finish the job
--: and invest the_ surplus to save Social Security.
Tonight, I propose that we invest half the budget surplus for 15 years to save
. Social Security. We dm get ~ higher return if we invest a small portion of the Trust Fund in
.. the. private sector -~ like any private or state governrilent pension would, or' indeed, like any
family would. If we take this step, we can save Social Security for 50 years. But we must do
more. From the first days of this program, we'have sought to assure that the system was on
sound footing for at least 75 years. .To do that, we will have to make difficult but achievable .
choices in a bipartisan agreement. I am committed to that end; I ask you to commit to it, too.
MOVE UP
[Let ine.be clear. [The best way for Social Security to remain, for the
long-term, a rock-solid guarantee of support, is to 'invest its resources more wisely ---not to
make. drastic cuts in benefits; not to raise payroll tax rates; and not to· drain resources from
Social Security in the name of saving it.] I do not believe we should devote a single dollar of
the payroll paid by every American tax to any new or untested actount that puts basic Social_Security benefits at risk.]
SO TONIGHT ...
RESTATE 5 PRINCIPLES IN ONE SENT I WANT TO WORK WITH YOU LOT
OF DIFF IDEAS MYCONCERN HAS ALWAYS BEEN 5 PRINCIP: WE CAN GET IT
DONE THIS YR.
Second, -[W/ FUNDS DEVOTED TO SAVE SOC SEC, WECAN STILL DO
THE FOLLOWING; ONCE WE HAVE SET ASIDE FUNDS TO SAVE SOC SEC, WE
MUST ALSO ... ] after we save Social Security, we must fulfill our obligation to save and
improve Medicare. ·Already, we have extended the life of Medicare by 10 years --but for the
- · health· care. of our seniors to he on solid ground, it must be extended for at least another
decade: So I propose that we put one out of every five dollars in the surplus toward saving
. MediCare. If Vi'@' aid tA.is aR:Q HG HWf@; ~,Z@ wowla 8XtiR:Q tA.8 li:fi gf M89icar€ for at llila5t 12
~ But if we do more -- if we take strong steps and take seriously the work of the
bipartisan-panel chaired bySenator John Breaux and Rep. Bill Thomas that will report in
·March -- then we can also improve the quality of Medicare as well. [You had questions about
this sentence] ·
.THISLANG DOESN'T SAY "MED TRUST FUND SECURE FOR NEXT 21 YRS.;'
· · EK.:- IS THIS REF TOO POSITIVE FOR DEMS? .
PRESCRIPTION DRUGS?
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- THERE'S A NEED FOR DRUG BEN, AND AFTER B-T COMM MAKES REC, WE
. OUGHT TOGET TOGETHER SEE IFVWAY TO DO THIS AND AT LEAST MAKE A.·
BEGINNING ON PRESC. DRUG BEN.
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
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IF WE WORK HARD, TOGETHER, LOOK AT RECS OF B-T, I BELIEVE ... AND
·CONSIDER IMPORTANT THINGS LIKE EXTEND PRES. DRUG BEN. .
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. · THIS MONEY ALONE, CD GO TO 2020, BUT IF WE WORK TOGETHER, WE
CD CONSIDER THESE OTHER THINGS [YES, THIS]
ANNOUNCE 76 B FOLLOWING ON 70 M SURPLUS .:_ PROJECT 2 TRILLION -TONIGHT.! PROPOSE WE INVEST THAT SURPLUS
Third, we must do more to help all Americans, from their first day on the job,.
to. save, to invest, to create .wealth. As President Roosevelt made plain, Social Security was
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. ohly one pillar of support for older Americans; private savings and pensions were the others. ·
. But today,· tens of millions of people still retire with few savings and no pension. Even if we ·
· save Social Security, Americans living longer than ever simply must save more. Therefore. I
propose a new universal pension-- personal savings, invested as each worker sees fit,'which.
wouid be bolstered by the national government. · By doing so we would give iriore Americans .
.a greater stake in. our prosperity. . . a greater hand in the creation of wealth.· . . a greater
chimce to retire in corrifort, security, and dignity. I ·know we can agree: this is a future, a
secure future, every hard-working American· deserves. [what % of surplus?]
WHAT% OF SURPLUS, IS GOVTPUTTING IN$; I W
CAN'T TELL .WHAT HELL WE'RE SAYING. DOESN'T MAKE LICK 'OF SENSE
TONIGHT WANT TO MAKE SURE WE USE 10 % TO MAKE SURE EVERY
AMER HAS OW SAVING/PENSION/ WE WILL CONTRIB.;.' GOVT WHICH MATCH
. FUNDS IN WAY THTFAVORS HARDEST WORKING FAMILIES.
RAISES MORE QUESTIONS THAN IT ANSWERS
WORK WI CONG TO WORK OUT DETAILS?
_
NEEDS NAME: UNIVERSAL SAVINGS ACCTS (USA) PEOPLE 10 YRS FROM
NOW WILL ASK HOWMUCH $ YOU HAVE IN YR USA ACCT
OLD PROGRAMS, NEW PROGRAMS
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Fourth, to better prepare for the Senior Boom; we must help Americans provide
long-term cate for aging and ailing loved ones. Today, millio~s of working people are caring
for elderly relatives and even neighbors,-often at great cost to their families. The care these
families provide is invaluable. Our nation should recognize and reward it. In my balanced
budget, t wili propose a lorig-term care tax credit <?f $1,000 for aged or disabled people with
·long-term care needs or for the families that shelter them. The care these families provide is
invaluable; but we can show we value it very much indeed ..
·CUT IT.
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Finally, we should help every elderly American who can do so to stay in their
own home or with their own family, before going to a nursing home. A new initiative in my
CLiNTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�balanced budget plan will help [50,000]elderly Americans stay in their own homes.
Preparing for the aging of America means investing this fraction of our budget
- and 85 percent of our budget surplus. This will not only .help the growing Senior population;.
it will help their children, by freeing them of their ?????] for their grandchildren. If we make
good use of our good fortune, the retirement of the old need not be a burden on the young. So
we should take those bold steps toward a better futUre now. This year. With no excuses.
NEED ANOTHER SENT: BY BEING PRUDENT & SAV SURPLUS NOW, WE
TAKE BURDEN OFF CHILDREN & ALLOW.
ARE WE GOING TO WASTE THIS $ ON TX CUTS, OR SAVE IT?
. GTOWN AD LIB: NO ONE IN MY GEN WANTS TO PUT BURDEN ON
· CHILDREN. BY SAVING THIS NOW... AS OLDEST OF BBOOMERS; I CAN TELL
YOU, NONE OF US WANT TO PUT INTOLERABLE BURDEN ON CHILDREN &
ABILITY TO RAISE
FREE THE CHILDREN OF BBOOMERS TO HAVE STRONG FAMILIES &
.MORE PERSONAL, POINTED, PASSIONATE
Education
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LOT OFSTUFF IN HERE-WI LEGS
DON'T USE WORD "SYSTEM" EVER
We must look to the future not only for older Americans, but for our children.
Today, there are more children in our public schools than at any time in our history,
and their education is moeativity and skills as never before.
TODAY WE CAN SAY WHAT WE CD NOT 6 YRS AGO:
Together, we have opened the door of college to all -- with easier student
loans, more Pell grants for deserving students, 1 million new work study jobs,
.. education "IRAs, and the HOPE scholarship tax c:ut that nearly 6 million Americans
will receive this year. Today we can say what we could not say six years ago:
Every high school graduate in America, regardless of income, can afford to go to
college.
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We have also made progres-s in renewing our public schools with higher
·academic standards, more discipline, more choice, and a focus on results. ·Nearly
every state has impos-ed tougher academic goals, and a voluntary national test is
being developed to measure students' progress in meeting those goals. ·Thousands
· of schools have cracked down on drugs, gangs, and violence, and improved ·
learning and discipline ·wi~h school uniforms. We have supported teachirig value$
and finding a proper place for religious faith in OI.J-fnP.Ublic.. ~pbQRI~.,
·
~~AN1U~L!HKARYPHOIOCOPY
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�[QUERY: AMERICA READS, MENTORING]
4 THINGS WE DON'T MENTION: CHARTER; AM READS, 1000 COLLEGES
. HELPING; CHAKA FAT A'S MENTORING PROG (DBLING; SAY LATER)-- GEAR UP/
. HIGH HOPES-~ INCRS VISIBILITY
35-78% WIRED
SF 1996: SOUBLING/TRIP- #OF SCHLS WIRED-- HERE OR LATER
#
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All these efforts and continuing reform at state and local levels have
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begun to bear fruit. SAT scores are up. Math scores have risen in riearly all grades
nationwide. This is good news. But there is a perplexing problem: while our fourth
graders outperforf!1 their peers in otherdeveloped countries in math and science ·
achievement, our eighth graders·are around average, and our twelfth graders rank
near the botto~. Clearly, American students have the· capacity to learn and start
out strong, but the system fails them.
We can and must do better, with higher expectations, more reforms
that work and resources [? ??] . Each year the national government inv(:;)sts over $1 3
billion [ck] in our public schools. IS THAT RIGHT? I believe we should invest more
in education -- in our schools, o.ur classrooms, our teachers. But I also believe we
have a responsibility to invest i'n what works and insist on results when we do.
·Later this year, I will send ·congress a plan that for the first time will hold states
and school districts accountable for progress and reward them for results.. I
. propose that every school in every community receiving federal help for their
schools take the following steps, steps teachers and students have proved work: ·.
MUST BE VERY CLEAR PROPOSING SOMETHING DRAMATICALLY DIFF ..
··THIS IS A SEA CHANGE IN WAY WE PROPOSING TO SPE.ND FED $.
NEED NAME?
EVERY 5 YRS, NEED TO REAUTH ESEA; THIS YR, PROP TO REAUTH BY
CHANGING IT; REO SCHL DISTR TO DO SOMETHING QUITE DRAMATIC THIS IS
THE FED FUND THAT GIVES $ B TO OUR SCHLS I T!-JINK ITS TIME TO GIVE THIS
TO WHAT WORKS & DEMAND ACCTABLITY. (WE KNOW·WHAT WORKS SO WE
HAVE NO EXCUSE FOR CONT TO INVEST IT WHAT DOESN'T SO WE HAVE A
. MORAL RESPON TO KIDS TO. INVEST IN WHAT DOES.)
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THEREFORE-THIS YR I WILL PROPOSE THAT EV SCHL IN EV COMM THAT
. GETS FED $TAKE STEPS:-- STEPS WHICH TEACHERS·AND STUDENTS ALREADY
RPOVED DO WORK;
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First, all schools must end social promotion. Too many students move
from grade to grade without mastering the basics. This practice must stop. We
CLINTON ILIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
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need to give young people the help they need to meet high standards, .and make
sure they do. My new balanced budget triples the funding for
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academically-enriched summer school .and after school programs, so schools can
end social promotion and give extra help to the kids who need it. We can keep one
.. million students learning in the hours after regular school lets out; when parents
work a11d juvenile crime soars. Our children should learn their lessons in the school
house, not on the streets.
·TOO LONG: .AFTER SCHOOL-HELP, SUMMER SCHL HELP -- >. DRAMATIC
· IMPROVE. Three years ago, Chicago Mayor Richard Daley sparked such a revolution in his
.city's schools when he ended social promotion and started giving students extra help during
and after school to master the basics. If they still fall· short at the end of the year, they go to
summer ·school and.get special tutoring until they do pass-- and most do.
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It is tough medicine, but it works. Citywide math and reading scores have gone up
three years in a row in Chicago, with the biggest gains coming from sorrie ofthe most
disadvantaged students. Orie of those students is Darneisha Rogers, who lives in Chicago'
s tough Cabrini-Green public housing complex. ·Last spring, Darneisha got a letter
'saying she would have to repeat sixth grade unless she raised her test scores.
Distraught at first, Darneisha buckled down, and iil six weeks of summer school
boosted her reading level by eight months and her math by a year and five months .
. She passed her test, entered seventh grade with her friends, and now she's thinking about
going to college. Darneisha is with us tonight, sitting with the First Lady.
Every child in America can lea.rn; We owe all of them the same chance as Darneisha ·
to prove they can.
Second, all states and school districts must identify their worst-performing
schools, arid take serious, even drastic steps, to turn them around. We will no
longer tolerate schools that deny generation after generation of disadvantaged
Americans the opportunity to learn their way out of poverty. That means, if need
be, bringing in new principals, new curricula, and new, better-trained teachers. If
.. schools still fail to improve; they should be shut down and the students placed
elsewhere. That's what [19] states are already doing. My balanced budget
· includes $200 million to help turn around failing schools.
MENTION NC IF WE CAN BIGGEST IMPRV, WERE FIRST.
_Third, all states and school districts must be held responsible for the. quality
of Jhe teachers they send into the classroom. None of us would be here tonight if it
weren't-for our teachers. We should lift themup, not tear them down. But in too many
·. schools, teachers do not have college majors--or even minors--in the subjects theyteach. We
should require new teachers to pass skills tests, and all teachers to know the subject they're
teaching.
C~iNION ILXRRARYPHOTOCOPY
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Artd we need to attract our best and brigh~est to the teaching profession, especially
where they are needed most. My budget includes a five-fold increase in scholarships for
people who agree to teach in our poorest schools .
. We must do more to get· better trained teachers into our poorest
. neighborhoods: in the inner city, in isolated rural areas and Indian reservations .
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·Fourth, we must .empower parents by giving them better information about
their schools. lri most communities, it is easier to get information on the quality of
local restaurants than the quality of local public schools. Schools issue report cards
on students. I believe every school district should issue report cards on schools.
& MORE CHOICES ...
CHARTER SCHLS IS BIGGER IDEA. DO FIRST.
Empowering parents with· better information will create tremendous
competitive pressure on schools to improve. So will expanding the choices parents
.. have by creating more innovative public charter schools. There was one such
charter school in all of America when I became. President. There are 900 today,
· thanks in· no small measure to the sypp.ort we have provided. By early in the next
century, there should be 3000. This budget keeps us moving toward that goal.
· LOSE IT: We should also offer parents new public school choices tailored to the
· way families work and live today -- including new public schools located at
workplaces, so that harried working parents can spend more time with their
children and get more inv.olved in their schools. [THIS BUDGET?]
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To bring more discipljne, more attention, and more learning to every young
child, we reached across party lines last fall and began to hire 100,000 new
highly-trained teachers to reduce class size in the early grades. I ask this Congress
to finish our mission of hiring 100,000 new teachers.
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We must also give our children schools as modern as the we;> rid they liye in.·
The average school buildings begins to deteriorate after 40 years, and the average
school building inAmerica today is 42 years old <-- NOT.VERY G.OOD. LOSE lT.
In some cities, the average age of school buildings is 65 years· old. Too many of
our schools are falling apart, with walls too old to be wired for the Internet.
OTHER BIG PROB IS ... [TIGHTEN] Many others are so packed yvith our nearly 53
million school children that trailers must be used to handle the overflow.· Last fall, ·
Cong'ress. missed an opportunity to create a tax break to modernize or build 5000
new schools. This year, for the sake of our children; Congre:ss must not miss that
opportunity again. GOOD LINE, MAKE EVEN TERSER. USE.SAME REPRISE ON
BLOOD ALCOHOL, PBR, ANYTHING WE DIDN'T GET LAST TIME.·
In 1996, the Vice President and I promised that every classroom and library
in America_ would be connected to the Internet by the year·2000. We have made
CLINTON JLIBRARYPHOTOCOJPY .
�new investments in computers, training for teachers, and discounts to make logging
on affordable. Since then, nine times as many classrooms have been hooked up.
But another million classrooms have yet to be connected to the technology that will
connect children·to· the future. This year,· ourbudget makes $2 billion available to
link all our classrooms to the Internet. I ask every school fn every community in
America to make that vital connection.
I ask the Congress to fund a· Digital Library that will put online state of the
art math and science curriculum, the treasures of the Smithsonian, and up to
400,000 [CUT of the greatest] books in human history. Imagine what our. children
can accomplishwhen they enter a libraryas vast as their imaginations. We cari put
that library within the reach of every child.
21st Century economy
RUBIN SUMMARY MIGHT HAVE CLEARER LANG
SEXIER GRAPH HERE AT BEGINNING?
By securing the retirement of the elderly arid the education of the .young, we
will make huge strides to build lasting prosperity into the 21st Century. To widen the circle of
opportunity in a modern economy' we must do more.
To spur the high tech industries that account for one third of our growth, my
administration will propose a 30% increase in long-term computer research-- so that [TK]. ·
SPEAKS FOR ITSELF -- NO "SO THAT."
To help families with the dizzying choices in the financial marketplace, my
. administration will propose a new "financial right to know" law to help consumers protect
their investments, combat fraud, and make smart choices .
.To make sure 'that competition and innovation thlive, my enforcement team will
continue its [prudent but] aggressive BUT PRUDENT record of enforcing our antitrust laws.
AN AGGRESSIVE PRUDE A-PRUDENT AGGRESSOR
Y2K TOO LONG. SHRUM: KEEP 1ST AND LAST SENT. ONLY; WE'VE
ALREADY DONE SOC SEC (GIVE LITTLE UPDATE), WORKING ON DEF
To make certain that we reap the rewards and minimize the disruptions of these
new technologies, we are working around the clock to prepare for the so called 'millerinium ·
computer bug.' As you know, many computers and machines will have difficultly processing
the year 2000. I b~lieve that the national government will be ready. Every business, every
city and county, every university in this country aild around the world is at risk. But if we
work hard and work together, the millennium bug can be the last headache of the 21st Century
and not the first crisis of the 21st· Century ..
ClLINION lLKBRARY PHOTOCOPY
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- Finally, it is plain that economic growth at home depends upon economic
growth around the world. Because this is so vital to our -nation, I want to take a moment to
explain what the stakes are and what we have "done.
TOO LONG: TIGHTEN
'BUT IT'S BIG, PARTICULARLY IF BRAZIL IS SHAKY.
HEADLINE HERE IS INTLECON; HERE ARE SOME THINGS DOING AT
HOME, THEN MFG INIT (TRD). P 45 MAY BE WAY TO START: THIS YR WE HAVE TWO BIG LONG-TERM
.CRALL AHEAD, THEN GO BACK
FIRST, STAKES. POTUS-WILL SPEND MORE TIME ON IT.
Our nation benefits greatly from the free flow of goods and capital and the new lines of commerce and corninunication that link us. to other nations. America has prospered in
this decade because of the vibrancy of our economy' the flexibility of our markets' the
creativity of our people. The qualities that spell success in the global economy are at the core
-of the American character. But the same economy that brings new opportunity brings with it
·new uncertainty. Until recently, a full one third of our economic growth came from trade. But
, over the past year and a half, financial turmoil that began in Asia and spilled across the world
has put that growth at risk.. Worldwide financial markets first flood a nation with funds, then
_just as suddenly withdraw those funds in a panic -- leaving social devastation in its wake.
Today, much of the world is in recession. Across Asia, an entire generation that worked its
way into the middle class has been plunged into poverty. Too many of our trading partners
can't buy our exports-- and can flood our market with inexpensive imports, as the value of
their money drops relative to ours and they can be [can't read].
This is the most critical financial crisis in a half century. Last September, I set
out a new strategy to spur global growth, to stabilize the global economy and keep the world
trading system open, free, and fair. Together with other leading nations, the United States
acted -- lowering inte:t;est rates; meeting its obligations to the International Monetary Fund, _
[organizing the nations of the world to help the economy of Brazil]. The turmoil is not over;
_.and over the next year we may yet feel its full impact within our own borders .. But because
America led and America acted, the world economy is much more sound than it would have
-been.- I thank lawmakers of both- parties for your support.
This year there are two big challenges ahead-- to build a 21st Century trading.
system and a 21st Century financial system that will put a human face on the global economy.
An international market that does not honor the values and protect the interest of ordinary
citizens will neither earn nor deserve their support._
We must build a financial system for the 21st Century that tames the savage
CLiNTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�cycles ofboom'and bust in the world economy. This spring, I will meet withthe'leaders of the
world's most important economies to lay plans for a world financial system as modern as the
markets. We must irisist that every nation open its boo1cs. We must strengthen bank
regulations to reduce the risks posed -by the ricochetting of money around the world. We must
_work together to build new ways to respond to these crises·before they become calamities.
We must make sure that the poorest citizens do not become the victims of financial turmoil.
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And we must build a trading system for the 21st Century-- one tliat spurs
growth, expands opportunity; and honors the values we fight for every day.
For too long; trade has divided Americans, across lines of party and philosophy
and economic station. We must find a new approach to trade - the common ground on which
business and labor and environmentalists and government can stand.
We must do more to help American manufacturers hit hard by the global
financial crisis. I ask the Congress to provide credit to help spur $2 billion more
manufacturing exports abroad. We would be very unwise to erect protectionist walls that
could start a chain reaction, hurt exports of American goods, farm products, and services.
But let me be clear: where imports are unfairly surging into our nation, we will act. I have
made clear to the government of Japan that if Japan's inexplicable surge of cheap steel imports ·
into our country is not reversed, I am ready to self-initiate actions under our trade laws.
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.We will work with Congress· to ensure that sanctions in pursuit of our foreign
· policy goals do not jeopardize the competitive position of our farmers and businesses in
foreign markets.
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Five times in the past half century, we have negotiated worldwide trade
agreements that have opened markets and lifted our prosperity. · Tonight I propose to launch
new trade negotiations to open markets -- a new round of negotiations in the World Trade
Organization to expand our exports of farm products, services and manufactures. We _will
seek to expand trade with Africa and with the Central American nations devastated by the
recent hurricane and to pursue a Free Trade Area of the Americas.
In all these efforts, we must press for trade that is more open. But we must
:also press for. trade.that promotes the dignity of work.and the rights of workers. We must
insist. that international trade organizations be open to the sunlight of public scrutiny. We
must insistthat trade rules never be used as a pretext to destroy environmental protections.
·We must never let vigorous international economic competition become a race to the bottom
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·among nations.
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I ask Congress to move forward with me based on this common approach and
_pass legislation granting the President traditional trade authority so we cari advance our prosperity.
We will work with the International Labor Organization on a new initiative to
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
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.lift labor standards around the world. And we must act, once and for ·an, to end the most
·exploitative trade practiCes of all: I will sign a new international agreement to ban child labor · ·
everywhere in the world.
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And we must make certain that every American worker hasthe tools to succeed
in the new· economy.·
Today, there· is not ~o much an income gap as a skills gap. At a time wheri
skills matter more than ever, one out of four· working people reads at less than a sixth grade
level. This past year I was proud to sign bipartisan legislation to transform our worker
training system. With a simple voucher, Americans can now choose the skills they need. My
balanced budget will build on that momentum, with a nationalcampaign to ·improve adult
Ilt(;!racy and a commitment every American who needs training gets training.
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IF THIS GOES IN ED, WE NEED MORE TO SAY ABOUT IT .. OUR ADULTS
HAVE ED NEEDS TOO-- IMMIGRANTS, PEOPLE NOT FINISH HS; WANT TO
MOUNT LG NATL CAMPAIGN TO GET PEOPLE TO COMEBACK GET GED; MAKE
SURE ADULTS WHO NEED IT WILL HAVE ACCESS TO TRG FOR LIFETIME.· PUT
·SOME LIGHTS ON IT. HOW THEY TAUGHT? WHO DOES IT? WHAT ONCE THEY.
GET CERT? (GET BACK INTO GED; LIFETIME LEARNING) WHO ARE WE
· TALKING ABOUT?
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. BUILDING STRONG FAMILIES FOR THE 21st CENTURY
In the 20th Century, the American family was transformed as we· adapted
. to new workplaces and new ways. Now, we must strengthen the American family for the
. challenges of the 21st Century. No government cari raise or love a child. Mothers and
fathers do. But government can empower parents with the tools they need to meet their most
vital respon.Sibilities~ ·.
Tobacco
STRONG FAMILIES, WORKING FAMILIES
BEGIN WITH MIN WAGE; END WI TOBACCO (SHRUM)
START WI CHILD CARE; FMLA
THEN HEALTH CARE; PBR (MED RECORDS?)
THEN TOBACCO (YOUNG)
THEN MEDICARE EXTENSION.(OLD)
PROGRESS ON 5 M CHILDREN?
WELF TO WORK: SENT OR TWO -- UP TO 10M BUSINESSES; NOT JUST .
CHERRY PICKING, EFFORTS TO GET ALL WELF RECIPIENTS
ADD SHALALA IDEA COMM HEALTH CTS
A STRONG AMER WDN'T PUT UP W A SPEECHTHIS LONG.
CLiNTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY .
�POTUS WILL MAKE OUTLINE & SAY HAT MAIN PT IS
WANTS DBL SPACE SM TYPE
EXPLAIN FIN CRISIS; SURPLUS; FED ED $ ·
BUT ASSERT ANYTHING YOU DON'T HAVE TO EXPLAIN; FACTUAL
LINEAR SENT
· Strong families start with healthy children.
As is now well known, our children - what the tobacco industry calls "
replacement smokers" -- are the target of a massive media campaign to hook them on .
cigarettes - a product that will kill them. I ask this Congress to resist the awesome power of
the tobacco lobby and pass comprehensive, bipartisan legislation that will raise the price of
cigarettes, protect farmers, and give us the tools to protect our children from tobacco.
The tobacco industry and its deceptions have imposed a cost not just on our
families. Illness due to smoking :.._ from cancer to emphysema -- costs Medicare [X billion] a
·year. Taxpayers shmild not be left holding the bag. Already, state governments have
recovered [x] billion dollars for taxpayers for state health care costs.· ·
Tonight, I am directing the Department of Justice to prepare and bring a lawsuit
against the tobacco companies for the costs to Medicare of smoking. Any funds we recover
from these tobacco companies will help strengthen and reform Medicare. And these funds
could be used to extend health care, including a new Medicare prescription drug benefit.
We know that tobacco is not the only product that can bring early death to our ·
children. Each year, on too many dark roads, drunk drivers kill nearly 3000 children. I ask
the Congress to write tough new blood alcohol standards into law to protect every American,
on every roadway. We missed the chance to do this last year. We should take it now.
Strong families depend on strong parents.
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We must do more to help the millions of working American parents who give
their all every day to succeed at home and at work.
I ask the Congress once again to enact a comprehensive plan to make quality
child care more affordable', more accessible, and more enriching than ever. Our plan- with
tax cuts for working families, child care subsidies for small business, high standards and
.training for child care providers - is fully paid for in our balanced budget.· It will pay off in
greater peace of mind for working parents, and better care for our children. ·
A child care phm that is in balance with our values will also help mothers who
choose to stay at home with their children, giving up income while they do. Our child care .
plan includes a new tax credit to help those stay-at-home mothers. No job is more important
· CLINTONLIBRARYPHOTOCOPY
�than the job of raising our children.
'
I was proud that .the Family. Medical Leave Act was the fi~st bill I signed into
law. Since then, it has helped nearly [20 million] American workers to care for a new baby or
an ailing relative without risking their jobs. We shmild build on that success, and guarantee
Family Leave to 10 million more Americans who work for smaller companies.
And parents who work to support their families should never face
discrimination in the workplace. I will send legislation to Congress that prohibits companies
from refusing to hire or promote workers simply because they have children. We should not .
punish parents who fulfill their most important responsibility -- we should honor them.
[Next Fall], the First Lady and I will host a White House Conference to
examine work and family in the 21st Century. [Reference to Mrs. Clinton]
Strong families need strong health care.
The United States has the world's most advanced medical care_:.. and we must
continue our commitment to cutting edge research and pathbreaking innovation.
In just the past six years, medical researchers introduced the first effective
drugs to treat HIV. They have begun testing the first drugs to prevent or reduce risk of cancer.
They have discovered the process of aging itself~ raising the prospect of new treatments to
prevent or delay the infirmities of o~d age, from Parkinsons to Alzheimers to arthritis.
My balanced budget will keep us on track to increase the budget for the
National Institutes of Health by fifty percent. By voting to fund scientific research, this
Congress will commit our nation to finding a cure for cancer and HIV early in the new
century.
But as our sophisticated medicine races ahead, we cannot let our health care
system lag behind.
And as we all know, managed care has transformed medicine in America -driving down costs, but threatening to drive down quality as well.
Here's a tnie story told to us by an emergency room physician from Dearborn,
Michigan. A patient was rushed into the emergency room; he had died. The doctor managed
to resuscitate the patient, and he recovered. But the man's health plan said they would not
pay. Being dead, apparently, was not "an emergency"!
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Our health care bill of rights says: Every American should have the right to the·
best care, not just the cheapest. The right to' see a specialist: The right to continuity of care.
The.right to [???] medical treatment. The right to emergency care.
CLINTON lL!BRARYPHOTOCOPY
�Within my power as President, I have acted, extending these rights to the 85 ·
million Americans served by Medicare, Medicaid, and other federal health plans. But only
Congress c~n extend this Patient's Bilf of Rights to all Americans, and again I ask Congress to·
do so, on a bipartisan basis, early this year.
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Step by step, we must also extend healtliinsurance to more Americans. Today,
more Ameri~ans lack coverage than they did in 1993. Two years ago, we extended health
insurance to up to 5 million children. Now, we should give people 55 to 65 ~- the fastest
growing group of the uninsured-- the chance to buy in to Medicare. We should make it easier
for small businesse-s to offer health insurance to their employees. We should pass the
bipartisan legislation, introduced by Senators Kennedy and Jeffords, to allow people with ·.
disabilities to buy Medicaid health insurance when they return to work. No American should
have . to make the choice between having health care and going to work.
And as more of our medical records are stored electronically, the threats to
p~ivacy increase. If Congress does not act this year, as provided by law, I will act -- issuing
an executive order to protect the privacy of medical records online.
[And we must step up our efforts to treat and prevent an illness faced by tens of
millions of Americans -- mental illness. Mrs. Gore has h!d our efforts to fight the stigmas
.· faced by the millions of Americans with mental illnesses and to improve their treatment and
care. This year, we will host a [first-ever] White House. Conference on Mental Health. No
American should ever be afraid to recognize and treat_ this disease. No American should face
an ugly stigma. And every American should have equal opportunity to thrive.]
Strong families are working families. ·
·Already, by expanding the Earned Income. Tax Credit and raising the minimum wage,
we have helped [x] million work their way up from poverty. But you can't raise a family on
$5.15 an hour. I believe that we should say to all parents: if you work hard and play by the
rules, you can raise your children out of poverty. Let's agree to raise the miniinum wage by
-$1 over the next two years.
Welfare to work-- [to come]
A STRONG AMERICA IN A NEW WORLD
MENTION SMATTERING OF SENATORS: BRAG ON A FEW
AG SHD GO IN ECON (PODESTA)
READINESS: MORE CONVE~SATIONAL. LONGER MISSIONS; RESOURCES
MORE STRETCHED. IF WE WANT BEST, HAVE TO SUPPORT, PAY; OWE THAT TO
THEM~ THAT'S WHAT READINESS IS. DIDN'TLOSE SINGLE PLANEOVER IRAQ;
WHATEVER JOB, THEY FIGURE OUT HOW TO DO IT. BUT ENLIST DOWN IN
NAVY, PILOTS LEAVING AF
CLINTON 1L1BRARYJPHOTOCOPY
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We end this century as the world's indispensable nation.- The power of our
ideals, the strength of our ecoriomy, and the might of our military have given us a unique
opportunity to shape a more democratic, peaceful and prosperous world. Because of our
unique position, we bear a responsibility -,. to act when our interests are clear, our values are
at stake and where we can make a difference. In the new century, new opportunities for
peace and democracy must be seized. And new threats to our security and the world's must be ·
addressed with vigilance.
Over the next year, the United States must continue to bring the calm hand
of reconciliation to lands torn by war and violence.
.
At the.center of Europe, where just a few years ago tens of thousands of people
lost their lives to the bloodiest war since World War II, American leadership and NATO's
resolve have put Bosnia on the path to peace and prevented a humanitarian catastrophe in .
Kosovo. Over the next year, we will continue to make Bosnia's peace self-sustaining-- and
continue to 'drawdown our forces. In Kosovo, we .will work to sustain a fragile cease-fire and
press for a settlement that gives its people the self-government they once enjoyed and so
strongly deserve ...
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All Americans should be proud that we stood with Protestants·and Catholics in
Northern Ireland as they moved from the deep freeze of despair to the warm sunlight of peace.
·Through the Good Friday Accord, the people of Northern Ireland have put an erid to 30 years
of heartbreak and chosen a future of peace. Now, America will help them build it. [GongPeter King? Kennedy & Dodd?]
. And in the Middle East-- birthplace of three great religions, source of so much
. instability in the world -- we have helped bring the parties closer to a lasting peace. Two
months ago, in a long week of meetings on the Maryland shore, we helped put the peace
process back on track. Last month, in Israel, we kept it moving forward. I was proud to
address the Palestinian National Council on the day it renounced its call for the destruction of
Israel. The road to ahead will be difficult. But we can see our way toward a justand secure
peace that is good for Israelis, for Palestinians and for the world. [aidto Israel, Palestinian
Auth & Jordan]
IMPORTANT LEG TO AID PALESTINIANS -- CAN WE MENTION?
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As we seize the opportunities to make peace, we. must also stand ready to
meet the new threats to our nation and the security of the world.· With the end of the <:old
War, there is no longer a single, existential threat to our survival. But today, outlaw nations
and bands of terrorists can disrupt the peace ... acquire poison gas, biological weapons and
even nuclear arms... and wreak havoc through fear. The battlefields of this conflict are the
subways of Tokyo. The streets of the Middle East. Our embassies in Nairobi and Dares
· Salaam.We will stand ready to defend our security wherever it is threatened.
CLINTON LlBRAR
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�(.
We stand ready on the Korean Perunsula, where 37,000 American troops and
our South Korean allies guard the last militarized fault lineof the Cold War. We musf
continue to deter. aggression and prevent North Korea from developing nuclear materials.
Forty-five years after the end of the Korean War, it is time for a secure peace to come to
Korea.
We stand ready to defendour nation against emerging threats -here at home. My
balanced budget includes ·a fifty percent increase in funding to protect from hackers and
terrorists the computers that keep our armed forces; communications, transportation, electrical
networks and financial markets running strong. It will help train and equip fire departments,
police departments, hospitals and local communities to deal with chemical and biologiCal
emergencies. And it will support significant new research into vaccines, treatments. and
monitoring programs to keep our people :P.ealthy and secure from these new and deadly threats.
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·We stand ready to restrain the spread ofnuclear weapons. To end all nuclear
testing, to prevent a new arms race, and to make it harder for nations without nuclear weapons
to develop them, I call on Congress to give its advice and consent to the Comprehensive Test
Ban Treaty. In 1963, just two months elapse.d between the time President Kennedy signed the
Limited Test Ban Treaty and its approval by the Senate. It's been more than two years since I
became the first world leader to· sign the CTBT. I ask the Senate to act -- without delay.
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SHD WE USE FORUM TO ASK DUMA PLS TO RATIFY START2 SO WE CAN
GET ON W START3 IN THEIRS AND OUR BEST INTEREST? RUSS AND US NEED TO
BE SETTING EX; .. ETC
.We must also help Russia, Ukraine, and the other nations of the former Soviet
·Union keep a tight grip on their nuclear arsenals as they continue to make the difficult
·transition to democracy and free markets. My balanced budget would help these countries
prevent weapons of mass destruction from falling into the hands of terrorists and outlaw
nations ... use their remarkable scientific potential for peaceful purposes ... implement sweeping
arms control agreements ... and accelerate the destruction of thousands of nuclear weapons and·
·.·fissile material. For half a century, our nation spent trillions of dollars in the nuclear standoff
· . with the Soviet Uruori. This would be o-ne of the best investments for peace that we could
make today.
TOO LONG. LOOKS LIKE WE ARE OBSESSED. WijOLE WORLD OUT
THERE.
.
TOO DEFENSIVE: DON'T WE HAVE SOMETHING NEW TO SAY ABT
FOREIGN POLICY?
SAY WE HELD HIM IN CHECK WI ABC & WE HAD TO & SOLDIERS ARE GRT
& HERE'S THE SOLDIER. ..
And we stand ready -- and stand firm -- against the threat posed by Saddam
Hussein. For nearly a 'decade, Iraq has defied its· obligation to destroy its nuclear,. chemical
CLINTON LlBRARv ·
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KPHorocopy
�and biolpgical weapons and the missiles to deliver them. Saddam has used such weapons
before -- against soldiers and civilians against his neighbors and his own people. I have no
doubt that, left unchecked, he would use them again. American resolve, leading the
international community, has held Saddam in check--:- with. diplomacy and sanctions whenever
possible, with force whenever necessary. And we will work for the day when Iraq has a
government worthy of its people.
GREAT (SHRUM) In all of these efforts, we rely on our Armed Forces to defend
America's 'interests in a dangerous world. We are proud of them because they are the best in
the world. Every American should be proud of the meri and women of our rp.ilitary who lastmonth struck at the weapons ofterror in Iraq. Our troops were superb; their weapons precise
and powerful. .Their mission was successful - so flawlessly executed that we risk taking for
'granted the bravery and skill they brought to the job. [x] flew [x] missions, destroying [x] that
made [chemical weapons][or whatever]. He is here with us tonight. L¢t us all honor him and
the 10,000 other men and women of Desert Fox.
/
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When I took office, to take advantage of the end of the Cold War and to make·
· America stronger by putting our economic house· in order, this Administration continued to
streamlineour military. But as Commander-in-Chief, I have no higher obligation than to give
. our troops the tools, training and equipment they need to succeed. Four times over the past
nine months, I asked Congress for a total of $6 billion in emergency funds and reprogrammed
money to keep our readiness razor-sharp. Each time, Congress said yes. The budget I will
submit for next year asks you to approv(;!.an increase of over $12 billion for defense readiness
and modernization-- the start of a sustained, six-year real effort that will reverse a decline in
defense spending that began in 1985. My budget will ensure that our Armed Forces remain
··ready to deploy rapidly in any crisis ... that they remain the best equipped fighting force in the
world... and that their service_ is not only rewarding, but well-rewarded, with a pay raise of .
. --4.4 percent. [TK: BRAC insert?] Our men and women in uniform always deliver for
America, We must deliver for them.
· BE OFFENSIVE, NOT DEFENSIVE. ONE OF THINGS WE'RE PROUDEST OF
·WE SPENT MORE THAN HALF OF WORLD'S RESOURCES ON DE-MINING. PLANE
WENT DOWN OFF COASTNAMIBIA? DESTROYED 1.5-2 M; HAVE BEST RECORD
OF ANY COUNTRY IN LAST 5 YRS.
As we enter the 21st Century, we must strengthen and extend our alliances and
partnerships to. preserve peace and security.
For half a century, NATO has kept the peace and defended democracy in Europe.
Now, we are modernizing NATO for the cha1lenges of the 21st Century. This spring in
Washington, we will mark NATO's 50th anniversary by welcoming Hungary, Poland and the
Czech Republic as our firstnew allies from Central Europe. And we wiil continue to give
NATO new capabilities to combat the more diverse, but no less dangerous threats of the
future: ethnic, racial· and religious conflict ... the spread of weapons of mass destruct~on.
CLINTON LKBRARY PHOTOCOP
�A~d we recognize that more than ever, America's future will not be secure if Asia's is
in doubt. As President, I have worked hard to strengthen America's relationships with Japan .
and Korea, our allies and economic partners. And I am convinced that engaging with China--·
horne to one in five of the world's people-- is the best way to advance America's interestsin
.this region and to deal directly with our differences. I told the Chinese people on TV this past
summer that free markets, political pluralism, the rule oflaw, and respect for human rights are
the best guarantees of national stability. The more we bring China into the world, the more
the world will bring freedom to China.
RECOGNIZE THEY ARE CLAMPING DOWN. ADDRESS FOREIGN NATIONS (IE
REAG4N & USSR) HAD A WONDERFUL TRIP THERE; RESPECT ACH OF CHINA
MODERNIZING VULTURE HERITAGE PEOPLE WANT PARTNERSHIP BUT SERIOUS
MISTAKE TO CRUSH LEGIT POL SP, [HUGE APPLAUSE] DEFND ENGAGE [TINNY
FEEL] BUT SAY EXPLICIT WHAT WE DON'T LIKE IN METAPHOR WAY.
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Finally, we must do more to foster the spread of freedom, democracy and human
rights around the world. From our founding, .as Thomas Paine said, "The cause of America
.
is the cause of mankind." The blossoming of democracy on every continent at century's end
. was so sudden, aiJ.d so widespread, that we risk taking it for granted. There is a danger that,
in some countries, confidence in democracy and.free markets will be undermined fmancial
turmoil, and by the failure of new institutions to keep up with aspirations. We must help
people deepen their democracies so that the historic choice they have made for freedom is
never again in doubt.
.
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Last spring, Hillary and I saw an African continent transformed by democracy and
economic reform. But we also saw how violence and disease continue to plague the people of·
Africa and threaten their progress. We must intensify our efforts to strengthen democracy,
end conflict, and promote good health. And -- because Africans and Americans can benefit
from more trade and investment -- we must finally pass the Africa Growth and Opportunity
Act.
And we must continue to strengthen our ttes to our neighbors in the Americas, where
now every government but one is freely chosen by the people. We must honor our
commitment to put the victims of Hurricane Mitch back on the road to recovery. · They are
our neighbors, and when neighbors are in trouble, good neighbors help out. And we a:re
determined that the people of Cuba, too, should know the blessings of freedom. STILL
HAVE 3000 PEOPLE THERE; HOW MUCH $ DEDICATED; THANK FL & TIPPER &
GOP & DEM MEMBERS WHO WENT DOWN THERE
MENTION CUBA INIT?
21st CENTURY COMMUNITIES
GOOD: In the 20th Century, the ties that bind us together too often have beerr frayed by the
force of change. In the 21st Century, we have no choice but to restore those threads of
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�( ....
community.
SAY: BUT .HERE IN AMER, TIES THAT BIND PEOPLE TOGETHER HAVE BEEN
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FRAYED; VAST DIVERSITY OF AMER HAVE STRAINED TIES THAT BIND US
TOGETHER IN RECENT YRS EVEN AS WE HAVE SEEN EVEN MORE VIOLENT
CONFLICT ABROAD; IN 21ST C RESTORE THOSE THREADS [NO] HAVBE NO
CHOICE BUT TO BE ONE AMER. ·IF WE WANT TO HAVE GOOD INFLUENCE
AROUND WORLD MUST BE GOOD AT HOME
Strong· communities, first, are communities where hope and opportunity flourish.
MORE LOGICAL TO PUT IN ECON SECTION:
Already, new empowerment zones, community banks, and a surge in investment by
private banks have brought [$x] trillion into our inner cities and poor rural areas. Tonight I
· propose the next stage of our urban opportunity strategy. [:] More capital into our inner cities.
A new American Private Investment Corporation to make loan guarantees for investment in
our untapped domestic markets. Tax credits for new investments. 100,000 new vouchers to
help poor people move out of public housing. A better farm safety net for rural America, with
crop insurance r~form and income assistance. When dropping prices and the loss of foreign
markets have led to dire economic conditions for too many of our hardworking family
·farmers.
·.WHAT IS APIC? MODELED ON OPIC? IF SO, SHDN'T WE SAY IT, AMKE NICE
PARALLEL? WHERE DO$ & TX CREDITS COMEFROM? [FRI SP, BUT~ .. ]
LITANIZE BULLETS BUT LAST ONE: AND AN APIC, MODELED ON OPIC, WHICH
WILL DO ... [ONE SENT] PRETTY DAMNED BIG IDEA. PLAY IT BIG HERE.
GS:HAVE TO EXPAND TO UNTAPPED MKTS. THE GREATEST MKT IS URBAN &
RURAL. THAT'S WHY I'M ANNOUNCING COMP PLAN ... LAST WK, BEFORE
AUDIENCE OF BUS EXEC, I UNVEILED... ·
Strong communities are safe communities.
MAKE MUCH SHORTER:
BUT ... ·
· GUNS OUT HANDS KIDS
100,000 POLICE
.· 21ST C TOOLS
JUVENILE BRADY (ONE A MONTH ... )
Six years ago, our country was at peace, but too many of our communities were at
war. ·Gangs and drug dealers controlled entire neighborhoods where even police officers.
· .weren't safe to walk the streets. Then, in our communities and our capitol, we fought back.
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�Here's the strategy: More police on the beat. Fewer guns in the hands of criminals. Tougher
punishment. Better prevention.
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Crime has declined to its lowest level ~n 28 years. But you and I know that crime is
still a dangerous fact of life in too many neighborhoods. So we· must build on our Sl!Ccess of ·
the past six years and break the cycle of violence in America for good.
Tonight l propose a crime bill for the 21st Century to press our growing advantages
. against the criminals, so we can deploy the latest tools, technologies ·and tactics in the fight
against crime.
This year, we will reach our goal of putting 100,000 coinmunity police offic(!rs on our
streets-- under budget and a full year ahead of schedule. This budget will put even more .
police on the street :.. hire 2000 prosecutors . . . and give law enforcement the high technology
. tools they need to fight crime. Crimi11als have access to the best technology. Now the police
will, too.
We must sever the deadly connection between crime and drugs. 80% of people in
prison have a drug problem. Yet once they return to the streets, only 1 percent are ever drug
tested, and as a result, most return to drugs --and to crime-- and to prison. It is a destructive
cycle - a cycle we can break.
(
My balanced budget strengthens support for drug testing and treatment for prisoners, parolees
and probationers. To prisoners in every state, we want to send a message: If you stay on
drugs, you must stay behind bars. To probationers and parolees, we wanno send a message:
If you want to keep your freedom, you have to keep free of drugs.
·
Next, we should continue to take guns off our streets. Since the Br~dy Bill took effect,
250,000 felons, fugitives and stalkers have tried to buy guns have been turned away empty
handed. That's enough guns to fill the floor of this chamber [shoulder high] . Who knows
how many lives have been saved?
a
Now the requirement for waiting period fot buying a handgun. has expired. I ask the
Congress to keep in place a law that has worked, and make a mandatory waiting period for
· · buying a handgun once again the law of the land ..
We can do more to take guns out of the hands of criminals. We should close the
.loophole that lets criminals buy guns at gun shows~ We should say: No background check, no
guns, no exceptions. And we should follow South Carolina, Maryland and Virginia's lead and
say: nobody needs to-buy more than one handglin a month. Let's shut the gunrunners down.
· Strong communities are livable communities~
TIGHTEN:
A century ago, President Theodore Roosevelt defined our nation's "great, cent~al task"
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�. '.
as "leaving this land even a better land for our descendants than it is for us." He set aside
millions of acres of natural treasures shaped by the hand of God over hundreds of millions of
· years -- so they could not be sacrificed for short term gain.
This is the vision we are fulfilling today, protecting California's ancient redwoods,
Florida's
Everglades, Utah's stunning red-:rock canyons, and Yellowstone, America's very
first National Park .. .The air we breathe is healthier, the water we drink cleaner. The
American bald eagle, the symbol of our national strength, soars once again -- and this year, we ·
will proudly take it off the endangered species list. But for America to soar high and free
throughout the new century, there are new environmental challenges we must come together to
1peet.
The most profound environmental challenge of the 21st Century is the threat of global
warming. A few weeks ago, scientists confirmed that 1998 was the warmest. year on record.
The ice storms, heat waves, and near-biblical floods of the past year are but hint of what
future generations may endure~ I say: We must act now.
Tonight, I pledge to work with Congress to enact a common-sense strategy: a clean air fund to
help communities reduce both pollution and smog; new research and development for clean
energy sources; tax cuts for energy-efficient cars, homes, and appliances; rewards for
companies that take early, voluntary action to reduce their greenhouse pollution. And finally,
we will continue our vigorous diplomatic efforts, because we must meet a global threat with a
global response.
Another new environmental challenge is, quite literally, in our very neighborhoods.
As so many. are buying new homes and sharing in the American Dream, our communities are ·
losing about 7,000 acres of open space every ·day. We must find new ways to· keep our
communities both growing and green.
.
So tonight, Vice President Gore and I propose a $1 billion Lands Legacy
initiative to 'preserve millions of places of natural beauty across the country -farmlands', parklands, and open spaces within easy reach of every citizen. This
would be ·the single largest investment in protecting America'.s lands since President
Roosevelt set our nation on a path of conservation nearly ·a century ago. We must·
make this gift to the 21st Century.
AmeriCorps
MAKE SHORTER:
From _our earliest days, the ethic of service -- the belief that all Americans
have a duty to give something back to our c·ommunities and ·to each other -- has
been the hallmark o! American citizenship .. For the better part of this century, from
the Civilian Conservation Corps to the Peace Corps, young people-- always
· brimming with idealism and energy-- .have been at the front lines of citizen service.
Six years ago, I fought· to create AmeriCorps to tap that same vein in today's
CLiNTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�.
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generation, to give them a new chanc_e to serve America, earn money for college
and work side by side with peers from all walks of life. I wanted to prove the
pundits wrong -- that bur young people had not become a generation of cynics and
slackers, but a generation of patriots ~nd doers. ·
·
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In just four years, AmeriCorps members have touched the lives of millions of Americans. They have built thousands of'lqw...:income homes with Habitat for Humanity. They
have helped churches in Dallas tutor children and raise reading scores by more than half.
They have worked with the American Red -Cross· tp comfort families hit hard by Hurricane
Georges, setting up emergency shelters, clearing away trees and rebuilding homes.
Nothing in my time as President gives me greater pride than this: as of today, 100,000
young people now have served our nation through AmeriCorps --more than served in the
Peace Corps during its entire first two decades. Some of them are with us tonight, and we
should thank them for their service .
. I ask this Congress to thank these young people as only you can: by increasing support
for AmeriCorps .. And to all the young people in America , I want you to know that you can
make a difference in your community. Whether through AmeriCorps, your church, or other
commuriity organization, you have the power to make this world a better phice. I challenge
you to use iL
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Democracy
As we work to strengthen bur communities, we must work to renew ourdemocracy. Our campaign finance system is broken-- our laws overwhelmed by
. an out of control fundraising arms race. Last year, a strong bipartisan majority in
. the House of Representatives passed strong campaign finance reform. But
obstruction by a partisan minority blocked reform and.preserved the status quo. I
ask the House to pass reform quickly once again -- and I ask the Senate to say no
to big money and yes to a strong democracy in the Year 2000.
[free TV]
[And we must recognize that far too few Americans vote. Americans will go
around the world to fight for the right to vote -- but too often, we won't go across.
the street to exercise that right ourselves. [election reforms - to come]]
ONE AMERICA
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But the greatest opportunity facing our nation is also our oldest challenge: the
-challenge of building One Am·erica out of the most racially and ethnic diverse
peoples on earth. What can we do to build one nation for the 21st Century?
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For the past year and a half, our Initiative on Race has sought to bridge the divides
.
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY /
�between our people. What we discovered was that the will to bring our people
together across all racial lines is strong in America; Thousands of ordinary citizens
through their schools, their businesses, through the arts and media, are taking the_ .
lead, .bringing people from all walks of life to talk and listen to each other, to learn
· together, to serve side-by-side in our communities. I challenge more communities·
to follow their example.
.
Bl,lt we. must also recognize that there is much we can do as a n.ation to close the opportunity
· gaps that continue deepen the divides between the races. we· must continue to revitalize our
most troubled schools' to press forward in our fight for safe streets and safe neighborhoods'. to
work to bring the American Dream to every corner of America.
For generations, that dream has represented a fundamental compact among our people. We
believe that all citizens should have the chance to rise as far as their God-given talents will
-take them. What counts is energy and tah!nt and heart. No arbitrary distinctions should bar
the way. . So when we deny opportunity because of ancestry or religion, race or gender,
· disability or sexual orientation, we break the compact. It is wrong. And it should be illegal.
I call upon Congress· to honor our most cherished principles and make the Employment
.Non-Discrimination Act the law of the land.
America has always been lifted up by our struggle to live closer to our ideals of
freedom and equality. But too often, in too many places across America, too many
Americans become victims of ignorance and intolerance, hate and violence.
[With us tonight are Judy an.d Dennis Shepard of Casper, Wyoming. Dennis is an oil rig
·inspector._ Judy [stayed at home and raised two fine sons]. This fall, they were proud when
. ·their elder son Matthew enrol!ed in his Dad's alma mater, the University of Wyoming. But
'barely a few months into his freshman year; Matthew was beaten, ti~d to a fence, and left for
dead on a deserted country road. He was killed, police say, because he was. gay. My fellow
Americans, this should never have happened to the Shepards and their son -- and it should
· never happen to any family in Ameri~a.]
.The American family cannot survive when we harbor hate and foster violence against those
who are different, when any one of us· refuses to acknowledge that each and every one of us .
are children of God. So I call on Congress to speak with one voi~e and pass the Hate
Crimes Prevention Act this year. We must declare unequivocally that America
values every one of our· people; that we will never ever tolerate acts of violence and
intolerance in this great land of freedom and equality.
·But we.have much more to do. The face of America will change immeasurably in
· the next century. We are witnessing the largest wave of immigration since the turn
of the last century. Today, one in ten people in America was born in another country. By
the end of next year, California will have no majority race.
I
\
WAY TOO LONG
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�I believe our newest immigrants are good for America. They are revitalizing our cities,
energizing our culture, building our new economy. They are strengthening our ties·to the
. global economy' just as earlier waves of immigrants settled the frontier and powered the
· Industrial Revolution.
·
·
·
I kriow that the rtew accents and new faces have left some Americans feeling unsettled, fearful ·
. that the America they know and love is becoming a foreignland. That fear is understandable,
but it is wr<?ng. My fellow Americans, just look at our immigrants and you will see
yourselves, your parents, your grandparents.
We must say to our newest immigrants: You are welcome here, to share and enlarge the
bounty of America. But you, too, must take responsibility -- to .obey our laws, to learn
English, to strive to enter the mainstream of American life and to _make America's heroes your
own. That is why in my balanced budget, I am proud to boost our. efforts to teach our
.
immigrants Engiish, our customs and our system of government.
We must help them and all Americans understand the most basic Anierican lesson of all:
Whether your ancestors came here on slave ships or on the Mayflower, whether they landed
on Ellis Island or Los Angeles Internatipnal Airport, whether they arrived yesterday or have
been here thousands of years, if you believe in the Declaration of Independence and the
Constitution, if you accept the responsibilities as well as the rights embedded in them, then
you are an American.
PERORATION: THE MILLENNIUM
This is the last. state of the Union of this century -- and you are the last Congress of this
. century. Barely 300 days from now, dawn will break on anew century and a new
millennium. This is a moment for clarity ·and contemplation, a moment to come together, a
moment, as the First Lady has said, to honor the past and imagine the future .
. I thank the Congress for its support of.our efforts to restore the Star Spangled Banner and
· other national treasures that are known to every schooolchild. Last year, Hillary traveled
across our country to inspire more communities to work together to Save America's.
Treasures. By preserving the places in which our forbears lived and worked, from Thomas
Edison's laboratory to Louis Armstrong's house in Queens, we ensure that children today and
. in the next century can better understand who we are and where we came from. So I call on
cities and towns to strive to become ."Millennium Communities" --working to 'mark the
millennium through-one shared endeavor, whether by restoring historic places, clearung up a
river or a park, recruiting a volUnteers to help children .
. ·1 came to this office six years ago tomorrow in a time of doubt for America.
Our economy was troubled; our deficit was high; many, even among our own
people, wo11dered whether America's best days were behind us. But a year earlier,
traveling across this country through a thousand cities and neighborhoods, in living
rooms, churches, and community centers, I had seen, even in the pain and
uncertainty of recession, the strength, the idealism, the bold, resilient character of
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�(
America.
I !")ad no doubtof what we together could do for our country.
Tonight, as I deliver the last State of the Union message ofthe 20th
· Century, that workgoes on.
·
·
So I ask all of us who hold offi~e to work as hard as the American people do,
each and every day. Because they are right to demand it. And because we are
working for them.
SAID LAST YR. '98 ELECTION This is no ordinary time. We are in the final
months of a century when generations of Americans answered the call to
greatness, overcoming Depression; lifting up the dispossessed, bringing dowri
barriers of racial prejudice, opening up opportunity and the most widely shared
. prosperity in human history, winning two world wars and "a long twilight struggle" ·
against the most vicious forms of tyranny ever known. Perhaps in the daily press
of events, in the dash of controversy, we do not see our time for what it truly is a. new dawn for America. GREAT. WAIT UNTIL END?
A hundred years from tonight, another American President will stand in this
place to report on the State of our Union. He - or she - will look back on a 21st ,
·Century shaped in its very first moments, even by the decisions we make here and
now, before it begins.
'
Let it be said of us then that we were thinking not only of our time, but of
their time; that we reached as high as our ideals; that we' put aside our divisions
and found a new hour of healing and hopefulness; that in these next two years,
with pride in our purpose and the grace of our God, we joined together to serve and
strengthen the country we love.
Let us lift our eyes, and from the mountaintop of the American century look
forward to the next one.
I
·Let us go to V\fork together for the American people.
And, in this high endeavor, may God watch over the United Sta!es of
America.
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. email
SUBJECTrfiTLE
DATE
Michael Waldman to Joshua Gottheimer; RE: State of the Union Draft
[partial] (1 page)
0110911999
RESTRICTION
PS
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
ONBox Number: 14417
FOLDER TITLE:
SOTU [State-of the Union] 1999 Speech Drafts 119/99- 1112/99 [Binder] [3]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2241
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(aX3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors·[a)(S) ofthe PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearty unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(bXI) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
· an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(bX3) of the FOIA]
b( 4) Relea~e would disclo'se trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA) ·
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
. concerning wens@t9fN'fONA1LYBRA
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift;
"PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
.
RY PHOTOCO.PY
�(·
\
.
Michael Waldman
01/09/99 02:17:03 PM
.
.
Record Type: ·
.To:
'
Record
Joshua S. Gottheimer/WHO/EOP
.
.
cc:
Subject: .Re:
---------------------- Forwarded by Michael Waldman/WHO/EOP on 01 !09i99 02:1 B PM
--------------~------------
Glastris @ aol.com
01/09/99 01:13:46 AM
fiecord Type:
.. To:
·Record
Michael Waldman/WHO/EOP
cc:
Subject: Re:
Subj:
. Mike, I love much of what June writes below about immigration. I'm not
sure, however, that there is much to be gained by setting immigration up as a
major problem, akin to the murder. of blacks and gays. First of all,
immigration as a political problem has largely receeded in the last two years,
both because the economy has boomed and because we passed a couple of get.tough immigration laws. Second, the average person hearing this, having
forgotten how pissed off he was about immigration in 1995, will think, oh
yeah, you're right, let's keep the foreigners out; yet we come back and say
. the solution to the immigration problem is for US to be nicer to and more
. tolerant of THEM. With that in mind, here are my suggestion .
.Our seventh great challenge must be to build a strong American
community for the 21st Century.
Today, new conditions are challenging us to keep true to our oldest
values in ways that make sense for today. A new wave ofimmigrants, [cut in
percentage terms, this wave is smaller than the one. that occurred at the turn
of the century, and while th.ey are more diverse, their differences have had a .
far less shocking affect on Americans today than the Irish and Eastern
European immigrants of a century ago did to Americans at that time. Moreover,
I don't think we want to be questioning the American people's loyalty to old
ideals. larger
·
than any in a century, more diverse than any in history, is changing the
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�·Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. draft .
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
· RE: State of the Union Address (27 pages)
01113/1999
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waidman
ONBox Number: 14417
FOLDER TITLE:
SOTU [State of the Union] 1999 Speech Drafts 119199 ~ 1/12/99 [Binder] [4]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2242
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Pl National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) ofthe PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or betweim such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
. P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) ofthe PRA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in. accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose ·trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b )(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release ~ould disclose geologica!(ii'tffglrN'ft}rfhlrmipp
concermng wells ((b )(9) of the F(')r,tf
LJI.D ftft 11.·
t.RV PHOfQ(
�/r-.··
sotu99.7.
Draft 1/13/99 3:30pm
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS
. UNITED STATES CAPITOL
January 19, 1999
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice:President, Members of Congress, honored guests, my fellow
Americans:
On your behalf, let me acknowledge in the presence in the box with Mrs. Ha:stert of Wei
Ling Chestnut and Lyn Gibson, the widows of the two Capitol Police officers who wer_e struck
down defending this house, the heart of this democracy. As much as any soldier in our history,
they were watchmen on the walls of freedom. I ask us all now to bow our heads in silent prayer
in honor of JJ Chestnut and John Gibson: [moment of silence]
Toriight, we begin again our work together for the people of America. And let me
begin by saluting the new Speaker of the Hou~e. Mr. Speaker, on the day you were sworn in,
you asked us to work in a spirit of civility and bipartisanship. I accept. Let's heed the words
and honor the spirit of Thomas Jefferson, who iri 1801 asked a divided Congress to restore
"that harmony and affection without which liberty and even life itself are but dreary things."
More and more, all across our nation, Americans are working in that spirit. They demand no
less of us.
Tonight, I have the honor and responsibility of delivering the last report of the 20th
·Century on the State of our Union, and to call on our nation to rise to the challenges and
· opportunities of the 21st Century, barely more than 300 days before us.
I haye the privilege to report that we have created the longest peacetime economic
expansion in Amedcan history -- with wages rising at twice the rate of inflation and nearly 18
million new jobs.
'
I· stand. before you to report that more Americans are living· in 'their own homes than at
any time in our history -" that the welfare rolls are the smallest in 29 years -- and that the
peacetime unemployment rate is the lowest it has been since 1957.
I stand before you the first president in three decades to report not just that the budget
is balanced, but that we have a $76 billion surplus --the highest in American history.
I stand before you to report that violent crime is at its lowest point in a quarter century.
I stand before you to report that the environment is the cleanest in a quarter century,
and that in six years -- even as our economy has boomed -- we have cut pollution from
1
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�factories in half.
1 stand before you to report that America stands strong - a force for peace and
reconciliation in lands torn by ancient hatreds, from Northern Ireland, to Bosnia; to the .
Middle East:
In the last years of what has been called the American Century, a new American·
century has already begun.
Once again our government is a progressive instrument of the common good. Thanks
.· to the pioneering leadership of Vice President Gore, America has a government for the
Information Age that lives within its means. The smallest govermilent since-- well, since ·
John Glenn first orbited the Earth. A flexible, creative government driven not. by rigid
· ideology, but by ideas that work; devoted to giving the Ainerican people the tools they need to
solve their own problet'lls. A 21st Century gov~rnment for 21st Century America.
Once again, after- years of doubt, we have proved to ourselves and the world that when
America faces a challenge at home and abroad, we can meet it. President Washington told the
.
First Congress that succeeding generations must carry forward "the sacred fire of liberty"
which is "finally staked on the experiment entrusted in the hands of the American people."
My fellow Americans, at the end of one American centvry and the dawn of another, that
sacred fire still burris brightly. The State of our Union is strong.
What will we make of this moment? We stand before time of unimaginable possibility
for our nation-- of vast new economic opportunities, stunning scientific discoveries,
remarkable advances in the health and happiness of our people: a time when cancer is a thing
of the past; \Vhen new technologies make it easier for parents to succeed at work and be
raising their children; children acquire new knowledge in new ways that keep us together-moving us forward.
This is the future we can build together. But we cannot do it if we allow the hum of
o~r prosperity to lull us into complacency. New times pose new perils even as they offer new .
promise. They demand new action.
·Yes, America is working again. But we still face large long-term [unclear] challenges
on our way to the 21st Century.
We must deal with the aging of America by saving Social Security and Medicare and
do more for retirement savings. We must give our growing and increasingly diverse
population of schoolchildren a world-class education. We must bring economic opportUnity to
:people and plcices still untouched by our prosperity and put a human face on a more stable .
global economy. We must build stronger families and communities for the 21st Century;
giving parents health care and child care, safer streets and a cleaner environment. We must
2
CLINTON ILIRRARY PHOTOCOPY
�maintain our leadership in science and technology so that we can conquer dreaded· diseases and
stay at the forefront of human discovery. We inust remain, in the face of new threats, the
world's leading force for peace, prosperity and security. · And still we must keep coming
together to build, out of all our difference and diversity; One America-- a 21st Century
America, stronger and safer, richer and fairer;more diverse and more united than ever.
There will never be a better time to meet these challenges than now -- now, with our
budget surplus growing, our economy expanding, and above all, our confidence rising. Let's
getto woi:'k.
AGING OF AMERICA
Our fiscal discipline gives us an unsurpassed opportunity to address perhaps our ·
greatest new challenge: the aging of America.
Though our nation is young· in spirit, our people are aging. Life expectancy is at an all
time high. With the number.of elderly Americans set to double by 2030, the Baby Boom will
become a Senior Boom. We must·prepare for this seismic demographic shift.
_First and before all else, we must save Social Security. Early in this century, to .be old
.
meant to be poor. When President Franklin Roosevelt created Social Security, thousands wrote
·· to thank him for eliminating what one woman called the "stark terror of penniless, helpless old .
age." Even now, without Social Security, half our nation's elderly would plunge into poverty.
Today, Social Security is strong. But it will soon face acrisis. By 2017, payroll taxes
. will not cover retirement obligations. By 2032 the Trust Fund will be exhausted, and Social
·Securhy will be unable to pay out the full benefits older Americans depend upon to live.
Last year, from this podium, I said we should set aside the surplus until we save Social
Security. Working together, we have done so. Tonight, let us resolve to finish the job-- and
invest the surplus to save Social Security.
. Tonight, I propose that we invest half the budget surplus for 15 years to save Social
·Security.. We can get a higher return if we invest a small portion of the Trust Fund in the private
sector -- like any private or state government pension would, or, indeed, like any family would.·
If we take this step, we can save Social Security for 50 years. But we must do more. Frorri the
.first ciays of this program, we have sought to assure that the system was on sound footing for at
.least.75 years. To do that, we.will have to make difficult but achievable choicesin a bipartisan
agreement. I am committed to that end; I ask you to commit to it, too.
MOVE UP
[Let me be clear. [The best way for Social Security to remain, for the long-term, a
rock-solid guarantee of support, is to invest its resources more wisely-- hot to make drastic cuts
3
CLINTON L!BRARY PHOTOCOPY
�~-
(
in benefits; not to raise payroll tax rates; and not to drain resources from Social Security in the
name of saving it.] I do not believe we should devote a single dollar of the payroll paid by every
American tax to any new or untested account that puts basic Social Security benefits at risk.]
SO TONIGHT ...
·RESTATES PRINCIPLES IN ONE SENT'r'WANT TO WORK WITH YOU LOT OF DIFF
IDEAS MY CONCERN HAS ALWAYS BEEN 5 PRlNCIP. -WE CAN GET IT DONE THIS
YR.
Second, [W/ FUNDS DEVOTED TO SAVE SOC SEC, WE CAN STILL DO THE
FOLLOWING; ONCE WE HAVE SET ASIDE FUNDS TO SAVE SOC SEC, WE MUST
ALSO ... ] after we save SoCial Security, we must fulfill our obligation to save and improve
Medicare. Already, we have extend~d the life ofMedicare by 10 years-- but for the health care
of our seniors to be on solid ground, it J.?lUSt be extended for at least another decade. So I
propose that we put one out of every five dollars in the surplus toward saving Medicare. Ifwe
· did this and no- more, we would extend the life of Medicare for at least 12 years. But if we do
more -- if we take strong steps and take seriously the work of the bipartisan panel chaired by
Senaior John Breaux and Rep. Bill T~omas that will report in March -- then we can also improve
the quality of Medicare as well. [You had questions about this sentence}
THIS LANG DOESN'T SAY "MED TRUST FUND SECURE.FOR NEXT 21 YRS:"
EK: IS THIS REF TOO POSITIVE FOR DEMS?
·PRESCRIPTION DRUGS?
..
·.
.
.
THERE'S A NEED FOR DRUG BEN, AND AFTER B-T COMM MAKES REC, WE OUGHT
TO GET TOQETHER SEE IF WAY TO DO THIS AND AT LEAST MAKE A BEGINNING
ON PRESC. DRUG BEN.
IF WEWORK HARD, TOGETHER, LOOK AT RECS OF B-T, I BELIEVE... AND
CONSIDER IMPORTANT THINGS LIKE EXTEND PRES. DRUG BEN.
· THIS MONEY ALONE. CD GO TO 2020. BUT IF WE WORK TOGETHER. WE CD
CONSIDER THESE OTHER THINGS [YES. THIS]
ANNOUNCE 76 B FOLLOWING ON 70 M SURPLUS .,-PROJECT 2 TRILLION-. TONIGHT I PROPOSE WE INVEST THAT SURPLUS
Third, we must do more to help all Americans, from their first day on the job, to save, to
· inyest, to create wealth. As President Roosevelt made plain, Social Security was only one pillar .
of support for older Americans; private savings and pensions were the others. But today, tens of
millions of people still retire with few savings and no pension. Even if we save Social Security,
Americans living longer than ever simply must save more. Therefore I prop9se a new universal .
4
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�r\
'
pension -- personal savings, invested as each worker sees fit, which would be bolstered by the
national government. By doing so we·would give more Americans a: greater stake in our
prosperity... a. greater hand in thecreation of wealth ... agreater chance to retire in comfort,
security; and digiiity. I know we can agree: this is a future; a secure future, every hard-working·
Aniericap deserves. [what % ofsurplus?]
WHAT% OF SURPLUS, IS GOVT PUTTING IN$; I W
CAN'T TELL WHAT HELL WE'RE SAYING. DOESN'T MAKE LICK OF SENSE
TONIGHT WANT TO MAKE SURE WE USE 10% TO MAKE SURE EVERYAMER HAS
OW SAVING/PENSION/ WE WILL CONTRIB ... GOVT WHICH MATCH FUNDS IN WAY
THT FAVORS HARDEST WORKING FAMILIES .
.RAISES MORE QUESTIONS THAN IT ANSWERS
.
WORK WI CONG TO' WORK OUT DETAILS?
NEEDS NAME: UNIVERSAL SAVINGS ACCTS (USA) PEOPLE 10 YRS FROM NOW
WILL ASK HOWMUCH $ YOU HAVE IN YR USA ACCT
. OLD PROGRAMS, NEW PROGRAMS
..
Fourth, to betterprepare for the Senior Boom, we must help Americans provide long. term care for aging and ailing loved ones. Today, millions of working people are caring for
·.elderly relatives and even neighbors, often at great cost to their families. The care these families
provide is invaluable. Our nation should recognize and reward it. In my balanced budget, I will
propose a long-term care tax credit of $1,000 for aged or disabled people with long-term care
needs or for the families that shelter them. The care these families provide is invaluable; but we
can show we value it very much indeed.
CUT IT.
Finally, we should help every elderly American who can do so to stay in.their own home
or with their own family, before going to a nursing home. A new initiative in my balanced
budget plan will help [50,000] elderly Americans stay in their own homes ..
Preparing for the aging of America means investing this fraction of our budget and 85 _
percent of our budget surplus. This will not only help the growing Senior population; it will help
their children, by freeing them of their ?????] for their grandchildren. If we make good use cif
. our good fortune, the retirement of the old need not be a burden on the young. So we should take
. those bold steps toward a better future now. This year. With no excuses.
NEED ANOTHER SENT: BY BEING PRUDENT & SAV SURPLUS NOW, WE TAKE
'BURDEN OFF CHILDREN & ALLOW. -
5
LLlNJON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�ARE WE GO!NGTO WASTE THIS$ ON TX CUTS,. OR SAVE IT?
· GTOWN ADLIB: NO ONE IN MY GEN WANTS TO· PUT, BURDEN ON CHILDREN. -BY
SAVING THIS NOW ... AS OLDEST OF BBOOMERS, I CAN TELL YOU, NONE OF US
WANT TO PUT INTOLERABLE BURDEN ON CHILDREN & ABILITY TO RAISE·
FREE THE CHILDREN OF B:SOOMERS TO HAVE STRONG FAMILIES &
.
.-
.MORE PERSONAL, POINTED, PASSIONATE
Education
LOT OF STUFF IN HERE WI LEGS
DON'T USE WORD "SYSTEM" EVER
We must look to the future not only for older Americans, but for out children. Today, there
· are more children in our public schools than· at any time in our history, and their education is
more important thari ever, fot the new economy prizes ~ow ledge, creativity and sls:.ills as
·never before.
·
TODAY WE CAN SAY WHAT WE CD NOT 6 YRS AGO:
·.Together, we have opened the door of college to all __: with easier student loans, more Pell
grants for deserving students, 1 million new work study jobs, education IRAs, and the HOPE
scholarship tax cut that nearly 6 million Americans will receive this year. Today we can say
what we could not say six years ago: Every high school graduate in America, regardless of
·income, can afford to go to college.
We have also made prog.ress in renewing our public schools with higher academic standards,
more discipline, more choice, and a focus on results. Nearly every state has imposed tougher
academic goals, and a voluntary national test is being developed to measure students' progress
. in meeting those goals .. Thousands. of schools have cracked down on drugs, gangs, and
violence, and improved learning and discipline with school ·uniforms. We have supported
teaching values and finding a proper place for religious faith in our public schools .
. [QUERY: AMERICA READS, MENTOR!NGJ .
.
4 THINGS WE DON'T MENTION: CHARTER; AM READS, 1000 COLLEGES·
. HELPING; CHAKA FATA'S MENTORING PROG (DBLING; SAY LATER)-- GEAR UP/
HIGH HOPES -- INCRS VISIBILITY
35-78% WIRED
SF: 1996: SOUBLING/TRIP # OF SCHLS WIRED -- HERE OR LATER .
(
All these efforts and continuing reform at state and local levels have begun to bear
\ ...
6
CLINTON JLIB.RARY PHOTOCOPY
�fruit. SAT scores are up. Math scores have risen in nearly all grades nationwide. This is
good news. But there is a perplexing problem: while our fourth graders outperform their
peers in other developed countries in math and science achievement, our eighth graders are
around average, and our twelfth graders ni.nk near the bottom. (]early, American students
have the capacity to learn and start out strong, but the system fails them.
We can and must do better, with higher expectations, more reforms that work and
resources [???]. Each year the national government invests over $13 billion [ck] in our public
schools. IS THAT RIGHT? I believe we should invest more in education-- in our schools,
· our classrooms, our teachers. But I also believe we have a responsibility to invest in what
works and insist on results when we do. Later this year, I will send Congress a plan that for
the first time will hold states and school districts accountable for progress and reward them for
results. I propose that every school in every community receiving federal help for their
schools take the following steps, steps teachers and students have proved work. ·
MUST BE VERY CLEAR PROPOSING SOMETHING DRAMATICALLY DIFF. THIS IS.
A SEA CHANGE IN WAY WE PROPOSING TO SPEND FED $.
NEED NAME?
EVERY 5 YRS; NEED TO REAUTH ESEA; THIS YR, PROP TO REAUTH BY
CHANGING IT; REQ SCHL DISTR TO DO SOMETHING QUITp DRAMATIC THIS IS
THE FED FUND THAT GIVES $ B TO OUR SCHLS I THINK ITS TIME TO ·GIVE THIS
TO WHAT WORKS & DEMAND ACCTABLITY. (WE KNOW WHAT WORKS SO WE
HAVE NO EXCUSE FOR CONT TO INVEST IT WHATDOESN'T SO WE HAVE A
MORALRESPON TO KIDS TO INVEST IN WHAT DOES.)
_
THEREFORE THIS YR I WILL PROPOSE THAT EV SCHL IN EV COMM THAT GETS
FED$ TAKE STEPS-- STEPS WHI<;H TEACHERS AND STUDENTS ALREADY
RPOVED DOWORK.
First, all schools must end social promotion. Too many students move from grade to
grade without mastering the basiCs. This practice must stop. We need to give young people
the help they need to meet high standards, and make sure they do. My new balanced budget
triples the funding for academically-enriched summer school and after school programs, so
schools can end social promotion and give extra help to the kids who need it. We can· keep
.. one million students learning in the hours after regular school lets out, when parents work and
.juvenile crime soars. Our children .should learntheir lessons in the school house, not on the
streets.
.
I
.
. TOO LONG:. AFTER SCHOOL HELP, SUMMER SCHL HELP--> DRAMATiC
IMPROVE. Three years ago, Chicago Mayor Richard Daley sparked suc_h a revolution in his
.city's schools when he ended social promotion and started giving students extra help during
and after school to master the basics. If they still fall short at the end of the year, they go to
7
CLIN!ON ~IBRARY PHOTOC
�(/..--.
summer school and get special tutoring until they do pass-- and most do.
It is tough medicine, but it works. Citywide math and reading scores have gone up three years
in a row in Chicago; with the biggest gains corning from some of the most disadvantaged
students. One ofthose students is Darneisha Rogers; who lives in Chicago's tough CabriniGreen public housing complex. Last spring, Darneisha got a letter saying she would have to
repeat sixth grade unless she raised her test scores. Distraught at first, Darneisha buckled
·down,. and In six weeks of surnnier school boosted her reading level by eight months and her
math by a year and five months. She passed her test, entered seventh grade with her friends,
and now she's thinking about going to college. Da:tneisha is with us tonight, sitting with the
First Lady.
I
Every child in America can learn. We owe all of them the same chance as Darneisha to prove
they can.
,/
...
' Second, all states and school districts must identify their worst-performing schools, and take
serious, even drastic steps, to turn them around. We will no longer tolerate schools that deny
generation after generation of disadvantaged Americans the opportunity to learn their way out
of poverty. That means, if need be, bringing in new principals, new curricula, and new,
·
better:..trained teachers. If schools still fail to improve, they should be shut down and the
students placed elsewhere. That's what [19] states are already doing. My balanced budget
includes $200 million to help turn around failing schools~
MENTION NC IF WE CAN BIGGEST IMPRV, WERE FIRST.
Third, all states and school districts must be held responsible for the quality of the teachers
they send into the classroom. None of us would be here tonight if it weren;t for our teachers.
We ·should lift them up, not tear them down. But in too many schools, teachers do not have
college majors--or even rnino.rs--in the subjects they teach. We should require new teachers to
pass skills tests, and all teachers to know the subject they're teaching.
And we need to attract our best and brightest to the teaching profession, espedally where they ·
are needed most. My budget includes a five-fold increase in scholarships for people who
agree to teach in our poorest schools.
· We must do more to get better trained teachers into our poorest neighborhoods: in the inner
city, in isolated rural areas and Indian reservations.
·. Fourth, we must empower parents by giving them better -information about their schools. In
most communities, it is easier to get information on the quality of local restaurants than the
quality of local public schools. Schools issue report cards on students: I believe every school
district should issue report cards on schools.
c
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CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCO
�& MORE CHOICES.:.
CHARTER SCHLS IS BIGGER IDEA. DO FIRST.
Empowering parents with better information will create tremendous competitive pressure on
s.chools to improve. So will expanding the choices parents have by creating more innovative
. public charter schools .. There was one such charter school in all of America when I became
President. · There are 900 today, thanks in no small measure to the support we have provided ..
By early in the next century, there should be 3000. This budget keeps us moving toward that .
goal. LOSE IT: We should also offer parents new public school choices tailored to the way
· families work and live today -- including new public schools located at workplaces, so that
.·harried wor'kirigparents can spend more time with their children and get more involved in
their schools. [THIS BUDGET?]
To bring more discipline; more attention, and more learning to every young child, we reached
across party lines last fall and began to hire 100,000 new highly-trained teachers to reduce
class size in the early grades. I ask this Congress to finish our mission o{hiring 100,000 new
teachers. ·
-
/,'
We must also give our children schools as modern as the world they live in. The average
school buildings begins to deteriorate after 40 years, and the average school building in
America today is 42 years old <--NOT VERY GOO]). LQSE IT. ·In some cities, the
· average age of school buildings is 65 years old. Too many of our schools are falling apart,
.with walls too old to be wired for the Internet. OTHER BIG PROB IS ... [TIGHTEN] Many
. others are so packed with our nearly 53 million school children that trailers must be used to
handle the overflow. Last fall, Congress missed an opportunity to create a tax break to
modernize or build 5000 new schools. This year, for the sake of our children, Congress inust
not miss that opportunity again. GOOD LINE, MAKE EVEN TERSER. USE SAME
REPRISE ON BLOOD ALCOHOL, PBR, ANYTHING WE DIDN'T GET LAST TIME.
In 1996, the Vice President and I promised that every classroom and library ih America would
be connected to the Internet by the year 2000. We have made new investments in computers,
trainingfor teachers, and 'discounts to make logging on affordable. Since then; nine times as
m~my classrooms have been hooked up. But another million classrooms have yet to be
connected to the technology that will connect children to the future. This year, our budget
makes $2 billion available to link all our classrooms to the Internet. I ask every school in
every community in America to make that vital connection.
I ask the Congress to fund a Digital Library· that will put online state of the art math and
.science curriculum, the treasures of the Smithsonian, .and up to 400,000: [CUT of the greatest]
. books in human history. Imagine what our children can accomplish when they enter a library
as vast as their imaginations. We can put that library within the reach of every child.
9
CLiNTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY:
�21st Century economy·
. RUBIN SUMMARY MIGHT HAVE CLEARER LANG
SEXIER GRAPH HERE AT BEGINNING? •
By securing the retirement of the elderly and the education of the young, we will make
·huge strides to build lasting prosperity into the 21st Century. To widen the circle of opportunity
in a modem economy, we must do more.
To spur the high tech industries that account for one third of our growth, iny
administration will"propose a 30% increase in long-term computer research-- so that [TK].
SPEAKS FOR ITSELF-- NO "SO THAT."
To help families with the dizzying choices in the financial marketplace, my
administration will.propose a new "financial right to know" law to help consumers protect their
investments, combat fraud, and make smart choices. ·
To make sur.e that competition and i!mo~ation thrive; my enforcement team will continue
its [prudent but] aggressive BUT PRUDENT record of enforcing our antitrust laws.
AN AGGRESSIVE PRUDE A PRUDENT AGGRESSOR
(
\
Y2K TOO LONG. SHRUM: KEEP 1ST AND LAST SENT. ONLY; WE'VE ALREADY
DONE SOC SEC (GIVE LITTLE UPDATE), WORKING ON DEF.
To make certain that we reap the rewards and minimize the disruptions of these new
technologies, we are working around the clock to prepare for the so called 'millerinium computer
bug.' As you know, many computers and machines will have· difficultly processing the year 2000. I believe that the national g~vemmC:mt will be ready. Every business, every city and
county, every university in this country and around the world is at risk. But if we work hard and
work together, the millennium bug can be the last headache of the 21st Century andnot the first ·
.
crisis ofthe 21stCentury.
Finally, it is plain that economic growth at home depends upon economic growth around
the world. Because this is so vital to our nation, I want to take a moment to explain what the
stakes are and what we have done. ·
·
·
TOO LONG: TIGHTEN
BUT IT'S BIG, PARTICULARLY IF BRAZIL IS SHAKY.
HEADLINE HERE IS INTL ECON; H~RE
ARE SOME THINGS DOING AT HOME, THEN
MFG INIT (TRD)
(
'----
P 45MAY BE WAY TO START: THIS YR WE HAVE TWO BIG LONG-TERM CRALL
10
CLINTON !LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�AHEAD, THEN GO BACK
FIRS't,STAKES. POTUS WILL SPEND MORE TIME ON IT.
Our nation benefits greatly from the free flow of goods and capital and the new lines of
comni.erce and communication that link us to other nations~ America has prospered in this
decade because of the. vibrancy of our economy; the flexibility of olir markets, the creativity of
our people. The qualities that spell success in the global economy are at the core of the
American character. But the same economy that brings new opportunity brings with it new
uncertainty. Until recently, a full one third of our economic growth came from trade. But over
. the past year arid a half, financial turmoil that began in Asia and spilled across the world has put
that growth at risk. Worldwide financial markets first flood a nation with funds, then just as
suddenly withdraw those funds in a panic -- leaving social devastation in its wake. Today, much
ofthe world is in recession. Across.Asia, an entire generation that worked its way into the .
. middle class has been plunged into poverty. Too many of out trading partners can't buy our
exports .,- and can flood our market ·with inexpensive imports, as the value of their money drops
relative to ours and they can be [can't read].
\.
This is the most critical financial crisis in a half century. Last September, I set out a new
strategy to spur global growth, to stabilize the global economy and keep the world trading·system
open, free, and fair. Together with other leading nations, the Unite!i States acted -- lowering
interest rates, meeting its obligations to the International Monetary Fund, [organizing the nations
of the world to help the economy of Brazil]. The turmoil is not over; and over the next year we
may yet feel its full impact within our own borders. But because America led and America · ·
acted, the world economy is much more· sound than it would have been. I thank lawmakers of.
both parties for your support.
This year there are two big challenges ahead-- to build a 21st Century trading system and
a 21st Century final).cial system that will put a human face on the global economy. An
international market that does not honor the values and protect the interest of ordinary citizens
will neither earn nor deserve their support.
·
We must build a financial system for the 21st Century that tames the savage cycles of
boom.and bust in the world economy. This spring, I will meet with the leaders ofthe world's
inost important economies to lay plans for a world financial system as modem as the markets.
We must insist that every nation open its books. We must strengthen bank regulations .to reduce
the risks posed by the ricochetting of money around the world. We must work together to build
new ways to respond to these crises before they become calamities. We must make sure that the
poorest citizens do not become the victims of financial turmoil.
And we must build a trading system for the 21st Century -- one that spurs growth,
expands opportunity, and honors the values we fight for every day.
11
CLINTO~ LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�.
For too long, trade has divided Americans, across lines of party and philosophy and
economic station. We must find new approach to trade - the common ground on which
.business and labor and environmentalists and government can stand .
a
. We must do more to help American manufacturers hit hard by the global financial crisis.
I ask the Congress to provide credit to help spur $2 billion more manufacturing exports abroad.
We would be very unwise to erect P.rotectionist walls that could start a chain reaction, hurt
exports of American goods, farm products, and services. But let me be clear: where imports are
unfairly surging into our nation, we will act. I have made clear to the government' of Japan that if
) apan' s inexplicable surge of cheap steel imports into our country is not reversed, I ani ready to
self-initiate actions under our trade laws..
·
·
· We will work with Congress to ensure that sanctions in pursuit of our foreign policy
goals do not jeopardize the competitive position of our farmers and businesses in foreign
markets.
Five times i~ the past half century, we have negotiated worldwide trade agreements that.
have opened market~ and lifted our prosperity. Tonight I propose to launch new trade
negotiations to open markets -- a new round of negotiations in the World Trade Organization to
expand our exports of farm products, services and manufactures. We will seek to expand trade
with Africa and with the Central American nations devastated by the recent hurricane and to
pursue a Free Trade Area of the Americas. ·
In all these efforts, we must press for trade that is more open. But we must also press for
trade that promotes the dignity of work and the rights ofworkers .. We must insist that
jnternational trade organizations be open to the sunlight of public scrutiny. We must insist that
trade rules never be used as a pretext to destroy environmental protections. We must never let
vigorous international economic competition become a race to the bottom among nations.
I ask Congress to move forward witp me based on this common approach and pass
legislation granting the President traditional trade authority we can advance our prosperity.
so
.
.
We will work with the Inte~ational Labor Organization on a new initiative to lift labor
standards around the world.' And w~ lJ!USt act, once and for all, t<:> end the most exploitative trade
practi.ces of all: I will sign a new international agreement to ban child labor everywhere in the
world.
And we must make certain that every American worker has the tools to succeed in the
·new economy.
.
.
~
.
'
Today, there is not so much an income gap as a skills gap. At a time when skills matter
. ·more than ever, one out of four working people reads at less than a sixth grade level. This past
year I w'as proud to sign bipartisan legislation to transform our worker training system. With a
12
CLINTON LIBRARYPHOTOCOPY
�simple voucher, Americans can now choose the skills they need. My balanced budget will build
on that momentum, with a national campaign to improve adult literacy and a commitment every
American who needs training gets training.
IF THIS GOES IN ED, WE NEED MORE TO SAY ABOUT IT. OUR ADULTS HAVE ED
NEEDS TOO-- IMMIGRANTS, PEOPLE NOT FINISH HS; WANT TO MOUNT LG NATL
CAMPAIGN TO GET PEOPLE TO COMEBACK GET GED; MAKE. SURE ADULTS WHO
NEED IT WILL HAVE ACCESS TO TRGFOR LIFETIME. PUT SOME LIGHTS ON IT.
HOW THEY TAUGHT? WHO DOES IT? WHAT ONCE THEY GET CERT? (GETBACK
INTO GED; LIFETIME LEARNING) WHO ARE WE TALKING ABOUT?
cBUILDING STRONG FAMILIES FOR THE 21st CENTURY
In the 20th Century, the AmeriCan family· was transformed as we adapted to new
workplaces and new ways. Now, we must strengthen the American family for th_e
challenges of the 21st Century. No government can raise or love a child. Mothers and fathers
do. But government can empower parents with the tools they need to meet their most vital ·
re-sponsibilities.
·
·
·
,Tobacco
STRONG FAMILIES, WORKING FAMILIES
. BEGIN WITH MIN WAGE; END WI TOBACCO (SHRUM)
.START WI CHILD CARE; FMLA
THEN HEALTH CARE; PBR (MED RECORDS?)
THEN TOBACCO (YOUNG)
THEN MEDICARE EXTENSION (OLD)
PROGRESS ON 5 M CHILDREN?
(
'..
WELF TO WORK: SENT OR )'WO --UP TO lOMBUSINESSES; NOT JUST CHERRY
. PICKING, EFFORTS TO GET ALL WELF RECIPIENTS
. ADD SHALALA IDEA COMM HEALTH CTS
.
•'
.
. ,
.
' A STRONG AMER WDN'T PUT UP W A SPEECH THIS LONG.
POTUS WILL MAKE OUTLINE & SAY HAT MAIN PT IS
WANTS- DBL SPACE SM TYPE.
EXPLAIN FIN CRISIS; SURPLUS; FED ED $
BUT ASSERT ANYTHING YOU DON'T HAVE TO EXPLAIN; FACTUAL LINEAR SENT
. Strong families start with heaithy childr~n. .
As is now well known, our children- what the tobacco industry calls "replacement
13
CLINTON JLIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�smokers"-- are the target of a massive media campaign to hook them on cigarettes- a product
that will kill them. I ask this Congress to resist the awesome power of the tobacco lobby and pass
comprehensive, bipartisan legislation that will raise the price of ciga!ettes, protect farmers, and
. give us the tools to protect our children from tobacco.
.,
The tobacco industry and its deceptions have imposed a cost not just on our families.
Illness due to smoking'-- from cancer to emphysema_-- costs Medicare [X billion] a year.
. T:~xpayers should not be left holding the bag. Already, state governments have recovered [x]
billion dollars for taxpayers for state health care costs.
Tonight, I am directing the Department of Justice to prepare.and bri~g a lawsuit against
the tobacco companies for the costs to Medicare of smoking. Any funds we recover from these
·tobacco companies will help strengthen and reform Medicare. And these funds could be used to
· extend health care, including a new Medicare prescription drug benefit.
We ~ow that tobacco is not the only product that can bring early death to our children.
Each year, on too ·many dark roads, drunk drivers kill nearly 3000 children. I ask the Congress to
write tough new blood alcohol standards into law to protect every American, on every roadway.
We missed the chance to do this last year. We should take it now.
r:
Strong families depend on strong parents.
We must do more to help the millions of working American parents who give their all
every day to succeed at home and at work.
I ask the Congress once again to enact a comprehensive plan to make quality child care
more affordable, more ~ccessible, and more enriching than ever. Our plan- with tax cuts for
working families, child care subsidies for small business, nigh standards and training for child
care providers - is fully paid for in our balanced budget. It will pay off in greater peace of mind
· for working parents, and better care for our children. ·
A child care plan that is in balance with our values will also help mothers who choose to
stay at home with their children~ giving up income while they do. Our child care plan includes a
new tax credit to help those stay-at-home mothers. No job is more important than the job of
· · raising our children.
I was proud that the Family Medical Leave Act was the first bill I signed into law. Since
then, it has helped nearly [20 million] American workers to care for a new baby or an ailing
relative without risking their jobs. We should build on that success, and guarantee Family Leave
to 10 million more Americans who work for smaller companies.
\
And parents who work to support their families should never face discrimination in the
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CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�..,:;-..
/
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workplace. I will send legislation to Congress that prohibits companies from refusing to hire or
promote workers simply because they have children. We should not punish parents who fulfill
their most important responsibility -- we should honor them.
[Next Fall], the First Lady and I will host a 'wh.ite House Conference to examine work
and family in the 21st Century. [Reference to Mrs. Clinton] .
Strong families need strong health care.
The United States has the world's most advanced medical care-- and we must continue
.our commitment to cutting edge research and pathbreaking innovation.
In just the past six years, medical researchers introduced the first effective drugs to treat
HIV. They have begun testing the first drugs to prevent or reduce risk of cancer. They .have
discovered the process of aging itself- raising the prospect of new treatments to prevent or delay .
·the infirmities of old age, from Parkinsons to Alzheirilers to arthritis.
My balanced budget will keep us on track to increase the budget for the National
Institutes of.Health by fifty percent. By voting to fund scientific research, this Congress will
commit our nation to finding a cure for cancer and HIV early in the new century.
I
'
But as our sophisticated medicine races ahead, we cannot let our health care system lag
behind.
And as we all know, managed care has transformed medicine in America-- driving down
costs, but threatening to drive down quality as well.
Here's a true story told to us by an emergency room physician from Dearborn, Michigan.
A patient was rushed into the emergency room; he had died. The doctor managed to resuscitate
the patient, and he recovered. But the man's health plan said they would not pay. Being dead,
apparently, was not "an emergency"!
Our health care bill of rights says: Every American should have the right to the best qre,
not just the cheapest. The right to see a specialist. The right to continuity of care. The right to
[???] medical treatment. The right to emergency care.
Within my power as President, I have acted, extending these rights to the 85 million
Americans served by Medicare, Medicaid; and other federal health plans. But only Congress cari
·.extend this Patient's Bill of Rights to all Americans, and again I ask Congress to do so, on a
bipartisan basis, early this year. ·
.
Step by step, we must also extend health insurance to more Americans. Today, more
Americans Icick coverage than they did in 1993. Two years ago, we extended health insurance to
l
"
'
15
CLINTON LIBRARYPHOTOCOPY
�up to 5 million children. Now, we should give people 55 to 65 --the fastest growing group of
the uninsured -- the chance to buy in to Medicare. We should rriake it easier for small businesses
to offer health insurance to their employees. We should pass the bipartisan legislation,
introduced by Senators Kennedy artd Jeffords, to allow people with disabilities to buy Medicaid
health insurance when they return to work. No American shouldhave to make the choice
between having health care and. going to work.
And as more of our medical records are stored electronically, the threats to privacy ·
increase. ·If Congress does not act this year, as provided by law, I will act -- issuing an executive
qrder to protect the privacy of medical records online.
'
.
[And we must step up ourefforts to treat and prevent an illness faced by tens of millions
of Americans -- mental illness. Mrs. Gore has led our efforts to fight the stigmas faced by the
millions of Americans with mental illnesses and to improve their treatment and care. This year,
we will host a [first-ever] White House Conference on Mental Health .. No Ainerican should ·ever
be afraid to reco.gnize and treat this disease. No American should face an ugly stigma. And every
American should have equal opportunity to thrive.]
Strong families are working families.
Already, by expanding the Earned Income Tax Credit and raising the minimum wage, we have
helped [x] million work their way up from poverty. But you can't raise a family on $5.15 an ·
hour. I believe that we shouldsay to all parents: if you work hard and play by the rules, you can
raise your children out of poverty. Let's agree to raise the minimum wage by $1 over the next
.
two years.
.
Welfare to work -- [to come]
A STRONG AME.RICA IN A NEW WORLD
.. MENTION SMATTERING OF SENATORS: BRAG ON A FEW
AG SHD GO IN ECON (PODESTA).
READINESS: MORE CONVERSATIONAL LONGER MISSIONS; RESOURCES MORE
STRETCHED. IF WE WANT BEST, HAVE TO SUPPORT, PAY; OWE THAT TO THEM.
THAT'S WHAT READINESS IS. DIDN'T LOSE SINGLE PLANE OVERIRAQ;
WHATEVER JOB, THEY FIGURE OUT HOW TO DO IT. BUT ENLIST DOWN IN NAVY,
~!LOTS LEAVING AF
l
We end this century as the world's indispensable nation. The power of our ideals, the
strength of our economy, and the might of our military have given us a unique opportunity to
shape a more democratic, peaceful and prosperous world. Because of our unique position, we
'hear a responsibility -- to act when our interests are clear, our values are at stake and where we .
"\
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CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTO .
.
.
· copy
�can make a difference. In the new century, new opportunities for peace and democracy must be
seized. And new threats to our security and the world's must be addressed with vigilance.
Over the next year, the United States must continue to bring the calm hand of
reconciliation\ to lands torn by war and violence.
At the center of Europe, where just a few years ago te~s of thousands of people lost their ·
lives to the bloodiest war since World War II, American leadership and NATO's resolve have
put Bosnia on the path to peace and prevented a humanitarian catastrophe in Kosovo. Over. the
next year, we will continue to make Bosnia's peace self-sustaining-- and continue to drawdown
.
our forces. In Kosovo, we will work to sustain a fragile cease-fire and press for a settlement that
gives its people the self-government they once enjoyed and so strongly deserve.
.
All Americans should be proud that we stood with Protestants and Catholics in Northern
Ireland as they moved from the deep freeze of despair to the warm sunlight of peace. Through
··the Good Friday Acconi,the people ofNorthem Ireland have put an end to 30years of
·
heartbreak and chosen a future of peace. Now, America will help them build it. [Cong- Peter
King? Kennedy & Dodd?].
And in the Middle East-- birthplace ofthree great religions, source of so much instability
in the world -- we have helped bring the parties closer to a lasting peace. Two months ago, ·in a
long week of meetings on the Maryland shore, we helped put the peace process back on track.
Last month, in Israel, we kept it moving forward. I was proud to address the Palestinian National
Council on the day it renounced its call for the destruction oflsrael. The road to ahead will. be
difficult. But we can see our way toward a just and secure peace that is good for Israelis, for
Palestinians and for the world. [aid to Israel, Palestinian Auth & Jordan]
/
\
IMPORTANT LEG TO AID PALESTINIANS-- CAN WE MENTION?
As we seize the opportunities to make peace, we must also stand ready to meet the
new threats to our nation and the security of the world. With the end ofthe Cold War, there
is no longera single, existential threatto our survival. Buttoday, outlaw nations· and bands of
terrorists can disrupt the peace ... acquire poison gas, biological weapons and even nuclear
. arms ... and wreak havoc through fear. The battlefields of this conflict are the subways of Tokyo.
The streets of the Middle East. Our embassies in Nairobi and Dares Salaam. We will stand ready
to defend our security wherever it is threatened.
We stand ready on the Korean Peninsula, where 37,000 American troops and our South .
. Korean allies guard the last militarized fault line of the Cold War. We must continue to deter
, aggression and prevent North Korea from developing nuclear materiais. Forty-five years after
·the endofth_e Korean War, it is time for a secure peace to come to Korea.
~\.
We stand ready to defend our nation against emerging threats here at home. My balanced budget
..
17
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�/(.
includes a fifty percent increase in funding to protect from hackers and terrorists the computers
· .that keep our armed forces, communications, transportation, electrical networks and financial
markets rumiing strong. It will help train and equip fire departments, police departments,
hospitals and local communities to deal with chemicaJ and biological emergencies. _And itwill
support significant new research into vaccines, treatments and monitoring programs to keep our
people healthy and secure from these new and deadly-threats.
We stand ready to restrain the spread of nuclear weapons. To end all nuclear testing, to
prevent a new arms race, and to makeit harder for nations without nuclear weapons to develop
them, I call on Congress to give its advice and c·onsent to the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.
In 1963, just two months elapsed between the time President Kenriedy signed the Limited Test
.Ban Treaty and its approval by the Senate. It's been more than two years since I became the first
world leader to sign the CTBT. I ask the Senate to act -- without delay .
..
. SHD WE USE FORUM TO ASK DUMA PLS TO RATIFY START2 SO WE CAN GET ON W
START3 IN THEIRS AND OUR BEST INTEREST? RUSS AND US NEED TO BESETTING
EX ... ETC.
We must also help Russia, Ukraine, and the other nations of the former Soviet Union
keep a tight grip ori their nuclear arsenals as they continue to make the difficult transition to
democracy and free markets. My balanced budget would help these countries prevent weapons
of mass destruction from falling into the hands ofterrorists and outlaw nation~._.. use,their
. remarkable scientific potential for p~aceful purposes ... implement sweeping arms control
. agreements.. . and accelerate the destruction of thousands of nuclear weapons and fissile
. material. For half a century, our nation spent trillions of dollars in the nuclear standoff with the
Soviet Union: This would be one of the best investments for peace that we could make today.
TOO LONG. LOOKS LIKE WE ARE OBSESSED. WHOLE WORLD OUT THERE.
TOO DEFENSIVE: DON'T WE HAVE SOMETHING NEW TO SAY ABT FOREIGN
POLICY?
SAY WE HELD HIM IN CHECKW/ABC & WE HAD TO & SOLDIERS ARE GRT &
HERE'S THE SOLDIER.:.
.
And we stand ready-- ahd stand firm-- against the threat posed by Saddam Hussein. For
·nearly a decade, Iraq has defied its obligation to destroy its nuclear, chemical and biological
weapons and the missiles to deliver them. Saddam has used such weapons before-- against
soldiers and civilians against his neighbors and his own people. I have no doubt that, left
unchecked, he would use them again. American resolve, leading the international community,
has held Saddam in check -- with diplomacy and sanctions whenever possible, with force
'.whenever necessary. And we will work for the day when Iraq has a government worthy of its
people.
i
G~AT
(SHRUM)
In all of these efforts, we rely on our Armed Forces to defend America's
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ClLINION LIBRARY PHOTOCOP\
�..
.
.
interests in a dangerous world.' We are proud of them because they are the best in the world.
Every American should be proud of the men and women of our military who last rrionth struck. at
.
the weapons of terror in Iraq. Our troops were superb; their weapons precise and powerful.
Their mission was successful- so flawlessly executed that we risk taking for granted the bravery
and skill they brought to the job. (X] flew- (X] missions, destroying (X] that made (chemical
weapons][ or whatever]. He is here with us tonight. Let us all honor him and the 10,000 other
·men and women of Desert Fox.
When I took office, to take advantage of the end of the Cold War and to make America
stronger by putting our economic ho1:1se i11 order, this Administration continued to streamline our
military. But as Commander-in-Chief, I have no higher obligation than to give our troops the . ·
.tools, training and equipment they need to succeed. Four times over the past nine months, I
asked Congress for a total of $6 billion in emergency funds and _reprogrammed money to keep
. our readiness razor-sharp. Each time, Congress said yes. The budget I will submit for next year
. asks you to approve an increase of over $12 billion for defense readiness and modernization-the start of a sustained, six-year real effort that will reverse a decline in defense spending that
began in i 985. My budget will .ensure that our Armed Forces remain ready to deploy rapidly in
any crisis .... that they remain the best equipped fighting force iri the. world... and that their
service is not only rewarding, but well-rewarded, with a pay raise of 4.4 percent. [TK: BRAC
. insert?] Our men and women in uniform always deliver for America. We mustdeliver for them~
. BE OFFENSIVE, NOT DEFENSIVE. ONE OF THINGS WE'RE PROUDEST OF WE SPENT
MORE THAN HALF OF WORLD'S RESOURCES ON DE-MINING. PLANE WENT DOWN
. OFF COAST NAMIBIA? DESTROYED 1.5-2 M; HAVE BEST RECORD OF ANY
COUNTRY IN LAST 5 YRS.
As we enter the 21st Century, we must.strengthen and extend our alliances and
partnerships to .preserve peace and security.
For half a century, NATO has kept the peace and defended democracy in Europe. Now,·
we are modernizing NATO for the challenges of the 21st Century. This spring in Washington,_
we will mark NATO's 50th anniversary by welcoming Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic
as our first new allies from Central Europe. And we will continue to give NATO new
capabilities to combat the more diverse, but no less dangerous threats of the future: ethnic, racial
and religious conflict. .. the spread of weapons of mass destruction.
I·
And we recognize that more than ever, America's future will not be sec~re if Asia's is in
doubt. As President, I have worked hard to strengthen America's relationships with Japari and
Korea, our allies and economic partners. And I am convinced that engaging with China -: home
to one in five of the world's people-- is the best way to advance America's interests in this
region and to deal directly with our differences. I told the Chinese people on TV this past
summer that free markets, political pluralism, the rule of law, and respect for human rights are
the best guarantees of national stability. The more we bring China into the world, the more the
19
CliNTON LKBRA~Y PHOTOCOP
�world will bring freedom to China.
RECOGNIZE THEY ARE CLAMPING DOWN. ADDRESS FOREIGN NATIONS. (IE
REAGAN & USSR) HAD A WONDERFUL TRIP THERE; RESPECT ACH OF CHINA
:MODERNIZING VULTURE-HERITAGE PEOPLE WANT PARTNERSHIP BUT SERIOUS
· MISTAKE TO CRUSH LEGIT POL SP. [HUGE APPLAUSE] DEFND ENGAGE [TINNY
'FEEL] BUT SAY EXPLICIT WHAT WE DON'T LIKE IN METAPHOR WAY.
Finally, we must do more to foster the spread of freedom, democracy and human
.. rights around the world. From our founding, as Thomas Paine said, "The cause of America is
the cause of mankind." The blossoming of democracy on every continent at century's end was
so sudden, and so widespread, that we risk takii].g it for granted. There is a danger that, in some
countries, ·confidence in democracy and free markets will be undermined financial turmoil, arid .
. by the failure of new institutions to keep up with aspirations. We must help people deepen their
· democracies so that the histmic choice they have made for freedom is never again in doubt.
, Last spring, Hillary and I saw an· African continent transformed by democracy and .
· economic reform.- But we also saw how violence and disease continue to plague the people of
Africa and threaten their progress. We must intensify our efforts to strengthen derilocra~y, end
conflict, and promote good health. And -- because Africans and Americans can benefit from
more trade and investment -- we must firially pass the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act.
(
And we must continue to strengthen our ties to our neighbors in the Americas, where now .
every government but one is freely chosen by the people. We must honor our commitment to put.
the victims ofl:Iurricane Mitch back on the road to recovery. They are our neighbors, and when
neighbors are in trouble, good neighbors help out. And we are determin~d that the people of
Cuba, too, should know the blessings of freedom. STILL HAVE 3000 PEOPLE THERE; HOW
MUCH$ DEDICATED; THANK FL & TIPPER & GOP & DEM MEMBERS WHO WENT
DOWN THERE
MENTION CUBA INIT?
21st CENTURY COMMUNITIES
GOOD:. In the 20th Century, the ties that bind us together too often have been frayed by the force
of change. In the 21st Century, we have no choice but to restore those threads of coininunity.
SAY: BUT HERE IN ~ER, TIES THAT BIND PEOPLE TOGETHER HAVE BEEN
FRAYED; VAST DIVERSITY OF AMER HAVE STRAINED TIES THAT BIND US
TOGETHER IN RECENT YRS EVEN AS WE HAVE SEEN EYEN MORE VIOLENT
CONFLICT ABROAD; IN 21ST C RESTORE THOSE THREADS [NO] HAVBE NO
CHOICE BUT TO BE ONE AMER. IF WEWANT TO HAVE GOOD INFLUENCE
AROUND WORLD MUST BE GOOD AT HOME
{
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CLINTON LIBRARY-PHOTOCOPY
�Strong communities, first, are communities where hope and opportunity flourish.
MORE LOGICAL TO PUT IN ECON SECTION:
Already, new empowerment zones, community banks, and a surge in investment by
private banks have ·brought [$x] trillion into our inner cities and poor iural areas. Tonight I
. propose the next stage of our urban opportunity strategy.[:] More capital into our inner cities. A
.new American Private Investment Corporation to make loan guarantees for investme~t in. our
untapped domestic markets. Tax credits for new investments. 100,000 new vouchers to help
.poor people move out of public housing. A better farm safety net for rural America, with crop
insurance reform and income assistance. When dropping prices and the loss of foreign markets
have led to dire economic conditions for too many of our hardworking family farmers .
. . WHAT IS APIC? MODELED ON OPIC? IF SO, SHDN'T WE SAY IT, AMKE NICE
. PARALLEL? WHERE DO$ & TX CREDITS COME FROM? [FRI SP, BUT ... ]
LITANIZE BULLETS BUT LAST ONE: AND AN APIC, MODELED ON OPIC, WHICH
WILL DO ... [ONE SENT] PRETTY DAMNED BIG IDEA. PLAY I'~ BIG HERE.
GS:HAVE TO EXPAND TO UNTAPPED MKTS. THE GREATEST MKT IS URBAN &
RURAL. THAT'S WHY I'M ANNOUNCING COMP PLAN ... LAST WK, BEFORE
AUDIENCE OF BUS EXEC, I UNVEILED ...
r'
\
Strong communities are safe communities.
MAKE MUCH SHORTER:
BUT ...
GUNS OUT HANDS KIDS
100,000 POLICE
21SJ' C TOOLS·
JUVENILE BRADY (ONE A MONTH ... )
Six years ago, our country was at peace, but too many of our communities were at war.
·Gangs and drug dealers controlled entire neighborhoods where even police officers weren't safe
.. to walk the streets. Then, in our communities and our capitol, we fought back. Here's the
strategy: More police on the beat. Fewer guns in the hands of criminals. Tougher punishment.
Better prevention.
Crime has declined to its lowest level in 28 years. But you and I know that crirrie is still a
dangerous fact oflife in too many neighborhoods. So we must build on our success ofthe past
six years and break the cycle of violence in America for good ..
'
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CLINTON LIBRARY PijOTO!;OPY
�Tonight I propose a crime bill for the 2Jst Century to press our growing advantages
against the criminals; so we can deploy the latest tools, technologies and tactics in .the fight
against crime.
This year, we will reach our goal of putting 100,000 community police officers on our
. streets -- under budget and a full year ahead of schedule. This budget will put eyen more police
on the street ... hire 2000 prosecutors '·· and give law enforcement the high technology tools they
need to fight crime. Criminals have access to the best technology. Now the police will, too.
We must sever the deadly connection between crime and drugs. 80% of people in prison
have a drug problem. Yet once they return to the streets, only 1 percent are ever drug tested, and
as a result, most return to drugs-- and to crime --.and to prison. It is a destructive cycle- a cycle
we cari break.
My balanced budget strengthens support for drug testing and treatment for prisoners, parolees
and probationers. To prisoners in every state, we want to send a message: If you stay on drugs,
· you must stay behind bars. To probationers and parolees, we want to send a message: If you
, want to keep your freedom, you have to keep free of drugs.
(
Next, we should continue to take guns off our streets. Since the Brady Bill took effect, 250,000 .
felons, fugitives and stalkers have tried to buy guns have been turned away empty handed.
That's eriough guns to fill the floor ofthis chamber [shoulder high]. Who knows how many lives
. have been saved?
Now the requirement for a waiting period for buying a handgun has expired. I ask the
Congress to keep in place a law that has worked, and make a mandatory waiting period for
buying a handguri once again the law of the hmd. ,
We can do more to take guris out of the hands of criminals. We should close the loophole
that lets criminals buy guns at gun shows. We should say: No backgroillid check, no guns, no
exceptions. And we should follow South Carolina, Maryland and Virginia's lead and say:
nobody needs to buy more than one handgun a month. Let's shut the gunrunners down ..
Strong communities are livable communities.
TIGHTEN:
A century ago, President Theodore Roosevelt defined our nation's "great, central task" as
"leaving this land even a better land for our descendants than it is for us:" He set aside miilions
of acres of natural treasures shaped by the hand of God over hundreds of millions of years -- so
they could not be sacrificed for short term gain.
This is the vision we are fulfilling today, protecting California's ancient redwoods,
Florida's _Everglades, Utah's stunning red-rock canyons, and Yellowstone, America's very
22
CLiNTON LIBRARY PHOTOcopy
�first National Park. The air we breathe is healthier, the water we drink cleaner. The American
bald· eagle, the symbol of our national strength, soars once again -- and this year, we will proudly
take it offthe.endangered species list. But for America to ·soar high and free throughout the new
century, there are new environmental challenges we must come together to meet.
-The most profound environmental challenge of the 21st Century is the threat of global warming.
·A few weeks ago, scientists confirmed that-1998 was the wami.est year on record. The ice
· stcmns, heat waves, and near-biblical floods of the past year are but hint of what future
generations may endure. I say: We must act now.
Tonight, I pledge to work with Congress to enact a common-sense strategy: a: clean air fund to
help communities reduce both pollution and smog; new research and development for clean
energy sources; tax cuts for energy-efficient cars, homes, and appliances; rewards for companies •
that take early, voluntary action to reduce their greenhouse pollution. And finally, we will
continue our vigorous diplomatic efforts, because we must meet a global threat with a global
response. ·.
Another new environmental challenge is, quite literally, in our very neighborhoods. As
so many are buying new homes and sharing in the American Dream, our communities are losing
.
.
about 7, 000 acres of open space every day. We must find new ways to keep our communities
both growing and green.
(
So tonight, Vice President Gore and I propose· a $1 billion Lands Legacy initiative to
preserve millions of places of natural beauty across the country --farmlands, parklands, and
open spaces within easy reach of every citizen. This wo_uld be the single largest investment in
protecting America's lands since President Roosevelt set our nation on a path ofconservation
nearly a century ago. We must make this gift to the 21st Century.
AmeriCorps
MAKE SHORTER:
From our earliest days, the. ethic of service -- the belief that all Americans have a duty
to give something back to our communities and to each other-- has been the hallmark of
American citizenship: For the better part of this century, from the, Civilian Conservation
· Corps to. the Peace Corps, young people-- always brimming with idealism and energy -- have
been at the front lines of citizen service.
Six years ago, I fought to create AmeriCorpstotap that same veiri in today's
generation, to give them a new chance to serve America, earn money for college and work
side by side with peers from all walks of life. I wanted to prove the pundits wrong-- that our
. young people had not become a generation of cynics and slackers, but a generation of patriots
and doers.
.(
In just four years, AmeriCorps members have touched the lives of millions of
23
CLINTON LKBRARYPH
.
.
orocopy
�. Americans. They have built thousands of low-income homes with Habitat for Humanity. They
have helped churches in Dallas tutor children and raise reading scores by more than half.
They have worked with the American Red Cross to comfort families hit hard by Hurricane
Georges, setting up emergency shelters, clearing away trees and rebuilding homes.
Nothing in my time as President gives me greater pride than this: as of today, .100,000
young people now have served our nation through AmeriCorps -- more than served in the
Peace Corps during its entire first two decades. Some of them are with us tonight, and we
' should thank them for their service.
· I ask this Congress to thank these young people as only you can: by increasing support
for AmeriCorps. And to all the young people in America , I want you to know that you can ·
· make a difference in your community. Whether thr-ough AmeriCorps, your church, or other
comniunity or&anization, you have the power to make this world a better place. I challenge
. you to us~ it.
-Democracy
(
As we work to strengthen our comniunities, we must work to renew our democracy. _ Our
campaign finance system is broken -- our laws overwhelmed by an out of control fundraising
-arms race. Last year, strong bipartisan majority in the House of Representatives passed
·strong campaign finance reform. But obstruction by a partisan minority blocked reform and .
preserved the statUs quo. I ask the House to pass reform quickly once again-- and I ask the
Senate to say no to big money and yes to a strong democracy in the Year 2000.
'-
a
[free TV]
[And we must recognize that far too few Americans vote. Americans will go around the world
, to fight for the right to vote -- but too often, we won't go across the street to exercise that
; right ourselves. [election reforms - to come
n
. ONE AMERICA
But the greatest opportunity facing our nation is also our oldest challenge: the challenge of
building One America out of the most raCially and ethnic diverse 'peoples on earth. What can
we do to build one nation for the 21st Century? ·
.
.
For the past year and a half, our Initiative on Race has sought to .bridge the divides between
our people. What we discovered was that the will to bring our people together across all racial
lines is strong in America. Thousands of ordinary citizens through their schools, their
. businesses, through the arts and media, are taking the lead, bringing people from all walks of
life to talk and listen to each other, to learn together, to serve side-by-side in our communities.
I challenge mote communities to_ follow their example.
24
CLINTO-N LiBRARyp,u · ·
. ·
.
- nOTOCQpy
�But we must also recognize that there is much we can do as a nation to close the opportunity .
. gaps that continue deepen the divides between the races. We must continue to revitalize our
most troubled schools, to press forward in our fight for safe streets and safe neighborhoods, to
work to bring the American Dream to every corner of America.
For generations, that dream has represented a fundamental compact among our people. 'We
believe that all citizens should have the chance to rise as far as their God-given talents will
. take thein. What counts is energy arid talent and heart. No arbitrary distinctions should bar
the way. So when we deny opportunity because of ancestry or religion, race or gender,
disability or sexual orientation, we break the compact. It is wrong. And it should be illegal.
I call upon Congress to honor our most cherished principles and make. the Employment NonDiscrimination Act the law of the land.
America has always been lifted up by our struggle to live closer to our ideals of freedom and
equality. But too often, in too many places across America, too many Americans become
victims of ignorance and intolerance, hate and violence. ·
·[With us tonight are Judy and Dennis Shepard of Casper, W yarning. Dennis is ·an oil rig
'inspector. Judy [stayed at home and raised two fine sons]. This fall, they were proud when
.their elder son Matthew enrolled in his Dad's alma mater, the University of Wyoming. But
barely a few months into his freshman year, Matthew was beaten, tied to a fence, and left for ·
. dead on a deserted country road. He was killed, police say, because he was gay. My fellow
Americans, this should never have happened to the Shepards and their sort -- and it should
never happen to any family in America.]
.
'
The American 'family cannot survive when we harbor hate and foster violence against those
. who are different, when any one of us refuses to acknowledge that each and every one of us
·are children of God. So I call on Congress to speak with one voice and pass the Hate Crl.mes
Prevention Act this year. We must declare unequivocally that America values every one of
our people; that we will never ever tolerate acts of violence and intolerance in this great land
of freedom and equality.
But we have much more to· do.· The face of America will change immeasurably in the next·
century. We are witnessing the largest wave of immigration since the turn of the last century.
Today, one in ten people in America was born· in another country. By the end of next year,
Ca1iforni:i will have nomajority race.
'
.
WAY TOO LONG
. I believe our newest immigrants are good for America. They are revitalizing our cities,
.
energizing our culture, building our new economy. They are strengthening our ties to the
global economy' just as earlier waves of immigrants settled the frontier ail.d powered the
Industrial Revolution.
'
.
25
CLiNTON.LlBRAR . . .
.
.·
.
· y PHOTocopy .
�. I know that the new accents and new faces have left some Americans feeling unsettled, fearful
that the America they know and love is becoming a foreign land. That fear is understandable,
but it is wrong. My fellow Americans,just look at our immigrants and you will see
yourselves, your parents, your grandparents.
We m~st say to our newest immigrants: You are welcome here, to share and enlarge the
bounty of America. Hut you, too, inust take respons'ibility ·__ to obey our laws; to learn
English, to strive to enter the mainstream of American life and to make America's heroes your
own. That is why in my balanced budget, I am proud to boost our efforts to teach our
immigrants English, our custc)mS and our system of government.
We must help them and all Americans understand the most basic American lesson of all:
Whether your ancestors came here on slaveships or on the Mayflower, whether they landed
on Ellis Island or Los Angeles International Airport, whether they arrived yesterday or have
been here thousands of years,, if you believe in the Declaration of Independence and the
· Constitution, if you accept the responsibilities as well as the rights embedded in them, then
you are an American.
PERORATION: THE MILLENNIUM
This is the last state of the Union of this century -- and you are the last Congre_ss of this
century. Barely 300 days from now, dawn will break on a new century and a new
millennium. This is a moment for clarity and contemplation, a moment to come together, a
moment, ·as the First Lady has said, to honor the past and imagine the future.
·
· I thank the Congress for its support of our efforts to restore the Star Spangled Banner and
other nationi:tl treasures that are known to every schooolchild. Last year, Hillary traveled
across our country to inspire more communities to worktogether to Save America's .
· Treasures. By preserving the places in which our forbears lived and worked, from Thomas
Edison's laboratory to Louis Armstrong's house in Queens, we ensure that children today and
in the next century can better understand who we are and where we came from. So I call on
cities and to~ns to strive to become "Millennium Communities" --working to mark the
.
millennium through one shared endeavor, whether by restoring historic places, cleaning up a
·
.river or a park, recruiting a volunteers to help children.
I came to this office six years ago tomorrow in a time of doubt for America. Our
economy was troubled; our deficit was high; many, even among our own people, wondered
·whether America's best days were behind us. But a year earlier, traveling across this country
through a thousand cities and neighborhoods, in living rooms, churches, and community centers,
I pad seen, even in the pain and uncertainty of recession, the strength, the idealism, the bold,
resilient character of America.
I had no doubt of what we together could do for our country.
(
\
...
26
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�(.,__
Tonight, as I deliver the last State of the Union message of the 20th Century, that Work
goes on.
So I ask all of us who hold office to work as hard as the American people do, each and
every day. Because they are right to demand it. And because we are working for them.
·
·.
'
SAID LAST YR. '98 ELECTION This is no ordinary tirrie. Weare in the fina1 months of a
century when generations of Americans answered the call to greatness, overcoming Depression,
lifting up the dispossessed, bringing down barriers of racial prejudice, opening up opportunity
and the most widely shared prosperity in human history, winning two world wars and "a long
twilight struggle" against the most vicious forms of tyranny ever known. Perhaps in the daily ·
press of events, in the clash of controversy, we do not see our time for what it truly is- a new
.dawn for America. GREAT. WAIT UNTIL END?.
.
A hundred years from tonight, another American President will stand in this place to
report on the State of our Union. He--, or she- willlookback on a 21st Century shaped in its
very first moments, even by the decisions we make here and now, before it begins .
. Let it be said of us then that we were thinking not only of our time, but of their time; that
we reached as high as our ideals; that we put aside our divisions and found a new hour of healing .
and hopefulness; that in these next two years, with pride in our purpose and the grace of our God,
we joined together to serve and strengthen the country we love: •
Let us lift our eyes, and from the mountaintop of the American century, look forward to
the next one.
Let us go to work together for the American people.
And, in this high endeavor, may God watch over the United States of America.
.,I
l.
27
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CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. email
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
Suntum to Jordan Tamagni, et al.; RE: Complete transcript of meeting
tapes (35 pages) .
·
01111/1999
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
ONBox Number: 14417
FOLDER TITLE:
SOTU [State of the Union] 1999 Speech Drafts 119/99 ~ 1112/99 [Binder] [5]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2243'
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- (5 U.S.C. 552(b))
Pl
P2
PJ
P4
b(l) National security cl~ssified information ((b)(l) ofthe FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnef rules and practices of
·
an agency ((b )(2) of the FOIA)
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(J) of the FOIA)
b(4).Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
· personal privacy ((b )(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclos.e information compiled for law· enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation. of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIA)
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National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA) .
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(J) of the PRA)
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA)
.
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document. will be reviewed upon request.
. concerning wellsCLINTONIL!BRARY
PHOTOCOPY
�~J\./\~
Y)QQ~. w\ f6TU f' .
,VI~~~~~\\ 94
SUNTUM"""M@ A1
01/11/99 05:27:00 PM
Record Type:
To:
.. cs;:
Record
Jordan Tamagni, Joshua S. Gottheimer, Michael Waldman
-·
Subject:. complete transcript of meeting tapes
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
STATE OF THE UNION MEETING
January 11, 1 999
(
(Tape One, Side One)
THE PRESIDENT: I'm afraid it's on the way to being -- ·
you know, we've got to just write it all in and cut it back down.
It's on the way to being way too long,. isn't it?·
Q
We sort of view this draft as being the rhythm
track. We see the structure of it and then we can sort of make each·
part of it --
THE PRESIDENT: But we may have to get rid of more of ·
the words, because there's still some places that need some
·
·
explanation.
Anyway, the first three pages lmade some rhetorical
changes. If you want me to just read it, I will -- okay?
I also think a lot of the triumphalism doesn't need to
be in there. There's a little bit too much -- I never feel so
comfortable with that as you all do, with all the bragging -- brag on
this, brag on that, be proud of this, be proud of-- I don't know,
it's a little bit -·
Anyway, in the first paragraph the only thing I changed
so far is the .last sentemce, the last two sentences. I said: ··Beyond
these walls all across America, Americans of different backgrounds
and beliefs are working together in harmony and affection -- see,
CLINTON JLXBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�referencing the -- to meet the challenges of our new, exciting time.
They demand no less of us -- not, they have a right to, they do -they demand no less of us.
·And then on the other ones -- I'm just trying to save a
.few words here -- I said:· I have the honor tonight of reporting to
you on the state of our union, period. On the threshold of the 21st
century we are moving toward a time of fast new economic
·
opportunities, stunning ·scientific recoveries, remarkable advances in
· the health and happiness of our people. If we act now and act
together we can ensure that future for all our people. Okay.
A 21st century America, stronger and safer, richer and
' fairer, more diverse and more_united than ever.
It kind of rocks along there.
Then on the next paragraph I changed the last sentence. .
I said: Again and again; America has been tested. Again and again,
we have emerged from adversity stronger, freer, more prosperous and
more indispensable for the peace, freedom and prosperity of the
·world.
On the federal budget deficit I said: a painful symbol
of economic weakness and political gridlock.
Now, I reworded the last paragraph on page two a little
bit. I said: But we Americ;ans did not believe that. When I first
took the oath of office six years ago tomorrow I said,
there is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is
right with America. I believed then, and I believe.more firmly
today, .that if we offer opportunity, demand responsibility (use
present tense) and build a community of all Americans, we, the
people, will always be able to renew our nation.
And then I would say: For six years with energy, daring
and drive, America ·has done just that -- because otherwise it doesn't
-- in other words, you use "challenge" and "change" too many times.
Then I said -- now, you don't put "welfare" here, you
put "welfare" later with "crime" -- I think it's less demeaning to
put "welfare'~ with the economy than with crime. Instead of a problem
to be solved, these are people that are -- so I put: With more than
1 7 million new jobs, wages rising at twice the rate of inflation, the
lowest unemployment and the lowest percentage of our people on
welfare in 29 years -- because this last unemployment rate gave us.
both --you know, was the lowest unemployment in 29 years.
Q
We actually can say it even better-- it's the
lowest peacetime unemployment rate since 1957. So we'll work--
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
_(
�THE PRESIDENT: Yes, however you want to do it. But I
think It's better to put.welfare there ..
Tonight I stand before you to report for the first time
-- then instead of saying "the first President" -- I mean, it's a·
litth:i less arrogant, sort of -- To report for the first time in
three decades that the budget is not just balanced, but in surplus.
Tonight I stand before you to report that crime is at its lowest
-point in a qt.~arter century.
Now, the last thing is that we have cut pollution from
factories in half. That's been done in six years?
Q·
Yes, toxic poUution, factories --
THE PRESIDENT: In the last six years? That's good.
You ought to put, the last six years, in these six years. Because
otherwise people might think it's since 1970 and the Clean Air Act.
9
-- how much ab-out it is actuaUy due to
pollution
controls-~
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, we had it down last year; but over
six years, we're up.
(
On the third page, the last paragraph -- bringing
reconciliation .. We should say, helping to bring reconciliation,
because in· ~U those places we were not alone. Okay?
· Then I redid the government paragraph on page four. In
this one I would be more aggressive and more -- I would say: I can
report that our gover'nment is once again a progressive instrument of
the common good. We have discarded the old debate·, not assumptions.
--the old debate that we must either seek to dam up the currents of
economic change or teU our people .to sink or swim on their own.
Instead we have built a government for the Information Age, one that
lives within its means, a flexible, creative government, driven not
by rigid ideology but by ideas that work; a government that is
devoted to give the American people the tools they n~ed to solve
their own problems; a 21st century government for 21st century
America.
That gets the whole message in and it's got more
·movement in it,
Then I said -- the next paragraph, first sentence, I
said: Perhaps most important of all, we have proved again to
·.ourselves and the world that when America faces a challenge, at home
or abroad, we can meet it.
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY.
�And then the last sentence I would say: My fellow
Americans, at the end of one American century and the dawn of
another, that sacred fire still burns brightly. Put "still" in
·there, that's good.
Then I would say, this open; wide new vistas of
opportunity -- we use that word over -- 1. would say: But we cannot
allow the hum of our prosperity to lull us into complacency. I like.
-that. New...times pose new perils, even as they offer new promise.
They demand new action. Okay.
·
Then on this next paragraph, .instead of "can" I would
say "must" -~we must build an even stronger economy for the 21st
century, with a secure retirement systems, strong and modern schools
and opportunity spreading to our people and places who have not yet
reaped the benefits of our prosperity. If you say "throughout the
na.tion" people think it is -- it is throughout the nation, it's just
there are people -. Then I'd say: We must build strong families, we must . .
build strong. communities, we must exert .American leadership for peace
prosperity and security. I put "prosperity" in there. Okay.
·The economy I section I think is actually pretty good.
I would say: ·We must begin by building an economy for the 21st
century. Then I would say: The qualities of the new economy -innovation, flexibility and teamwork-- I wouldn't put "ambition,"
ambition is a quality of every economy -- are at the core of the
American character. It is no accident that from biotech to
aerospace, from autos to software we are living an American economic
renaissan<;:.e. I think just reversing that reads a little better.
·Page six. Do you want to say that the aging of America
is our greatest new challenge? Do we want to say that?
Q
If it isn't --
THE PRESIDENT: If it isn't, it's Close?
If it isn't, it's hard to justify using 85 percent
of the surplus for it.
Q
THE PRESIDENT: On old people.
Q
·~-
outrageous challenge --
THE PRESIDENT: You don't think we should what? Perhaps
our greatest challenge?
Q
It's the greatest -- you've kind of solved one
major fiscal challenge .in the country, and now you're looking towards
-- really the one of the next century.
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�Q
It's fiscal challenge--
THE PRESIDENT: You all figure it out.
.
.
Then the nex·t paragraph: Our new fiscal discipline
. gives us an -- opportunity to announce the great challenge of the
aging of America. You "could say·that.
Then I would say-- you've got a phrase in this next
paragraph that I think is good, but it's just so many words here -but it's very good: boundless in energy, uncontained by convention
and patient in pursuit of progress. I love that. And that might
even be better up front. But here we need to be, getting on with
business. It's a rhetorical flourish that we don't need here.
I would say: Though our nation is young in spirit, our
people are aging. And thank goodness life expectancy is rising.
With the number of elderly Americans set to double, the baby boom
. will soon become a senior boom.
lthink we've got to explain-- you know. Okay. I .
guess you've got to have that next paragraph, I know we say it every
. time we talk about Social Security.
But never on national TV before. -- that came in
after the last day of the year.
Q
(
THE PRESIDENT: It did? Okay.
_Last year from this podium I said -- I would reverse the
order in the next paragraph -- it says: Now we must use it to save
Social Security. Here's what I would say, I would take the third
sentence and go first. I would say: We must modernize Social
Security so that it continues to provide a rock solid guarantee of
support .for future generations. Here.'s how -- not by a drastic cut
in benefits, not by raising payroll tax rates.
And then I'd go to the next paragraph, three,· and then
I'd say: Instead, if we want Social Security to work for the
"long-term, it .should invest wisely, the way any private state
government pension should, indeed, the way any family would. And I
propose that we invest half the budget surplus to save Social
Security.
Now, here's my question. I have a lot of questions on
this that I don't know. We're getting into the crux, where I have
more questions than edits. Do we want to say "half thebudgef
surplus for 15 years" instead of "forever ahd a day"?
Q
.
(.
Yes~
Q
You made some of these chan_ges in the slightly
_later rendition.
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�(
.
THE PRESIDENT: Okay. For 15 years, okay.
--
I
But Mr. President, one --that we can figure out a
little later is that if there's something that everybody needs to
know but they don't need to hear in your speech, you know, we can
brief on before so we can -·
Q
THE PRESIDENT: -Yes, but the public is going to be out
there. This is something, this is a big surplus -- what are we doing
cwith this surplus. And I think pretending that we're going to have
to do this anyway
~-
I think 1 5 years will help with the immediate
-reaction. It doesn't -Q
THE PRESIDENT: Now here's what I think: We can get a
higher return if we invest a fraction in the private sector. Do we
want to say that or do we want to say, A small part of it in the
stock market? A fraction in the private sector -- people don't know
-what that means. You don't have to resolve this now, I'm just giving
it all to you, what I think. Because otherwise we'll be here for
five hours. But I have a question about small --you know, a
fraction in the private sector.- I don't warit people --you know,
th~t I'm sitting here raising more questions that I answer to the
listener.
•'
Q
You don't want people to think you're buying --
THE PRESIDENT: Yes. If we do this, we can extend the
life of Social Security for 50 years.
Then you go to save Social Security for 75 years, as if ,
everybody knows that's what we're supposed to do. I would say: But
we should do more. We should preserve Social Security's guarantee
for 75 years. To do that, we will have to make difficult, but
.achievable, savings in a bipartisan agreement. I am committed to
that end and I ask you to commit to it to.
See, that's more likely to be an applause line.
Q
We must aim higher.
THE PRESIDENT: We should do more. You might even want
_to say: Traditionally, at its best, Social Security has the
guarantee that's good for 75 years.
You understand? Why do we want 75 years? You see what
I'm saying? We've got to-- it's so easy to forget that we're
.
speaking to people, even in the Congress, who may not know that the
· 7 5 years is a traditional -Q
-- find out where the 75 years initially came from,
- because if it's --create the architects of Social Security--
CLINTON JLIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�From its first. days this program has always been
· _set for 75 years and that's our-Q
THE PRESIDENT: Well, you need to find that out. Okay?
But it's interesting -- I just want to point out, it's interesting,
it's good now for 32 years; we propose to make it good for 51 years
--yet, you say we're solving 60 percent ofthe problem when we're
adding 19 years and we've got 25 to go. And the whole thing is kind ·
of weird.
Q
It is confusing, because the number of years you
extend it are' not -- you do a higher percentage of the problem -- you
· . don't get that -THE PRESIDENT: Okay. Then I don't know what I think
about the next. I think it would be better to have a longer.
.
paragraph which analyzes the whole thing: if you're going to do this
. and you don't want to just inflame. the Republicans or the Democrats,
ju~t say that -~to unpack that sentence, we can get a higher return
·if 'we invest a fraction in the private sector. I do not favor having
accounts that would run the risk of either making people who have
them insecure or undermining the universal guarantee or whatever, we·
can't forget that a third of the money goes to disabled and
survivors. You know, that kind of stuff.
(
But, I want to set aside half the surplus and if you
just do that for the ne?<t 15 years, that solves more than half the
problem, it takes you to 51 years. You could say: That solves more
than half the problem, takes you to 51 years. We ought to go to 75.
There are some difficult but clearly achievable choices !hat have to
- be made and we ought to make them in a bipartisan matter and .I'm
committed to it and we ought to do it now.
,
In other' words, I wouldn't take this out and do this
sort of finger-pointing. I wouldn't, no.
Q
I don't think we should do it like this, either.
But there is a way that you can kind of walk the line a little, which
is if you say something -,
'
THE PRESIDENT: Yes. We've got to give the Derris
something on this, but we just don't have to say it like that.
Q
If you say that you don't think anything should be
diverted to an untested or risky thing, that risked -- Democrats will
hear you against individual --the Republicans, you'll still have .
left the door open to something .that has a guarantee and that kind of
stuff. So you could -- we could hit thisin a way where you walk the
line and I think probably do good language because -- untested and
risky, as opposed to not -·
Q One alternative that Gene and I came up with is to
say, let me be clear, the best way for Social Security to remain for
. the long-term a rock solid guarantee of support is to invest its
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�resources more wisely, ~not to make drastic cuts in benefits; not to
raise payroll tax rates; and not to drain resources from Social
Security and -- saving it. I do not believe we should devote a
single dollar of the payroll tax paid by every American to any new or
untested account that puts basic Social Security benefits at risk.
It still has the same ~- it still maybe sticks out too
much.
HIE PRESIDENT: Yes. We agree, anyway, we're doing it ..
0
The question I have is whether or not we should say
that the benefit is secured before you go into -- just as a
statement. Because you're going straight to the-THE PRESIDENT: You may be right. You ought to just say
-- I'm saying, we've got to unpack it a little. This is a big deal,
this is maybe the biggest thing that will come out of this speech.
So it's worth spending some time on it, even if we have to truncate
some other things.
0
But I think -- you can also walk this line so that
.
it's not heard as a full blown plan. And so you set out a framework
for how you're spending the surplus on-- Social Security and --
(
THE PRESIDENT: But it might even be worth restating the
five principles very quickly. In other words, this is worth some
.time. Paint a picture here. And we're not solving all the problem,
·but thank God because of our prosperity this Will solve more than
half of it and you don't even have to worry about it.
0
I think also everyone will figure out -- Social
Security -- I think the Republicans are kind of just taking the knife
in their chest -- he's killing us. That's how they feel. They feel
.
.
THE PRESIDENT: Don't be too sure, they keep winning the
'older vote. They say, Bill Clinton will give me my Social Security'
checks so I can vote against those goddamned Democrats for being nice
·to gay people.
I've heard -- of the Republican staffers and the
0
House say, they've very scared of--
0
Why don't we keep going.
THE PRESIDENT: Okay. Now, I have the same respo.nse on
Medicare. Keep in mind, the average person does not know what kind
of state Medicare is in. And I think what you've got to say is,
look, we've worked hard on Medicare, it's a more immediate problem.
It's got about 10 years of life, but we need 20 to stabilize it.
·You know, explain, use basic terms, if that's what we're
· CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�trying to do. There's a commission, we're working on this. But if
· we dedicate 20 percent of the surplus to Medicare for the next 15
years then we know that Medicare will be fine for 15 years, but we
can do better than that and we're waiting for Senator Breaux and
Representative Thomas to report to us in March. After they do, we
need to do just what we've got to do on Social Security --··we need to
get a bipartisan group together~ We need to be willing to take some .
strong steps across p·arty lines. And then we can extend tl;te life of
Medicare to 20 years and we can improve the quality of the program ..
·Q
Two things, then. One is, part of the sensitivity
here is a lot of your core Democratic supporters are much more
skeptical of the Medicare commission and probably don't want to
front and center. as much.
-c
Secondly, a lot of the Democrats want to use some of the
funds for prescription drugs, et cetera. So I mean I think that kind
of-- I agree with you on saying, 10 years, you know, we need to put
resources, stabilize for 20. That gets your message out. And then
kind of close with, you know, the Commission, if we look at the good
·. ideas we can make it stronger -- .
·
THE PRESIDENT: Well, take seriously the work of this
.Panel --that's what you said --they'll report in March. And then
again we have to do what we've got to do on Social Security. We've
got to get together across party lines, make the decision to extend
'
the life and to improve the quality of the program.
Now, on the savings thing, you don't say 10 percent.
Apparently, you decided to put 15 percent in, is that right?
Q
We don't know exactly. We've got a lot of work to
do to figure out what the exact percentage is.
THE PRESIDENT: Anyway, my point is; you've got three
.different thin.gs, paint three pictures; don't assume anybody knows
anything. And this is the one that will have the greatest appeal to
people under 50. And this is the only one that will qualify as a tax
cuts in Republican's mind.
Q You can do so much in this paragraph, one, for the
elite -- et cetera, if you made clear that your -- for everything we
do on Medi~are and Social Security, if you're living longer and
·you're spending more of your time, you t)ave to save more. For you to
put that message out, it's honest, it's straight-- that's good--.
If you do the big wealth creation stuff here, you'll just kill it.
THE PRESIDENT: That's what I'm talking about. But
paint a picture. Be explicit. These are the big -- the big time
consuming things we have to do here is this stuff and the education
·stuff. And let's go ahead and do it. Paint this picture. You know,
It doesn't have to be lot longer, but you need very direct,
· explanatory things that some guy out there with a high school
education can understand.
a
CLINtON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�.·'-····
.
(
Q
Let me mention one other thing we could do in this
section. We could actually make this a four-part plan: Social
Security, Medicare, universal pe'nsions and the long-term care ti:D~
cut. Makes it -Q The employment issue we have to decide -- which is
right now -- like at 10 percent -" reduction, rainy day fund or '
something like that. -- if that works out numbers-wlse, .. that's
common ssnse to a lot of people.
THE PRESIDENT: ·But if you do then you've only got 5
percent for military, further tax cuts and any further investment.
Q
-- fudge factor. --
Q
Let's see how the numbers work. You could easily
be at 10 percent individual account, 10 percent for your
discretionary, 10 percent for rainy day fund, 20 for Medicare, 50 for
· Social Security. It might work out that way.
Or we can just bag it and make the personal accounts --
(
THE PRESIDENT: I'm just trying to make a generic point
here, which this is a great picture. And I'm not sure that you
wouldn't be better off with the long-term care thing .here. What do
you think, Mark?
·
Q
-- (inaudible) --
THE PRESIDENT: That's what you think we should do?
Paint a pretty picture, man. This is a hell of a picture.
Q
As a rhetorical matter, you could combine it all as
-- you have the line earlier on, but you could have another sentence
here to set it all up as the new compact among generations of ·
Americans. And here the -. 'Q
-- create some --
THE PRESIDENT: If you're worried about bumping the
long-term care thing here -- which is Clearly where it belongs for
political reasons -- then what you could do is put the other
children's stuff after that, the family stuff, a·nd put all the
education' in with all the children stuff. It's just an option.
Q
And then it's meeting our dues to the old and
meeting our dues to the young. That's a possibility. -The other nice
symmetry is we have, in effect, a four-part plan for aging within the
education stuff as an effective four-part plan for schools --
Q The other thing you could do, Mr. President, is
when you hit your -- talk about long-term care as one of the reasons
_people need to save more. And then the transition is, but we need to
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�help people now and t!lat's why we're doing this.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, I like this. The long-term care
thing and the savings thing, they both have appeal to younger people.
.
It· really builds the family deal. And then you could then go to -now we go to education. We could do the old arid the young and we
could do child care and then do education. I just want you to think
about that.
·
.
AU right, let's talk about education a little bit. The
first few paragraphs are fine: Americans can afford to go to college
-~that's good. Now, did nearly 6 million Americans get the Hope
Scholarship alone this year?
·Q
--eligibility, I believe, was for 6 million.
THE PRESIDENT: That's fabulous-- I mean, if it's true.
Is that true?
. Q
think -- .
Well, let me go back -- let me check numbers.
THE PRESIDENT: I think getting these numbers, I think it's important. But keep in mind you also have other -- in that
laundry list, work study; jobs, education, IRAs, tax credits and the
Hope Scholarship -- because you've got the tax credits for other high
school -Q
I'll tell you, I think there'.s probably
disagreement among -- but I think some folks don't like to associate
with the IRS -- but ~I think we ought to be saying, when you get your
tax-- there's going to be some things that were never there before;
·boom, boom, boom. Because otherwise, you know--
THE PRESIDENT: You've got to explain that to people.
I just don't know that you want to say, when you
get your tax form this year', think
me.
Q
of
I think our fear being associated with tax forms is
in just blowing us getting huge credit for these --.
Q
THE PRESIDENT: Absolutely. We never got credit for the
EITC because we could never figure out how to talk to people about
their tax forms and everything.f
Q
-- (inaudible) --
THE PRESIDENT: Try it, Gene. You all come up with -Gene, come up with the proposed language and we'll decide if it
· ·works .. We'll listen.
Okay. Anyway, when It comes to renewing our schools
we've made steady progress, nearly every state is imposed, blah,
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�blah, blah. I think that this -- since it happened a long time ago
in public consciousness terms, like three or four years ago, I t~ink
saying students who were once literally killing each other-over
jackets and sneakers are now wearing school uniforms· is true --.that
it ·happened a half a dozen times, and they were all high profile ·
cases. I'm just afraid it's, like, over the top. I think we've got
to avoid being over the top.
.
You could say: who were once fighting and, on occasion,
.eyen killing_J:Jach other. I just think-- I really want to avoid
looking like I'm hyper, you know, or hyperbolic. I want to be
passionate and strong. But I think everything I say is going to be
parsed and psycho~babbled to damn death, just like it was last year.
And we hit the damn thing out of the park last year because it was a
business-like, let's-get-down-to-business and run right through this
sori of a bitch, you know? And I think in some ways it was the best
Next paragraph, SAT scores have climbed every year.
Q
(
We can condense some of this stuff.
THEPRESIDENT: I thirik this is an important point to
make, by the way. I think it is. We don't want to be all happy
talk. And I think it's worth saying --·1 would be more explicit on
that -- while our 4th-graders. I would say, But here is a perplexing
problem. Our 4th-graders rank near the top among all developed
countries in math and science achievement. Our 8th-graders are
around average. And our 12th-graders rank near the bottom. They're
not actually dead-last, but they rank near the bottom. Clearly,
American students have the capacity to learn whatever they need to
know. They start out strong~ but the system fails them along the
way.
Q
You were really good on this at the after-school
event. We should go back·and --
THE PRESIDENT: But here again, this is a picture. You
know,· people also listen to the State of ttie Unionnot just to find
out-- they primarily find out whatthe hell I'm going to do and
whether they like it. But it is an educational E!nterprise, to some
extent, and that is something that's worth their knowing. That's
. something you want them to know. If you vyant them to support some of
this kick-ass stuH we're trying to do, they have to have some
reason~ And this is a pretti gripping reason. At least I think it
·is.
Okay. Then we get into this: Last year we reached
across party lines, blah, blah -- 1 00,000 new teachers. I think
that's good. Except I would reverse-- again, I think we get too-don't get caught up in the macho here. I'd say-- the first thing
teachers do is teach. So I'd reverse the words. I'd say: Bring
.
·.
.
·
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�· more learning, more attention and more discipline to every young
child. Okay?
Now, the second paragraph here is -- I would unpack this
a little. I would like to say, if it works --first of all, .over $1
billion would become available to connect every classroom -Q . We .made $1 billion available. That's the e-rate.
. .
Tl:iE PRESIDENT: That's thee-rate. In other words, in.
discounts .. But we're also spending money, right, to help people get
computers, teach people and all that.
Q
In your administration_ the annual amount of money
spent each year has gone from $23 million when we started to, like
.· $680 -- .
THE PRESIDENT: To help people buy computers and all
that? All right. So here's what ·1 would do.· I would say: In 1994,
the Vice President and I made a commitment that we would try to see
. that all of our classrooms and libraries were connected to the
Internet by.the year 2000. We recognized that that would require
· also the training of teachers and an effort to make sure that the
schools could actually afford to log onto the Internet.
In 1994, we were spending $23 million a year helping
schools get wired to the Information Age -- when we had our first Net
Day-- whatever. This year, we're. spending $600 million-- whatever
it is. Also, at our urging a new e-rate, education rate, a discount
. rate, has been approved for schools and libraries so that they can
afford to log on to the Internet. And we have continued to work at
training teachers, so that now we have 60 percent of all the schools
in America are wired -- or whatever it is. What was it in '94 and
what is it now? This is worth picture. This only works if you
paint a picture.
a
Q
Arid you've got a big --you basically have--
THE PRESIDENT: It's huge.
Q
-- 100 percent of the schools -- you just haven't
· done all the classrooms.
THE PRESIDENT: Huge, but you want facts here, okay.
Then the digital library is good. Modernize the schools is good, but
it seems like kind of weak. There's notmuch there, considering this
· was one of the -- remember what we ran on, right? What clid we run
on? The· patients' bill of rights, 5000 schools, international
financial deal and saving Social Security.
.
Q
Can we do one little whack there and we'll just say
that we missed -- and why anyone here would be against -l.
THE PRESIDENT: No. But I would do more than this.
would say: In the last Congress, the last Congress passed up a great
CLINTON JIJBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�opportunity to help build or modernize 5,000 schools.
But again I think we ought to go back and look at the·
lqnguage eve·n I used in the last State of the Union, whatever. You
need to paint a little picture here. This is an important point.
This is a picture point. Paint this picture.
Q
Can't raise our children --
TI::IE PRESIDENT: And explain how we're doing it with tax
cuts or whatever. Just paint the picture.
Q
-- (inaudible) --
THE PRESIDENT: Yes .. I don't like 21st century .skills
and 19th century schools. The truth is most of these schools are not
19th century schools, most of them are 50, 60, 70 years old. A lot
of them are incapable of being wired. I don't know how many ofthose
places you've been-- a lot of them even have the rooms walled off.
It's-just horrible. There's a way to say this.
(
But we also have to -- it's not just 19th century
schools, it's the house trailers, it's the explosion of population.
We are facing -- and this actually may be relevant -- we are facing
-- again, we don't paint this picture, but one segue from the old to
the young is that"jList as we are facing a senior boom, we've got a
second baby boom. We've got the largest group of young people in our,
schools in history, at time when education is more important than
ever before. They are the most diverse group of young people ever,
in terms of their language and cultural backgrounds. And the
evidence is that we are not doing what we need to do -- 4th, 8th,
12th grade. And here is what we propose to do.
My only question, by the way -- I want to come back to
this, I'd like you to visit this -- is on the ordering of this.
Because if we could get the ESEA thing worked out, like the first
things first worked out, about how we're going to say this, it might
be better to lead with that because that is the framework, and then
go to the specific.
a
We did it this way because these were sort of base
pleasing, quick, applause lines.
Q
THE PRESIDENT: It's fine. I don't think it's a big
deal.
Q . 'Yqu. ca,uld set it up as we Ire becoming a new nation
· --. more older people an~ then -THE PRESIDENT: The one problem I have now -- now we get .
into t~e revolution of rising expectations and all this stuff and I _
like that. ·But the one problem I have in aU this is that I don't
know how it relates to what I've said in the previous two States of
rtJNTON liBRA. Rypno . ~- ..
, . ·
n TOCl ·.· Y
.
~
�the Union, and it looks like we just abandoned our move for national
standards and exams.
Q
Rig.ht. We need to get that back in anhe front.
It's partof the old agenda that we're still pushing for.
THE PRESIDENT: But also we're speaking in shorthand
here. And we don't have an example. And the only good example we've.
got, I guess, is Chicago: But I believe we should only invest in
_VI(hat works., and I propose that every school and every community
receiving federal help for their schools take the following steps:
end social promotion. Okay. That's fine.
But then we say: But we're giving new money to stop
that. I would paint a picture here. I'd say, you know, when it
comes to these after school programs, in three years we've gone from
$1 million to $40 million to $200 million to whatever the hell we're
.spending -- $600 million. And this will work. Blah, blah, blah. We
can keep a million students learning.
Then I would say: . Second -- the one thing I worry about
this, by the way, is whether we have got-- we're saying, in order to
get this money, this is what you have to do. What happens if you .
don't do it? Or what happens if you do it but you-still doh't get
any results?
(
Q
(
To the latter question, I think --
THE PRESIDENT: The Chicago experience -- how many kids
go to summer school, how it's now the 6th biggest summer school in
America, how most of them get -Q
Q
--it doesn't mean.that -. Plus, if you wanted to you could say, the other day
I met a woman, I mean -THE PRESIDENT: Yes; yes, talk about this woman.
Q
One thing we talked about, and this is something we
need your judgment on as we go through the speech, is that we thought
it might be possible that if you want to, the first person in the
First Lady's -- is who you could tell the story of and identify is
someone you met in Chicago who was turned around and saved by the ·
social promotion policy.
Q
-- or something.
THE PRESIDENT: You can do that. But what you want is
you want somebody who went to the summer school, passed and went on. ·
Q
Right. Well, we've got the daughter of the woman
who was just here.
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
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· THE PRESIDENT: You could do that. We could have her
and her daughter there. I mean, I don't know how you want to do it,
but I think you ought to think about it.
Q
It's a very good plan "-
THE PRESIDENT:· If it was me, I would penalize them if
· they didn't. But then I would say-- and also if it was me, I'd make·
all future increases contingent on improved performance. That's what
I would do:-:-1 think we ought to have a results oriented system. I
was talking to some guy at Barbara Boxer's husband's birthday party
t.he other night, who started this Internet company through which
. people can take, in effect, correspondence courses from UCLA, they
have this big, extensive education.
I
And he's got4,000 people enrolled now. And they
actually are charging them about what you'd charge if you showed up,
you know, per hour, at UCLA. But it's still a lot cheaper because .
you don't have to drive to and hom, you don't have to do anything.
And he says the great thing about this is it's unlike all other
public education that's input oriented; ours is output oriented -you pay the money, you take the course, you take an exam, yoi.J either
know it or you don't.. And he said you can't devise an Internet-based
education system that is input oriented. It all has to be output
. oriented.
It was really an interesting take on it. Anyway.
Now, the second-- what is.this $200? Is this what we
tried to pass last time?
Q
No, this is our -- accountability fund, increasing
-- that states have to use to turn around --
THE PRESIDENT: But the way this is worded is, we're
going to give this money to these people~ and we certainly hope they
work this way and if they succeed fine, and if they don't, fine; it's
the same old bullshit.
·We should make this stronger. -- low performance
school, you know, states have an obligation to shut that down-Q
THE PRESIDENT: Hell, mention North Carolina. They've
.
got the biggest improvement in· scores in the country and they have a
provision for shutting down schools that fail.
Q
And this is an example of the principle that you
fust spelled out -- be contingent on improved --
THE PRESIDENT: Yes. Butexplicit, you know, otherwise
they'll say, he's throwing money at.these problems and saying I sure
hope they'll do something they've never done before. And I do not
want them to be able to say that.
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�Okay, third, teachers must be qualified to teach and
teach well. You can't single out Massachusetts because, you know -Q ·
Can we say in one state, though?
Q
Actually, -- Massachusetts-~ I mean, the teachers
-- the state as a whole --
. THE PRESIDENT: They may have had a different measure.
Q
Right, exactly.
THE PRESIDENT:. I just think this is -Q
We might be able to define the problem a little
more broadly -·
·
THE PRESIDENT: I also think -- look, when you guys met
with me you said we had to spend all this money on teacher
. development, you said we were going to do this big thing to help
teachers. · And all this is kicking their ass for taking the test.
There's not a word in here about any money we've got for teacher
development. Did we put any money in there?
Q
We may have a little bit. But we have a fair
. amount of our class size initiative goes to that purpose. But I
think this is too negative.
· THE PRESIDENT: It's completely negative. I'd say, you
.
know, one of the reasons ,we need more teachers, properly trained and
properly tested, is that we have too many teachers out there teaching
courses for which they themselves have riot been properly prepared.
·So therefore, blah, blah, blah. 1. mean, this is the same old shit we
·always say-- throw a teacher out of the classroom. It's fine, but
we're not doing anything to change things and we have ·a chance to
really hold them. accountable by school· and school district. Now, I
don't think Congress will do it, but that doesn't mean we shouldn't
propose it.
·
Q
Maybe we can-- in Bruce's memo there was some data
points about 20 percent of the teachers in the classroom are
·
uncertified or ~-
Yes, we should define the problem --trying to
solve it. You're absolutely right.
. Q
THE PRESIDENT: When we first met on this education
thing I thought you all wanted to allocate a substantial amount of
money to teacher development.
(
.\
Q
We thought you didn't.
CLiNTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�THE PRESIDENT: Well, I didn't, but I don't want to-- I
didn't, but if we're not going to do it I don't want to sit around
here and act like, you know
(~nd
tape one, side one.)
(Tape One, Side Two)
In progress
c-
THE PRESIDENT: -- but maybe it polls good or something,.
but, you know, _I just don't-- this strikes me as wrong.
Now, the next paragraph, I was shocked when you told me
.that they ripped us off of all that money in the last budget, that
. they appropriated the money and they'd only give, like, 10 percent of
the money for teachers?
Q
(
That's right.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, we ought to try to get it
reallocated .. Or if we don't have any money, why are we even talking
about this? How canwe, with a straight face, say we'regoing to get
more of these teachers into our poorest neighborhoods, when we had a
program last year that was our most certified applause line -everywhere I went in America, everybody applauded -- they loved it.
We abandoned it in the budget negotiations. And now we're not
proposing it again.
Q
Well, I think we should propose it --
THE PRESIDENT: Well, what did they use all that money
for last year?
Q. Teachers' colleges and stuff you hate. But if we
jt.ist up the percentage that .goes for scholarships, then --
THE PRESIDENT:· To go to underserved areas. Well, yeah.
Do enough to double it or something. Do something, because otherwise
we're just whistling Dixie. I couldn't bear to say those sentences
unless we can cite something we're doing.
Q
~-.
Okay, we'll do it.
THEPRESIDENT: Okay, but we need to know what we've got
in there. This is not-- we'll look stupid being hortatory in some
area where we have the responsibility to actually do something and we
haven't done it.
Q
100,000 teachers --
CLINTON LIBRARY PH .
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THE PRESIDENT: That's what we had in?
Q
We had~-
THE PRESIDENT:. To go from 1400 to 2400?
Q
No, separate deal, the indian reservation
initiative for 1 000 teachers.
THE PRESIDENT: Do they need 1000 teachers on indian
reservations?
Q
No, they need a lot more than that.
THE PRESIDENT:. Really?
Q
--work on this, butjust from hearing it, I think
even 1400 sounds so small compared to thi:dcale of the problem -THE PRESIDENT: Well, last year', I proposed 35,000. · You.
know, over a five-year period, which would have given us about 7,000 ·
a year, and they gave us about25 percent of what we wanted. That's
what you're saying? 20 percent of what we wanted? That's
·
disgusting. Anyway. You know, it's working in Americorps, it'll
work iri this. We ought to do this. ·
· ·
Now the choice·, again -- this is nice, but this program
on charter schools? There's no picture here. It's like a throwaway
~entence. You know: "when I became President, we had one charter
school. Tonight we have about 900. Our goal is to have 3,000." We
·spent, last year, blank. This year, we're going to spend blank-plus.
These schools are doing blah.
It· should be· part of a broader program to give more
choice of public schools, so there will be both protection of the
funds for investment in education, but genuine competition. And
again, I will say, I think you've got to have-- if you want, on the
social promotion thing, I think you've got to talk about Chicago,
because people have got to know that this works. And the numbers are
great, and the test score here, you can talk about general elementary .
'school, whichever one you want to. That's fine -- we could bring
that school in, we could bring a student in who went to summer school
but then got to go on, whatever. You can even bring that woman's
child back, I don't care.
Now, on the information age: "learning must continue
throughout a lifeti_me" blah blah blah --we're going to spend some
money on that, aren't we? National campaign to improve adult
literacy? We put a lot of money into that, didn'twe?
New on-line learning?
Q
We need to work on this to make it --
THE PRESIDENT: There's no picture here. No specifics,
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
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-·
.
no picture. You need to say, though, there are large numbers of our.
people here, working people, who don't read well enough to learn new
skills. We have an adult literacy program for that. There are large
numbers ofpeople that, for whatever reason, never finished high
school. We've got a program for them. There are large numbers of
·people who .need to go·.back at a later time to go to college. In
.
other words, unpack this. Because if you don't, it won't mean
anything to people.
And ~henever somebody loses their job, they ought to be
able to immediately -- or when someone wants to upgrade their job,
you know. You've got to paint a picture here. How much money are we
spending on this?
Q
Combined figure -- is over a half billion.
THE PRESIDENT: How inuch money we spending on that
teacher deal, that inner city teacher deal, where they ripped us off
of the money?
.
.
Q
About $75 million -- is the overall plot, of which
THE PRESIDENT: But did we put $75 million of new money,
the last time, in there? It wasn't that much, was it?
(
Q
-- 380 over five, I think --
THE PRESIDENT: Really? Out of which, all we got was
1400 teachers a year? Is it 1400 a flat number, or is it an extra
1400 every year? ·
b.
No, it's flat.
THE PRESIDENT: So instead of -35,000, we got 1400. 1400
times five. How did that get by and nobody ever discussed that with
me? How did that get by and nobody even discussed that with me? I
would have had a coronary if I had known that.
·
But see, J!OW y()u've got investing in people, and we're
doing the Earned Income Tax Credit, and the minimum wage, and the
empowerment thing. The empowerment thing -- riow, didn't we get a lot
more empowerment stuff in the last session? Did they give us some
·more empowerment zones? In '98?
Q
In the balanced budget agreement we got -- and now
what we're trying to do is get some money on the spending side-- the
· Vice President is just about to announce the winners of the new zones
(
\
* * * * *
CLINTON !LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�THE PRESIDENT: -~ prosperity reaches rural America.
You can do do111estic markets, both urban and rural, up at the top, but
this is pay under farm families .. .'~even in these good times, too many
farmers are struggling.'' All this is true: "we must work together to
protect the farm safety net." God, we threw $6 billion at it last
time. What is it that we propose to do? What is in our thing that
we are going to do?
Q
People are going to want you to --
THE PRESIDENT: --above includes both urban ahd rural
underdeveloped areas. That's the point I'm trying to make. Then you
·can say, when you say that, you can say, we also have. to recognize
that there's a lot of problems on the farm today and,we~re going to
have to-- as I have repeatedly said, we have to work together to
improve the farm safety net~ See? And then you can just say it,
l.ike that, and you don't, have to get into--Q
--.lif~long learning and empowerment zones should
be in the 21st century communities, as part of that, so you cover
rural and urban communities, The minimum wage can be in the strong
family section, because I don't think this hangs together as much of
a section.
(
THE PRESIDENT: I agree but let's keep going through the
specifics. And it shouldn't be a throwaway, it ought to be a real
deal. We ought to do a little picture there, too.
"We must make sure that the new technologies that are
transforming the marketplace truly serve our people." What does that
mean? What _is our initiative?
·Q
The next paragraph is financial consumer stuff,
anti-trust enforcement --
THE PRESIDENT: So that's designed to set up the
Consumer Bill of Rights. Okay. "We will propose $3 billion in basic
computer research.'' That's over five years, isn't it? Okay. This
is a Y2K thing? This is the obligatory Y2K?
Well, see, look here. You painted a picture! Now, when
you can 'read this, and an average person can figure that out-- no,
but take a look. There's a little something here.
The international economy -- we've got to do some.
just didn't have time to write that.
Q
-- pull out three or four things and make them
·sound big -THE PRESIDENT: But, you know, there's a meeting later
this-" a G-7 meeting, we're supposed to adopt some architectural
CJLINTON JLIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�(.
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--····
changes. This is very, very important. This is one of the four
..
things we ran on. And this is very important. We don't talk a lot
about what we did in the last year. We don't talk a lot about what·
. we're going to do. I think that this is somethif1g where 'you don't
need acts of Congress very much, because they did the IMF thing. But
this is important to people. It always polled off the charts. Even
though it's fairlyesoteric, people want to know that I'm on top of
H:~ It's one of the reasons people want me to still be President,
because they think I know what is going on here. So we have to· suit
.up and prErt£nd we do.
·
Q -- this will be the third big unit, after aging and
education. And then you go right into family, and that's pretty
straightforward --
THE PRESIDENT: Okay. Now, the trade thihg, we just
need to rework it. Basically, you just have to be veryblunt on the
trade thing, that my policy is that a big part of our growth has come
out of trade, a third of our growth. We don't want to have shrinking
trade. Our goal is to have free and fairtrade that lifts all
people, that has a human face, that helps real people. And I'm going
to present trade legislation -- or trade negotiation, you know, for
.Free Trade Area of the Americas, trade with Africa, trade with
Central American nations and Caribbean nations devastated by recent
natural disasters. But we're going to do it.
(
·We also want the change in the trade rules to. take due
account of the interests of the working people in our country and in
other countries, and the interests of the environment. We also have
to have fair trade, and that's why we're hanging in there on steei or
something. It's ver.y interesting, Charlene had a different ~eaction
than you did, Gene. I said, "what's your reaction to what we did on
steel?" She said, "oh, about a C, C +. We'll have to do a lot more
before it's over, or it'll take all our markets away."
I don't know. We'll see. But I think that this is not
-"' I made that WTO speech, and then I made all these speeches on the
. international economy, on the trade issue and all this -- I like the
.
manufacturers' thing, because it says more. But there have got to be
places where l'v~ dealt with this better.
Q We just need to link up the rhetoric of the WTO
· speech to the specifics --
THE PRESIDENT: Well, what you want to say is, we need a
financial architecture for the 21st century, and that's solving the
boom-bust thing? While letting the money flow around? And we need a
trading system for the 21st century, which is keeping more trade
going but having rules that are enforceable, on the one hand, and
making sure the rising tide lifts all boats and doesn't destroy .the
environment. So we've got to put a human face on the 21st century
economy.
·And I think we ought to just say that, and say, I'm
r.LfNTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�(
......
..
going to be working on this this year, we're going to have a G-7, we
ought to talk about things that are up the road that are happening,
. that are very critical. We ought to be mentioning those things in
this speech. In June there will be this G-7 meeting in --you know,
.·that kind of stuff, that's important.
·
Okay, now, in the families, I hate to start with
-tobacco.
~.
Q
The reason we did it is the Department of Justice
thing -THE PRESIDENT: I like ttw Justice thing.
\
Q
it's one of the biggest things in this --
THE PRESIDENT: Yeah, it's big. Only ~ook us three
years.
* * * * *
THE PRESIDENT: -- like I forgot them. Like with the
budget -- even if they pass the tax, which they won't do, we'd have
to give some of this money back to the farmers. But we can't back
off that, we're way out there.
Q
Basically, if this thing happen~, we should
consider it being -- and if not, it shouldn't be.
THE PRESIDENT:· The child care thing is very, very good.
Now, is this what we always recommend on family leave? Or are we
recommending something different?
Q
--what you announced lastyear. It's basically
the sarrie.
Q
Last year was the first time you actually called
for a stand -THE PRESIDENT: It is?
Q
Yes, last year --
Q
I think we should go either one way or the other on ·
it. We did it last time. We really had no support. It's
.
yontroversial --_ so we kind of put it out, there was no support for
.. it, so it just sat around. I think we should either get some mileage
out of it or shouldn't do it.
THE PRESIDENT: There's nobody for it in the Congress.
It's weird .. Even Dodd won't work for it. Is he more for this one
than the other thing?
·~LlN'fON LID1MRY PHOTOCOPY
�Q
Dodd and the First Lady are very for this. We have
to build on that.. ---- he was going very hard on this and he made it
seem like he had all these people behind him, and then we kind of did
it and then he didn't have anybody.
Q
. We'll make more out of this --
THE PRESIDENT: -- we predicted back in 1993 and 1994,
· -tl:le percentage of Americans without health insurance is rising
because the number of employers who can afford to purchase it is
falling. And it is projected -- I don't know if you want to go this
far, but this is true --and it's projected that there will be
substantial increase in the cost of premiums this year, even in HMOs,
at more than twice the rate of inflation in the economy.
You may not want to say all this, but I'm just sort of
sketching it out.
Now, somehow people who don't have health fnsurance who
are working need to be able to get health care somewhere. And we
don't want the only health care they get to be emergency room care
because that's the most expensive care and it often comes too late to
do the most good.
And I'm making all this up. I'm just giving you
Shalala's idea.
So what we would like to do is to begin building a
network of community health centers based on the public health
centers that are operated now by state and local governments, based
on the medical schools that get heavy federal investments and other ·
units that get big federal money, which could be made available to
people without insurance on an ability to pay basis,· so that they
would pay based on a sliding scale based on their income. This will
be a longer-term project, but it is absolutely imperative as more and
more people lose their health care, that they'd have to know there is
someplace to which they can turn.
And you mentioned the kids. We don't even mention the
kids' health initiative. Now, we are in a position of adding 5
million_ children to the rolls of the health-insured, but in addition
to that, we want to do this. Something like that.
You need to get something from Shalala, but you need a
little picture here because this is a damn good picture. And if it's
a good picture and we have a little money, next year we may want to
make it a big part of the State of .the Union-- tor the last year.
We may want it to be a big part of the debate in the year 2000. And
it's riot too soon to start painting this picture.
(.
\
Q -- make it clear that were not that -- for coverage
.initiatives, so that it's not an either-or. ··
THE PRESIDENT: No, no, no. I wish you guys would
l~tliNTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY ·.
�me call Phil Gramm's bluff on that 55-65 year old thing in the
federal health employee plan.
Q
On the patients' bill of rights, this is another.
one where we have to fir)d a new way to say it. We thought of using
the anecdote that the Vice President tells -- it may not be .
appropriate for the State of the Union -~ guy was brought into the
emergency room and he was dead, they revived him, but the HMO
wouldn't pay because being dead didn't count as an emergency. It's
.actually a uue story. It may not be right for this --
THE PRESIDENT: I don't know, I would like to do some
things that will get people's attention.
Q
That would stick it to the Republicans. Remember
the federal worker in '96 -- and didn't realize what they were
getting into?
THE PRESIDENT: And they killed it last time. Can we
·get that guy here?
We don't want to cause any .heart problems by
putting him in the box. (Laughter.)
·
Q
THE PRESIDENT: It would be awful if he died in the box,
wouldn't it? (Laughter.) It would be a metaphor for my luck this
year.
Q
So that's another option --
THE PRESIDENT: I think that's self-evident.
Okay, crime. I don't know if you want to say-- we've
just got to s·ave some words here. Why don't you want to say, crime
is declining rapidly and it's fallen to its lowest rates since 1962.
We're going to have .to start practicing here. It's not necessary to
paint a picture or get an applause or put in a fact -- if it's not
the beginning or the end, we probably ought to get rid ofit.
That next sentence you could say -- how much money are
:we putting into this thing?
· Q
Some of it is double-counting, so there's about
$250 million that is technology initiatives that we describe as COPS
THE PRESIDENT: Why aren't we hiring 2,000 prosecutors?
9 .-- extension of the community prosecution
initiative that you rolled out last year --that's about $100 million
of it, and then there's about $100 million that is for prevention
programs.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, that's hardly COPS, too, is it?
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�Q
-- still $600 million or $700 million that goes for
police.
THE PRESIDENT: So some of it can be used to maintain
Q
Some of it can be used for one-year waivers to let .
them keep the police they've already hired --
THE PRESIDENT: Okay. Is the Brady Bill, is the thing
totally expired? I thought it was just supplanted by the
instant-check where people had instant-check.
Q
The waiting, period has expired ..
THE PRESIDENT: Is that right -- whether states have
instant-check or not?
· Q
We have the national -- some states are outside the
· Brady system, they just never were in it. They had their own checks
· But there's no
,and some have their own waiting periods..
national waiting period now.
THE PRESIDENT: I thought we were going to have -- we
had this deal about a juvenile not being able to buy guns. We don't
·mention that, do we? Is there any support for reenacting the Brady
Bill -- waiting period?
Q
I don't think there is a majority support for any
of our gun ideas.
THE PRESIDENT: Which do the law enforcement community
want worse.
Q
The cops aren't terribly into any of these.
THE PRESIDENT: They were really into the Brady Bill in
the beginning, but they're not because of the instant-check, right?
Q
Yes. And they're kind ·at fine --
THE PRESIDENT: With the way things are. Is this worth
going through all this? What's handgun control most exercised about?
Q
I would say waiting period.
Q
--the new proposal-- that's the way Schumer is
going -- that also doesn't have a chance of getting maj~rity support
THE PRESIDENT: Not a chance. Virginia has that law,
don't they? It's interesting.
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOpy
�c··
Q
_It's designed to go after gun trafficking.
THE PRESIDENT: -- have an NRA amendment allow three a
week.
Q · One possibility is-- we've gone through the First
.
Lady's box and whether we want heroes and all that -- one of the best
stories is of a COPS program cop, police officer, who saved many
_liyes and \1\U!S wounded and was the police officer of the year. He was
funded by the COPS program. The reason I actually thought that it
didn't make sense to use him, because as you pointed out, the police
element of this proposal isn't so strong. But if you wanted to use
him to tell the story of the success and the strategy --
THE PRESIDENT: You need to give me a list of your
ideas. The crime thing is very weak and it just doesn't make any .
sense.
I think the revolving door between drugs and
. prisons is actually -Q
THE PRESIDENT: It is .. But you could just talk about
that and go on. You could put that in strong communities and go on.
What's the states and communities --the live-ability
initiative -c is it a billion dollars, or not?
Q
It's $900 million.
THE PRESIDENT: AmeriCorps was passed in.'94, right?
Q
Passed in '93.
THE PRESIDENT: And this says just three years -- it's
been going on for five years, hasn't it? This is pretty good, but I
think~- have we asked the AmeriCorps people for a page? We should
. get them -- they can surely make us .:_
Q
-- two folks with AmeriCorps -- disable in
AmeriCorps -THE PRESIDENT: He became disabled in AmeriCorps?
Q . No. He was .in AmeriCorps as a disabled person --
I
\
THE PRESIDENT: One of the things -- I said I wanted to
start meeting with AmeriCorps people wherever I went and doing photo
ops with them, but I do it to increase the visibility of it. So the
first place I go is Detroit and they do the photo op at the UAW
center in an office room where nobody will ever know they were ever"
there with me. I mean, it's nice to shake hands with 10 people, but
that's not the purpose of it. The purpose of it is to raise the·
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�visibility of AmeriCorps. So will you -- this with the advance
people?
Q
We'll work on this section .
. Q
-- like the same amount of people have been in
AmeriCorps as the Peace Corps.
THE PRESIDENT: It's powerful. You can say something
about the Peace Corps in the foreign policy section if you want to.
There's a huge market for this Ameri.Corps thing out
there, huge. And I don't know why it just pisses Republicans off
because I did it. The riext thing you know they'll be trying to
impeach AmeriCorps.
Q
We should put Dole in the box.
THE PRESIDENT: Put who in the box, Elizabeth Dole?
By the way, when you're doing the litany of what
they do, you can say they work with the Red Cross.
Q
(
THE PRESIDENT: You Republicans don't like them because
they give blood, they don't spill it.· (Laughter.) Anyway, I think
it's good. You just need to-- I think you can make it more-- you
can broaden what they do more .
. Also, there's nothing in here .in any section about what
happened with America Reads. You've got over 1,000 colleges doing
that. When you mentioned that adult literacy thing, or someplace you
ought to mention that. Otherwise, it will drop off the screen. The
bastards tried to kill that last time, too.
Q
Page 29, this is just a quick drive-by. The one
question here really is do you want to try and do some democracy
strengthening things that aren't campaign reform, free TV. We don't
· have the policies ready yet, but -- .
. THE PRESIDENT: Did we give away the digital spectrum
. again, that little commission of ours -Q
We can still call on the FCC to act -- we can
effectively treat the commission as if it didn't dispose of anything,
which it didn't. ·It was just advisory-- isn't that right, Bruce?
Q
Yes.
THE PRESIDENT: What. do you want to do with it, what do
you think? Do you think they were right?
Q
No, no--
CLINTON JLIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�THE PRESIDENT: Why didn't they do it?
Q
Industry pressure.
* * * * *
THE PRE.SIDENT: Dennis Shepard is an oil rig inspector,
stay .at home mom?
Q They're very supportive of you, too. It's a very
meaningful thing to them that they got that letter trom you.
Q . But if we mention Bird, the Texas case, and then
mention -~ which would be a wonderful thing in terms of clinic
violence also -- and then do the story of -- the Shepards·are
Republicans --we can't say this,_but they're Republicans.
THE PRESIDENT: _Well, there are white people in Wyoming,
·aren't there -- they are by definition Republicans.
Q
We don't know if they would be interesting in
coming--
(
·THE PRESIDENT: Bruce is going to be pickledand put in
the Smithsonian when- he dies, he's a white Idaho Democrat.
Q
-- this is the new frontier for you, this is your
chance to do something that is memorable and would be looked 20, 30
years from now -- people will remember -THE PRESIDENT: It's a big-ass deal, too.
Q
It is, too. That is ex'actly what people thought
THE PRESIDENT: She asked to do it, too. I don't like
that either. There was a campaign to get her in the box. I think
that was a mistake.
.
Q
--·Those are new challenges for the next century,
so it's reaily looking forward --
THE PRESIDENT: Well, we've got to really think about
this, but my gut is that there is something there. I wish I could
have that family from Texas -- Tom Delay is probably a major suspect
· in the case.
,.
Q . I would guess it's over-kill to have --
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, yes, me, too. I do, too.
Q . -- putting this in context -- helps it, doesn't
hurt it. ·
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THE PRESIDENT: I like the idea, by the way, of giving
an update on the millennium. We can give an update on what happened
· since last year when I mentioned it and where we're going. We saved
Old Glory -·
Q
It's now less than a year before the millennium, it
won't seem at all forced to really talk about the century--
_TFIE PRESIDENT: But I think we also ought to talk ·about
the Millennium Project and how we brought people in from all over
America, we're about to have another millennium night.
Q
They have a new program on millennium communities
that you can mention.
Q
We'll take your edits~-
* * * * *
THE PRESIDENT: It's time to raise the minimum wage from
· blank to ~lank. Nobody who works and has kids in the home should be
poor, or whatever the line is. It's time-- you might even think
about whether-- I'm just thinking about this-'- you might go back
and I've got your list, things we covered -- you might go back and
think about whether you want the picture on aging, the picture on
· kids, the picture ori the families, which is child care and health
care -- the picture on the interna~ional economy, the· picture on
foreign policy, the picture on one America, which could be
governmental reform and one America, government reform, AmeriCorps,
race -- right? -- and looking to the future of the millennium and
' putting some of the medical research in the future and the past; like
we did last year -- the future and the past, and a one paragraph
·
report, one paragraph ahead, and then out.
And then somewhere in there just have a· laundry list of
one sentence on eight different things we want to do. Or I guess ·
it's better' if we do it like I just said -,.. one sentence. In all
these things, like this community development thing, you need some
picture.
Q
I want you to take a look at something we did last
night which took the draft you saw at the very beginning and cut out
a lot of the material before you begin the litany of accomplishments
THE PRESIDENT: I like that. I like cutting it out. .
This is much better. The more we can do --we need some rhythm here,
'!lan. They'll be clapping from the first moment. Anything to move
this sucker.
·
·
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Q · The lita.ny ends with the line that -- suggested,
which is "in the last days of what has been called the American.
Century, only months before the new century, an era of new American
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progress has begun. Because that's really the story,THE PRESIDENT: Then you can use, if you do it like
this, then you can do "we are renewing governmenL" You can use it
in the tense that you've got it .. ·
Q -- I think it would be a terrible thing if -- well,
he was real clear in reminding everybody that the economy sucked when
we started. and now we ire the strongest' economy in the wcirld. Let
.them repeat. that, let them --
THE PRESIDENT: We didn't say it sucked when we started.
Q
Actually, that's what is cut out of the beginning
here -- ·
·. THE PRESIDENT: This is powerful -- let's get our ass in
gear and get on. It makes them look so small and petty and partisan
and pathetic.
Q
You want people at home to, sort of halfway through
the litany, be going, what are we crazy, look at the country. It's
what worked so well last year.
·
(
THE PRESIDENT: Phil Gramm will say, .Yes, and we're in
such good shape we can afford to do this now. (Laughter.) The rest
of you can afford to indulge us our partisan, petty, vicious -Q
Do you want us to get you a new draft --
THE PRESIDENT: Yes; I do. Are we going to commit to a
further reduction in the federal work force?
The Vice President's Office says it can be done and
it's a decision of whether you want to announce it or do it.
Q
THE PRESIDENT: I think right now the federal workers
have been through a lot. Saying it's the smallest since John Glenn,
and this year it's actually going to go up a little bit because we
have to because we're doing the census and we had to hire so many
people for the census.
I would think you would want to do a long-term ·
analysis before -Q
THE PRESIDENT: We just don't need it. We've got a lot
· of other good stuff to announce .
. Q
. We've been working with the NSC on their section
THE PRESIDENT: The crime stuff is week. We don't have
the NSC section yet?
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We'll have it in tonight's draft.
........
. THE PRESIDENT: But .1 think we're making real progress.
Don't you? This suck~r will be whipped intoshape by the time we get
there.
·
Q
By the time of this weekend.
./
.
THE PRESIDENT: This Thomas Jefferson thing is good.
Q
In the one America section -- .
THE PRESIDENT: It's kind of wandering.
Q
It's a question of who we are as a people. It's a
way of building to a -- we can talk about who actually lived in the
country in 1900, who lived in the country in 1950, who lives in here
. in 1999. You've done this before.
(
THE PRESIDENT: That's the one thing -- I thought Henry
Cisneros's suggestion was too long ~- we would have spent our whole
speech talking about the 20th century. But I think the idea was
good. Henry thought that this whole thing ought to be premised
toward what the meaning of the turn of the century is and how we had
to imagine what the next 100 years were, and look at all the things
that happened in the last 100 years. It was long and detailed and
drawn out. It was just too much, but the idea of it might be quite
·
good there at the end. .
I really think the end of the speech can be a
mini-speech abou_t ~Q
THE PRESIDENT: I don't even think you have to repeat so
much that you've got on the race thing there. I think that what
instead -- and the Jesse deal, the corporation, the thing we're going
to announce, we need a bigger picture of that. That" is a big part of
this speech.
.
But I think saying here are some of the things -- we
look back across the 20th century; how fortunate· we are to be the
heirs of people who did boom, boom, boom --especially if you cut out
all that crap at the first. What do w·e want our children to say of
· us, and our grandchildren, and our great grandchildren? And 100
·years from tonight, when the President stands here, what would we
· like him to be able to say of us? That -- boom, boom, boom ..
Well, if that's what you want, we will never have a
- better chance to get started than tonight. See? We have to decide,
if we want Americans 100 years from now to be the country of our
dreams, then we have to begin today to live by our dreams, to act by
. our dreams, to be guided by the better angels of our nature, to -whatever.
That's what you want to do, because it's not
CLINIONLIBRARYPHOTOCOPY.
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self-seeking in that way. And then you can come back to the sacred
fire. If you want George Washington's sacred fire to be burning
brightly 100 years from now, the real question is what are we going
to do.
. .
I think there is a way to do this and you can do it one
paragraph. You won't have to drag it out to kingdom come, it will be
quite powerful. Get it all out there and if it's too long, we know
how to condense. But we need more applause lines. We need the stuff
-..ye can do Jn a hit, to do it in a hit. And then we need the
specifics that will make it work. We've ·really got to work on
conceptually -- this education thing is radical. Even the first
version-.(erid of tape one, side two)
(Tape two, Side One)
In progress -THE PRESIDENT: -- doing it. But it's not getting us
. the re.sults we need. Now, every now and then-- every five years or
whatever-- we have to reauthorize this money, and we have to define
the terms under which it will be spent.
(
We now know what works. We know that ending social
promotion and --you got that on? --we now kr10w that ending social
promotion and giving kids the help they need -- after-school and
summer school -- works. Chicago proved that.
We know that holding schools accountable for the results
--and you can say, either through public school choice and charter
schools, or through actually shutting them down if they don't perform
-- works. North Carolina proved it; Arlington, Virginia, proves it
Therefore we have no excuse if we do not reauthorize
this mo'ney over the next five years, to say, you can get this money,
but you have to do what works, and you have to produce results. And
therefore, here are the changes we propose to make. In other words,
. the way we said it doesn't clarify that this is a revolution in.
government .
\,,
. This --you talk about reinven~ing government, we get
this ESEA thing, we're reinventing government. See what I mean?
Pictures, pictures, wherepeople unde_rstand. When we're doing
something that's big, let's take credit for it. When we're doing
something self-evident, let's say it in a sentence. And then, when
we're doing something where we've got to put some line in, because
CLINTON LIBRARY P~OTOCOPY
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otherwise some constituency won't be pleased, but we're not really
doing anything, let's say it in a phrase and get over with it .
.
And then, you need to get me a list of the kind of
people you think that we ought to have in the box. And, you know, if
· you think about-~ let's just think about all the different things
we're doing. It depends on how we do the national security thing,
you know, but I think there ought to be a big deal on NATO because
we've got the NATO summit coming upin May, and that's what I worked
. on, that kind of stuff.
You're doing·-- you've got the international economy
thing, you may want to have Rubin up there.·
Q
He's on the floor, withthe Cabinet.
THE PRESIDENT: Yeah, he's on the floor.
Q
In the international, Mr. President, we thought it
. might make sense to have· somebody fro in Desert Fox, one of the pilots
THE PRESIDENT: That's a good idea. That's good. You
want to do something in education, we talked about that. You want to
do something in the aging area --
(
Q
It's hard to embody an aging thing --
THE PRESIDENT: Well, what you might want is, you might
want somebody who's caring for somebody who's long-term care, like
the person we had at. the event ..
All I think is I don't think you should refer to an
'.individual person during Social Security; I think it would trivialize
Q
THE PRESIDENT: 1. ag.ree with that, I was thin.king about
the long-term· care:· No, I agree-- With Social Security, you don't
want that.
o 1think ·it ~lows down .the rhythm of the speech too
early in the speech to look at the box right at that point.
· · THE PRESIDENT: Yeah, I agree. I do think you want an
Americorps volunteer up there. But you like the Shepard thing?· Mark
always says that every time I mention gays, my numbers go down in the
$tate of the Union. It's the only thing that goes down. But I think
when you're talking about the murder of a person's son
Q
I just don't think you want to isolate it
c-
THE PRESIDENT: You can do the hate-crimes thing back in
CLINTON lLIBRARYPHOTOCOPY
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the crime thing, or you can-- but you like it better in One America,
don't you?
!
Q
I think it's a really vivid way of capturing that
and almost pulling people in in a way they don't expect to agree with
our position.
THE PRESIDENT: Okay.
·END
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CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
RESTRICTION
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
Michael Waldman to the President; RE: Highlights of Domestic and.
Economic Policy Memos (4 pages)
12/03/1998
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number:
14417
'FOLDER TITLE:
SOTU [State of the Union] 1999 Planning Book [Binder] [1]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2244
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(aX3) of the PRA]
· P4 Release would disclose trad~ secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
.
.
b(l) National security classified'information [(b)(l) of the FOIA].
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) ofthe FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
. information ((b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA] . ·
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would ~~los\~eol~ical orfeo~y~ical information
concerning we!~~b'l;fl(l)lt\b~
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
·of gift.
·PRM. Personal record mis:flle defined in accordance with 44·U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document wil! be reviewed upon request.
·
BKARY PHOTOCOPY.
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December 3, 1998
'
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
CC:
JOHN PODESTA ..
THROUGH:
MARIA ECHAVESTE
·FROM:
SUBJECT:·
(
MICHAEL WALDMAN
STATE OF THE UNION PLANNING GROUP
HIGHLIGHTS OF DOMESTIC AND ECONOMIC POLICY MEMOS
You have been sent several memos from the policy councils, suggesting an array of new
possible policies- some.big, some small. The purpose of this memorandum is to identify what
we believe are the most significant of these new policy proposals, so you can begin to see the
shape of a possible State of the Union and budget. ·
This is not an exclusive list. In addition, it does not include many of the smaller
proposals-- many of which were included in the memoranda to you from the policy councils -which will undoubtedly be a part of the final speech. It reflects discussion among Bruce Reed,
. Elena Kagan, Gene Sperling, Sally Katzen, Maria Echaveste, Paul Begala, Jack Lew, Mark Penn,. ·
· . Lael Brainard and Doug Sosnik, among others.
Social Security. At this moment we don't have anything further to add to the ongoing
discussions about what to say on Social Security -- except to reaffirm that, given the central place
. of Social Security in the speech last year, there will be enormous pressure to show some
specificity in this address.
and
Long-Term Care Initiative. As you know, this is politically very ·powerful,
speaks
to real source of deep anxiety for typical families. The most important new proposal would be
for a tax credit of up to $1.000 for disabled elderly or their caregivers (at a cost of about $6
billion over 5 years). In addition, the package could include a nursing home quality initiative;
respite services, training and counseling for families who care for severely impaired elderly
relatives; and new long-term care options for federal employees.
a
In addition to Social Security and long-term care, the policy councils are developing a
full agenda of issues of particular concern to elderly Americans - including measures to fight ·
. CLINT?N LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
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fraud and other crime that preys on seniors, to provide housing and transportation fo~ the elderly,.
and to strengthening pension protections and enhance pension portability .
. Education -- teacher quality. The DPC believes that the most important and memorable.
new element to your education agenda should be a focus on teachers-- teacher training, teacher
·quality, teacher recDJitment. · This would build on the success this year of beginning to hire ·
100,000 new teachers (a proposal, it is worth noting, that gained more political traction than any
previous education reform efforts).
· T~e proposal being crafted will have several elements. Most noteworthy would be a new
requirement, tied to federal aid, that new secondary teachers pass competency tests in a subject
before they can teach it. In addition, we will mount a nationwide crackdown on teacher
education schools, and move to reform teacher certification. These steps will be coupled with
increased teacher recruitment scholarships, funds to help teachers go back to. college when they.
teach outside their field. We can use the opportunity of the reauthorization ofthe ESEA to ·
provide both "carrots" and "sticks'' for a teacher quality initiative.
In addition, we will advance an expanded initiative on social promotion- giving communitie
'that end social.promotion more money for after school and sumrher schooi, tutoiing; and other
, means to help children live up to high standards. Finally, there· would be an array of other education
• initiatives, including a focus on failing schools and a renewed call for school modernization.
(
Breaking the cycle of violent crime - a Crime Bill II. The 1994 Crime Act will expire
at the end of FY 2000. We recorrimend that you challenge Congress to pass a new crime bill that
builds on the core elements of the successful 1994 Act-- more police, smarter punishment, and
more prevention. We believe that a newCrime Act should indude the following elements: First,
· it should hire more community police and community prosecutors, with an emphasis on
'technology and training. It should expand the use-of probation supervision and drug testing and
· treatment for prisoners and parolees. It should press your longstanding firearms priorities
· Guvenile Brady, Brady II, federal CAP.legislation and child safety locks), and crack down on
gun crimes and gun traffickers. Finally, in addition-to other crime bill prevention programs, we
. could invest in promoting values-based crime and violence prevention efforts.
International economics. Last year, you discussed the international financial crisis
.· when it was in its relatively early stages. Given the continued financial turmoil, and .its impact
on_our own economy,.we believe that the speech should.have·a significant discussion.ofworld
economy and the need to strengthen the international financial architecture. The NEC will be
working to flesh out what should be said in this area, as well as an ambitious trade agenda
building on the goals you anticipated at the WTO speech in Geneva. This will be the first time a
broad television audience has heard your new synthesis on trade.
Tobacco/prescription drugs for Medicare beneficiaries. ·Our best leverage over the
tobacco industry is the prospect of a federal suit to recoup Medicare costs associated with
2
CLINTON lLKBRARY PHOTO
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�smoking. We could call on Congress to enact Senator Graham's legislation to authorize such a
lawsuit (which would make the Justice Department more likely to bring it). Atthe same time,
we could ask for funds for DOJ and HCF A to prepare a lawsuit against the tobacco industry.
We could pledge that any proceeds from such a lawsuit would be used to provide a new
prescription drug benefit to Medicare beneficiaries.
At the same time, you would once again push forthe Patients' Bill of Rights, and could
propose an array of expansions of cov.erage (including, possibly, a smaller version of the
Medicare buy-in).
Workforce skills initiative-- closing the skills gap. With the long struggle for the GI
Bill for Workers now successfully completed, you can more overtly address this remaining piece
of your lifetime learning agenda. Under a proposal being developed by the NEC, every
dislocated worker would get training within· five years, every unemployed person would get
. some kind of reemployment services, and every worker would have access to one-stops. You
could also advance an adult literacy initiative. You could also challenge American companies to
train American workers first, before seeking to import foreign high-tech workers, ·
***
There are, of course, other significant policies being developed. ·
* Child care and after.:.school care will need to be revisited.
(
* Environment- EPA and CEQ are working on a quality-of-life based agenda that would
help communities attain 'green spaces' such as parks and wilderness, and address uncontrolled
· development (the subject of 200 environmental ballot initiative victories this November), and
. initiatives. to pr.otectcoastaLandriver areru;'. In addition, you can discuss next steps on climate
change.
'
.*_Consumer protection -From .a financial consumers bill of rights now being developed
by the NEC, to
array of other consumer protections, you can propose a consumer protection ·
agenda (this would be the first such explicit agenda in one of your State of the Union Addresses).
an
. .
-
.
-
* Strengthening democracy for the year. 2000 -
In addition to campaign finance reform,
. .we are developing new proposals to increase voting and enhance democratic paticipation, such as
.
.
making Election Pay a holiday.
* An appeal for One America, including an overt appeal against anti-immigrant sentiment
· (as you did powerfully at Portland State)
* Medical research arid medical ethics issues
*Y2K ·
3
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* The Millennium Project
Finally, we are working with the National Security Coll.ncil on its proposals. and outline.. ·
.
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CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOcopy
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
RESTRICTION
001. letter
Larry R, Smith to John Podesta; RE: Home address and telephone
number (partial) (1 page)
11109/1998
P6/b(6)
002. letter.
Bill Clinton to Larry R. Smith; RE: }Jome address (partial) (1 page)
06/16/1998
P6/b(6) .
003. memo
J()an Rohlfmg to the Secretary; RE: Proposed Counterprolifenition
Initiative (2 pages)
11101/1998
P5
004. memo
Bill Richardson to the President; RE: Winning Developing Country
Cooperation on Climate ·change (2 pages)
10/05/1998
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
· Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/BoxNumber: 14417
FOLDER TITLE: .
SOTU [State of the Union] 1999 Planning Book [Binder] [4]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db1510
.. RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom oflnformation Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose·trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA] '
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
'b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) ofthe FOIA)
b(6} Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b )(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
.
b(9) Releasew?J~ ~;sclose geological or geophysical information
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
. of gift;
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
concerning__~l:f ft¥f0NhiJflmARY PHOTO
·
·
·
COPY
�DEPARTMENT OF ENERGY
Washington, DC _20585
November 1, 1998
OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY
Memorandum for the Secretai-y
From:
Subject:
JoariRohlfm~·
. Proposed Counterproliferation Initiative
.You have an opportunity to comb in~ your ne:w efforts in Nuclear Cities, PlutoniumDisposition
and Critical Infrastructure with ongoing efforts in Chem-Bio, MPC&A,and Nuclear Smuggling
into a major initiative. We would market the initiative as follows: You cail use this initiative to
· · highlight the ~ole of the Department in providing the essential technological tools and expertise
for preventing and responding to WMD threats. You could also use this initiative as a basis for
building Congressional support forthe $160~250 million budget increase the Department has
requested for FY 2000 in the program areas mentioned above. You might call this initiative .
"Counterproliferation Tools for the_ 21st Century;"
I propose that you launch the initiative in early December by placing Op-Eds, and possibly
preparing a journal article for the Spring issue of Foreign Affairs that discusses the urgency of
. addressing transnational threats, and the role of DOE technology in cotintering the most
dangerous of those threats (nuclear, chem and bio). I would also recommend that we line up one
or several speeches early next year at the National Press Club, or the Council on Foreign
.
Relations, etc.
.
A core theme for this initiative should be the role of the DOE in building the tools (i.e.
technologies) that w~ need to solve the WMD proliferation and terrorism challenges of the
future. Our ability to develop cutting edge, next generation technologies is what makes the DOE
unique from other agencies such as State, DOD, FBI, etc. When it comes to working in nuclear,·
chemical and biological sciences the DOE laboratories are the nation's repository ofexpertise.
We are at the forefront, and we have a competitive advantage over other agencies in addressing
the particular challengesofthe WMD threat. Also, sticking to our own area of agency expertise
· .. wjll help ameliorate any bureaucratic turf concerns that may arise with other Principals if/when
.you decide to httinch this initiative.
.
.
.
'(
In emphasizing the importance of Science and Technology in countering the growing WMD
threat we would also point out that DOE addresses the -full scope of the threat -- from pre,venting
proliferation by preventing the spread of materials and expertise to responding to WMD
emergencies through our Nuclear Emergency Response Team, or through the delivery of chembio detection technologies to local first responders. We may even want to break this initiative
into two sub-elements: 1) The Proliferation Prevention Program, which would include the
programs focused on preventing the spread of nuclear materials and expertise (NCI, MPC&A,
etc); and 2) The Domestic Protection and Response Program, which would focus on our efforts
to develop technologies for emergency responders to nuclear, chemical and biological threats,
. CLINTON lLIBRA~Y PHOTOCOPY
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and on our new Critical Infrastructure work.
You could use your budgetroll-out, in early February, of the Department's FY 2000 budget as an
important opportunity to highlight the initiative. At that time, you would announce the increase.
of $160 -250 million for the programs associated with the initiative. The final increase aSsociated .
· with the various programs in the initiative will depend on the outcome of our dialogue with
OMB. But even withonly a $160M increase, the budget would reflect the high priority that you
·attach to nonproliferation and~national security.·
I have already discussed this proposal wlth Ernie Moniz and David Goldwyn. While Ernie is on
board with highlighting the Department's role in WMD prevention and response through such
initiative, he has reservations about representing this as "budget" initiative since the 'association
with the FY 2000 budget could cause these programs to become more of a legislative target. ·
·Ernie also recommends that we quickly work to coordinate the Chem~Bio part of this initiative
with the interagency (Dick Clark at NSC) in order to prevent and avoid interagency conflict over
DOE's role in this area: David Goldwyn and I have also discussed both the substance and the
.marketing of this initiative and he is strongly supportive. David would begin marketing the
initiative inside the govemm~nt 'right away, to build sq:pport for our budget efforts before the
· :December budget sessions with OMB.
•
J
•
a
an .
•
If you agree, we will move forward by fleshing this out further, and beginning the interagency
co·ordination/notification process. I would recommend as a next step thatyou sign a memo to
other NSC principals (Albright, Berger, Cohen) describing the initiative, and eliciting their
support.
(
CLiNTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO;
AND TYPE.
001. memo.
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
RESTRICTION·
Michael Waldman to. the President; RE: State of the Union- Context
(2 pages)
11123/1998
P5
Michael Waldman to the President; RE: Highlights of Domestic and
Economic Policy Memos (4 pages)
12/03/1998
P5
& Purposes
002. memo
COLLECTION:
·clinton Presidential Records
Speechwri ting
Michael Waldman
OA!Box Number:· 14418
FOLDER TITLE:
SOTU [State of the Union] 1999 Speech Drafts 11119/98" 119/99 [Binder] [1]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2246
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Pl National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal staiute [(aX3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
· PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly UJ1Warranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's de_ed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request. -
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
b(l) National security classified information [(bXI) of the FOlA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(bX3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
.
.
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a dearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIAL
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disdose information con·cerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
_
concerning weus t<b><9> ofth~~tNTON
·
LIBRARY PHOTOCO
�THE WHITE HOUSE
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MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT
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THROUGH:
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MARIA ECHAVESTE
MICHAEL WALDMAN
STATE OF THE UNION
FROM:
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HIGHLIGHTS OF DOMESTIC AND ECONOMIC POLICY MEMOS
..
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You have been sent several me~10s from the policy councils, suggesting an array of new
possible policies - some big, some small. The purpos¢ of this memerandum is to identify what
we believe are the most significant of these new polic~ proposals, soyou can begin to see the
. shape of a possible State of the Union and budget.
I
1
This. is not an exclusive iist. In addition, it doe s not include. many of the smaller
proposals-- many of which were included in the inem?randa to you from the policy councils--.
·· which will undoubtedly be a part of the final speech. It reflects discussion among Bruce Reed, .
.
.
.
.
I
.
.
Elena Kagan, Gene Sperlmg, Sally Katzen, Mana Echaveste, Paul Begala; Jack Lew, Mark Penn,
Lael Brainard and Doug Sosnik, among others.
!
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. i
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Social Security. At this moment we don't ha~e anything further to add to the ongoing
disc.ussions about what to say on Social Security -- extept to reaffirm that, given the central place
1
of Social S~curity in the speech last year, the~e will be enormous pressure to show some
specificity in this address.
·
Long-TermCare Initiative. As you know,'tq1s is ~olitically very powerful, and speaks
.to a real source of deep anxiety for typical families. T_he most important new proposal would be
for a tax credit of up to $1.000 for disabled elderly or their caregivers {at a cost of about $6
billion 9ver 5 years). In addition, the package could ihclude a nursing.home quality initiative;
respite services, training and counseling for families
care for severely impaired elderly
relatives; and new long-term care options for federal employees.
1ho
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In addition to Social Security and long-term cL, the policy councils are developing a
.
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full agenda of issues of particular concern t? elderly ~ericans - including measures to fight
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. CORY
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seni~rs, provid~
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. fraud and othercrime that preys on
to
housing and transportation for the elderly,.
and to strengthening pension protections and enhance; pension portability.· · ·
· ·
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Education-- teacher quality. The DPC beliJves that the most important and memorable
new element to your education agenda should be a fo¢us on teachers -- teacher training, teacher .
quality, teacher recruitment. This would build on the!success this year of beginning to hire . ·
·;)
· 100,000 new teachers (a proposal, it is worth noting, that gained more political traction than any I~.. .
.,_. ..
· .
· · · ·.
. · · ·• __ ~~ ./~~:£>;
previous education reform efforts).
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The proposal being crafted will have several e.lements. Most noteworthy would be a new .(O('Z('J
requirement, tied tofederal aid, that new secondaryt~acherspass competency tests in a subject ~{a
before they can teach it. In addition, we will mount ~nationwide crackdown on teacher ·
t.c~V"- Cj
~ducation schools, and .move to refomi ~eacher certifi~ation. These steps will be coupled with (-(_1 {{' )-.,
·
mcreased ~eache~recruitment scholarships, funds t.o help teachers go. ba~k to college when they (f . r~f,
1
1
teac~ outside _their field. We ~an usethe opporturuty :of ~h~ ~e~uthonzat10n of the ESEA to q tf! ~
(I(£_
provide both "carrots" and ''sucks" for a teacher quahty Initiative.
~-~,'f-L ~ ({ir(r
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.In ad~ition, we ~11 advan~e an expanded initi+ve on social promotion- givi~g communitie
that end SOCial promotiOn more money for after schpol and summer school, tut.onng, and ?ther
means to help children live up to high standards. Finally, therewould be an array of other education
iilitiatives, including a focus on failing schools and a:renewed call :or school modernization.
Cri~e
~
. ....y~
IT'.
. Breaking thO cycle of violent crime - a
Bill II. The 1994 Crime Act will expire
at the end.ofFY 2000. We recommend that you challlenge Congress to pass a new crime bill that
builds on the core elements of the successful 1994 Act -- more police, smarter punishment, and
I
more prevention. We believe that a new Crime Act should include the following elements: First,
it should hire more community police and communitY prosecutors, with an emphasis on
·
technology and training. It should expand the use oflprobation supervision and drug testing and
t:eatm~nt for prisoners and parolees. It sh~uld _Press iyo~ longstanding firearms priorities
Guven~le Brady, Brady II, federal ~AP l~gislat~o.n an.;d child sa~ety l~cks), and .crack down on
· gun cnnies and gun traffickers. Fmally, m addition to other cnme bill preventiOn programs, we
. could invest in promoting values-based crime and viblence prev~ntion efforts .
th~
. ",
International economic.s. Last year, you diLussed
international financial crisis
I when it was in its relatively early stages. Given the tontinued financial turmoil, and its impact
on our own economy, we believe that the speech shduld have a significant discussion of world
I
,
economy and the need to strengthen the international filuincial architecture. The NEC will be
working to flesh out what should be said in this area! as well as an ambitious trade agenda
building on the goals you anticipated at the WTO sp~ech in Geneva. This will be the first time a
broad television audience has heard your new synthesis on trade.
I
Tobacco/prescription drugs for Medicare beneficiaries. Our best leverage over the
tobacco industry is the prospect of a federal suit to r~coup Medicare costs associated with
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2
COPY
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smoking. We could call on Congress to ena~t Senato~ Graham's legislation to authorize such a
· lawsuit (which would make the Justice Department.mbre likely to bring it). At the same time, . ·
we could ask forfundsl'Qr_DOJ and HCFA to prepare).a lawsuit against the tob.acco in~~ry. /6.,;~,__t .
We co.ul~pledge that any procee.ds from sue~ a !aws~It w<;mld be used to provide a new ·- ~~ ..
prescnpt10n drug benefit to Medicare beneficianes. 1
· ·
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..
I
At the same time, you would once again pushifor the Patients' Bill of Rights, and could
. propose an array of expansions of coverage (inchiding, possibly, a smaller ye.c>ion ofthe
Medicare buy-in).
·
I .
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( ~~- 6\-\..\':"~~~kSl'":F<-
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· Workforce skills initiative-- closing the skiJls gap .. With the long struggle for the GI
Bill for Workers now successfully completed, you cah more overtly address this remaining piece
ofyourlifetime-~-agend.a._JJ~a-proposal b~ing developed by the NEC, every · · "
'disloca~ed workery~ould get trai~in ; •thi five year~, every unemployed person would get .
some kmd of reemployment services, an every worker would have access to on:e-stops: You·
could also advance an adult literacy initiative ..You cpuld also challenge American companies to·
train American: workers first, before seeking to impoft foreign high-tech workers.
.. .
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·.
**~I
· · ~ being developed.
..
·There are, of course, other signifi
·'.
(• Child
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ci,~and after-School Car
~l·l
will
nee'citt be reVisited.•
· *Env~r~nment.- EPA and CEQ are working ;ona_q~ality-of-life based agenda that would .
help commurutles attam 'green spaces' such as parks and Wilderness, and address uncontrolled
development (the subject of200 environmental ball~t initiative victories this November), and
initiatives to protect coastal and river areas. In addit~on, you can discuss next steps on climate
hange.
I .
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,
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· .· * Consumer protection- From a financial co'nsumers bill of rights now being developed
by the NEC, to an array of other consumer. protectiohs, you can propose a consumer protection
agenda (this would be the first suchexplicit agenda }none of your State ofthe'Union Addresses).
.
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i
Strengthening democracy for the Year 200b - In addition to campaign ·finance reform,
we aie developingnew proposals to increase votingjand enhance democratic paticipation; such as
making Election Day a holi~ay.
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* An appeal for One America, including an bvert appeal against anti-immigrant sentiment
(as you' did powerfully at Portland State)
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* Medical research and medical. ethics issues
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·.*YiK
3
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COJPY
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�\.J* The Millennium Project
Finally, we are working with the National Sec~rity Council on its proposals ·and outline.
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COPY
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�Withdrawal/Redadtion Sheet
Clinton Library
I
I
SUBJECT/TITLE
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
·Robert Rubin to the President; RE: Update on Your International
F1~ancial Initiatives (2 pages)
. 001a. memo
.
01112/1997
P5
12/2111998
P5
'
RE: Report From G7 Finance Ministers to G7 Heads
·. 001b. report
RESTRICTION
(5 pages)
COLLECTION:
Clinton-Presidential Records
Speechwritillg
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number:
14418
FOLDER TITLE:
SOTU [State of the Unimi] 1999 Speech Drafts 1114/99- 1115/99 [Binder] [3]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
.db2248
RESTRICTION CODES
· Presidential
· Pl
P2
P3
P4
~ecords
Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]·
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)"
Release would violate Federai'statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) ofthe PRA)
P5 Release would disclose confidential advice between the President ·
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) ofthe PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a dearly unwarranted invasion of
. personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
a
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
'
RR Document will be reviewed upon request.
Freedom of Information Act- (5. U.S.C. 552(b))
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b )(2) of the F(>IA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) ofthe FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
·
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
g
Is [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
.
�. t
.(
REPORT FROM G7 FINANCE MINISTERS TO G7 HEADS
21 December 1998 - ·
FOLLOWING-UP THE G7 DECLARATION
ON THE GLOBAL FINANCIAL ARCHITECTURE
-
I. .. At·Birmingham on 15 May the G7 Heads of State or Government
endorsed a report from Finance Ministers on ways to strengthen the global.
_financial architecture. They hoped- "firm proposals on a range of issues could
be put forward for decision later in the year", and asked "Finance Ministers to·
report.on progress with out delay". ·
·
2.
A great deal of progress has been made since Birmingham, in particular ·.
in response to a turbulent period faced by the world economy. We the G7
Finance Ministers met with our Central Bank Governors in Washington in
· October and, following extensive· further consultation, released a Declaration
on 30 October, in parallel with a statement from G7 Heads, setting out a
· number of reforms to the international financial system. ·
, 3. . These reforms contain founnain elements. First, strengthened
arrangements for dealing with contagion in international capital markets, the .
· central element of which would be the establishment of an enhanced IMF
facility. Second, measures to increase the transparency and openness of the
international financial system, the cornerstone of which is str9nger and more
. comprehensive internationally agreed principles, standards and codes of best
practice, as well as extension of international surveillance of their
. implementation. Third, policies and processes to ensure the stability and
· improve the surveillance of the international financial system, and to develop
better ways to respond to crises, in particular through the involvement of the
· private sector. Fourth, measures-aimed at reforming the International
·Financial Institutions, such as the IMF, while deepening cooperation among
industrialized and developing countries.
.
'
4.
We are now reporting a timetable with concrete actions for taking
forward the commitments set out in our Declaration. The commitmentsfall
into three categories. First, policy actions which we the G7 have committed
ourselves to taking. Second, reforms which we have tasked ·the various
international·institutlons to take forward, and onwhich we have now written to
the Heads of each of the institutio'ns setting out a specific timetable .. Third,
areas for further work which we have committed to take forward. A detailed
COPY
�. timetable is attached as an anne)(.
5.
We have asked our Deputies to push forward ·all endea_vors towards
reform of the international financial system and to cooperate closely with the
Sherpas in the preparation of the Koln Summit. We will ourselves prepare a
· compr-ehensive report, for consideration by the Summit, on the progress
achieved by then.
·
\
COPY
�Committee to complete a timely review of these standards;
l
.
xviii. Appropriate committees headquartered in the BIS, consulting with
IOSCO, the OECD ~nd other relevant bodies, to examine transparency
and disclosure standards for private sector financial institutions involved
in international capital flows, inCluding hedge funds - preliminary
. findings by the 1999 Spring meetings, formal report by the Koln
SLH11mit;
·xix.
IMF, and standard~setting bodies, to prepare strategy for
implementation and surveillance of all the above 'codes and standards
. by the 1999 Annual Meetings; .
xx. · ·1MF to publish transparency reports, beginning 'pilot' assessments
immediately and finalizing a structure for transparency reports by the
1999 Annual Meetings;
.
.
xxi.
·IMF, World Bank, OECD and international regulatory and supervisory
organizations to provide technical assistance to help countries comply
with the codes and standards. 'IMF and World Bank to prepare a joint
paper on this strategy by the 1999 Annual Meetings;
xxii.
World Bank, together with the IMF and other multilateral development
banks, to prepare an interim report on progress in establishing
insolvency and debtor-creditor regimes, by the 1999 Spring Meetings;
(
xxiii.-. IMF to move ahead with its recently reaffirmed policy of lending Into
arrears and to consider extending this policy, under carefully designed
conditions and on a case-by-case basis. G7 IMF Executive Directors to·
report on progress by the 1999 Spring Meetings; ·
·
xxiv. IF Is to play a constructive role in the process of orderly opening- of the
capital account in emerging economies;
: xxv.
World Bank and other relevant institutions to produce an interim report
on progress towards development of principles of good practice in
social policy, by the 1999· Spring Meetings;
xxvi. IMF to continue including policies on trade liberalization, elimination of
state-directed lending on non-commercial terms to favored industries;
enterprises or institutions, and provis-ion of non-discriminatory
COPY
�,,
ANNEX
G7 COMMITMENTS ·
1.
·we have agreed to take a number of actions to enhance transparency· .
. in our own economies andJo strengthen the global financial system. We will
. implementthese according to the following timetable: ·
1.
Implementation of the IMF Quota increase, by end January·~ 999;
. ii.
Further consideration, in the context of the proposed enhanced IMF
facility, of the appropriateness of bilateral contingent finanCing which
might be provided on a case-by-case basis;
• iii
Compliance with the IMF code of good practices on fiscal transparency, .
'A'ith the objective of completing this by the 1999 Spring Meetings;
· iv
Compliance with an internationally-agreeq code of best practices for
monetary and financial policy transparency, according to a timetable we
will agree once the code has been agreed;
v.
Dissemination of regular and timely information on the aggregate
• foreign exchange liquidity position of our central governments and
central banks by end-June 1999, and ofthe whole of the public sectors
in our own economies according to a timetable we will agree;
.vi.
Compliance with the existing IMF SODS by 1 January 1999, and with
the strengthened SODS by end 1999; ·
· vii.
.
Report to G7 Heads on compliance of our private sectors with
standards of transparency, including on sound corporate governance
and accounting, by end-1999;
·
viii.
Bringing .together the key internati6n.al institutions and national .
authorities invoived in financial sector stability - we look forward to Hans
Tietmeyer's recommendations by the February 1999 G7 Finance
Ministers/Governors meeting, and will strive for a consensus and to
· begin implementation of any,agreed actions by the Koln Summit;
ix.
Consideration of ways to strengthen regulation of financial sector
institutions in our own countries; in particular examining the implications
COPY
�,,
arising from the operation of leveraged international financial
·organizations, including hedge funds and offshore centers- report by
the 1999 Spring Meetings,· consensus on how to proceed by the Koln
Summit;
·
·
/
(
x..
xi.
Consideration of ways to pr~mote greater use of collective action
-. clauses in bond issues- report by the February 1999 G7 meeting,
·
consensus on how to proceed by the Koln Summit;
Report on progress in development of mechanisms for involving the
private sector, including ma·rket-based contingency financing
mechanisms; by the 1999 Spring meetings.
·
.TASKING THE INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS
2.
We tasked the various international institutions to carry out a number of
tasks. We have now written to the Heads of ~hose institutions asking them to
. take forward this work according to the following timetable:
xii.
'MF to report proposals for the establishment of an enhanced IMF
facitity which would provide a contingent short-term line of credit for
countries pursuing strong IMF-apprdved policies, by the end of the year;
xiii.
IMF to complete a manual on implementation of the Code .of Good
Practices on Fiscal Transparency by the 1999 Spring meetings, and to
· begin surveillance of implementation of the Code thereafter;
·
xiv. · IMF to work with the BIS, supported by a diverse group of central banks,
and with other relevant organizations, on a code of best practices for
monet~ry and financial policy transparency, with the objective of
completing this by t~e 1999 Spring meetings;
xv.
IMF to reach decisions on steps to strengthen the SODS by the end of
1998;
xvi.
OECD, taking into account the views of the World Bank and other
international regulatory organizations, to complete its code of principles·
of sound corporate governance by the May 1999 OECD Ministerial;
-
.
i
1.
·.
xvii. · IASC to finalize by early 1999 a proposal for a full range of
internationally agreed accounting standards. IOSCO, IAIS and Basle
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
A.NDTYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
OOla. memo
Robert Rubin to the President; RE: Update on Your International
Financial Initiatives (2 pages)
01/12/1999
P5
00 1b. report
RE: Report from 07 Finance Ministers to G7 Heads (5 pages)
01/12/1998
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records .
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number:
14422
FOLDER TITLE:
[State of the Union 1999] Economy: International [ 1]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2251
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a}l
PI .National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAI
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office l(a)(2) of the PRAI
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute l(a)(3) of the PRAJ
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
• financial information l(a)(4) of the PRA]
·PS Release would disclose confidential advice betWeen the President
·and his advisors, or betWeen such advisors la)(S)ofthe PRA]
· P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(a)(6) of the PRAI
C. Closed in accordance witli restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.·
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
Freedom of Information Act- IS U.S.C. 552(b)l
b(l) National security classified informatioitl(b)(l) of the FOIAI
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency l(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute l(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy l(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes l(b)(7) of the FOIAI
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(8) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAI
�..
'
REPORT FROM G7 FINANCE MINISTERS TO G7 HEADS .
21 December 1998
FOLLOWING-UP THE G7 DECLARATION
ON THE GLOBAL FINANCIALARCHITECTURE
I.
At Birmingham on 15 May-the G7 Heads of State or Government
endorsed a report from Finance Ministers on ways to strengthen the global ·
financial architecture. They hoped "firm proposals on a range of issues could
.be put forward for decision later in the year", and asked "Finance Ministers to
report on progress with out delay".
2. ·.. A great deal of progress has been made since Birmingham, in particular
in response to a turbulent period faced by the world economy. We the G7
Finance Ministers met with our Central Bank Governors in Washington in
October and, following extensive further consultation, released a Declaration
on 30 October, in parallel with a statement from G7 Heads, setting out a ·
number of reforms to the international finanCial system.
3.
These reforms contain four main elements. First, strengthened
arrangements for dealing with contagion in international capital markets, the
central element of which would be the establishment of an enhanced IMF
facility. Second, mee~sures to increase the transparency and openness of the
• international financial system, the cornerstone of which is stronger and more
comprehensive internationally agreed principles, standards and coqes of best
, practice, as well as extension of international surveillance of their
· ·
implementation. Third, policies and processes to ensure the stability and
improve the surveillance of the international financial system, and to develop
· better ways to respond to crises, in particular through the involvement of the
privat~ sector. Fourth, measures aimed at reforming the International.
Financial Institutions, such as the IMF, while deepening cooperation among
· industrialized and developing countries.
·
4.
We are now reporting a timetable with concrete actions fqr .taking
forward the commitments set out in our Declaration. The commitments fall
into three categorie-s. First, policy actions which we the G7 have committed
ourselves to taking. Second, reforms which we have tasked the various
international institutions to take forward, and on which we have now written to
the Heads of each of the institutfons setting out a specific timetable. Third,
·areas for further work which we have committed to take forward. A detailed
COPY
�timetable is attached as an annex.
5.
We have asked our Deputies to push forward all endeavors towards
reform of the international financial system and to cooperate closely with ·the
Sherpas in the ·preparation of the Koln Summit. We will ourselves prepare a.
comprehensive report, for consideration by the Summit, on the progress
achieved by then.
COPY
�.,
Committee to complete a timely review of these standards;·
xv111. Appropriate committees headquartered in the BIS, consulting with
.
IOSCO, .the OECD and other relevant bodies, to examine transparency
and disclosure standards for.private sector financial institutions involved
in international capital flows, including hedge funds - preliminary
findings by the _1999 Spring meetings, formal report by the Koln
Summit;
·
XIX.
IMF, and standard-setting bodies, to prepare strategy for
implementation and surveillance of all the above codes and standards
by the 1999 Annual Meetings;
xx. . IMF to publish transparency reports, beginning 'pilot' assessments
immediately and finalizing a structure for transparency reports by the
1999 Annual Meetings;
·
xxi.
IMF, World Bank, OECD and international regulatory and supervisory
organizations to provide technical assistance to help countries comply
with the codes and standards. IMF and World Bank to prepare a joint
paper on this strategy by the 1999 Annual Meetings;
xxii. · World Bank, together with the IMF and other multilateral development
banks, to prepare an interim report on progress in establishing ·
insolvency and debtor-creditor regimes, by the 1999 Spring Meetings; ·
xxiii. IMF to move ahead with its recently reaffirmed policy of lending into
arrears· and to consider extending this policy, under carefully designed
·. conditions and on· a case-by-case basis. G7 IMF Executive Directors to
report on progress by the 1999 Spring Meetings;
xxiv. · IF Is to play a-constructive role in the process of orderly opening of the
capital account in emerging economies;
xxv.
World Bank and other relevant institutions to produce an interim report
on progress towards development of principles of good practice in
social policy, by the 1999 Spring Meetings;
xxvi. ·IMF to continue including policies on trade liberalization, elimination of
state-directed lending on non~commercial terms t_o favored industries,
enterprises or institutions, and provision of non-discriminatory
COPY
�ANNEX·
G7 COMMITMENTS
1.
We have agreed to take a number of actions to enhance transparency
in our own economies and to strengthen the global financial system. we· will
. implement these according to the following timetable:
1.
. 11.
Implementation of the IMF Quota increase, by end January 1999;
Further consideration, in the context of the proposed enhanced IMF
. facility, of the appropriateness of bilateral contingent financing which
might be provided on a case-by~case basis;
on
111
_Compliance with the IMF code of good practices
fiscal transparency,
with the objective of completing this by the 1999 Spring Meetings; ·
iv
· Compliance with an internationally-agreed code of best practices for
monetary and financial policy transparency, according to a timetable we
will agree once the code has been agreed; .
· v.
Dissemination of regular and timely information ori the aggregate
foreign exchange liquidity position of our central governments and
central banks by end-June -1'999, and of the whole of the public sectors
in our own economies according to a timetable we will agree;
.
.
.
.
vi.
Compliance with the existing IMF SODS by 1 January 1999, and with
the ~trengthened SODS by end 1999;
vii.
Report to G7 Heads ori compliance of our private sectors with
standards of transparency, including on sound corporate governance .
and accounting, by end-1999;
viii.
Bringing togetherthe key international institutions and national
authorities involved in financial sector stability - we look forward to Hans
·Tietmeyer's recomm·endations by the February 1999 G7 Finance
·Ministers/Governors meeting, and will strive for a consensus and to
· begin implementation of ahy agreed adions by the Koln Summit;
ix.
Consideration of ways to strengthen regulation of financial sector
institutions in our own countries; in particular examining the implications · ·
·coPY
�.
...
.1 .
~·
.
""
arising from the operation of leveraged international financial·
organizations, including hedge funds and offshore centers- report by
the 1999.Spring Meetings, consensus on how to proceed by the Koln
Summit;
·- x.
_ Consideration of ways to promote greater use of collective action
·-clauses in bond ·issues- report by the February 1999 G7 meeting,
consensus on how to proceed by the Koln Summit;
xi.·
Report on progress in development of mechanisms for involving the
private sector, including market-based contingency financing ·
mechanisms, by the 1999 Spring meetings.
TASKING THE INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS
a
. ?·
We tasked the various international institutions to carry out number of
· tasks. We have now written to the Heads of those institutions asking. them to
take forward this work according to the following timetable:
- xii.
IMF to report prpposals for the establishment of an enhanced IMF
facil-ity which would provide a contingent short-term line of credit for
countries pursuing strong IMF-approved policies,· by the end of the year;
xiii.
IMF to compiete a m·anual ·On implementation of the Code of Good
Practices on Fiscal Transparency by the 1999-Spring meetings, and to
begin surveillance of implementation· of the Code thereafter;
-
XIV.
IMF to work with the SIS, supported by a diverse group of central banks,
and with other relevant organizations, on a code of best practices for
monetary and financial policy transparency, with the objective of
completing this by the 1999 Spring meetings;
xv.
IMF to reach decisions on steps to strengthen ~he SODS by the end of
1998;
xvi.
OECD, taking into account the views of the World Bank and other
international ·regulatory organizations, to complete its code of principles
of sound corporate governance by the May 1999 OECD Ministerial;
·xvii.
IASC to finalize by early 1999 a proposal for- a full range of _·
internationally agreed accounting standards. IOSCO, IAIS and Basle
COPY
�.Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. email
. DATE
· SUBJECTffiTLE
SDWaldman to Michael Waldman; RE: State of the Union (4 pages)
0111011999
RESTRICTION
P5
·COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
.Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number: 14423
FOLDER TITLE:
[State of the Union 1999]MW [Michael Waldnian]/SW [Steve Waldman] Memoranda:
Outside Language [2]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2253
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Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
Pi Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(aX3) of the PRA]
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and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(5) of the PRA] ·
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
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an agency [(b)(2) ofthe FOIA]
b(3)Release would violate a Federal statute [(bX3) ofthe FOIA)
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information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
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personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(S) Release.would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b )(8) of the FOIA]
Dlllillliillli.1'"'t·..w
geological or geophysical information
[(bX9) of the FOIA)
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of gift.
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..
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�. SDWaldman @ aol.com
0.1/10/99 01 :57:52. PM .
.. Record Type:
.
.
· Record
.
·To:.·
Michael Waldman/WHO/EOP
. cc:
Subject: Re: hello!
This going to be a very good speech. Its quite compelling in the sense that
.it reminds us of just how great things are, .how far we ve come, and because it
: focuses on genuinely important things, not merely peripheral symbolic things
·: (as other presidents often did). My main criticism is that there are a number
of important points that pass by too quickly and cryptically. They need more
explication. Of course, that will only lengthen the speech further but I think
: it s better to cut blocks and have what remains realiy sing. Ill look over
: the speech again for cuts.
'
•.
..
Some particulars.
· The opening graph: the stuff about hasteit seems fine. I think the line the
times in which we live are anything but dreary will be assumed to be a
' reference to his own situation rather than the times in which .we live; it
· might even draw some laughter. So not sure it works. I frankly don t think the
· Jefferson quote is THAT great. Appealing for harmony and affection right now
seems a bit besides the point. What he s really appealing for (in this speech)
: is to do the people s business. What about something arguing that we have to
be able to walk arid chew gum at the same time we cant let our conflict. stop
us from helping the folks. (Obviously, no one thinks this is possible but at
.• least its Clinton saying they should and the repubs saying its impossible).
· You probably want to be softer and more elliptical than this but I wonder if
you could have this thought in there somehow: Don t think by ignoring the
people s business you re punishing ME, you re punishing the American people.
The section about the progress made is well done and exciting. A few niggles:
, you probably can t say we demanded responsiqlity from all. It s also a
. slight non-sequitor from previous sentence which is about the peopleh7aing
·.. faith and optimism. Maybe just cut that last sentence.
.
.
.
.
l
'-
The even the optimists cant do justice to america line is
confu~ing
/1
. probably want to have more of a drum roll on wages rising at twice the rate
inflation and lowest unemployment in quarter century and highest
.
homeownership.
.
·
·
I love the john glenn deficit line.
COPY
0~·
�·I like the family metaphor on social security but its too cryptic as written .
. Who s retirement are you referring to in the family ~
Perhaps this was on the page you tore out but you could score big points by
laying the foundation for all the money we re spending on seniors but gushing
about their courage and wisdom etc. etc. Something a Ia thattom brokaw book ·
. about how much better that generation was than us. i.e. We may not be as
. courageous as they were, but at least we can make the commitment to repay them
for what theyve db'ne. Gratitude. Gratitude. Gratitude.
.·
Dunno if you re still thinking about the senior service thing, but if so it
would be great to be able to pear it with the bailout to make the point that.
not only is moral to help seniors, but it s not money down the tube:. seniors
. are going to continue to give back to society. (In fact, they re often in a
. much better position to help society through tutoring mentoring teaching etc
than the AmeriCorps-aged kids are).
The section ori the tax credit is too cryptic. More explanation of why it s
· ·.good to keep . em. at home instead of in the nursi'ng home?
In the making college affordable· section, I 'notice that the whole loan reform
. has disappeared! Maybe can put it that tk million have taken advantage of the
better terms or more flexible terms on their college loans
the line about religious faith in our public schools is a bit cryptic
I d personally make a bigger deal about the 100,000 teachers. Tci me that s the
. biggest winner of all the education proposals, just cause you ve already
proposed it doesn t mean you can t milk it some more.
The ed plan is pretty exciting.
The paragraph beginning "second, states and schools must identify their worst
performing schools . Can sound a bit tougher. As written it sounds like
·.you re just spending more money fresh resources, better. trained teachers
· schools in the workplaces might be worth another phrase to explain what your
talking about
, the training
vou~her
will be too cryptic
don t assume people know the rationale for the EITC. It is truly outrageous
that people can work hard and still be in poverty. That s what that s trying
to solve.
·
Personally I d ditch the empowerment zones and rural america but I assume
there are political reason fro those to be in there.
The law helping people in the financial marketplace sounds intriguing but
again c·ryptic. Perhaps you should say something about how much of this
economic boom is financed not by big financiers but average folk investing in
mutual funds. The middle class hasn t just benefited from this recovery; it s
helped cause it. But we have to make sure that the Jewish bankers and
malefactors of wealth don t take advantage of john q. mutual fund investor, so
COPY
�we re doing xyz.
On the millenium bug I m glad this is in here. This is an amazingly big
deal. (I ve been reading a lot of religious magazines lately and it is amazing
hovit many people think this is going to apocylptic.) People are really going to
assume the gov t is botching this. So if that s not true; I would make a much
bigger deal of the progress the govt has made and Clinton s serious commitment
to making sure that this is all solved by 2000.
Around the paragraph saying you re going to have another $100 million to spur american manufacturing exports abroad, I began thinking to myself, this is
about the 5th or 6th new spending program he s announced, but in the beginning
he said he wasn t going to increase spending
the thing about the tax credit for stay at home moms is too cryptic
the paragraph about people being discriminated against for having kids was a
bit jarring. Is this a problem? If so, its a great political issue but you
need to explain what the problem is.
A sentence to cut! The one about polio I think .most people think it already
had been eradicated, or almost eradicated. Doesnt therefore seem like much of
an achievement.
Is that deerborn michigan story really true? Suffice it to say the media will
check that out carefully arid if it doesn t hold up it will be a sign of
clinton s lying.
The crime section. I may be overly sensitive .to it because I ve done a lot of
reading on it, but I think it s totally appropriate to crow about how crime is
gone down but you don t want to take too much credit for stuff he didn t do
here. I dont really think the inVolvement of the national gov t was close to
·being the decisive factor in crime reduction. I dont think it would weaken it
too much t<;> cast the feds as important members of the team that brought this
down. Also, I m convinced that the key to crime rate going down was the
dissipation of the crack epidemic; to the extent the feds helped with crime it
was in helping to battle crack .
. Hiring 2,000 prosecutors seems more compelling than the giving them better
technology . Maybe a little more elaboration. Something like: we ve helped
communities by putting 100,000 new cops on the street. But we end up losing
the benefits if the police bring in the criminal and the system can t
prosecute the crime. "Criminals have to know not only that they II get caught
but they 1.1 be tried convicted and put in jail. That s why I m proposing 2,000
riew prosecutors yadda yadda"
also, on the 100,000 cops. I didn t realize you were going to reach 100,000
this year. May want to make a bigger deal of that, something about how critics
said this approach of partenshfp betw the· feds and lcoalisties couldn t work
but it did: I ni pleased to announce .
the guns in the chamber metaphor somehow doesn t work. unless you can
dramatize it more by saying it would be piled up shoulder-high throughout the
chamber, or up to the ceiling orsomething like that.
COPY
�.n . •
'
you dont want to crack down on gun shows, you wantto crack down on the
loopholes. (Cracking down on gun shows will sound a little bit too big
brotherish even for non-gun-nuts.
'
'
Bald eagle as someone who really doesn t care about the environment, I
nonetheless think the bald eagle news is awfully. cool; May want to tease that
. out a bit. Talk about how few there had been, how much they d been threatened,
then what happened to turn it around and then the big news about taking it
off the endangered list. It s rare you can do an enviro issue that s also a
patriotic one; milk it.
I sort of like ending on fundamental duty
good job! seems to me this is actually in better shape at this point than in
the past.
steve
'COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
· 001. paper
002. paper.
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RE: Meeting on Social Security and State of the Union (5 pages)
RE: A List of Questions to Resolve on Social Security and the Rest of ·
the Package (3 pages)
RESTRICTION·
n.d.
P5
. n.d~
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
ONBox Number:
14423
FOLDER TITLE:
[State of the Union 1999] Social Security: Policy Memos/Language
Debbie Bush
·2006-0469-F
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.
.
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�.•
Transfer 50 percent of the UB surplus for the next 15 years to the Social Security
trust fund.
o
Total transfer would be roughly 2 trillion dollars over 15 years.
Prevent Diversion of.Current Revenue Streams.
0
•
Announce that the entire 12.4 percent payroll tax should continue to be
· used to fund the traditional Social Security benefit -- a benefit that you can
·count on no matter what happens to the economy or to financial markets.
Oppose carveouts such as those in the Breaux-Gregg-KQlbe-Stenholm
plan.
Investthe surplus to achieve higher returns for Social Security
0
Even without any equity investments, this option extends the trust fund
exhaustion date to 2044.
o·
If a satisfactory mechanism can be found to invest the trust fund's assets
with private managers, this option could extend the trust fund's life even
further.
.
I •
c__ . ~ 5 -f ~ . 0--• 4'
c.,_,,/.:::.
""' ... ""' ?
.,.... '- .
.
...,.
-s "3 .r::;.
Investing 35percent of the transferred surpluses in stocks moves
the trust fund exhaustion date back to 2050. (and the trust fundq
.~
would own a maximum ofbetween 4.4 and 6.3 percent of the stock 011'1\'?
market).
·.
·
~ ...)
·.
.
. .
.
.
~e~'7
0
•
. Social Security should invest its funds with the best private managers just
as private, state, 'and local pension plans do. Need to work in a bipartisan
way to protectthe funds from political interference.
·
Will lead a bipartisan process to make tough choices to extend Social Security ·
·further
o
.Surplus transfers and higher returns are not enough. We also need to inake
tough choices to bring Social Security's obligations and revenues more
closely in line in the long run, so as to achieve 75 year actuarial balance.
•
Reduce Poverty Among Widowed and Divorced Elderly Women Will release
proposals to enhance Social Security benefits for these high poverty populations.
•
Eliminate the earnings test.
COPY
�••
Dedicate 18 percent of the surplus to Medicare. This would allow for a more
viable long term Medicare solution or, even without reform, could extend the life
ofthe trust fund to 2020.
•
Annmmce that in addition to fixing Social Security, we should also strengthen the
· second arid third legs of the retirement security system by ensuring that every ·
. w~rking household can have a new savings accourit to meet the costs of retirement
· and long-term care.
.
.
Reserve 12 percent of surplus for military readiness and pressing national domestic.
priorities!.
•
•
•
•
Detailed blue print for military readiness over the next 6 years .
Set aside block for education and research .
. Pay off$150 billion i~ debt with the surpluses from fiscal year 1998 and fiscal year 1999.
.
.
·..
,~
-
··Over the next fifteen years (FY2000-FY2014) em-plan allocates 10 percent of the surplus
for additional debt reduction.'
COPY
�Investment Strategy for Surpluses Transferred to SoCial Security
Recommendation: We recommend that one-third of the surpluses transferred to Social Security
be invested in equities. After the fifteen years of surplus transfers are completed, we will need to
limit the share of the trust fund invested in equities to 20 percent (alternative we could explicitly .
limit the share of the total stock market owned in the trust fund). This would permit the ·
exhaustion date to be extended to 2050, and would limit the maximum share ofthe.stock market
owned by the trust fund to between 4 and 6 percent. In talking points, we would riot emphasize
the share of the trust fund invested in stocks, because the public appears to be more comfortable
investing the surplus than it is investing the Social Security trust fund.
.
.
.
.
.
Strategy for Answering Questions About the Share of the Stock Market Owned by the
:Trust Fund
Recommendation: We would not go out of our way to raise this issue. If asked we would say
;that on average(over ~hat time period?), the trust fund would own about Jper~ent ofth~ stock
market..· If further pressed, we could report that the maximum share of the market held by the
trust fund would be around 5 percent.
Socialism Issue
Recommendation:
•
Rather than propose a specific approach to investing the trust fund in equities, we would
simply say that the investments should be done in a way that produces the most funds
possible for Social Security benefits as opposed to an approach with heavy management
fees.
•
Investment mUst be done by an independent Fed-like board hiring private managers, and
using competitive bidding to ensure these funds are invested with the nation's top private
managers; Ask for bipartisan process to ensure independence and non politicization.
•
F':lrther examples of potential safeguards include:
· No manager would manage assets worth more than 1 percent of the stock
market.·
All investments should be in passive iridex funds commingled with
investments of private individuals.
Attitude Toward Add-on Individual Account
COPY
�. :· Ruling Out Carveouts With~ut Creating Momentum for Taking Social Security Off
..
Budget.
Recommendation: We would say that we do not think that we should divert a part of the Social
Security payroll'tax as way of replacing a part of the guaranteed Social Security benefit with a
more risky and untested individual account.
a
.Double Counting
How we make s~re the amounts we transfer to the surpluses do not stay around to get .
·transferred again.
Widow Poverty
Announce that we want to increase the benefit for widows and divorced women to reduce
'poverty among these groups.
will provide a specific, proposal with more details at a later
date .
we
. Earnings Test
.
. Eliminate program that is complex and confusing.
: Debt Reduction component
Pensions
Start up date -- delayed las ·
. Do they last .15 years or beyond
Medicare
. Other issues
What happens if surpluses don't materialize?
· Fiscal critiques: haven't extended 2013 date.
COPY
�.Traditional Reform Options
75-year OASDI balance
Change from surplus transfer and equity investment
Remaining Balance
Increase number of years used in calculating benefits from 35 to 38
(2001~2003)
.
. Increase number of years used in calculating benefits from 35 to 38
(2020-2023)
-2.19
+1.28
-0.91
. 0.25
Raising the maximum level of earnings covered by the OASDI payroll tax
0.15 ·
:Maintain share of all earnings taxed at 86 percent
· · Raise share of earnings taxed to 87.5
Raise share of earnings taxed to 90.0
Cover State and Local Government New Hires Beginning in 2020
Cover State and Local Government New Hires Beginning in 2010
0.16
0.18
Eliminate 10-year hiatus in transition· to normal retirement age of 67
Index normal retirement age to life expectancy beginning in 20xx
Raise retirement age from 67 to 68 between 2022 and 2028
+0.30
. PIA adjustment
+0.30
Reduce COLA by 0.20
+0.15/0.36
. Tax benefits like private pensions
COPY
�· Discuss in tonight's conference call
I.
A few more fiscal details
·.II.
What do we say about post-SOTU process?
. III. .Anti-poverty proposal
Discuss at tomorrow's principal's meeting
IV.
Universal Pension
V.
Medicare
I. A few more fiscal details
-~10-
What are we doing·with the $87 billion 1999 surplus?
Do we say that all of our proposals are time-limited to 15 years . This is
particularly relevant for the universal pension.
How do we handle the critique that the 2013 number hasn't been pushed
back?
How would the transfers actually be specified iri law?
Recommendation: Transfersfor Social Security would be locked-in based on
currently projected budget surpluses. While we would not need to explain this,
the actual transfers would be specified in law as a percentage of payroll. Note that
if surpluses do not materialize, there would be pressure on the non-SS budget, ·
because the SS amounts are locked in.
What is the purpose debt reduction/ rainy day fund? Does it keep
accumulating, so that we can use past amounts when we need them or does it
simply pay off debt? Is there a minimum size for this to be a good idea?
II. · Post-SOTU process
Do we announce a time table for releasing more details or a complete plan?
Recommendation: say that we will be releasing more details on universal
pensions (and maybe on anti-poverty proposals) in a few weeks.
·
What do we say we will do to move the process ahead in the period after the
SOTU?
COPY
�IlL Anti-poverty proposal
Description of policy: enhanced widow benefit
o
Currently, a widow receives Social Security benefits that are between 50
· ·percent and 67 percent of the benefit she and her husband received when
. they were both alive.
.
o
Under our proposal, widows (and widowers) will have the option of
receiving 75 percent of the benefit the married couple received. The new
. benefit is capped at the average retiree benefit, so as to target the
additional resources at low-income widows.
o
· We are working on additional proposals to target elderly poverty, and will
announce them at·a later date.
Do we release the details of this proposal at the SOTU?
Recommendation: At the moment, it looks likely that we can claim that
this proposal will reduce poverty among widows from 18 percent to 16
percent, and that its impact could be even bigger in the future when there
will be more two-earner couples (whom the proposal disproportionately
helps).
Do we release the costs of the proposal?
-~the-impact on the 75 year actuarial balance ranges from 0.12 to 0.24
depending on how quickly the proposal is phased-in. Do we commit to
any particular phase-in.schedule?
Recom1nendation: we could either say that it is between .1 .and .2 of
payroll or we could say that say that the annual cost would be $x billion
(where xis single digit number) ..
Do we include the cost of this proposal in our solvency numbers? ·
· Recommendation: probably yes, but it will move back our solvency date.
Do we want to say that we will be releasing other anti-poverty options later?
Recomniendation: Say that we are continuing to work on additional
options and remain committed to reducing elderly poverty, particularly
among widows.
COPY
�IV. Universal Pension
(discuss this tomorro~ at the principal's meeting)
How Much Detail. How much detail do we give out? We have been promised preliminary
· ~:mdget numbers in time for tomorrow's llam principals meeting.
Justification for policy and defense.
Do we release materials showing the low pension coverage oflow-income
people?
V. Medicare
Solvency Date
Can claim longest solvency date since 1975.
Do we refer to 2020?
Relation with. rest of Medicare reform
How do ·we talk about the Commission and the need to use these funds to seed
real reforms?
Are there some other Medicare reforms that we package with this?
. Do we commit dollar amounts here no matter what happens to the surplus just as in Social
. Security?
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
RESTRICTION
001. m~mo
Joan Rohlfing to the Secretary; RE: Proposed Counterproliferation
Initiative (2 p-ages)
11/01/1998
P5
002. memo
Bill Richardson to the President; RE: Winning Developing Country
Cooperation on Cl~ate Change (2 pages).
10/05/1998.
P5
003. fax
Benjamin Barber to Michael Waldman; RE: State of the Union (3
pages)
12/22/1998
P5
004. memo
Michael Waldman to Nancy Hernreich RE: Home addresses (partial)
(2 pages)
005. list
. 006. list
007. memo
.n.d.
P6/b(6)
List: RE: Telephone numbers (partial) (1 page)
n.d.
P6/b(6)
State of the Union Contact List; RE: Telephone numbers (partial) (2
pages)
n.d.
.P6/b(6)
Michael Waldman, et al. to the President; RE: State·ofthe Union (2
pages)
· n.d.
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
ONBox Number: 14423
FOLDER TITLE:
SOTU [State of the Union] 1999 Planning_ Book [5]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db1522
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act -.[44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- (5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
Pl National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
'p4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly u'nwarranted invasion of
personal' privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA] . . ·
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
·b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a 'clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA]
:b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(S) ofthe FOIA]
·
Dt~Willllli1l~r..w•~UiiJoOISCIIOSe geological or geophysical information
con;an~#ellls ((b)(9) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 u.o•. ....,_.._
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
-
�DEPARTMENT
OF
ENERGY
Washington, DC 20585
November 1, 1998
OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY
Memorandum for the Secretary
· From:
Subject:
Joan
Rohlfin~
Proposed Counterproliferation Initiative
You have an opportunity to combine your ne:w efforts in Nuclear Cities, Plut~nium Disposition
and Critical Infrastructure with ongoing efforts in Chem-Bio, MPC&A, and Nuclear Smuggling '
into major initiatiye. We would market the initiative as follows: You can use this initiative to
highlight the role of the Department in providing the essential technological tools and expertise
for preventing and responding to :WMD threats: You could also use this initiative as a basis for
.building Congressional support for the $160-250 million budget increase the Department has
requested for FY 2000 in the program areas mentioned above. ·You might call this initiatiye
"Counterproliferation Tools for the 21st Century~" ·
·
a
I propose that you launch the initiative in early December by placing Op-:-Eds, and possibly
preparing a journal artiele for the Spring issue of Foreign Affairs that discusses the urgency of ·
.,~ addressing transnational threats, and the role of DOE technology in countering the most
:l' dangerous of those threats (nuclear, chein and bio). lwouid also recominend that we line up one
qr several speeches early next year at the National Press Club, or the Council on Foreign
· Relations, etc.
·
· A core theme .for this initiative should be the role of the DOE in building the tools (i.e.
technologies) that we need to solve the WMD proliferation and terrorism challenges of the
future. Our ability to devel~p cutting edge, next geq.eration techno~ogies is what makes the .DOE
. unique from other agencies such as State, DOD~ FBI, etc. When it comes to working in nuclear, ..
chemical and biological sciences the DOE laboratories are the nation's repository of expertise. ·
We are at the forefront, and we have a competitive advantage over other agencies in addressing
.the particular challenges of the WMD threat. Also, sticking to our own area·of agency expertise
will help ameliorate any bureaucratic turf concerns that may arise with other Principals if/when
.y<m decide to launch this initiative.
In emphasizing the importance of Science arid Technology in countering the growing WMD
threat we would also point out that DOE addresses the full scope ofthe threat --from preventing
proliferation by preventing the spread ohn.aterials and expertise to responding to WMD
emergencies thfough our Nuclear Emergency Response Team, or throughthe delivery of chem- .
bio detection technologies to local first responders. We may even want t~ breakthis initiative
into two sub-elements: 1) The Proliferation Prevention Program, which would include the
programs focused on preventing the spr~ad of nuclear materials and expertise (NCI, MPC&A,
etc); and 2) The Domestic Protection and Respon~e Program, which would focus on our efforts
· to develop technologies for emergency responders to nuclear, chemical and biological threats,
COPY
�and on
our new Critical Infrastructure work.
You could use your budget roll-out, in early February,ofthe Department's FY 2000 budget as an
important opportunity to highlight the initiative. At that time, you would announce the increase
of$160 -250 million for the programs associated with the initiative. The final increase associated
with the various programs in the initiative will depend on the outcome of our dialogue with
_OMB. But even with only a $160M increase, the budget would reflect the high priority that you
attach to nonproliferation and national security.
I have already discussed this proposal with Ernie Moniz and David Goldwyn. While Ernie is on
board with highlighting the Department's role in WMD prevention and response through such an
initiative, he has reservations about representing this as a ''budget" initiative since the association
with the FY 2000 hgdget could cause these programs to become inore ofa legislative target.
Ernie also recommends that we quickly work to coordinate the Chem-Bio part of this initiative
with the interagency (Dick Clark at NSC) in order to prevent and avoid interagency conflict over
. DOE's role in this area. David Goldwyn and I have also discussed both the substance and the
marketing of this initiative and he is strongly supportive. David would begin marketing the
initiative inside the government right away, to build support for olir budget efforts before the
December budget sessions with OMB.
If you agree, we will move forward by fleshlng this out further, and beginning the interagency
coordination/notification process. I would recotnm(md a5 a·next step that you sign a memo to
other NSC principals (Albright, Berger, Cohen) describing the initiative; and eliciting their
suppo-rt.
COPY
�12/23/1998
,···
.. /•
,.
B R BARBER
14132984354
01:32
PAGE
01
...
' .
·,.
(
··.·:
·to;.: Mi.chaei :waldrnan.
From: .Ben.] a.J,n:i,n··Barber
be.cen¢l~1r·
.
'.··
:.
2_2'.,
:t,998
Office of Speechwriting
:BY PAX
to
·The .. i,~·a.tia·.:."r" wanted·
raise with you may be one you will be
~isct:i·s.sing·.··wi"th the President: at your meeting this
·
af.t$r.p:bon·~.~ ·so. I thought I'd raise it briefly here and we can
tal.k ~ore "'later.
·
· ·.: Wiii ~t.h,el·..S:.t:~te Qf th~ union try to grapple with the sordid
histo.i:y·:q{ .-the· impeachment and what it has done to American
politiC:s·. a'pd-' the American po;Litical process? Or wil.l it be
fut:U!¢.'~:?:r:~~:nted· and programatic~ as i~ nothing had happened?
..
'
t •m toin·:· . \:m the one hand, the President has exhausted
wo:r::ds:,... ·and; ·.their currency (for him) is not high, so will .
Americap.s 're:a.lly want to hear MORE WORDS from him about the
very i·ssues 'Whe:r.~e words are what got him int..o trouble in the
first· p.iace.? Probably not. This points to simply plunging
into·. t~h~' f\&.ture and talking ab_out "what I was elected· to do" .
. -; · .the strategy adumbrated Saturday in the . Rose Garden press
-confererice·· .With the ·oems.
(
On the other· hand, given that .h..li! way with words is now
undet: suspicion. ANYTHING he says in a State of t..he Union
which is·all about the po"Wer of promising, of words, of
rhetoric±.pQint.ing to action -- is likely to be written about
and ·absotb.ed by Americans with a cert(_iin skepticism. If this
is th~ cas·e, wt1y not. take the bull by the horns and wrestle
with. the .issue frontally?
·
r
If the President opts not to look back and simply goes
forward a~ter same gentle words about pulling together and
getting· b.eyond polari·zation and recriminati.;on, my previous
··memo on education and an 11 international civic fund'' are on
, the right.-track.
if he. opt.s to try agairi to wrestle with the issue
directly, ·then I do have a suggestion: which is to apeak
forcefully to·the re.al issue
his credibility and
tru,stwor.thine.ss:. Were he to do this I I could imagine
language -al:ong these lines:
Bu-t
"I want tonight to speak about our future, what
the White House .and the Congress can do together to
address the challenges still outstanding despite our
many achievements and successes over the last s~x
years. But before I do, I waht to speak directly t:o the
long national diversion that has occupied our
gov~rnment ovei' the last year, for which I bear so
heavy a ~esponsibilit..y. For, as with any tragedy ~~ and
COPY
�12 23 1998
01:32
..
•
.. ·.. ·.
("
:,
'.
, .I know this has been a tragedy not just for me and my
fatnily, b:ut :for what for our country which has had to
.bear·. the real costs -- we need to fully understand what
happ·ened. to move beyond it .
.
-· 1·! regret the erosion of the boundaries that
·separate. public and private life, a~d I Jcnow. many
. )\tne:r-J,.:c$-nS share my regret.· · We cannot permit good men
. to· be: d.riven·from public life be¢ause ·they suffer human
'frail"t;Les that while deeply hurtful to others, are
·. uiit"e1at.ed to the conduct of public business. Privacy is
·:not pnly a sacred right of all Americans, but an
.int.~g-ral feature·of_the liberty in whose name our
. g(i)vernrnent was founded.
nA.t· the same time, .I understand that absent my
conduct, there :would have been no scandal, rio media
. obsession, no Special Prosec-utor's report, no House
- hear.ings 1 no impeachment 1 no Senate trial. whatever
:bene·fJ,.t others der.·ived from fanning the flames I I
· ·struck. the match and ignited the fire. About that, my
f~erd~~t
(
.
critics are iight:
-. ••r regrett too that in trying to address the
technicalities-of the law. and at the same time speak tothe "honest concerns of loyal colleagues and the
American people, r felt constrained .to use ·a language
that" while it met the strict needs of a legal defense,
did not meet the needs of the American people for a
fo:r:-thr.ight reckoning. It is in the nature of the law
that.it proceeds by w~y of narrowly .construed but
1eg-ally binding technical interpretations that seem
forced and dis~ngenuous by the standards of ordinary
conversation. Perhaps that is why, with Shakespeare, we
so of.ten want to ''kill the lawyers!" and why so many
Americans felt understandably aggrieved by the
technical manner in which I framed my answers to highly
technical legal questic;:ms.
·
•• Some -urged me to abandon the ·language of the law
for. the comfort and clarity of ordinary language, and
. perhaps I should have I but I felt and I still feel now
! could do that only at the cost of my right to a legal
defense against what were after all legal charges with
_significant 'legal consequences. Nonetheless, the
·
di+:emma was real, and I cannot blame my adversaries or
tt\y f·riends for their anger at me for using the cold and
elusive language of the law to respond to their honest
·cruestions~
.
.
"! regret.too that this tortured process, and my
primary role in it, has brought: suspicion to the power
and place of words themselves in our democracy. For
woref:s are the essence· of democracy,· which we triay call a
COPY
·,
�12/23/1998
B R BARBER
14132984354
01:32
'·-..
·~ree·-.3
.-·_p:rei:f:·ei;en<:;:e £or the· politics of talk ove7 the po~itics
of .fo~ce. Words go to the heart of prom~se-keeplng and
thu-sr ·~ndergird ·all ciur social and economic contracts.
They: ~:re· how we seek common ground and adjudicate our
"dif-ferences when there is no corrunon ground. Words are
-ti1~:·U\PEit-precious_ commodity we have in a civilized
sc;>ci·:et.y -- which is sux:ely why the Good Book tells us
,that _in the beginning WAS the word! When they fall
.:~n~~i suspicibn or are debased, we not only lose faith
·· · ;tn· :democracy but lose ·the tool by which democracy
r.~~_airs itself.
.
·· ·
. _;,·i
know because of my facility with words because
, my i$"liarice on them seems to many to have contributed
·_.·,t:·o- the ·dif.ficulties and diversions of the last year
··. <.that.: :t have contributed to a distrust that ·is a
· · ··dis_irU.st of democratic government as well. I know I
made it harder for Democrats and Republicans alike to
haveo· confidence in my words ... or any others .
I
I
.
. . ... .
I l l promise tonight to consecrate myself to
·. ·r·e.E?_tor;i..ng confidence in my words and in the words of
·.·your. ·govetnrnent. I believe, when words lose their
·power, we must rely on deeds to give wordsback thei;~:"
· meaning. AI1d I will try to. rely on deeds in these last
_. ....... ·.
two".·yaars of my Presidency.
"I am deeply aware of the extraordinary vote of
confl.dence that has been given ~- not to me but to
. fai.rness in government and tolerance of personal
·. :eoibJ,e·s --:- by an American people that has consistently
opposed impeachment or resignation from office and has
.offered measured approval of the work of my .
Administration. I know I have to earn through deeds the
gopd faith this· remarkable and steadfast confidence·
represents. The American people have been better than
their governors in this last unhappy year, and it is
no-w. our turn -- above all. rny responsibility -- to live
up to their standards of tolerance, respect for law and
for the future.
hope
-"I will not tonight promise the moon, because I
·kno-vr many will ask wonder -whether I can deliver even a·
-small piece of the sky immediately above us. They will
l09k. for deeds and not prornises. I will only indicate
what· 1 would like to do in working with Congress to
·. retu+n government to the taslt;S at home and abroad it
· .must -devote itself to; if your vote of confidence in·
·_the ·:.capacity o.f your governors to execute your will is
~o.be.honored.
·
__ .
·· · (the substantive speech would follow)
. What do you think?.
think?
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
OOla. email
· OOlb. list
.OOlc. list
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
RESTRICTION
Thomas Freedman to Michael Waldman; RE: The Box (1 page)
01107/1999
P5, P6/b(6)
RE: State of the Union First Lady's Box (10 pages)
01107/1998
P6/b(6)
n.d.
P6/b(6)
· RE: Military Nominess for FLOTUS Box at SOTU (2 pages)
002. memo
Josh Gottheimer, Seth Grossman to Michael Waldman; RE: FLOTUS
Bo~ - Children of the Last Millennium (2 pages)·
01105/1999
P6/b(6)
003a. email
Thomas Freedman to Michael Waldman; RE: The Box (1 page)
01/07/1999
P5, P6/b(6)
RE: State of the Union First Lady's Box. (10 pages)
01107/1998
P6/b(6)
n.d.
P6/b(6)
-· 003b. list
003c. list
. RE: Military Nominees for FLOTUS Box at SOTU (2 pages)
004. memo
MariaEchaveste, et al. for Distribution; RE: State of the Union: First
Lady's Box (8 pages)
01108/1998
P5, P6/b(6)
-005a. memo
Maria Echaveste to the President; RE: State of the Union: First Lady's
Box (3 pages)
01113/1998
P5, P6/b(6)
RE: Recommendations for the First Lady's Box (I page)
n.d.
P5; P6/b(6)
005b. list
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
ONBox Number: 14424
FOLDER TITLE:
[State of the Union 1999] FLOTUS Box: Policy Memos/Language [3]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F.
db2257
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appohitment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P_4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
finanCial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the Preside-nt
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy '[(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(bXl) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) ofthe FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(bX3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
·b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
woul isclose geological or geophysical information
.-::-::-::::..o. ___,.._
Is [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND_TYPE '
001. memo'
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
Joan Rohlfmg to the Secretary; RE: Proposed Counterproliferation
·Initiative (2 pages)
-
RESTRICTION
·.11101/1998
PS
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
ONBox Number: 14424
FOLDER TITLE:
[State of the Union 1999] Technology: Facts/Real People
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2259
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom oflnformation Act- [5 U.S.C. S52(b)]
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
. financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) or'the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA].
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) ofthe FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
_
.
b(7) Release would disclose iliformatioil compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
g lis [(b)(9) of the FOIA] 1
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C
2201(3)~
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�DEPARTMENT OF ENERGY
. Washington, DC 20585
November 1, 1998
OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY
Memorandum for the Secretary
ROhlfin~
From:
Joan
Subject: ·
Proposed Counterprolifenition Initiative
You have an opportunity to combine your ne:w efforts in Nuclear Cities, Plutonium Disposition
·.and Critical Infrastructure with ongoing efforts in Chem-Bio, MPC&A, and Nuclear Smuggling
into a major initiative. We would market the initiative as follows: You can use this initiative to
highlight the rok of the Department in providing the essential technological tools and expertise.
(or preventing and responding to WMD threats.· Y oti could also use this initiative as a basis for
· . building Congressional support for the $160-250.million budget increase the Department has
.
requested for FY 2000 in the program areas mentioned above. You might call this initiative
"Counter-Proliferation Tools forthe 21st Century~"
. I propose that you launch the initiative in early December by placing Op-Eds, and possibly
preparing a journal article for the Spring issue of Foreign Affairs thatdiscusses the urgency of
addressing transnational threats, and the role of DOE technology in countering the most
dangerous ofthose threats (nuclear, chem and bio). I would also recommend that we line up one
or several speeches early next year at the National Press Club, or the Council on Foreign
Relations, etc.
A core theme for this initiative should be the role of the DOE in building the tool~ (i.e.
technologies) that w~ need to solve.the WMD proliferation and terrorism challenges of the
future. Oirr ability to develop cutting edge, next' geQ.eration techriologies is what makes the DOE
. ullique from other agencies such as State, DOD; FBI, 'etc .. When it comes to working in nuclear,
. chemical and biological sciences the DOE laboratories are the nation's repository of expertise.
We are at the forefront, and we have a competitive advantage over other agencies in addressing
the particular challenges ofthe WMD threat. Also, sticking to our own area· of agency expertise
will help ameliorate any bureaucratic turf concerns that may arise with other Principals if/when
you decide to launch this initiative.
In emphasizing the importance of Science and Technology in countering the growing ·WMD
threat we would also point out that DOE addresses the full scope ofthe threat -- from preventing
proliferation by preventing the spread of materials and expertise to respo':lding to WMD
emergencies through our Nuclear Emergency Response Team, or through the delivery .of chembio detection technologies to local first responders. We may even want to break this initiative
into two sub-elements: 1) The Proliferation Prevention Program, which would include the ·
programs focused on preventing the spread of nuclear materials and expertise (NCI, MPC&A,
etc); and 2)The Domestic Protection and Response Program, which would focus on our efforts
to develop technologies for emergency responders to nuclear, c~emical and biological threats,
COPY
�(
·and on our new Critical Infrastructure work.
1..
i
You could use your budget roll-out, in early February, of the Department's FY 2000 budget a.S an
important opportunity to highlight the initiative. At that time, you would announce the increase
of $160 -250 million for the programs associated with th.e initiative. The final increase associated
with the various programs in the initiative will depend on the outcome of our dialogue with
OMB. But even with only a $160M ~ncrease, the budget would reflect the high priority that you
attach to nonproliferation and national security.
I have already discussed this proposal with Ernie Moniz and David Goldwyn. While Ernie is on
board with highlighting the Department's role in wMD prevention and response through such an
.. initiative, he has reservations about representing this as a ''budget'' initiative since the a.Ssociation
with the FY 2000 budget could cause these programs to become more of a legislative target. ·
· Ernie also recommends that we quickly work to coordinate the Chem-Bio part of this initiative
with the interagency (Dick Clark at NSC) in order to preven( and avoid interagency conflict over
· DOE's role in this area. :qavid Goldwyn andl have also discussed both the substance and the
marketing of this initiative and he is strongly supportive. David would begin marketing the
initiative inside the government right away, to build support for our budget efforts be(ore the
.. December budget sessions with OMB. ·
.
· · · · ·
·1 .
.
If you agree, we will move forward by fleshing this out further, and begiiining the interagency
coordination/notification process. I would recommend as a next step that you sign a memo to
other NSC principals (Albright, Berger, Cohen) describing the initiative, and eliciting their
. support.
(
COPY
(
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
. DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
OOl.paper
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
RE: Key Points for Teen Pregnancy Speech (2 pages)
n.d.
RESTRICTION·
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting Michael Waldman .
OA/Box Number: 14438
FOLDER TITLE:
Teen Pregnancy- 6/12/96
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2260
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confiden_tial commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Rel~ase would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or"between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly ·unwarranted invasion of
· personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA] ·
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
·
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) ofthe FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) ofthe FOIA]
.
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA]'
Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
.
g lis [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift .
. PRM. Personal record misf"Lie defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Key Points for Teen
Pregn~ncy
Speech
THE BIG PICfURE: -The following points relate to how to talk about the National
Campaign, D~. Fqster, the $30 million from HHS and the role of men. The bigger picture
message of course is about finding an answer to a problem that Americans see at the core of
the deterioration of their society and values. So the remarks should hit on the values side of
·the issue, but without comi~g down hard on the young people. I would suggest discussing:
.
.
.·
.
.
this is a problem everybody has to work together to solve - communities have to .
come together - everyone has to be a part of the solutions.- schools, parents, kids,
businesses, religious. institutions, community. organizations, etc.
· we have to giye our young people HOPE as well as stem messages of abstinence and
responsibility. The best solution we have found is to give the young people the sense
that they have a future - so there can be a tie to the college opportunity stuff:
.
'
public systems have. to give the same message - that's why the welfare reforms we
propose are so important - we don't want to encourage and reward young people who
have babies .. We want them to stay in school, stay at home and stay on the path to a
job to support themselves.
1.
N?tional Campaign
- President should thank Tom Kean and the leadership of the Campaign for getting it
off the ground .
.... Please do not use the word launch: the group is very sensitive that this is not the
"launch" of their campaign. When they are fully staffed and fully funded, that is when they
want· to actually launch the campaign-.
.
. . I think it is fair to· say something like "I am very pleased by what Tom Kean has
repor:ed to us today. Last year, I called for a National Campaign ... [description] ... at1d
now one year later, the organization has been fonned, is raising money, hiring staff and·
getting to work. I wholeheartedly endorse their goal of reducing teen pregnancy by a third in.
the next ten years."
Important to use words like "independent" "non-partisan" "non-governmental" in
describing the Campaign. There has been a lot of confusion as to whether this is a
. Presidential commission of some kind -- and it is not.
COPY
�2.
Dr. Foster
-Foster will be at the speech- in front row. Not on stage. Important for President
to acknowledge him. Thank him for his work, his advice and his exhortations in communities
around the country to begin local efforts to address teen pregnancy. REALLY important not .
·to mention Foster anywhere near the Campaign. There was· enormous confusion last time as
to whether Foster was running the Campaign. He's not. It's independent and Foster works
for the administration.
·
3.
Promoting Promising Community Efforts
Three things going on here: (1) Spotlighting the Children's Aid Society program in
· New York, (2) Highlighting the $30 million in the President's FY97 budget request to fund
community teen pregnancy prevention efforts .(see 1 pager in attachment)~ (3) Issuing an HHS
brochure on Promoting Promising Strategies -- identifying five examples for communities to
. look at and the PRINCIPLES they have in common:
~
-
Adult Involvement
stressing Abstinence and Personal Responsibility
stressing Hope for the Future
Community Involvement
Sustained Commitment over time
One thing we know: this is one of the most difficult problems to solve: There's no
silver bullet and we haven't yet discovered THE program model that works. We're learning a
.· lot, though, from programs like the Children's Aid Society that are showing some promise.
We need to study and evaluate what's out there some more, try some more experiments, and
then share the lessons with other communities. That's what this new effort is all about: spark
more efforts to learn and share with them what we do know about the five promising
strategies in the HHS brochure. Please try not to use the phrase "model program." ·Many of
· the people who will be attending and commenting on the President's remarks do not believe
that we yet have a "model" that works. That's why we use the phrase "promising strategies."
4.
Male Responsibility
The remarks should definitely stress the role of men. Obviously, it takes two to get
pregnant- so programs have to target young men as well as young women and some ·
comments to that effect by the President are important. In addition, researchers are now
finding that 50 percent of the fathers in teen pregnancies are over 20. I DON'T KNOW
WHERE DON AND BRUCE AND DICK MORRIS ARE GOING TO END UP ON ANY
SORT OF POLICY PRONOUNCEMENT ON THE ISSUE OF STATUTORY RAPE.OR
CHILD ABUSE. This may be a part of the speech or not. Either way, the President should
definitely make it a point to come down hard· on holding both people responsible.
COPY
�..
Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. email
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
June Shih to Michael Waldman; RE: Notes from IMF Meeting (4
pages)
10/0111998
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
ONBox Number: 14439
FOLDER TITLE:
IMF [International Monetary Fund]- 1998 [1]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2263
. RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Pl National Security Ciassified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to ·the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
c: Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Pers(!nal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 "·''"'··-....
2201(3).
RR. Document ..will be reviewed upon request.
Freedom .of Information Act- [5 U.S~C. 552(b)]
· b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) ofthe FOIA]
.
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
. an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the.FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enJorcement.
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
, b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA].
oqllllllllif'S•"'W'OUJY,.!JJS•cto:se geological or geophysical information
con:.rnlrlg~Hls [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
�------10/01/98 05:31:38 PM
Record Type:
To:
Record
Michael Waldman/WHO/EOP
cc:
Subject: notes from imf meeting
October 1, 1 998
. MEMORANDUM FOR MICHAEL WALDMAN
FROM: ·
JUNE SHIH
SUBJECT:
NOTES ON IMF SPEECH MEETING
Stephanie Flanders presented proposed outline of speech:
1 .) IMF/World Bank has played crucial role in history; world is a lot better because
of their work.
2.) Now we are in a time of change
3.) Overview of cause of crises
4.) Challenges posed by crises.
5.) Answer not to "<;lose"
·6.) Old Values threatened/Now we need to modernize: Openness; responsibility;. community.
Lael Brainard:
Mention importance of IMF to farmers, workers
Stuart Eizenstadt: How can we advance the CFR speech? Will a mere repetition of
his main points be disappointing?
Some ways to advance CFR: 1.) Talk about trade agenda. Say th~t in January, trade
agenda, esp. FAST TRACK, will be priority. 2.) Hedge Funds. There will be hill meetings
on this. This is an area under significant consideration. POTUS can instruct Rubin to review
role of this.
AI Laurel (State)-- need more communication and-cooperation between countries.
COPY
�..
Eizenstadt: Get transparency into speech by encouraging IMF to track all nation's
foreign debt. So know that a: crisis is looming.
Encourage cooperation between IMP/World Bank. Every IMP program should
consider Bank's role re: social safety net.
Show how we have followed up on the six CPR challenges.
Bob Boorstin: Shld we say that IMP/Bank, while in need of serious reform, should be
the·institutions to lead us out of crisis. Reject creation of new institutions.
'
Lael/Gene Sperling: Potus not comfortable saying that..
Tim G. definitely say affirming stuff about institutions
Boorstin: Private Sector's role not big enough in speech outline.
Al:einphasize "working together"
Eizensadt: Debt equity swap? Debt reduction?
Boorstin: Should have defense of open markets right at the top. "Guns Blazing"
-Eiz: Can that be in trade part? Also, remember, Europeans themselves have-huge
trade quotas. ·outrageous to have trade quotas. Remember that it is also a European
responsibility.
··
Waldman: Can we say something like that.
Tipt: risk of fecklessness when say that.
Gene: Need more "lift." .. Need a central challenge:
Emerging markets/emergingmiddle class. Cannot allow the usual market clearing philosphy to
take place when realize this crisis could send countries/markets back in time. (Took years to
build middle class; no threatens to be wiped away)
·
· Democracy and open markets go together .
.·Cronyism, corruption hurt. confidence. Stanger democr~cy, reforms will· take place.
Half the speech should set up the problem; U.S. as ring master. (Halifax meetings)
The other half should talk about central challenge.
Free economy earns confidence. 'I believe the free economy does great things .... '
But with crisis, world threatens to be a less prosperous place in 21st Century.
COPY
�Eizenstadt Countries that have good economic performance are punished along with
those who don't.
Excesses of speculation:
Frankel, CEA: Economic growth has done good things, But these things still need
consideration: corruption, cronyism; clear succession bfpower; rights of minorities; popular
support for govt; human rights; freedom of speech
· Stu Eizenstadt: long term capital bankruptcy issue? Hedge Fund?
Tim: No "hedge fund." Short term capital control.
Tony: ~risis in confidence in free markets. (Re: CPR)
AI (state, was just in Asia): ~hese guys feel they've b~en through a hurricane.
Gene: Present 6-7 challenges they have to deal with. How do we build a more
openness/transparency/ How do we prevent contagion.
Boorstin: too .preachy? Gene: not if we cast it as shared challenge.'
Tim: Treasury already has long list of challenges; will forward them
Stephanie: "Bretton Woods"
Gene: Once again structure: 1.) Set Scene; U.S. as ringmaster; 2.) As we go forward
address challenges. How do we build support for change? How do we build trust in markets?
In U.S. when we lost jobs, we lost openness. Embracing own challenge of staying
open.
Eiz: IMP and Bank need to cooperate.
Boorstin: Also cannot allow poorest countries fall behind; do a riff on Africa
Gene: Notion of a whole nation slowly building middle class wealth over decades; then
to be wiped out in a generations. Powerful image.
· Eii: The rise of Middle Class was responsibile fo~ the rise of Democracy. If Middle
Class goes down then Democracy is threatened. Not just human cost; also system cost.
Lael: Africa piece is iinportant because now as we focus on boosting Middle Class,
poorest nations feel left out. (Africans felt left out of CFR speech) Cannot forget the poorest/
COPY
�~
&I
•
·'
~~--
----------
- - - -
...
Boorstin: Don't forget to compliment Wolfensohn- on education initiatives; POTUS
will want to talk about girls' education.
Eiz: Paul Gigot said that one of the things that prevented president from being great
was thathe had no great national crisis to lead. Now has an oppotunity to rise to the occasion.
COPY
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet.
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. paper
002. note
003. meri10
DATE
SUBJECT!fiTLE
·. RE: Responses to Potential Proposals (5 pages)
RESTRICTION
n.d.
Bob Reise to Michael Waldman; RE: Telephone nuinbers (partial) (I
·page)
David Halperin to National Security Advisor; RE: POTUS IMF
Speech (6 pages)
n.d.
P6/b(6)
10/05/1998
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number: · 14439
FOLDER TITLE:
IMF [International Monetary Fund]- 1998 [3]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
dbl611
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act -J44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
·PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to .the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
· ·P6 Release would 'constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
C. Close·d in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
·PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 u • .:...., . _...
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) ofthe FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(~ll!li--iSI~4>UI!I.discllose geological or geophysical information
contclr~r.~~lls [(b)(9) ofthe_FOIA)
�.--------------------------------c--------------------------------.
·..__I_~.;,._;____RE_S_P_;_p_N;,;_S_E_S_T~O_·._P_O_T_E_N_TIAL_·_·_P_R_O_P_O_S_A_L_S_ _ _ _. . .... _.
CAPITAL CONTROLS
Capital controls have been a subject of increased debate recently, following an article by Paul
.
Krugman suggesting their use in East Asia, the recent decision by Mahathir Mohammed of ·
Malaysia to impose broad controls on outflows, and the use of temporary capital controls by
. Russia to prohibit payment by Russian banks to their international counterparties. This a very
sensitive subject, as the markets fear both that Brazil may resort to controls and that Russia's
may impose broad and permanent controls to sever any remaining links to international financial
markets..
.
'
l
Controls on capital outflows are highly disruptive and are most often used as an alternative to
needed reform and adjustment. Moreover, capital controls cause contagion: since Malaysia
imposed controls, Indonesia has been plagued by rumors of controls .
.There may be some merit in exploring stronger prudential regulation of the foreign-currency
exposure of the binking system and perhaps, though this seems less evident, in broader, Chilean-:style controls on inflows, to limit a country's vulnerability to sudden swings in capital flows are
less damaging than controls on outflows. The utility of prudential measures in this area will be
on the agenda of the working group formed by the special meeting of minsters and governors.
-~
Talking Points (ifraised) ·
•
-
.
We mustcontinue to strengthen efforts to build an open, global economy, with free trade .
flows and open capital markets. It is important to develop policies that allow countries
to reap the benefits of free flowing capital in a way that is safe and sustainable.
'
'
But also important to avoid measures that offer short-term relief but create permanent ·
damage in developed and emerging market countries~ While broad controls on outflows
may be tempting, they almost sureiy will not be effective over time, will deter capital
from flowing into a cotintry and will often be used as a substitute for real reform.
•
Key is for measures that will effectively encourage providers of portfolio capital and
banks to analyze and weigh risk and rewards in a more disciplined fashion in both good
times ·and bad. This will require better regulation and supervision in both emerging
markets and industrial.countries, including more effective focus on risk management
systems and strong prudential standards that pay attention to riskiness of different types
of iiwestment.
·
•
Also imp?rtant to avoide· rQCMscourage long-term flows while
encouragmg short-term
.
\,J
r .·I
. .
�GLOBAL }fiNANCIAL REGULATOR .
In the wake of recent crises there have been calls for creation of a new global financial regulator
to improve the international arChitecture. We are not prepared to agree to cede our authority" to
regulate the U.S. financial system, nor will other governments.
.. · · ·
.
.
In our view, setting up a new international organization would be highly time consuming and would
. distract from more immediate tasks. Investing in enhC~D.ced mternational si.rrveillance -- based on the
-IMF review process while marshaling additional expertise -- offers the prospect of niore irrimediate
returns ..
. Talking Points {ifraised) ·
•
· It is critically important to strengthen regulation ofnational financial systems,bailks and
· markets. This requires the development, promulgation and implementa;ion of sound financial
practices-- a process that is. well undenvay, and that was given fi.rrther impetus by th.e work
· of the G-22 over the past months.
•
Changes in national legal and regulatory environments are.time-consuming and require a lot
of political will as they must often be legislated. Have seen in my own country how difficult
it is to get agreement on ~e changes needed to make regulatory structures as modern a·s the
markets.
•
These are problems that must be solved by each country at the national'.level. A uniform
global solution is not the answer: creation of a global financial regulator-will not solve the
crises besetting markets today.
•
That said, countries ~an learn from the experiences of others, and there is much that the
international community can and should do to help ensure that financial regulation is
improved in countries around the globe.
•
In particular, enhanced financial sector surveillance,· centered around existing IMF review
processes, could play a key role. To that end the IMF's own resources for monitoring
countries' financial sectors should be strengthened, and structured to take better advantage
of existing resolli-ces and expertise, including that of the World Bank and banking and
securities regulators from other countries.
-
COPY
�UK PROPOSAL FOR STANDING COMMITTEE ON GLOBAL FINANCIAL REGULATION
Background
tJK Chancellor Gordon Brown has called for creation of a Standing Committee for Global Financial
Regulation .. The Committee would be aimed at filling gaps that currently exist in the international
regulatory infrastructure in relation to promoting financial sector stability, overseeipg the
mternational financial system and coordinating the response to crises. Chancellor Brown conceives
.
.
of the committee as a coordinating mechanism -- not a political decision-making body, superregulator or lender of last resort.
·
[The Committee would coilsist of the heads of the IMF, World B_ank, Basle Committee, G-10
. Governors, IOSCO and BIS as well as the seruorregulator from each of the four largest international
· financial centers and be sei:ved by a small secretariat based in Washington and Basle. It would be
chaired by the MD ofihe IMF, given the Fund's authority to conduct surveillance (Article IV), meet
monthly at Member or Deputy level, andpublish acorrurtunique after each meeting, highlighting
.
progress in work program and issues of concern.]
The UK.'s proposal is not dissimilar to our proposal for a Financial Sector Liaison Committee,
though this was to have been a broader group including finance ministries, central banks and
securities regulators from the.major (G-7) countries, key emerging markets, relevant international
.
·
.
·
organizations and the IFis.
.
Suggested Talking Points (ifasked)
.
•
the crises of the past year have shown up significant gaps in the intefn:_?~ional regulatory ·
infrastructure for promoting financial stability, overseeing national financial systems and
coordinating the response to crises -- and clearly .the UK proposal has merit in seeking to fill
those gaps.
·
•
however, given the increasingly important role of emerging markets in the global financial
system, we believe. that a more inclusive forum, with a more directly. policy-oriented
mandate, would be appropriate. A wider membership would have the added advantage of
fostering inclusion and ensuring a sense of ownersh,ip of initiatives on. the part of the.
emerging economies. Ofcourse,. a Standing Committee of tllls kind might serve as the
Steering Group for such a body if these differences in membership and emphasis could be
addressed.
COPY
�HEDGE FuNDS
The near-failure ofLTCM ~d the Federal Reserve's efforts to encourage LTCM's private creditors·
and counterpartiesto step forward in order to·prevent the disorderly liquidation ofLTCM have led
·to renewed calls for the regulation of hedge funds .
. A number of the participants in the meeting, inducting Hong Kong and Australia, believe that they
have been the "victim" of coordinated attacks by international hedge funds. They, arid others, are.
likely to demap.d greater openness by hedge funds and more disclosure oflarge positions, in order
to prevent hedgefunds from "manipulating" small markets ..
. Talking Points (ifraised)
•
[Agree with Alan Greenspan that we need to do more to increase our understanding of the
impact of hedge funds on financial markets - (need to check the language from his
testimony)]
. ·
.
.
•
Secretary Rubin, as Chairman of the President's Working Group on Financial Markets, has
called for a study of hedge funds and their relationship with their creditors.
•
Think that short-term speculative capital flows have played a relatively small part in what
happened in currency crisis, though their impact at some points may have been significant·
in amplifying market moves. But this is an issu·e that warrants further consideration. ·
.
--·
.
•
Also need to look at feasibility of requiring more transparency and greater,disclosure from
market participants ..
COPY
�BRETTON WOODS II
.
.
.
.
There have been a number of suggestiqns to call for a "Bretton Woods II" to reform the global
financial architecture. While there is a ~lear need to reform the international financial architectUre,
1t would not make sense that we encourage unrealistic comparisons.to ''Bretton Woods" particularly
that we are unable to meet, particularly without more clarity on what we want to accomplish. Rather
than advocating Bretton Woods II, you should point instead to work that has already been put into
motion.
Talking Points (i(raised)
•·
While there is a clear need to reform the international financial architecture, it would not
make sense that we encourage unrealistic comparisons to "Bretton Woods" that we are
unable to meet, particularly without rncire clarity on what we want to accomplish.
•
Have been working to define and implement the international financial architecture needed
for the 21st century for some time, starting With the work in the G-7 at Naples and continuing
through the process initiated in April to include a broader range of countries.· Some of the· ·
results of this work are evident in the reports of the working groups.
•
What we are doing now is' accelerating, elevating and expanding our efforts - in a broadbased manner -.to try to develop policies so that countries can reap benefits of free-flowing
capital in way that is safe and sustainable, to adapt OtJ.r institutions _to inore effectively
.. confront the new typ~s of fmaricial crisis so as to minimize their frequ~ncy, severity and
human cost , and to create new mechanisms for supporting countries wider attack from
financial contagion.
·COPY
�· Sutphen, 'Mona K.. ·
From: . ·
Sent: ·
To:
Cc:
Subject:
~~~Q-.
Halperin, David E.
Monday, October 05, 1998 1:07PM
@NSA- Natl Security Advisor
@PLANNING - Strat Plan & Comm
POTUS IMF speech [UNCLASSIFIED]
For SRB/JBS,
.
UR&r&IT·
.
.
Attached is Michael Waldman's draft for POT US IMF speech for tomorrow. I saw a
draft for the first time an hour ago and have spent the past hour making edits with
Michael. These edits are reflected in the attached draft. Blinken has not seen any draft
. yet.
.
.
Michael would like to provide the President with a draft by 2:45 and hopes to have your
comments by then,-butthespeech will be revisited with the President this aftenioon ..
Please provide comments to me -- phone 69377; fax 69390; fax 4192 -- or, if you prefer,
to Michael.
.
.
·
.
··
·
~10~
.
!J
.
~""}....111.
Draft10.doa
---
I
.
.
'~;
.
�--~.--
-.,--
2
.
.
.
.
.
cannot ask millions of people to sacrifice their well being to economic theory, no matter how
sound.·
.. This new crisis challenges us all to act, and act together. It challenges us to take
. urgent steps to contain this crisis, to help those who have been hurt by it, to restore
growth and confidence to the.world economy. And just as urgel}tly, it challenge_s us to
bund a new international financial system for the 21st Century.
·
This new system must be built on two strong foundations. It must honor the
' - the
principle that an open and free international economy is a ~erful positiv
surest way to lift the world's people into prosperity-- but th t i equipped t revent nd
lim it the de~ilitating cycles of boom and bust thafhave in t past have destroy o
·and wealth and entire economies. And at the same time, we must build a system that
pr~motes.the social protections an.d democra_tic in~titutions that will ensure that ordinary ~- ·
citizens around the world can benefit from econom1c growth.
.
'
'
.
I
'
•
This much is clear: an international market that fails to work for ordinary
citizens. will neither earn nor deserve their confidence and support. Free markets
and democracy must bring ositive change to the lives of o~r people, or they will
.resist or reject them ..:.. and throw sands m t e gears of necessary cha ·~-...;,.._--~~ti
· .
· We who have benefited from the free flow of goods and capital- who believe that free~ ~
markets and political freedom rise and fall together- have a special and urgent responsibility to
:!!!:....'cl
fmd the answers these questions. Our growing interdependence, the ever-stronger links of
·commerce and coriununications that bind us together~ are a profou:tid source of hope. I deeply
·believe this. And for six years as President~ lhave worked to persuade the American people that
our destiny is linked inextricably to the destiny of those around the world.
'1
· Today, at this new moment of challenge~ I am determined that America will do our part.
We recognize our responsibility to act, and as the world's largest economy, to lead. We do so
because we recognize that the prosperity of our people depends upon the prosperity of our
partners around the world. For the American people now recognize more than ever before that ~ ~
, we cannot be _an oasis of stability in a world of turmoil. And we pledge to co_ntinue working wi~
all of you unttl the world economy IS stlbi1iZeil and a new and be- system m place. .
U...~~.
We must put first things fust.
Fo~ ~a.st
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the
year, we have taken a numberof steps,
our partners, to
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the contag10n, restore confidence, and restart stalled economies. Two weeks ago~ at the Council~· ·
on Foreign Relations in New York, I outlined what. we have done and what we must do. I am .
~
gr~tified that the leading economies speak with one voice in saying: the balance of risks has ~ ~:--,;
shifted, and the principal goal ofpolicymakers must be to promote growth.
.
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. Every nation roust do its part to keep the engine of economic groWth functioning. .. Q' ~ .
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The United States ~ust do its part-- and that mearis we must meet our obligations to the
11viF. It is plain that many of the ~ecessary steps to .right the world economy cannot be taken
unless the United States me~ts its obligations to this body, I have told the Congress: there can be
a healthy debate about how to reform the operations of the fire department ... but there can be no
excuse for refusing to give the fire department the resources it needs while the fire is burning.
Europe must-continue to press forward with growth oriented economic policies.
And Japan--: the world's second largest economy, and by far the largest economy in Asia
--Japan must do its part as well. The health of the world economy depends upon Japan taking
strong steps to restart its economic growth, by stimulating its economy, addressing problems...,_·~tw..t..A
the b~king system, and by deregulating and opening its economy. There can ben~ substitute~
or action.
·
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There are other steps we must take now to stop the contagion from spreading, to Latin ~
America and other regions. This past weekend, Secretary Rubin and Chairman Greenspan hav~"'"'~....
·worked with their G-7 counterparts to fmd new ways to rnake a· 'precautionary' line ofcredit,,..'"...,.... avaiiable immedia~ely to·nations committed to strong economic policies, so action can be quiaf'b t.L4..~.-.........
and decisive if needed.
· ·
·
. .
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And we must act now to restart the engine of gro\Vth in Asia, where crushing debt has
.brought many private fums to a halt, by helping to restructure finns and replace debt with equity
·
across entire economies. Through OPIC and the Export-Import Bank, we are providing s h o r t - A .
term credit and investment insurance to keep capital flowing into emerging economies. And I
·am gratified that the World Batik has agreed to double its investment in the social safety net in
~-.-~
Asia1 to help those who have been harmed by the economic crisis. ·
, dn~
ea.u
In all these ways, we have acted to minimize the consequences of the current fmanci~~~ '"
contagion. But the flash of crisis throws new light on the need to do more - to renew the
· ·
institutions of international finance so they reflect the modern economic reality. The institution ,
~
1
b~ilt at B~etton Woods have setved the world remarkably well. But they were designed for~..,f- tf ~
different time.
~ 1k!i.
.
-
r
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[comparison of 1945 and 1998 technology & irrvestmentflows)
.
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~tA ·'---_ ~we must recognize that the free and open exchange of ideas and capital and .
~
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good~ the globe continues to be the surest route to prosperity for the most people. ·
But we must find a way to temper the volatile swings of the marketplace, across the
international economy jus tis we h&¥e I@&.F&edL ~ur own domestic economies.·
In each of our domestic economies, stock markets can rise and fall, and some years are
better than others. :But what is troubling today is how quickly discouraging news in one country
·can sound alarms in markets around the world. We must fmd a way to tame the cycles of boom ·
.
and bust that are today shaking the world economy.
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The most important step, of course, is for governments to hold fast to policies that are
· sound and attuned to the realities ofthe international marketplace. At a time of rapid capital
mobility, no nation can seek to purchases its own prosperity on the cheap, with fiscal policies
that are tempting in the short run, wilt not work and will lead to disaster in the long-n.m.
That is why I support the fundamental approach of the IMF. The international
community cannot save any nation that is not willing to reform its own economy. To do so .
would be to pour good money after bad. 'But when nations arewilliitg to act responsibly and
take strong steps, the international community has a responsibility to help them do so.
To temper boom and bust, we must also ensure thatgrowth is built on the solid
foundation of sound business practice.
·
·
a
The transition to true free market doesn't just mean private business or private property
or privatization of state-owned firms. Too often, what has appeared to be a thriving market
systein merely masks an epidemic of corruption or cronyism. Sooner or later, the relentless logic
of the intemational market will collide with these pervasive practices- And investors and
entrepreneurs, foreign and domestic, will not keep their money in economies where prosperity is
a mere facade. So bank bal~ce sheets sbmild mean the same thing in one country as in another. ·
Contracts should be awarded on merit, not on cronyism. Everyone must pay their fair share of
taxes. Rescue efforts must be based on merit, not sentiment. Corruption cannot be tolerated.
But strong policies and sound business practices within each nation are not enough. For
the volatility that once could be seen in various economies at various times now is able to sweep
the entire international economy.
Markets have always been prone to such volatility-- soaring arid unrealistic expectations
one minute, followed by a sudden crash when reality intervenes. Such miscalculations of risk
are an inevitable fact of market psychology. Certainly the United States and other leading
economies saw this pattern in the earlier part of this century- and before. But in a world where ·
capit~l can disappear from a nation's economy with the tap of a trader's keyboard a half a world
away1 such speculative flows can level an otherWise solid economy. We now must forestall not
only a run on a barik or a fum so much as a ruh on a country. If global markets are to bring the
benefits that we believe they can, we must find ways to temper this pattern on an international
scale.
·
,/
mus~~
· This task is. one of the most complex we face, and we are ouen to all ideas. Bu\ we
recognize that easy solutions not only will not work; they will backfire,. leading to less
· t)f ~ ""t
·
confidence and diminished liquidity at, a time when the world needs more of both.
f.{.~~~~ I
In all these ways, we can bring the international marketplace into alignment with the
V •
·soundest practices that have worked in each of our nations. But this, too, is not enough. ·
. Strong government policies, sound business practices, a new international system to
temper boom and bust-- all these steps are needed to ensure growth into the future. But
·the challenge we face i~ wider than an ec:onomit challenge, broader than any one nation.
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For the best-designed international eco~omie system will fail ifit does not have the
confidence of the people it seeks to serve..
a
Strong free markets cannot be created with the wave. of a wand or proclamation of
·theory. UDless the ~itizens of each nation feel they have a stake in their own economy, they will
resist the changes necessary for their own reeovery. Unless they feel empowered, with the tools
to master economic change, they will feel the strong temptation to tum inward, to close off their
economies to the world, It would be a grave error to repeat the mistakes of the past, when the
Smoot-Hawley tariff in this country helped spark a trade war. The world economy today needs
more trade, not less. But unless we give working people a strong stake in the outcome, they will
naturally and understandably erect obstacles to change.
It is dear that a strong safety net in each of our nations must be a vital part of the
· international economy we build. At the vecy least, nations must have an effective unemployment
insurance sOystem: People who are suddenly without work must have access to food and shelter
and income. We must find ways to keep schools open and strong during tini.es of economic
downturn. We must make certain economic development does not come at the cost of new
environmental degradation.
So I am pleased that the World Bank will be redoubling its efforts to help build a strong
safety net, especially in Asia. I urge the World Bank and Th1F to do more to better integrate ·
labor standards into your operational programs, and establish units within your organizations
with this responsibility. And given the central impact international fmancial institutions play on
the global environment, I urge you to do more to incorporate environment issues into their
operations, and to significantly increases direct lending for environment and natural
. resource projects. Every time we seek to protect the environment, critics warn that it
will hurt the economy; but over the last quarter century we have seen that protecting th
·
environment strengthens, not weakens, the economy..
A new intemational economy that promotes strong social structures must also promote
strong democracy .
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. . It ~s now clearer than ever that strong democracy, fajr and h~nest re~.lation, and sound J.t.
·soc1al pohcy are not the enemy of the free-market-- they are essential condttlons for long-term.
success. Those nations where the people have been denied a voice in~their own affairs have
proven unable to make the necessary and difficult changes to survive economic twmoil. But ·
.those nations with freely elected governments, where the broad mass of the people believe the
government is acting in their interests, have b.een willing and able to act to ward off the worst of
the crisis.
.
>rr~
And as international institutions become more and more important to the success of the ·
global economy, we must make certainthat the institutions we build are open and accountable as·
. _weU. In Geneva last May, I asked the World Trade Organization to take new steps to bring the
sunlight of public scrutiny cin its operations. As we redesign the financial architecture for the
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21st Century, we must do the same for the other multilateral institutions. They, too, must earn
the trust of the citizens whose lives are deeply and directly affected by the actions we take here.
Secudng a stable, open and free flow of capital among nations. Reducing volatility.
1
Making certal.n that strong social protections are in place~ These are ambitious goals. But as the .
links among nations grow ever tighter, we must act to address problems. that will otherwise set
back all our aspirations. In our own domestic economies, we have learned to limit the swings of
the business cycle. ln the United States, for example, a strong Federal Reserve has ensured a
stable money supply. The Securities and Exchange Commission has promoted openness and
made the market work. Rigorous bank regulation and deposit insurance have helped to keep
· downturns in the business cycle from spirining out of control. Many other nations and regions
. have their own institutions. The realities and possibilities in the international marketplace are by
necessity very different. But if we are going to have a truly global marketplace, with global
flows of capital, then we have no choice but to find ways to build ari international financial
architecture to support it- a system that is open, stable and prosperous.
To meet these challenges1 I have asked the finance ministers and central bankers of the
world's leading economies, and the world's most important emerging economies, to recommend
th~ next steps and report to the heads of state by the end of this yeai. There is no task more
urgent for the future of our people.
[conclusion tk] [at stake is not only economy but future of democracy- reprise from
CFR]
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Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
. DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Don Baer, et al. to the President; RE:Commencement Addresses (4
pages)
04/29/1997
P5
002. memo
Richard Tarplin to the Secretary; 'RE: White House Event on Genetic
. Testing (10 pages)
04/24/1997
P5
COLLECTION:
· Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number: 14440
FOLDER TITLE:
[Science and Technology] [2]
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2264
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointme'nt to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would. violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
. PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or betweeri such advisors [a)(S) ofthe PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a dearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C
2201(3).
· RR Document will be reviewed upon request.
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S. C. 552(b))
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) ofthe FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) ofthe FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
out isclose geological or geophysical information
Is [(b)(9)ofthe FOIA)
f
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(]~ DEPAilTM~NT Of HEA.LTH a. HUMAN SERVICES
Office ol the Secretary
~~~
Wast'lin(J~~:~n.
'·-~
D.C. 2020l
April 24, 1997
. ..
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TO:
The secretarY'
Through:
ES - - - - COS ----------~-
FROM: .R.icbU"d J. 'I'arplin
ASsistant Secretary for ~qislation (Deaignate)
William Raub, Ph.D.
Science Adviser to the Secretary
Francis Collins, M.D.
·Director, National Human Genome Research rnstitute
White Rouse Event on Genetic
SUBJECT:
TIME:
9:Jo to 10:00 a.m.
Friday, Apri1 25, 1.997
PLACE:
Te~tinq
Secretary's Conference Room
PARTlCIPA!fTS:.
•
Bill Raub, .ASPE
Gary Claxton, ASPE
t<evin ';t'hurm, 'IOS
Bill
carr, IOS
Mary Beth Donahue, IOS
Claudia Cooley, XOS
Jacque1yn White, IOS
Rich Tarplin, ASL .
Karen Po1J.itz, ASL
Laurie Baeder 1 ASPA
LaVarn~ Burton, ASMB
sarah Kovner, IOS
HCFA Representative·
JO :Ivey Sou£ford 1 OPHS
Susan Wooc!, OWB/OPHS
Lana Skir~oll, NXHl
·Kathy HudJ!;on, NHGRI:/NIH
Richard Sorian r QC
xarsha Martin, :IOS
PuRPoSE: The purpose of this ~etin9 is to present
recommendations to you on a possible White House event iq May on
genetic testinq and health insurance discr~ination.
1 Francis
~ollins is not ab1e to attend.
attend.
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OGC a1so unable to
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···....;.,,,,
!hckground
The White House has expressed interest in planning a series of public events on the topic
ofgenetic information and oonsumer protections. The first event would be on the topic of health
i.nsuraD.ce discrimination. A Presidential commencement addreSs scheduled for Ma.y 18 oould be
a suitable forum for a speech on this topic. Subsequent evaits would highlight issues relating to·_. ·
· · · employment discrimination (possibly in Jun.e) and to priv~)l protections for genetic infonnation ·"
and other health _information. Departmental work is underway for your recommendations to ·
Congress this August on privacy protections as required by the Health .Insurance Portability and
Ac:co~t.ability Act of 1996.
·
....
;
Ongoing work of departmenta.] staff related to genetic infOI'lJU.tion and inSuranec is
.sufficiently far along to contribute effectively to planning for a White Hou8e event mid-May.
Your staff advisers on health insurance issues and on genetjc information agree that such an .
eV-ent would be well timed and effeCtive in calling public attention to the need for stronger
consumer protections~
in
...,
. Aecess to Healtb Insurance in tbe Age of Genetics
Genetic discrimination is becoming the '"civil rightS, issue ofthe decade. As the Human
. Genome Project makeS it faster and easier to find genetic a.lteratioll5 assoc.iated with human
disease, unprecedented Opportunities are arising to lJilderstand arid tl"eat or prevent those diseases
at the most ba.Sic ·leYel. However. as knowledge grows about the genetic b8$is of disease, so too
does the potential for discrimination and stigmatization based on genetic infomuttiOn. Each of us
has between S and 30 misspellings in our DNA. The uud'e:rlying principle of gen:etic civil rights
· is: we don't pick our genes; infonnation about our genes should not be used against us.
Within the past few years, scientific research has dramatically increased the· ability to
identify mutations within genes. These mutations are identified not only in individuals who have
already been diagnosed with a disease but also. in an increasing number of cas~ in healthy
. persons who rnay have a pri:dispositlon to a specific disease because of their genetic makeup.
' This nevi ability to identify individuals at increased risk for disease will change the practice of
. medicine and potentially improve human health. since in many instances increased t.nedical
·surveillance or other interventions may significantly reduce risk. Yet. the increased availability
of genetic information raises concerns about who will have access to this potentially powertW
Utformation and how it will be Used.
.
.
.
. Genetic infon:Dation has been used to d.iscrilllinate against people in the piJSt; In th~ early
1970's, some insurance companies denied coverage and some employers denied jobs to Aftican~
Americans who were identified as canicrs for sickle-cell anemia, eveu though they were healthy
. and would neverdevelop the disease. As knowledge about the genetic basis of common
2
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too
.disorders grows, so
docs the potential for discrimination in health insurance for an ever
increasing number of Ameridws. Earlier this month. a N1H Consensus Development Panel
. recommended that cystic fibrosis genetic testing be offered to .i!ll couples planning a pregnancy
or seeking prenatal testing. This is the fll'St time that the offering of genetic testing has been
recommended for such a large population group. The panel recognized that while CF testing
provide couples with valuable information to make important reproductive decisions. this
information might. also be used to discriminate apinSt thcxn or their children. Thus, the panel
concluded that "eve:ry attempt should be made to protect individual rights and to prevent
discrimination and stigmatization." While discrimination lin insurance is of the most urgent
concem, misuse of genetic information in employment,. adoption, educatic::m.. blood donation, the
armed services, and other settings also warrants attention.
...
can
· Concrete data. on the extent to which insutel'S usc genetic information is not readily
in part because insurers are unwilling to make this information available and
a~aila.ble. This is
because cons'Ulllers wbo have been the subject of genetic discrinlin.ation do not want to rnake ·
'their stories public out of fear that they may suffer further discrimination. In a survey of people ·
in 'fariulies with genetic disOrders, 22 percent indicated that they. or a member of their family,
. iuld'bec:n refused health insurance on the basis oftheir genetic infOrmation (Lapham ct al.•
Science• Oct 1996). The ovetWhelming majority of those surveyed felt that health insurers·
.should not have a.cces5 to genetic information. A 1995 Banis poll of the general public found a
similar level of concern. Over 85 percent of those surveyed indicated that they were Yefy
concerned or somewhat concerned that itlSUrel'S or employers might have access to and use
. genetic i.nformation(Harris Poll 1995 #34).
In additi!)n, fear about who will have aceess to genetic infonnation and how that
information will be used is affecting people's Willingness to participate in genetics research.
Translation of basic science into effective therapies for health Ca.re consumers depends criticaUy
. on trustirig partnerships between ~hers and study vollll1teers .. If fear of genetic
discrimination erodes this trust and discourages people frotn participating in clinical research,
our inva;tment in understanding the genetic basis of disease' will fall well short of its potential to
. improve the health of Americans. ·
·
·
ELSI..NAPBC Recommendations oa Genetic Ill formation in Realtb Insurance
.
.
.
In t99S, the National Action Plan on Breast Cancer (.NAPBC) joined with the Nm-DOE
Working Group on Ethical, Legal and Social Implications of Human Genome Research (ELSI
Working Group) to address the issue of genetic discn:minationand health insurance. This effort
built on the ELSI Working Group's long interest in the privacy and fair use of genetic
information and the NAPBC's rnsndate to address the priority issues related to breast cancer.
The following recomm~tions were published in Science in October, 1995, and were made
available to state and federal policy makers.
3
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.~ ... ~,·... : ~:·
Insurance providers should be prohibited from using generic in.formatian, or an
. individual's request for gettedc setvices, to deny or limir any coverage or establish
eligibility, conti.riUiltion., enrollment or contribution requirements . .
•
lruuron.ce providers should be prohi.biredjrom establishing differential roles or
premium paymenrs based on genetic information, or an individual't request for genetic
•
services.
[TZSurarrce providers should be prohibited from ;equesting or,requirinR colleaion or
disclosure of generic infomu:lllon~ · ·
•
lmurance providers and other holders of generic information should be prohibiied.from
releasing generic i'lf!ormation withour prior wriuen autlwrization of the individual.
Wricten DJlthoriZJZlion should be required for each disclosure and include to whom the
disclosure would be ltlllde.
·
In developing these reconunendarions, the NAPBC and ELSl Wotking Group developed the
following defmitions:
.
"Genetic informal ion" is information about genes, gene produds or Inherited
characteriities, that may derivefrom the individual or_ajamily member.
"Insurance provider" mean.s an insurance company, employer, or any other eniicy
providing a plan of health insurance or health bin,ejits including group and individual
malJh plans wherhsr fully insured or self-funded.
.
State Initiatives
At the State level. more than a dozen stat~ have atready
stAtutes to rest.rlct the
use of genetic information in health insurance. Since January of this year, 28 states have
introduced legislation to prohibit genetic discrimination in insl,lrance. The large volume of
· legislative activity at the state level is a positive indication of the level of concern about this
.impottant issue. However; there are two reasons that state laws alone will not be sufficient to
sol,-e the ptoblem ofgenetic discritnination in health insurance. FU'St, the federal Employee
Retirentent Iw:.ome Security Act (ERISA) exempts self-funded planS from state insuranc~ laws.
Thus, even if states enacted legislation modeled on the ELSl-NAPBC recornmendations,·th.e
large traction of the population in self-funded plans would not be protected. Second. the
variability among the state bills will lead to a tack of Ulliformity across the nation as to
whether and how genetic mfotmatioo. may be used by health insurers.
enaeted
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Congressio~al Initiatives
Congressional interest in securing h~th insurance. protections for genetic information
is strong and bipartisan. Last year the He.alth Insurance Ponability and Accountability Act
(HIPAA) included genetic infonnation among tlie factors that may not be used to deny or limit
insurance coverage for members of a group plan ..· In addition, the law explicitly excluded
genetic information from being considered a preexisting Condition in the absence of a diagnosis
of the condition related to such information. However, HIPAA does not, in all cases, offer
protection for those seeking insurance in the individual or self-employment market. HtPAA
also does ncit protect against rating based on genetic information.
In this Congress several bills have been introduced to address some of ~ remaining ..
concerns about genetic discrimination jn health iruurance. Sponsors of legislation include ·
Rep. Louise Slaughter (D-NY), Rep. Gerald Solomon (R-NY), Senatot Olympia Snowe (RME) and Senator Pete Domenici (R-NM) .. In additiOn Senator Connie Mack (R-FL) and
Representative Cliff Steams (R-FL) are drafting legislation expected to adhere closely to the
. ELSI-NAPBC recommendatiollS on healtll inSllrance.
,
Recommendation for ·Administration Initiative
.
.
We cecolnmend that during his May 18 address, the President announce be will soon
· transmit to Congress legislation to protect individuals from health insurance discrimiruuion
·based on genccic information. The administration's bill would follow the NAPBC-ELSI
· recommendations. As such, it would be similar in many yespects lo legislation already
introduced, but it would reflect our o\vn thinking on several issues:
I.Jmit to Hea}th Insprance - Ai. is the case for much of the legislation pending in
· Congress, the administration's bill must be careihlly drafted to focus only on comprehensive
health insurance and notbe applicable to any other kind ofit16uranc::e (e.g., long-term care, life.
etc.). The rationale for the limited prohibition on use of genetic infonnation in insurance is
adverse selection. People who know that they have a predisposition to serious medical problems
could use that infonnation to obtain favorable coverage over the long-term (such as life
insurance), whereas ~he insurer, without the same infonnation, could not properly assess the risk
they would be assuming and thereto-re unable to price their insurance policies fairly.
··TheOretically, knowledge of adven:e genetic information could c;reate an adverse selection·
problem in the health insurance market as well, but in practice. we believe that such infonnation
· would have little effect on consumer decision-making. People have strong, short-term incentives
to obtain health benefit coverage. regardless of any adverse g~neti.c infonnation they may have;
therefore. the insurers lack ofknowledge based. on genetic infonnation should not put them at a
.
s
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significant disadvantage.
Privacy- We propose to wait until August to recommend privacy protections for all
health information, including genetic infonnation. However, legislation prohibiting health
instu'ance discrilnination should have some placeholder langt~age restricting health msurers• use
of. or access to, genetic information•. The SlaUghter bill, for example, requir~ that health
·insurers may not disclOse genetic ~fonnation about a plan participant without the prior Written.
authorization of that participant We are concerned that this provision may not provide .
sufficient protection to consumers. As we develop an administration bilL we propose to analyze·
the circumstances under which insurers would reasonably need access to such information and
restrict their aceess to those circumstances and for those uses.
.
Enforcement- We will need to recommend an enforcement structUre for an
Administration bill. The Slaughter bill provides for private civil action against insurance issum
who do not comply with anti.-~discrlmination requirements. The Dol:nenici bill calls for state - . ·
insurance commissioner enforcement of requirements for insured plans and Department of Labor
enforcement for ERISA planS. The Solomon bill relics on a HIPAA enforcement structure, with
f~eral fall back enforcement of rules for insured plans where State enforcement fails.
Possible Opposition to Administration Initiative
While a strong Congressional base of support for our initiative already exists. we will
need to be .mindful of possible opposition on a number of fronts. The health insurance industry
may be wary of legislation to prohibit discrimination based on genetic information if they view it
as a. precedent for future legislation to prohibit medical underwriting based on other indicators of
· health status. If so, their line of opposition would be that"our bill would increase health
insunmce premiums and lead to coverage loss among individuals and employers. ' The health
insurance industry lw argued previously that IDPAA refonns would drive up premiums and
· might argue out bill will compound this problem.
.
In addition. the broader insurance industry may be alanned that a health insurance
or
. initiative will lead to restrictions on the Wie of genetic infonnation in life insunmce long tenn
care insurance policies. We will need to reassure them that we have only health insurance in
mind. The J"ationale for prohibiting the use of genetic information in health insurance can be
clear-ly defined and defended. HoweV-er, it will be very important to make sure that the insunmce
industry is coilSUlted.and a.ssuied that th~ is no intent to extend the prohibition beyond
comprehe~ive health insurance. To gain their support (or at least minimize their apposition)~ we
··will have to convince the indus1Iy that the Administration _recognizes that a broader prohibition
on the use of genetic information in insurance might be inappropriate.
While we do not expect opposition from them. it also will be important to consult with a .·
prohibition. For example, the
numbor of 9thcr departments to explain lbe rationale for
the
6
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,·,··.:
Department of Labor would be interested in how the ban might affect self-funded health plans
covered by ERISA. The ban could also have spillo-ver effectS in other policy areas, such a.S jobscreening and law. enforcement.
.
.
.
.
Finally~ on the issue of enforcement. we will likely invite debate about the' app~priate
·role of federal and state government and the court5 in securing individuals protections.
Enforcement through private civil actions will raise conceillS about excessive litigation.
Enforcement through a combination of state and federal insurance regulation will raise concerns
. about·uneven application of protections across states or between insured and self-insured plan
participants~
·
·
·
7
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... ·. ,•,, ...... ; :) .:~.... ~ .. - ..
'
. ".
., •..... ' . . ,: ·I.:.·.·.'
TAB A
. ·.... ·..
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,
. .:·.
Attachment: Related Efforts on Genetic Testing
Task Force on Genetic Testim~
In addition ;a the statfwork that would be engaged to prepare for a Presidential speech,
. Departmental experts arc wodring on other efforts related to genetic testing. As genetic testing
moves from the research laboratory irltO clinical practice. the Task Force on Genetic Testing was
established by the NIH-DOE Worlcing Group on Ethical, Legal, and Social Implications of
Human Gtnome Research to make recommendations to ensure the devetopment of safe and
effective genetic tests, their deli'\'el)' in laboratories of assured quality, and their appropriate use
by health care providers and consui:n~: The final report of the Task Fon:e will be presented on
May 19. the day after the President's scheduled address. at a public session of the National ·
Advisory Council on Huznan Genome Research.
It is expected that the Task Force W111 include among its recommendations the establish. men't of a federally chartered Advisory Committee· on Genetics and Public Policy to provide
pngoing advice to the Secretary on clinical and public poUcy issues arising from genetic testing.
·DH:HS Interagency Worlcing Group on. Genetic Testing
Within HHS, an interagency working group. chaired by Dr. William Raub, Science
Advisor to the Secretary. is developing policy recommendations to address, among other ~ings:
an appropriate regulatory framework for genetic testing; the issue of privacy/confidentiality and
·discrimination in health with respect to genetic information~ and Departmental oversight of
activities Telated genetic testing. In addition, the worlcing group will also be developing proposed appro8cbes and strategies fat responding to the upcoming report of the Task Force on
·Genetic Testing. In view of a possible White House event in May. the working group's efforts
on health insurance discrimination would be subsumed into preparation for the White House
e¥cnt'.
NIH-DOE Joint Committee to Ev&u.ate the ELSI Program
The Secretary has received the reeommendations of the Jo~ Committee to Evaluate the
ELSI Program which has recommended the creation of an advisory committee to the Secretary.
·.·This recommendation overlaps significantly with the proposed recbiiilllendation of the T_ask
Force on Genetic Testing calling for a Secretary's advisory committee on genetics and public
policy.
Health pyofessionaJ Education in Gepetic.s
Finally, staff at NHGRI remain seriou.Sly concerned over the lack of adequate -training in
genetics among practicing health care professionals. AJ3 the demand for geli.etic t~ing
increases and individuals want to know more about their risk of disease. the responsibility for
8
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�,.: ...
p
u8ing and interpreting genetic tests.and information will increasingly fall to primary care
physici~s. nurses, physician assistants, and.advanced practice nurses.
The National Human Genome Research Institute, together with tbe American Medical
_Association and the American Nurses Association, bave ~tly cteated the National Coalition
for Health. Professional Education iii Genetics (NatCHPEG) to provide an organized.
systematic approach to the provision of genetics edueation for all health care professionals.
NatCHPEG now has nearly 100 member organaations representing all health care
professional ~rganizations as well as oonsumet groups .government agencies industry
managed care organizations and genetics professional organizations. The NatCHPEG held its
fust full membership_meeting in Mar·cll and agreed on several key priorities, including the
development of a web-based genetic information center to link all health professionals to the
most reliable, up-to-date information about genetics.
1
1
.
9
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'""i~
-
Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
Michael Waldman to James Edmonds; RE: Thoughts on your outline
(3 pages)
05/1211997
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
Speechwriting
Michael Waldman
OA/Box Number: 14440
FOLDER TITLE:
Memos
Debbie Bush
2006-0469-F
db2265
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
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P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office· [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade.secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)( 4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would-constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
cO( gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 u.o•• ...,._...
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
. Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and praCtices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
·. personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
· purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
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financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA)
Dt~r.t.lilillllli!S~·outq,j~ts<cto:se geological or geophysical information
[(b)(9) of the FOIA)
�. From:
Michael Waldman on 05/12/97 03:49:47 PM
· Record Type:
To:
·"
Record
. James T. Edmonds/WHO/EOP
.cc:
Subject: THOUGHTS ON YOUR' OUTLINE
OVERall, you're headed in the right direCtion ... needs more exubrence, and more of a sense
· of 'now.' He's defining a: central challenge for the 21st Century. That has to be woven
throughout. Shorter·and crisper will show he knows what he's talking about (or at least that
we know what we're talking about!).
* Start with a real bugle blast about preparing for. the 21st Century: "Today and in speeches at
several other graudationsthis spring, I want to talk to you about the greatest challenge weface
and the greatest opportunity we have ever had: the challenge of preparing the American peopel
for the stunning new century ahead. Above all else; that new century, in its texture, in its x, ·
in its x, will be molded by science. We enter that century propelled forward by stunnign
develpments virtually every eweek -- we are sailing with winds of knowledge at our backs. (
Ugh ... but you get the idea.) And the greatest challenge for our epoepl --for all of you who·
'enter the world of work this week, and for all Aemricaris -- will be to harness this energy for
'
the good of all humanity."
*As I mentioned, the HBCU stuff is too long, in my judgement. I think that some of it can be
done by interw~aving points throughout the text (e.g.,. mentioning Dr. Satcher in the "we must
make science serve all" rather than here). Also, I don't know if you need to mention the
·meeting with HBCUs, etc. I think that soi:ne ringing declarations on HBCU s -- the kind that
they will want to print up in a brochure or use in funding requests to Congress! -- will do just
. as well as the discursive approach here.
.
'
· * Then, in the "science· is good" sectiori :-- need more of a sense of America, more than any other nation, as driven by science ·
and the thirst for knowledge. Jefferson: "freedom is the firstborn daughter of science."
- in the "stronger economy," I would do it very briskly -- "x best in a decade, y best in
two decades, z best in a ·generation."
-for this section, in general, we need some real gee whiz futurism at the beginning-- a
series of statements that will take people's breath away about what science will be able to do·
for us. We need help froin someone ... someone who knows more than we do! ... to fill in
this blank.
COPY
�THIS is where we· should put in Kasparov & Big Blue ... "In this past year, we have
seen possible evidence of microscopic life on Mars ... cloning of sheep ... and the defeat of
the world's greatest chess player by a computet named Big Blue." [don't know if we want to
r'eference the Mars thing-!]
.
. OVERALL, I think the structure of this section is good -- apart from thillking you need
. a more breathless future-lies-ahead riff ... and I think that we need to be very explicit about
the role that science and technology play today, versus what role tQ.ey played in the past and
what role in the future.
Also, there needs to be a very cle~r paragraph when we say that the greatest
breakthruoghs of the pa:st half century have been in physics (i.e., nuclear weapons, nuclear .
energy, nuclear medicine, computers etc.), while the breakthroughs of the next century will be
those of biology. The greatest challenge we faced over past 50 years was ·to harness the power
of physicis without blowing up the world; now the great challenge of the next 50 years will be
to harness the· power of biology,· of our increasing knowledge about the cell and the brain and
·life itself, so it benefits us without posing newthreats to life on this planet.
"HUMAN JUDGEMENT & VALUES section."
I like the first paragraph-- esp. "Sciene often moves faster' than our ability to understand its
.implications."
After the first graph, need a riff -- like the one ~ mentioned the other day -- of ,;The same
computer that does x can do y. Breakthroughs in medical science can prolong life, yet pose
'achingly difficult choices abo!}t when to terminate medical care." VERY concrete & specific .
. Then do the "never again" grafs, as you have them.
Then, must say: "We can never retreat from our commitment to let science take its own
course. We have not, and we must not, ever shrink from exploring the frontiers of basic
. knowledge, no matter what the ~onsequences. But we can never retreat from our
determination to see to it that human values -- the good of society and our basic sense of right
·and wrong-- always detennine how we use the fruits of that knowledge." That, or something
like it, will be your transition into the ethics principles .. I think the ethics principles should
end this section.
Then,· as we move into the policy announcements, we rieed to pick up the pace. I would
· recommend something like: "So, let us pledge to redouble our efforts to learn more and do
more in the realm of science. And let us pledge to r~double our vigilance, to make sure that
the values of science are put in service of our values."
I don't think you need to do the cloning thing, if there is no news to report. I dont' want to
.give this stupid commission much ink!
COPY
�I would not do the Tuskegee thing here ... if we have already announced them, they should be
discussed in the discussion of the Tuskegee incident (that could be wrong ... maybe they are
better off here.)
You need to lead with AIDS. This will need more of a runup .... and if this is the
announcmenet, there needs to be both more AIDS stuff in the 11 good news about science II
opener and in the 11 Science•should serve the many not the few, since AIDS so frequently hits
11
racial and sexual minorities, we need to pay attention to it, etc.
.
.
Need to do the budget and science investments in the budget, without going as far as Gibbol)s
wants.
COPY
..
�
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FOIA 2006-0469-F - Michael Waldman, Speechwriter [Segment 1]
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