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Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
Matt Miller to Bob Boorstin; re: The Political Case for Greater
Boldness on the Deficit (3 copies] (3 pages)
02/06/1993
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boqrstin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number:
413
FOLDER TITLE:
Deficit - Message
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2557
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) ofthe PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(J) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or ·
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(J) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in acco,rdl!nce·with·'!"-D;~;C;_ .. · . c·.~,~~::c:::·.!J(~)J~ele!lse'~C?~~~;di~l.?se g~ological or geophysical information
2201(3).
: . . . . {~~~:~~~~ · .-'-concermngwell~ J,(~)(9~;?fthe FOIA]
.
RR. Document will be reviewed upon requis,ti·
Q<
.LfNTO~:UiiRARY f>iioTOCOP~· .:~~~t '?}~\
�MEMORANDUM
To:
From:
Date:
Re:
Bob Boorstin
Matt Miller
February 6, 1993
The political case for greater boldness on the deficit
-
.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------You asked me to explain why I feel there's a strong political case for going further on
the deficit. Here's the nutshell:
.
.
1.
Under a plan we'll describe as "bold and historic" (aimed at a deficit target of, say,
$225 billion in 1997), Bill Clinton will likely become the biggest borrowing
President in history (exceeding Bush's four year gross debt record of $1.54 trillion).
2.
He'll rack up this record debt with broad visible tax increases and without the fig· .
leaf of divided government.
3.
The Administration will thus be left with the worst of everything:
•
We take short-term political heat on taxes and unpopular spending cuts;
•
Yet even after these taxes and cuts, deficits at $225-250 billion (and scheduled
to soar) remain a powerful issue for Perot and the Republicans in 1996;
•
This makes "tax and spend" a cinch to sell: "The Democrats raised your
taxes, still borrowed a billion a day, and wasted all this money on so-called
'investments' that turned out to be pork-barrel bridges to nowhere." (Count on
harsh media scrutiny of the inevitable white elephant infrastructure projects).
4.
The bottom line: If we're going to take the heat for unpopular taxes and spending
cuts, let's go far enough for Clinton to be positioned in 1996 as the courageous leader
who truly "tamed the demon" (as Reagan could say on inflation in 1984).
5.
We'll take as much flak from constituencies for cutting the first dollar of benefits as
for the tenth. Calling for shared sacrifice and then not going far enough to show truly
dramatic achievements by 1996 imperils re-election.
I think this scenario should be explicitly discussed. The political risks we face in our
imminent budget choices are not one-sided and short-term; they're really about where we'll ·
be in December 1995. A "modestly bold" deficit plan leaves the President's most visionary
initiatives (e.g. national service) pinched into the margins, and the deficit still high. This may
be one of those rare moments when courage and political necessity call for the same course.
*
*
*
�j
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
Eli Segal to David Kusnet; re: State of the Union/National Service (2
pages)
02/05/1993
RESTRICTION
P5
'
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number: 413
FOLDER TITLE:
Joint Session Speech- Background
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2556
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- (44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(J) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ](b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(J) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA]
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in acc?rd.ance:with.~44.;Rs.q. ·- c.:::, 6~J!.~~~;~~Iease:~o?I~·I!i.~~lose ~eological or geophysical information ·
2201(3).
! \ .: , . ·ft"",.~Jft"l<'""'~:,;;:~"'::'" · '{· ---c~ncernmg'w.ells~i(b)(9,)pf the FOIA]
:(:'I'.. ;· ''"''- .. ~' __ "''··.. _.. . .·
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RR. Document will be reviewed upon req~est..
;,;~'!:
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:1 .:.
LINTON LIBRARY-PHOTOCOPY·.:'!'!
::;
�MEMO
TO:
FR:
DA:
RE:
David Kusnet
cc: George stephanopoulos
David Dreyer
Bob Boorstin
Eli Segal
February s, 1993
state of the Union/National service
----------------------------------------------------------------
In light of yesterday's Washington Post article and today's
editorial, it is especially important for the President to use
the State of the Union address to reinforce his commitment to
national service. He needs to say that he will not rest until he
has fulfilled his promise and given every American the chance to
serve our country and get to college. In particular, he ought
somehow to convey the points that:
1.
He is not going to create a "pilot program"; he is going to
ramp-up (or some such) the national service effort and over time
build. exactly the program he promised.
2.
He is moving ahead with both sides of his old national
service pledge -- the service side and the income-contingent
repayment side. And even the latter will promote service, by
enabling people to take low-paying jobs and still pay off their
loans. So Clinton is working in a variety of ways to make the
"season of service" happen.
Beyond these two key points, .here are some thoughts you might
use. Forgive the lousy rhetoric; hope you get the idea.
1.
If Americans see national service as a jobs program instead
of a way of getting things done, we're finished. Building on the
language of the twentieth, and in the context of a broader
statement of goals, the President should name the specific, unmet
social needs that national service will address.
In the near future, I am going to submit to Congress my plan
to give thousands of young people the chance to serve their
country and pay for college. Against the odds and much
opposition, I have continued to believe in national service
-- not for myself or my political party, but for our
country. America needs national service. It will reunite us.
It will give people who never dreamed of college the chance
to go. And it will bring back the excitement, idealism and
hope bf being American.
Above all, national service will get the things done we need
to do. This isn't a social program. It's a movement to
rebuild our country, to teach our young people, to clean up
our environment, to make our streets safe again, and to help
our children grow up to live happy, healthy lives. As we
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· . '1 . LINTON, LIBRARY ·PHOTOCOPY
�move forward with my national service plan, we're going to
change our country and lift our young people up. (It'll be
the best money ... !)
2.
To make these goals even more tangible, Clinton could
identify specific programs that work. Building on the rhetoric
above (you'd do it much better):
It's a movement that's happening in Boston, where City Year
puts kids in schools to give teachers a hand. A movement in
the Mississippi Delta; where the Delta Service Corps will
help Older Americans grow old with dignity and company and
pride. And a movement in Los Angeles, where the LA
Conservation Corps is turning the devastation of the riots
into real hope for the future.
At this point, if it is appropriate in the speech as a whole, the
President could pull a Reagan and point to a specific individual
who is changing her community. The point would not be Reagan's,
that government cannot help these people. The point would be
Clinton's, that government must help the best in us. National
service will give thousands more Americans the chance to become
like this person.
3.
Based on the meeting Tuesday night, it sounds like the
themes of the speech will be consonant with those of national
service: contribution t6 a greater good; giving something now and
getting something later; opportunity and responsibility; all in
this together. The rhetoric and some of the sp~cifics of national
service could frame the discussion of the economic plan. Service
is tangible work that brings us all together; we guarantee our
rights (to safety and medical care)
by fulfilling our
responsibilities (to protect the neighborhood and help immunize
kids) . If paying taxes can come to seem the same way -- as giving
that guarantees getting-- you'll be set. Of course, if people
see service as another dreaded tax -- another imposed sacrifice
with no clear benefit -- we will have ruined the service idea for
good.
4.
One idea that you .can't act on just yet: we'd like to see a
youth summit on March 1, the anniversary of JFK's establishment
of the Peace Corps. If we can get sign-off on that event before
the speech, the President could announce it during the State of
the Union.
Hope this helps.
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INTONLHlRARY PHOTOCOPY
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTrfiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Michael Waldman et alto Roy Nee! & Circulation; re:
Commuications Strategy for Fall Issues ( 4 pages)
07/23/1993
P5
002. memo
Mark Gearan et alto David Gergen, Mack McLarty, & George
Stephanopoulos (3 pages)
07/19/1993
P5
003. memo
Bob Boorstin et alto Mack McLarty, George Stephanopoulos, David
Gegen, & Mark Gearan; re: Fall Calendar (3 pages)
07/19/1993
P5
004. memo
Bob Boorstin et alto Mark Gearan, George Stephanopoulos, David
Gergen, & Mack McLarty; re: Crowded Calendar for Summer & Fall
(3 pages)
0711211993
P5
005. memo
Bob Boorstin et al to Mark Gearan, George Stephanopoulos, David
Gergen, & Mack McLarty; re: Crowded Calendar for Summer & Fall
(3 pages)
07112/1993
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
OA/Box Number: 413
FOLDER TITLE:
Summer/Fall 1993 Calendar
2006-0460-F
. 2144
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act- IS U.S.C. 552(b)l
PI
P2
PJ
P4
b(l) National security classified information j(b)(l) of the FOIAI
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency j(b)(2) of the FOIAI
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute j(b)(J) of the FOIAI
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information l(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy j(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes j(b)(7) of the FOIAI
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions l(b)(S) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells l(b)(9) of the FOIAJ
National Security Classified Information l(a)(l) of the PRAI
Relating to the appointment to Federal office j(a)(2) ofthe PRAI
Release would violate a Federal statute j(a)(J) of the PRAI
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information j(a)(4) of the PRAI ·
PS Release would disclose confidential advice betWeen the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors ja)(S) of the PRAI
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy j(a)(6) of the PRAI
C. Closed in \lccordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S. C.
220I(J).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�RCV BY:Business Center
7-23-93
5:44PM
The White
House~Fontainebleau
Hilton:# 2
July 23, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR GEORQE STEPHANOPOULOS
DAVID GERGEN
MARX GEARAN
FROM:
M!CHAEL WALDMAN
BOB BOORSTIN
MARLA ROMASH
JODY GREENSTONE
SUBJECT:
DRAFT COMMUNICATIONS MEMO FOR MONDAY MEETING
Ha~e is our first cut at a memo auqqeatinq a comaunications
Sch$dule for the three •ajor issue campaiqna of the fall.
· This is rough, and w•'ll be workinq on it durinq the
But we wanted you to have a first look at it to aee if
it'• headinq in the riqht direction.
wee~end.
Doinq this on an actual calendar will make it •i•plar, and
wa'l!l Clo that this weeleend.
~ Michael Waldaan haa the master disk, and can be reached at
thisl weekend at (413)528-4827. (I have a tax and mOdem there, so
I ca~ receive chan;aa, too.)
July 23, 1993
MEMOJANDUM FOR ROY NEBL AND CIRCULATION
I
FROM~
SUBJ*":
Micbael Waldllan
Bob Booratin
Karla Jloaa•h
Jod.y Greanato.ne
c:oMNtnfiCATIONS S'l'RA'l'EGY.POR FALL :ISSUBS
'his aemo add~••••• the caa.unicationa -- aa oppo•ed to
legislative -· aapect• at the tall schedule.
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�RCV BY:Business Center
7-23-93
5:44PM
The White
House~Fontainebleau
Hilton:# 3
The crowded iaau• •chedule tor the fall aakes it harder•
than-ever to co.mmunicate a tocused presidency. With three
important and contentious issues jostling for presidential time,
we run a real ri•k of eeeminq unfocused.
- one of the lassona ot the sp:rinq, we balieve, is that we a~•
b8tter off devoting full weeks to major issues, rather than
try~ng to "vary the mix" within a week (i.e., two waeks devoted
to lssue A then two weeks to Issue s,. and so on, rather than
Mon~ayz Is~ue A, Tuesday: Issue B, Wednesday, Issua C). (It's
use~ul to think of these issues as Arising in waves, cresting and
then fallinq, only to be replaced by the new wave.)
comm~nication1
goals
I
· The relative energy expended on the thraa big autumn issues
shou~d ba allocated with the President's pUblio imaqe and
comm~nications strategy in mind. The communications qoala should
be:
; • Show that tha President is in touch with the people and
. their needru
• • Show that he keep• hi• promise•;
·*
Show that he is a stronq leader willing to make touqh
· (evan aurpriaingly tough) decisions.
Iasut 0gmmunicationa and ti;in;
I
-
:• Health oare1 The health care propoaal waa promised for
May •nd than delayed until "after reconciliation.• The President
has ~epeatedly promised that health care will oome after the
econqmic packaqa
surveys indicate that health care
rema~ns the second or third priority (behind job creation) for
the ~a•t majority of voters, but also that people fear reform is
justianothar proaiae to be broken. our cora supporters are
rapiqly losing patience and could block paa•a9e by throwing their
auppqrt to alternative plane.
pa••••·
1The launch of health care requires aaveral waaks of almost
unbr~kan praaidential attention.
This is necessary to show · ·
d•epl!Y llkeptical citizana that we are •vioua about thi• plan.
!The final daciaionaakinq process on health care haa been
dala~d, •o•t recently because of taara that nu*b•r• would leak
in th~ aidat of the reconciliation debate. A detailed policy and
•uppo~tinq data will be ready tor r•l•••• in aid-september ~t
. olll.f ~~ a czo-abeat oa a flul poliGJ' p~oa••• 1• czlvu
iaa4t,ate17.
~AI The paaaaqe of HAFTA will n•ed two bur•t• ot
P~••i~ential involv..•nt. Tha first, anticipated to occur in
micJ~tober, wit-1--ki~~;~~~~~P.r~~-,~~Q_f~~!l~l!nCJ the
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RCV BY:Business Center
7-23-93
. ·.. •··.
5:45PM
·:
.....
The White
House~Fontainebleau
Hilton:# 4
,.~:
implementinq leqislation (puttinq the trade aqreeaent and
supplemental into le9al language). Thi• procaa• ia called the
non-proe••• and include• a non-markup and a non-conference (there
is no floor vote). There is no time limit on this non-process
and it ia expected to last six to eight weeks. Once the nonconterence has generated leqislation, it i• formally submitted •.
At this time, the fast track time limits kick in and there must
be a· vote within ninety leqislative days. (Note: it may be
poss:i.ble to shorten this period.) The ruacond time for
presidential involvement. will be before the floor votes. These
are anticipated to occur mid-December.
: Those working on NAFTA argue that it ne•d• to be launched as
earl,-a• poaaible --because attacks by NAFTA foea are damaging
·it• ~respects, and because· President Salinas of.Mexico will
rega~d the delay as an abandonment, and may tilt in a mora
natibnalist airactiono Two additional factora complicate NAFTA's
timinq. First, three aide agreements (labor, environment, and
impo~t surqas) must be completed. It ia anticipated that this
will: occur in mid-August. Second, the NEPA la~,auit must be
reso~ve~. Oral arqu=ent is set for mid-Auqust with a decision
expe~tad after Labor Day. Raqardleaa of the outcome, it is
anti~ipated that we can stick to the •chedule discussed above.
!aeinveDtin; 9o••~ents The rainventinq qovernment task
fore• ia scheduled to report on September 7. Tha National
Perf~rmanca Review ia expected to offer aignitioant saving• and
dram.tic chanqas in government. Tha ta•k force i• precedinq on
the 4•aumption that' it will rovaal ita tindinqa and
reoo~endations the week of Labor Day, in a sari•• of major
anno~ncement•. The recommendations ~ill inclua• ex•cutiv• orders
and other unilateral actiona, as well as legislative pr~posals.
This iaaue ia particularly important aa aymbol ot tho
Praa~dent's commitment to change an4 a government that puts
paop~e first. In addition -- due, unfortunately, to the
sti9Jlatization of the econoldc plan·· aa "tax and •pend" ·- it i• a
It also servae as
an Mo,nly Nixon oan qo to China• token that Clinton is, in fact, a
New ~~mocrat. Finally, it will aaauaga nervouaneaa about the
haal~ care plan, which entails an increase in qovarnment
invol~ement in health care.
·
uaef~l antidote to currant political veakneea.
leooDGar, ia•ueaa In addition, several other iasue• will be
perco~atin9 along during the fall, and can be the subject of
diacr~t•
preaiaential evanta:
~ International job• aummit
t Criae and the criae bill
• Iuigration
~ Political ratora -- both campaign tinanc• retora and
lo~byin9 retora will be acted on by tbe Houee in the tall
~ Welfare refol"31
�RCV BY:Business Center
; 7-23-93 ; 5:46PM
The White
House~Fontiin~bieau
Hilton:# 5
Proposed schedule
Hero i•'a propoaed schedule that qive& each major issue
proper tim• to be plant•d and qrow, while saakinq to keep some
focus:
Tuesday, Auqu•t 31 -- The President lays down a marker fo:r:
the second half of the year in a "Georqetown Speech"/midyear report. This will include an announcement that "my
three goals for the fall are a) unveilinq health care, b)
unveiling reinventinq qovernment, and c) passing NAfTA,. et
W'eda. 9/l-Pri. 1/3 -- Reinventinq govornment back9'roundars
Labor Day (t/S) -- Worker-oriented event around health care
Tuea4ay, 1/7
-~
UNVEIL REINVENTING GOVERNMENT PROGRAM
We4noa4ay, 1/8-Tuea., 1/14 -- Reinventinq government
announcements (program cuts and chanqaa, etc.)
sat. f/11 -- Radio address on Reinventing Government
(possibly President and VP)
Du~iDq thia tiae -- Presidential siqnal sent on NAFTA
i.e., phone call to Sali.nas qiving timetable, or whatever
Weds. 9/15 BEGINNING OF RUN-UP ON HEALTH CARE
1/15, 17, 11 I 20 -· Policy announcements on health care
- Medical malpractice
- Pharmaceutical costa
- health care paperwork
- Health care town meeting with people who wrote in to
the WH
1/22 -PRESIDENTIAL SPEECH TO JOINT SESSION
9/23
Endorsements of plan
1/24•21 -- Bus trip
1/27 ~- Addreas to.UN General Assembly
1/28•30 -~ Health care endorsements
~0/•·15 -- Health care events
~0/il • NAITA UNV!ILING
~0/11•11 - HAPTA •v•nt•
-··~·\,;~~~f~~r:~:~=~~~'-.·.:~~~~~;;.~~~~~1c~;~
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e611F!E8-EMHM._MEMORANDUM
TO:
David Gergen
Mack McLarty
George Stephanopoulos
FROM:
Mark Gearan
Bob Boorstin
Michael Waldman
Marla Romash
Rahm Emanuel
DATE:
July 19, 1993
.RE:
Fall calendar
Summary
In preparation for the meeting to discuss the Fall schedule
and the apparent collision of the three major issues (health
care, NAFTA, reinventing· government), we have prepared this
memorandum to review the timing and the comnmunications issues
involved.
This memorandum will be su.pplemented with a suggested
calendar for the balance of the summer thru Labor Day. The team
of Boorstin~Waldman-Romash are the Communications Department
leads for the long-term pol;icy coordination tracking the planning
of Administration initiatives.
Background
During the t::ransition and at the Camp David retreat, the
President listed {ive priorities for his first year in office.
They were: 1) an e,eono!llie growth package, 2) health care reform,
3) political reform, 4) national service and 5) welfare reform.
By the August :r:;ecess, we will have achieved two major legislative
victories: the economic package and national service.
But starting Labor Day, a combination of external deadlines,
campaign promises and policy priorities will collide. Contrary to
the preceqing months, we will no longer be able to push issues
aside and focus Oil 1;-he economic package.
our b~ggest challenge i~ to set priorities and timetables
"for the c::;hief iss\,ies: health .care, NAFTA and reinventing
government. If we .fc:tLL, we face an overcrowded agenda and a
reemergence of the "lo~s of focus" theme that damaged us during
the spr~ng.
'
Issues and Timing
Health care: The health care proposal was promised for May
and then delayed until 11 a.fter reconciliation~" The President has
repeatedly promised that heaLth care will come after the economic
package passes. su:rveys indicate that health care remains the
second or third pl:;"iority (behind j.ob creation) for the vast
majority of voters, but also that people fear reform is just
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LINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
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Fall calendar/page two
another promise to be broken. Our core supporters are rapidly
losing patience and could block passage by throwing their support
to alternative plans.
The final decision making process on health care has been
d~layed, most recently because of fears that numbers would leak.
in the midst of the reconciliation debate. A detailed policy and
supporting data will be ready for release in mid-September but
only if a go-ahead on a final policy process is given
immediately.
NAFTA: Deadlines established under fast-track legislation
and worries about the upcoming Mexican elections are driving
resolution of NAFTA. The President has continued to express his
. conditional support .for the treaty, but avoided making any public
time-specific commitments.
Two factors complicate NAFTA timing. First, successful
negotiation o.f the side agreements on labor and the environment.
Second, the ongoing laws~it demanding an environmental impact
statement (which the Administration has promised to appeal.)
Reinventing government: The reinventing government task
force is scheduled to report on September 7. The task force is
preceding on the assumption that it will reveal its findings and
recommenda~ions the week of Labor Day, in a series of major
announcements. The National Performance Review is expected to
offer significant savings and dramatic changes in government.·
Starting as an important priority and part of the
President '·s cc::mun:itment to cha.nge and a government that puts
people fi:rst, reinvent~ng government has increased in importance
in ;the past several months. As campaign finance reform has lost
momentum in Congress and the public becomes increasingly more
frustrated with government and politicians, it has become more
salient. In addition, su~veys iridicate that it will prove useful
as a watershed issue for those searching for a New Democrat.
Welfare reform: This assumes that the welfare reform task
force qontin\les'i-ts workthrough the fall, but that introduction
of the plan is delayed until 1994.
Other issues:
in adc;li~ion to t:he three big issues, the fall offers other
opportunities. These inelude:
• Internat~onal jobs summit
• Crime bill
• Continuing inqnigration legislation
• Education 2000
• Campaign ~inance reform
• Wetlands
Th.e que,stion on all tl:lese issues: do they clutter or help?
Should th,e Pres..i,dent's t~me commitment and public attachment be
limited (i.e. signing the erime bill) or developed into a fullscale ihit:iativ.e?
,_'.:_._·.:-'.:..
�'!.·
Fall calendar/page three
The problem:
The problem is pretty simple: neither the President, at
least in a public sense, nor the Congress can handle the three
big issues simultaneously. By trying to do too much, we raise the
po?sibility that we lose everything. From all perspectives -policy, politics and press -- we need guidance on how to proceed~
The President has indicated to the Vice President that he is
eager to launch the reinventing government initiative during the
week following Labor Day. The Vice-President could maintain a
high profile on the issue for about 10 days, before turning to
the next big issue. The Vice President would then carry the
initiative forward throughout the fall, with the President
returning to th~ theme in the State of the Union.
The problem is the competing·demands of health care reform
and NAFTA. Both will require a substantial, if not exclusive,
commitment of Presidential time and public identification for a
minimum of several months. Both require consideration by some of
the same Congressional committees. And both require assembling
difficult, if different, alliances in order to secure
Congressiqnal passage.
Some have argued that the very nature of these different
alliances may allow, indeed demand, that health care and NAFTA
proceed simultaneously. Others doubt that the Congressional
process -- and the difficul~y of securing passage of either
program .,.,._ will allow them to proceed hand in hand.
Conclusion
We urg~ntly nee~ guidance on establishing priorities and a
chronology .for resolving the traffic jain created by reinventing
government,.hea1th car~ reform and NAFTA. In the cases of health
care and NAFTA, failure to take immediate action threatens the
ability of po];iq:y teams to present final proposals in time for
September action. Failure to decide also means that we could
return to the "l<;>ss of ~ocus" theme that injured the President's
standing during the s;pring.
�.,. __
....
__ --~
~B'm'i:Afl•
TO:
Mack McLarty
George Stephanopoulos
David Gergen
Mark Gearan
FROM:
Bob Boorstin
Michael Waldman
Marla Romash
Rahm Emanuel
DATE:
July 19, 1993
RE:
Fall calendar
MEMORANDUM
...
"_·...:......:·~
.
DETERlviTNED TO BE AN ADlviTNISTRATIVE
MARK:U.m P@l2953 as amon 'ed, ec. 3.2 (c)
Initials: ~ ·
Date: ~
d
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summary
Three major issues -- health care, NAFTA, reinventing
government -- threaten to collide this fall. We urgently need
guidance on how these issues should intersect and can be
.presented.
Background
During the transition, the President listed four priorities
for his first year in office. They were: an economic growth
package, health care reform, political reform and national
service. By the August recess, we will have achieved two major
legislative victories: the economic package and national service.
But starting Labor Day, a combination of external deadlines,'
ca~paign promises and policy priorities will collide. Contrary to
the preceding months, we will no longer be able to push issues
aside and focus on the economic package.
Our biggest challenge is to set priorities and timetables
for the chief issues: health care, NAFTA and reinventing
government. If we fail, we face an overcrowded agenda and a
reemergence of the "loss of focus" theme that damaged us during
the spring.
Issues and Timing
Health care: The health care proposal was promised for May
and then delayed until "after reconciliation." The President has
repeatedly promised that health care will come after the economic
package passes. Surveys indicate that health care remains the
second or third priority (behind job creation) for the vast
majority of voters, but also that people fear reform is just
another promise to be broken. Our core supporters are rapidly
losing patience and could block passage by throwing their support
to alternative plans.
The final decision making process on health care has been
delayed, most recently because of fears that numbers would leak
in the midst of the reconciliation debate. A detailed policy and
�Fall calendar/page two
supporting data will be ready for release in mid-September but
only if a go-ahead on a final policy process is given
immediately.
J
-i_ }
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-
~
~ ~~'
.\1~~
~·
·~j 4?~:3~
·-
is_
1i
_ NAFTA: Deadlines established under fast-track legislation
and worries about the upcoming Mexican elections are driving
resolution of NAFTA. The President has continued to express his
conditional support for the treaty, but avoided making any public
time-specific commitments.
Two factors complicate NAFTA timing. First, successful
negotiation of the side agreements on labor and the environment.
Second, the ongoing lawsuit demanding an environmental impact
statement (which the Administration has promised to appeal.)
Reinventing government: The reinventing government task
force is scheduled to report on September 7. The task force is
~ preceding on the assumption that it will reveal its findings and
! ~ ~ reco~end~tioz:ts the week of Lab~r DaiJ(P-1-ans-c:::a-l~~&x..t=e~-s.;i-v:e. 1
"
~ ~ t<: . ~es-loElent-1-a-1-Yl-v.ol-Vemen:~ '" a·S(.r~e-~ tl- M.et)or ~"oi.t"'-t;Mt-tt+s. 14 Nit:~ -pq-~M\£(.. iUft,I-4J
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~h-l:lot Ot.le of •.t.he-:t:&l:l-F-S-t--a-t:e-l:eg-3..--s-1-a·t:i,ve-g·ea-l:s-:for-the
~4
~ ~ ~ ~-~---f-i..l?>s.t-¥,ear, i?,einventing government has '\-·increased in importance in ~-~~) · ''.'. ··,j,
.rJ~-.::
the past several months. As campaign finance reform has lost l" AJUlt~
~~~~
momentum in Congress, it has become more salient. AndrSurveys
/
--£ ~ ~ indica~e that. itel\,prove useful as a watershed issue for those
~+
search1ng for a ew De~at.
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Other 1ssues:
· t;;ovt.r't'l M4A*' ~ ypltVf'\~;
In addition to the three big issues, the fall offers other ·
opportunities. These include:
• International jobs summit
• Crime bill
• Continuing immigration legislation
• Education 2000
• Campaign finance reform
[This assumes that the welfare reform task force continues its
work through the fall, but that introduction of the plan is
delayed until 1994.]
The question on all these issues: do they clutter or help?
Should the President's time commitment and public attachment be
limited (i.e. signing the crime bill) or developed into a fullscale initiative?
The problem:
The problem is pretty simple: neither the President, at
least in a public sense, nor the Congress can handle the three
big issues simultaneously. By trying to do too much, we raise the
possibility that we lose everything. From all perspectives -policy, politics and press -- we need guidance on how to proceed.
The President has indicated to the Vice President that he is
eager to launch the reinventing government initiative during the
week following Labor Day.(Th~sident could maintain a high
Vtcc
.
�Fall calendar/page three
profile on the issue for about 10 days, before turning to the
next big issue. The Vice President would then carry the
initiative forward throughout the fall, with the President
returning to the theme in the State of the Union.
The problem is the competing demands of health care reform
and NAFTA. Both will require a substantial, if not exclusive,
commitment of Presidential time and public identification for a
minimum of several months. Both require consideration by some of
the same Congressional committees. And both require assembling
difficult, if different, alliances in order to secure
Congressional passage.
Some have argued that the very nature of these different
alliances may allow, indeed demand, that health care and NAFTA
proceed simultaneously. Others doubt that the Congressional
· process -- and the difficulty of securing passage of either
program -- will allow them to proceed hand in harid.
Conclusion
We urgently need guidance on establishing priorities and a
chronology for resolving the traffic jam created by reinventing
government, health care reform and NAFTA. In the cases of health
care and NAFTA, failure to take immediate action threatens the
ability of policy teams to present final proposals in time for
September action. Failure to decide also means that we could
return to the "loss of focus" theme that injured the President's
standing during the spring.
�1
MEMORANDUM
Mark Gearan
George Stephanopoulos
David Gergen
Mack McLarty
TO:
FR:
Bob Boorstin
Michael Waldman
Rahm Emanuel
Marla Romash
DATE:
Crowd~d
Urcfov
(ap
V~ta_Gi~fl
-week
I
-
vefore
July 12, 1993
.RE:
(le(O~ c/~ apt on
calendar for summer and fall
This memo identifies issues that are going to arise this
summer and fall and suggests a communications/policy strategy for
avoiding issue overflow.
Summer: Between the time the President returns on July 15
and Labor Day, the following issues will require some level of
Administration effort and attention:
·
(1) Conference report/economic plan and subsequent
victory lap;
~(2) gays inthe military;
we ta.l'{ QJrn , <J> Flood relief activities;
--(4) Immigration/terrorism legislation;
~
(5) Passage of national service legislation;
Crime bill introduction;
·
Community development banks;
(8) Workforce 2000 Conference
I
1
\
~
The economic conference should clearly dominate the
President's <:;::alendar and sch~O.ule. As Stan Greenberg has said, we
have a limited amount of time to define the program, and we must
grab the high ground. The principles of our economic plan -progressivi"tF.y, investment and deficit reduction -- must once
again be articulated.. If the President is deeply involved in the
conference negotiations -- and if that is the public message we
want to send -- that will. necessaril-y limit his participation in
public events surrounding other issues.
The other issues should, for the most part, claim the
President's time only when absolutely necessary, or if they
buttress the case qn the ~conomic plan. One negative issue -gays in the milit,ary -.,.. threatens to swamp mid-July while qne
positive issue ...,...,. Natio,nal Service ~- offers a great opportunity
to spotlight momentum on achieving the President's agenda.
�Calendar Memo (Page Two)
Week of July 12
conference begins
Gays in the military
Community development banks (July 15)
Flood relief
Week of July 19
Conference continues
Immigration/terrorism announcement (July 19)
Week of July 26
Conference continues
Workforce 2000 event (July 26)
National Service passage (?)
Week of August 2
Conference concludes/budget legislation passes
Week of August 9
Budget victory lap
[note: Papal visit]
Week of August 16
Vacation
Week of August 23
Vacation
Week of August 30
Run~up to reinventing government begins (?)
Fall: ~tarting prior to Labor Day and carrying on through
the fall, a nurober of priority issues threaten to collide.
Contrary to the preceding months, we will no longer be able to
push issues aside and focus on the economic package. Our biggest
challenge will be to move between issues and maintain a theme.
The issues include:
Reinventing government (report due·September 7)
Health care
NAFTA
l;nternational jobs summit
At the s;ame time, three issues
crime, political reform,
Education 2000 --:, can be stressed as desired •. (i.e. Should the
President's commitment ~o crime be limited to signing legislation
emerging from Congress or should we develop a full-scale
initiative with a number of public events to highlight our
commitment.)
/-.--~~~:.~~~~~~--d·:~~-.]1--.'~j
!,: ·
J.
. INTON LIBRJ\J~Y PHOTOCOPY (;:.ii . ·
\~.2~~~~"'~· '~.·~}·':~:--~~~·· -~~:;,_;,~,--~~~··~.;·...:.~~~i.~:t"' ~~),.:-..{~~;I "l
<l \
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�.,
Calendar Memo (Page Three)
From all perspectives
policy. politics and press -- we
urgently need guidance on which issues will be emphasized during
the fall and which issues will be delayed until 1994.
One possible calendar envisions paralle1 development of and
stress on the reinventing government and health care initiatives,
with NAFTA staying quietly on track. (The obvious bottlenecks
remain the Senate Finance and House Ways and Means committees,
which have jurisdiction over both health care and NAFTA.) Another
envisions a quick look at reinventing government, followed by
parallel development of health care and NAFTA [the 1994 State of
.the Uriion would reinforce health care and and set up welfare
reform for election-year passage.]
The President must decide immediately which of these
calendars -- or some other variant -- should be used as a
blueprint. Otherwise, we face an overcrowded agenda and a
reemergence of the "loss of focus" theme that damaged us during
the spring.
Our group will meet regularly to begin developing a detailed
plan that can be completed the week of August 16. We can either
develop a plan based on two scenarios (as above) or proceed from
a predetermined list of priorities.
�MEMORANDUM
TO:
Mark Gearan
George Stephanopoulos
David Gergen
Mack McLarty
FR:
Bob Boorstin
Michael Waldman
Rahm Emanuel
Marla Romash
DATE:
July 12, 1993
RE:
Crowded calendar for summer and fall
This memo identifies issues that are going to arise this
summer and fall and suggests a communications/policy strategy for
avoiding issue overflow.
Summer: Between the time the President returns on July 15
and Labor Day, the following issues will require some level of
Administration effort and attention:
(1) Conference report/economic plan and subsequent
victory lap;
(2) gays in the military;
(3) Flood relief activities;
(4) Immigrationjterrarism legislation;
(5) Passage of national service legislation;
(6) crime bill introduction;
(7) Community development banks;
(8) Workforce 2000 Conference
The economic ~onference should clearly dominate the
President's calendar and schedule. As Stan Greenberg has said, we
have a limited amount of time to define the program, and we must
grab the high ground. The principles of our economic plan -progressivity, investment and deficit reduction -- must once
again be articulated. If-·the President is deeply involved in the
conference negotiations -- and if that is the public message we
want to send -- that will necessarily limit his participation in
public events surrounding other issues.
The other issues should, for the most part, claim the
President's time only when absolutely necessary, or if they
buttress the case on the economic plan. One negative issue -gays in the military -- threatens to swamp mid-July while one
positive issue -- National Service -- offers a great opportunity
to spotlight momentum on achieving the President's agenda.
�Calendar Memo (Page Two)
Week of July 12
Conference begins
Gays in the military
Community development banks (July 15)
Flood relief
Week of July 19
Conference continues
Immigration/terrorism announcement (July 19)
week of July 26
Conference continues
Workforce 2000 event (July 26)
National Service passage (?)
Week of August 2
Conference concludes/budget legislation passes
Week of August 9
Budget victory lap
(note: Papal visit]
Week of August 16
Vacation
Week of August 23
Vacation
Week of August 30
Run-up to reinventing government begins (?)
Fall: Starting prior to Labor Day and carrying on through
the fall, a number of priority issues threaten to collide.
Contrary to the preceding months, we will no longer be able to
push issues aside and focus on the economic package •. Our biggest
challenge will be to move between issues and maintain a theme.
The issues include:Reinventing government (report due September 7)
Health care
NAFTA
International jobs summit
At the same time, three issues
crime, political reform,
Education' 2000 -- can be stressed as desired. (i.e'. Should the
President's commitment to crime be limited to signing legislation
emerging from Congress or should we develop a full-scale
initiative with a number of public events to highlight our
commitment.)
�..
Calendar Memo (Page Three)
From all perspectives -- policy. politics and press -- we
urgently need guidance on which issues will be emphasized during
the fall and which issues will be delayed until 1994.
One possible calendar envisions parallel development of and
stress _on the reinventing government and health care initiatives,
with NAFTA staying quietly on track. (The obvious bottlenecks
remain the Senate Finance and House Ways and Means committees,
which have jurisdiction over both health care and NAFTA.) Another
envisions a quick look at reinventing government, followed by
_parallel development of health care and NAFTA (the 1994 State of
the Union would reinforce health care and and set up welfare
reform for election-year passage.]
The President must decide immediately which of these
calendars -- or some other variant -- should be used as a
blueprint. Otherwise, we face an overcrowded agenda and a
reemergence of the "loss of focus" theme that damaged us during
the spring.
our group will meet regularly to begin developing a detailed
plan that can be completed the week of August 16. We can either
develop a plan based on two scenarios (as above) or proceed from
a predetermined list of priorities.
·
�...... ·
·-~·-·-··.:~- ...~
Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Doris Meissner to VPOTUS; re: Immigration Policy Priorities (4
pages)
07/20/1993
P5
002a. memo
Torn Epstein to Rahm Emanuel; re: Immigration (2 pages)
05/27/1993
P5
002b. memo
Torn Epstein to Rahm Emanuel; re: Immigration/Refugee Asylum
Strategy (3 pages)
06/1111993
P5
002c. memo
Torn Epstein to Rahrn Emanuel; re: Announcement for INS
Commissioner (1 page)
06/14/1993
P5
002d. memo
Torn Epstein to Joan Baggett & Rahrn Emanuel (1 page)
07/07/1993
P5
003a. memo
Cindy Lebow to The Clinton Campaign; re: Immigration Policy (3
pages)
08/08/1992
Personal Misfile
003b. talking
points
re: Talking Points for Governor Clinton - On Irnrnigation Issue (I
page)
08/08/1992
Personal Misfile
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential R_ecords
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
OA/Box Number: 414
FOLDER TITLE:
Immigration - Key Policy Issues
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 1650
RESTRICTION CODES
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. SS2(b))
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(aX3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b X3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA)
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accor~ance-with,~-l!,·~;c.,.~_'.,;_-::.. ;~_:- --~~'~J!_Sec~()U!~-~~~"'?.~e,_gt;~logical or geophysical information
2201(3).
;· ·
-§~~t"~-,:;:'(.fi:rc:;;,~:~~- ··:concerning wells'[(~~9)_~f the FOIAJ
.. fl ;- ·-. , : -• .. ' . ' ___ .,... . _ _ . __ , . • _ _ - _-• f -.li -•:::~j
RR. Document will be reviewed upon requ~s~;
l'i:...
''i"
·IBRA YPHOTOCOPY ~,l ,;·~,
<·
�.
-
JU!_-]0-1993
16:18
FROM
CEIP
TO
4566429
P.02
'
July 20, 1993
To:
Vice President Gore
From:
Doris Me~ INS Commissioner-designate
Subject:
Immigration policy priorities
This responds to your request for an outline of my priorities for immigration
policy. All are issues where substantial progress can be made within 12 to 18 months.
As a framework, I believe that these propositions should guide policy:
•
We say no so that we can continue to say yes.
•
lllegal immigration, not immigration, is the enemy.
•
Immigration is a source of national strength and vitality. Our employers, ethnic
communities, foreign policy, economic interests, and self-image all reinforce a
continuing immigration tradition.
•
An effective, professionalized INS can play an important role in defusing the
tensions that inherently surround immigration processes.
•
Our track record in making a multi-ethnic society work is unparalleled and can
continue to be so.
•
Leaders must explain and inspire confidence in the nation's ability to regulate
immigration and integrate newcomers.
·
·
/'
I. :eoo.rH;yJ)Jitjatives for INS and the Department of Justice
A. Prompt, fair political asylum decision system
•
Expedited exclusion legislation must be followed by procedural and policy reform
of asylum system.
.
•
Likely to require other remedies for parts of backlog and limits to the degree of
due process available to aliens.
•
May require si1g!J},fi.S~E}J~~S!l~~~-!-f.a!1"~~2!._1l~~~~~~urces .
i •I r~.r·:~·~j'i~(~;~~~~-' : _. ' ·"'~~~ I{!
N.\: 14\;~ LINTON LiBRARY PHOT<)COPY: ~·;!l .·"),I
>
1
C
~';; ~~-}:--. ~;~~~~' ~·~~ ..., '1-;~ ~:-; >~- ' .' .~}1, ' .1
�4566429
P.03
•
INS records are the backbone for ,tf.ffee~tive immigs:ation law enforcement and
service to immigrant communities.
•
Automated files and systems integrated among INS functions (deportation and
non-immigrant admissions, for example) and with those of other agencies (State's
consular service and Customs. for example) would dramatically improve the
government•s ability to detect abur,e, support enforcement officers, provide timely
decisions, and transform INS' ,poor public image.
-•
Current budget allocations may require re-evaluation.
C. Bac/c4l)..Basics maruzgemmt
•
Exotic, new answers are not needed.
•
Strategic planning. resource allocations based on workload, clear lines of
authority, good internal and public communication, training and professionalism,
fiscal integrity, a diversified workforce, timely decision-making, rewards for
innovation, strong analytic capabHities, fully incorporating technology into
operations ·- these and similar good-management approaches will enable us to
address immigration enforcement eff~ctively.
-
D. NlllUI'alize ptnons nLWly-4!llgible for citizenship
•
In 1994, the three million people who were granted legalization (amnesty) by 1986 ·
reform legislation are eligible for citizenship.
•
An aggressive education campaign to encourage naturalization combined with
access to English language instruction and prompt, transparent government ·
procedures for granting citizenship will empower large numbers to petition for the
immigration of relatives through legal avenues, emphasize the positive
chara~eristics of immigration, and enable large newcomer communitie~ to
participate more fully in American life.
II. Priority lnterag_epcyjadmJnistration initiatives
A Employer 11114 workplace enforunumL
•
Sweatshops have reappeared~ employment discrimination is aggravated by
employer sanctions legislation, employers who want to comply with the law have a
· difficult time discerning valid identity documents, etc.
'•
�r'
JLL-:20-1993
i
15:19
FROM
CEIP
TO
4566429
P.04
.
•
Effective workplace enforcement is a central element in controlling illegal
immigration that requires interagency and federal-state coordination, labor
standards enforcement resources, vigorous anti-discrimination enforcement,
improved work authorization documents, and legislation that strengthens penalties
against egregious offenders.
B. ~policJ
•
Almost 90% of those admitted today as refugees are from the former Soviet
Union, Vietnam and Cuba. Our policy is a relic of the Cold War and state and
fec;leral exj)enditures for the program are substantial.
•
Refugee policy needs to be comprehensively reviewed and updated so that the
U.S. is responding to the most urgent humanitarian needs and states and localities
can pay the costs of refugee resettlement.
C. Emer-gmq ~nse and conlingen.cy planning
•
Unanticipated dises like the Chinese boats will recur. Clear roles and procedures
to respond should be established, including pre-arranged funding sources, on-call
facilities for detaining or processing large numbers, transportation for
repatriationt bilateral or muJtilateral agreements where possible, etc.
•
Emergency flows from countries like Hajti and Cuba are likely; contingency
planning is needed in case' they occur and careful monitoring of developments
that could lead to sizeable migrations should be put into place and should trigger
appropriate diplomacy and policy adjustments.
D. lnkgrtlling immigrants and immigrant impact
•
The greatest source of tension among immigrant and established communities is
language use. ImmigrantS want to learn English and knowledge of English is the
most important characteristic of success for immigrants. Classes are in woefully
short supply. Access to instruction for those who want it should be a national
polic(goal that will require federal assistance.
•
The impact of immigrants at the local level should be addressed by vigorous
community renewal initiatives that apply to all disadvantaged, economicallybesieged groups. Programs specially aimed at newcomers (with the exception of
refugees) will pit immigrants against other needy groups for limited resources.
This is counterproductive social policy.
E. Im.mlgrtlLion pol.icy for the fubqe
�J!Ji •.:.212l-1993
16:20
FROM
TO
CEIP
4566429
P.05
•
The initiatives being proposed to the Vice President are, with one or two
exceptions, not Presidential and I recommend.against pre~enting them as the
administration's immigration policy. If something is needed immediately. the
President could announce a funding initiative to support strengthened
enforcement and the expedited exclusion and anti·smuggling legislation he is
foJWarding. He could also announce and launch a process for addressing broad
immigration policy questions, as below.
•
We need a deliberative, systematic look at where we are going with immigration
in light of international realities, economic restructuring in the U.S., and the
changing needs o~ American communities. To this end, a Cabinet·!evel
committee, under the leadership of the Vice President or a Cabinet official could
be established, or a sub-Cabinet mechanism could be organized.
•
There is a Congressional commission with a mandate to make broad policy
recommendations in 1994 and 1996. The President must appoint its chair, and
the appointment has not yet been made. ·A leading citizen a~d experiellsed
political leader should be asked to take on this task. The Commission could also
be expanded to include administration officials as members. ~istorically, bodies
such as this have effectively built public consensus fo~ immigration policy changes
and have produced thoughtful policy blueprints that have· effectively guided
administration thinking and Congressional action.
cc: Janet Reno, Attorney General
4
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May 27, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR RAHM EMANUEL
FROM:
TOM EPSTEIN
SUBJECT:
.
.
IMMIGRATION
Overview
Immigration is emerging as the most powerful political issue in California, and the
administration must begin to deal with -it. Governor Wilson is blaming illegal immigrants
for many of the state's social and econorrlic problems, and accuses the federal
government of failing to meet its obligations to control illegal immigration and fund the
state costs of both legal and illegal immigration. State legislators have introduced a
'plethora of bills on the subject, many of which are punitive or even unconstitutionaL
Thoughtful Democrats in Congress are expressing concern and seeking the
President's.active involvement in the issue. Last week, Senator Feinstein called upon the
administration to take the initiative. Congressmembers Tony Beilenson and Howard
Berman have long been active on the issue and have ideas to offer. the state's Latino
. representatives are also certain to have given some thought to this sensitive s~bject.
Though ·this is largely a california issue, it has significant ramifications in other
·
.
key states, as well. Texas, Florida,_ Illinois, and several northeastern states ar~experiencing varying degrees
unwelcome and illegal immigration froiJ:1. Latin Aillerica,
Cuba, Haiti, and other Caribbean countries. In some instances, the immigrants request
refugee status, and any formulation of a national immigration policy must also include
. consideration of refugee issues.
. ' '
of
t
......
W!zile wzy immigration-related action on the part of the administration is (ike.ly t(j be
controversial and costly, the penalty for inaction is far greater. Middle class swlng. ~rut
Democratic voters are angry and want something done. it's time for a New Demdcrat
solution.
·
..
,.....
..,:
.~
._':
..
, ;
•
Suggested Actions
.First, a strong INS Commissioner must be named--the sooner the better. Since
the politics dema_I,ld a rather tough stance on the part of the administration, it rnay be
desirable to choose a Latino for this role to help deflect criticism from the liberal
. immigrant advocacy community.
·
I
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. i
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·...:.•
',.
....
,.
.. .
· Second, borde'l ~6.t'!ur;ity r.turo;1 \b·e: 1!1Jeefecl ~L1tl. ·:r:tii•s p;llih•x(bly means more people,
· ·,but perhaps new cooperatrve arrangelii\~J.l.Si with lroc.aii mmthc;r"J~6es or new technologies can
··''assist in stemming the heErram:haging along ·;fhe ho.r.:der.
···:'.
_
.....
'. Third' the 198~ rimm.igration :;ndorm 'law':~ ~1Iilp'ioye1 sanctions must be better
enforced. I've been told ·by both BeHenson and Berman that in the absence· of an
inviolable .Jegal residency identification card, employers •can gene.rally evade penalties
under the current law. The introduction of our new Health Security Card may provide an
opportunity to create an identification card that civil libertarians will accept.
Swift and sure penalties must also be imposed on employers who violate the law.
~
Process
...
....
.~
'
... ·
State Political Implications
.··..
'··
r
·~~
l ··"
.,.
Before any major public initiatives are developed, key·Congressmembers and
other opinion leaders should obviously be consulted and the available literature on the
subjeCt carefully reviewed. For our political purposes, Feinstein, Berman, Beilenson, and
Xavier Becerra should be major players in our policy discussions. We can also build
bridges to RepublicallS on this issue, and that shoul_d be done.
\
Finally, on a purely political level, Wilson is highly vulnerable on this subject. As
a Senator, he led the fight for a "guest worker" amendmenfto the 1986 in'unigration
reform law.· This provision, strongly supported by major agribusiness interests, permitted
undocumented workers to enter the U.S. on temporary visas to pick perishable crops. It
is now estimated that as many as 1 million of these "seasonal" workers never returned to
their country of origin, leaving the state to pick up the bill for their education, health
'
care, incarc~ration costs, etc.
Apparently suffering a memory lapse regarding his own culpable behavior, Wilson
noisily requested ov,e,r $1.5 billion from the federal governmeQ.t for these costs in the
coming fiscal 'year. Prior administrations never reimbursed the state for these costs, but
the Clinton administration agreed to over half the governor's request. (It's worth noting
that OMB Director Panetta, ·who personally crafted the administn1tion's funding proposal
on this issue, was a leading supporter of the Wilson guest worker amendment when it
··' ·
was considered by the House).
So Wilson, whp played a large role in creating this problem, never delivered a
penny for California as Senator or as Governor during the Bush years. Yet he. still tries
to blame the current federal administration for his budget shortfall. Our friends Will
pummel the Governor in the free media on this issue at the appropriate time:·
Meanwhile, we should work closely with our potential Democratic gubernatorial
. nominees to ensure they stay on the right side of these issues.
.
�·THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 11~. 1993
.
MEMORANDUM FOR RAHM EMANUEL
'
~
I
~
Y~--
FROM:
TOM EPSTEIN
SUBJECf:
IMMIGRATION/REFUGEE AsnuM STRATEGY
l
I
!
;
This memo represents my best thinking at the present time, in the absence of any
·guidance from administration policymakers.
GUIDING ASSUMPTIONS
1. The current situation is a mess. Too many imrrligrants and refugees are
entering the country, and they are often treated inhumanely when they arrive.
Something drastic must be done about it.
·
· · 2. · Incentives for illegal immigrants to enter the. country must be reduced.
3. Existing laws must be better enforced, especially the employer sanction
..
.
provision.
, 4. The asylum hearing and immigration naturalization processes must be made •
much inore efficient, humarie, and speedy.
5. ·States have a legal right to some reimbursement for the costs incurred
implemen~ing federal immigration statutes.
;
PENDING EVENTS·
;'=""
..
;L A:,meeting with the President to consider .refugee/asylum policy is scheduled
~~~
.
.
'
.
'2. · A new INS commissioner will be named very soon, and she is likely to be
_ , ._ Doris Meissner, an experienced former INS acting commissioner. She is reputed to be
;; ·•· ... ,-, '' · non-partisan and non-controversial.
.
··
3. On Wednesday, June 16, the House Subcommittee on Iiiunigration (Mazzol~
chair) will meet to evaluate the~empl()yer·s:anctions program. No concrete legislation is
expected t~ emerge from the hearing. .
' '. . : . .
: :
. ''
4. Bills are being prepared by Senators Simpson and Keririedy to deal with
refugee/asylum issues.
·
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POLITICAL EVALUATION
1. ·Immigration will be one of the top two or three issues in the California ·
governor's race in 1994, and I suspect the issue will be significant in Texas, New York,
and other key states, as well. Therefore, we must establish a productive record and ·
··
reputation on this subject by rnid-1994.
·
2. California Goverriof Wilson has attempted to blame the administration for a
panoply of immigration-related ills, but his record as Senator makes him extremely
.
vUlnerable on the issue ..·
3. These issues are easily demagogued, and are· being used by conservative
Republicans as a racial. wedge. Tough ·talk must be backed up by hard facts, not biased
rhetoric. A thorough review of the economic impact of immigration shOUld be initiated
.
.
. ·
immediately.
4. The inefficiency of the government's imrriigra:tion program is a serious
problem. It cries out for a "reinventing government" solution.
·s. Many advocates for Latino interests will accept much tougher restrictions on
future immigration if Border Patrol abuses are stopped, the naturalization process is
speeded up, and public services are notunfairly curtailed for those who are already here.
The more liberal interests, however, will oppose almost any reform that.enhances
·
enforcement.
6. Large agribusiness interests (who supported George Bush and Pet~ Wilson
heavily) despise employer sanctions. Other· employers are also not keen on tougher
enforcement. Civil liberties groups vehemently oppqse legal residency identity cards.
ACTIONS TO CONSIDER
1. When the INS chief is named, AG Reno should announce that the chief must
report back to her within 90 days with recommendations for a complete·reform of
immigration poli.cy and man~gement processes. As part of that effort, an iQtra.;. · ·
administration taSk force. should be established to p'rovide input, including representation
from the Cust6msServi~e,;HHS, OMB, the Coast Guard, the State Departrilent; eic.
This ·could possibly be integrated into the Vice President's National Perform;:tnce ·
Review.
· '·'. ·
.
2. The INS chief and-Re,no (with others listed above) shmlld· make. high:.prpf'ile: ·
visits to immigration trouble spots and meet with public officials and Jocal·co#tfu~ni'ti_es:: .
3. Consultations with key Congressriiembers from both parties and <)tber .· .• . ·
legislative players.should begin imrnediatelyto solicit ideaS and ascertain th~,;rea,Jhrof
the possible.
.
.. . . . . ·
.
. · · . . · , ·.
4. When legisl~~ive, package is reac:Jy for iritrodrtction, it should be unveiled in
California in a higli~prqfife a,nd comprehertsive manner. that recounts the hist()ry and.
· ·• •· ·
, · . . ·. · ·:..
context of the iss~~s. It shout~, have bipartisan support.
' 5. J;lalance.is cruciaL' When m~king tcmgh pr<)posals that appealto xeri()phobes, .·
it is essential to provide ·soqi'e·behefits·'to productive iilunignmtSand their allies, as w~ll
as to expressly reject the' m()r~ ' ¢xtteme .proposat~; 'of the right Wing. ·
'
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-' •·, .
..
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.
.
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2.
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6; This is a laundry list of policy options, many of which could prove to be
counter-productive or politically impractical:
Management Changes
a. Consolidation of responsibilities in ·one immigration agency, or at
least a permanent coordinating body to ensure interagency cooperation.
b. Separate administration of the Border Patrol and .the
·
naturalization functions.
' .
. . .'
c. More bodies and better training for both the Border Patrol and
the immigration bureaucracy.
··
Tougher Enforcement
a. Enhanced monitoring of immigration patterns, better border
protection technology, and more Border Patrol officer~.
. '
b. A real commitment to employer sancti,ons, withfr~quent
inspections l:lnd prosecutionS. Development of a taiTip~r~pr.oof.legal r,esidency card or
d~ta base is essential to fairly enforcing these sanctions (op~ions include the proposed
Health Security Card or. an on-line computer system to pro\ride easily accessible, reliable
information to employers).
··
·
· ·'
· ··
c. Strict penalties for immigration smugglers. . .
d. Streamlined legal procedures for asylum hearings.
I'.
e. Reduce legal· immigration quotas. Limit family prefereQce to
immediate family members.
·
f. Restrict grounds for asylum (eliminate Mora' Majority-era one.. child-in-China exemption).
·
Budget Issues
a. Short-term costs are inevitable to eliminate backlog, expand
investigations, reimburse states, and beef up border security. . .
b. Savings should ultimately be achieved through management
efficiencies, collection of civil penalties, and a reduction in illegal immigration.
3
I
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 14, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR RAHM EMANUEL
_.-;;-
FROM:
TOM EPSTEIN '\~.
SUBJECf:
ANNOUNCEMENT OF iNS COMMISSIONER
The announcement of a new INS Corh.inissioner as earJy as this week affords the
administration an opportunity to position itself on the side of tough acdon and strong
m~nagement to ~orreCt the notorious ineffectiveness of this beleaguered agency. As I
suggested in earlier memos; immigration is a white-hot subject in the southwest and must
be addressed forcefully to avoid a wicked political backlash.
Here are a few ideas to coincide with the announcement:
1. When the INS' chief is named, AG Reno should ahnoun~e t~at the chief must
report back to her within 90 days with recommendations for a complete· reform of
immigration policy and management processes. As part of that ~ffort, an intraadministration task force should be established to provide input, including representation
from the Customs Service, HHS, OMB, the Coast Guard, the State Department, etc.
This could possibly be integrated into the Vice President's National Performance
Review.
2. The INS chief and Reno· (with others listed above)'should make>·high-profile
visits to immigration trouble spots and meet with public .offiCials a9.d. local communities.
This could be announced when the comJ1lissioner is name9, ·but m1ght\vo~k better if it is
revealed a week or so later to demonstrate t~at ac~ion is underway. · · · . · · ·
·>.-·,i.·
3. Consult~tions with key Congressmembers from both parties··.~~d o·~~er
legislative players should begin immedhitely to solicitideas and asceftaili what is
possible.
·
·
··
4. When our refugee/asylum policy is ready, whi<;h I u~der§!~9.ct:~~~j·~ii,ry soon; it
should be announced by the President personally in stro~g hiw-and~order )erms. He .
should indicate this is just the first step in a' compreheri_si~e restructuring))_£
immigratioh/border security strategy. '
'' .· ' .: ' c : ; ••• <:,
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�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
July 7, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR JOAN BAGGETT AND RAHM EMANUEL
FROM:
TOM EPSTEIN
SUBJECT:
~
IMMIGRATION
· A few additional thoughts on my fav6rite, subject .
... '
1. Over the weekend, I read that the administration's 1994 budget actually
reduced the number of Border Patrol officers (see attached articles). If true, this
contradicts claims made by the President that we are beefing up the Border Patrol. Led
. by a California Republican, House members ignored the administratiqn's proposal and
added 600 officers. All but five California·members supported· the iricrease. We should
ge~ on this right away and 'support the augmentation in conference co~ittee.
2. As we await confirmation of our new INS chief, it w:ould be valuable to do
some thorough polling on public attitudes to~ard the curreJ1t situatioq and potential
changes In immigration policy. I suggest a national. poll~··with dversarnpling of
Californians and Latinos. Ideally, this could.be compleiedWitl)iri wet!lcS'.so we can use
the information to help craft a new policy before the su.J11mer ' ends.. .'
'
..
.
.
'
,
3. Immigration can be a carrot and stick ··p~ogra.tn~ .As· ym1 kilow, I favor a .
foolproof identity card to faCilitate enforcement of the ernploy¢r·'sanctio~ provisions of
. e~sting law. While some Latinos will oppos~ this, their fears.can be ameli,orated if we
simultaneously devote substantial new. resout¢e~ ·,~p the~. ~~tuXalization prqcess.. Among ..
other things, we should try to eliminate tli((h,uge pa~kJQg of cases. and proactively seek,, ..
', out those who are soon eligible for citizenship' uh:der the 1986 aniilesty: 'If we assist this ..
rather large (over a million) group to achi~ye ~iti'zenship, th¢ Qeneficiaries of our efforts
will remember the party that helpe,d tl)~m ~~(it. · ·
·
'
';••
.
j•
. 4. This may sound iike a broken rec()rd, b~t cit bears tep~'ating: we must move
quickly and aggressively to stay ahead of th.e· \\rave on this issue. In adqition to Governor
Wilson and Senator Feinstein~ dozens of. CQngressqteril,be~s ~re eaget to own thissubject.
We need a tough, compreh(!risive. policy th(lt truly cli,rt~ils:·illegal imffiignition while
treating people fairly and reinventing· the· !jyr~aucr~cy. P~operly ·dorie,, w.e could
assemble a broad bipartisan coalition in Congress arid receive the ov~rwhelming support·
of the voting public. Our new INS chi~f has writtep about this subject for years. She .
knows what to do. This administration· sl)ould give her the green Ji~ht for bold action.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
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DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
re: Thoughts for Your Breakfast Tomorrow (3 pages)
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2006-0460-F
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,..
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�THOUGHTS FOR YOUR BREAKFAST TOMORROW
1.
Experts are looking to hear an overarching theme and to
sense that this Administration has a coherent, strategic
vision for its foreign policy.
In short, to quote Norm
Ornstein, "We wan~ to know the fofeign policy game plan."
Unfortunately, the experts I spoke with who attended the
dinner at State did NOT come away convinced that we have
such a gameplan.
The feeling was that we are comfortable
with "ad hocery" and that we are content to say that the
post-Cold War era does not lend itself to an overall
strategy and theme, and we will simply have to make policy
case-by-case.
Most foreign policy think~rs are NOT prepared to accept the
notion of an Administration without a central, overarching
strategy and not ready to concede that the world simply does
not lend itself to gameplans anymore.
There is still an
expectation that we can articulate and deliver on a
long-range plan that gives people a comfortable feeling that
we are not simply managing crises, but organizing the world.
I think we can do a better job of explaining and
demonstrating our commitment to building new institutions,
new architecture -- in Europe, in the Middle East, in the
former Soviet Union, in Latin and Central America, in
Africa ... new foundations which keep the peace and enhance
the prosperity of nations.
2.
I would open the breakfast tomorrow by saying that you are
increasingly concerned about the public fixation and the
media focus on the short-term, daily scorecard, and that you
remain convinced that focusing solely on the here and now
risks missing the truly important issues that, in the
long-run, determine how we are judged.
(You might add that
the thinking behind this breakfast is the need to continue a
dialogue between policymakers inside and those who think
about foreign policy on the outside.)
I would then try to
outline, very briefly, what it is that we are seeking to
achieve in our foreign policy -- a more sophisticated
discussion of the pillars of policy but with emphasis on the
fact that we have a strategic vision and some very steady,
consistent guideposts for the new global landscape.
My own view, having heard versions of the. explanation
countless times, is that we have diluted our own message
(and made it muddy) by trying to put lots of eggs into three
big baskets which don't do justice to our agenda.
I offer,
for your consideration, a slightly different formulation.
a.
The Clinton foreign policy has focused on a set of
principles which, in no order of priority, guide our
policies.
PUTTING ECONOMICS,AT THE HEART OF FOREIGN
POLIC:Y-,-<~:oe,9c _cgn"st~ tt1:t,~-~par_t=ec9LA·?.:t~i:l.tegic gameplan
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which takes into account the changing nature of
international economic relationships and helps shape
our thinking about the need for new, regional and
global institutions.
(You can run through the laundry
list of things we have done-- GATT, NAFTA, etc.) This
President's focus on international economics sets him
apart from his predecessors.
Putting economics at the
heart of foreign policy IS an element of the Clinton
Doctrine and should. be so analyzed.
The key to this
pillar, it strikes me, is that Bill Clinton is adapting
the old to fit the new -- making 50-year-old
institutions ·work in modern times.
b.
NEWLY EMERGING DEMOCRACIES.
I think, at times, you
race through this pillar without underscoring some of
the new, innovative aspects of it.
In other words, I
think it is almost too broad a category and by its very
title does not qualify as a specific roadmap.
By simply putting South Africa, Summit of the Americas,
European integration, Haiti policy -- all in the
category of "su~port for democracy," I fear that we
water down all of them and make that pillar sound broad
and unfocused. This is more a COMMUNICATIONS point,
than a policy point.
It might be useful to be more
pointed about how we define our vision for new
democracies.
My own view is that we should make EUROPEAN INTEGRATION
more of a pillar, rather than just lumping it in with
other things.
PARTNERSHIP FOR PEACE, HELP FOR CENTRAL
.AND EAST EUROPE, CONCENTRATION ON UKRAINE and other
former Soviet states, etc. -- these are elements of a
Clinton Doctrine which is very focused on a NEW EUROPE.
People are demanding of us that we come up with new
policies, new structures, a clear roadmap.
Europe is
absolutely a part of the world where we are doing
precisely that. We need to say it loudly and clearly.
(It might be worth adding that the reaction in Europe,
particularly Germany and France, is overwhelmingly
positive to what they perceive as a very clear, very
strong European integration vision. Why is it
resonating there and not here, you might ask the
group?) If we are successful with our European
integration policy, it has the potential to keep the
peace -- a peace that so many people fought and died
for.
If we are successful with our European
integration policy, we will leave permanent structures
in place which become part of the architecture around
which the post-Cold War organizes itself. That is
vision.
(Our leader~hip on the.Bosnia issue flows from
this concern from Europe.)
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c.
Rather than make NEW SECURITY THREATS a pillar -again, I would be even clearer about saying that
this President is focused on and committed to
NON-PROLIFERATION and that we have a gameplan for
dealing with this threat of weapons of mass destruction
which involves firm, constant attention to it as we are
doing with North Korea.
If we keep working on
non-proliferation, and we succeed in getting nations to
seriously adhere to a non-proliferation regime, we
leave in place another organizing principle for the
post-Cold War world.
That is vision.
The BOTTOM.UP REVIEW, I think, we mistakenly frame as a
pillar of our policy.
It doesn't really qualify as a
strategic objective but as a means to an end -- namely,
the preservation of our force requirement to figpt two
wars simultaneously.
Even that, I fear, does not
resonate with press or experts as a global vision.
It
is a critical dimension of our military capability, but
I think we lump it into too broad a category called new
security threats.
My hope for this breakfast is that you can open with brief
remarks about the importance of dialogue on foreign policy and
the need for those on the outside to understand our strategy -and that you can lay out the critical elements of the strategy
the economic dimension, the European integration, the
non-proliferation in a way that leaves no doubt as to our
commitment to long-term planning.
The balance of the hour should
be spent listening to the seven guests and giving them a chance
NOT just to ask questions but to advance their own arguments for
the globaL vision.
I think we have not challenged outsiders
enough -- in that we let people critique without demanding
alternatives.
Last few points:
Middle East:
I would look for an opportunity, during discussion,
to mention our role in the peace process and how, again, we have
a vision of helping the parties in creating new architecture,. new
economic, political and cultural bridges -- which insure a
lasting peace ..
Russia:
I would look for an opportunity to remind people that we
have remained steady and consistent, resisting the temptation to
alter course, on our policy vis-a-vis Russia and the NIS.
We
have NOT been overly Russia-focused nor have we turned away from
Yeltsin and the reformers even when many were losing confidence.
We have truly been and are steady in things like the call for
. Russian withdrawal from the Baltics.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
SUBJECTrfiTLE
DATE
Meeghan Prunty to Bob Boorstin; re: War (-Like) Room for Health
Care (2 pages)
04/07/1993
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number: 416
FOLDER TITLE:
HC [Health Care] Task Force- War Room
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2552
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l).of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(aX3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(bX3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((bX4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in acc:ordaJ~ce.wiit~l:·~~·l¢;~~-jj;·~;i;jQ~~~~!;~.~~~;u~lirl~~i~;~ )g:~~~~~~~ or geophysical information
.-:.
the FOIA)
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon
1
�•
>
MEMORANDUM
TO:
Bob Boorstin
FROM:
Meeghan Prunty
CC:
Jennifer Smith
Jason Solomon
DATE:
April 7, 1993
RE:
WAR(-LIKE) .ROOM FOR HEALTH CARE
Summary: As I mentioned, I think we need a "war room" for the launch of our health
care reform proposal. This room would serve as the nexus of our entire health care
operation, with representation from all relevant departments: Communications; Policy;
Consultants; Public Liaison; Congressional; Intergovernmental; Surrogate Scheduling;
Press; Principals Scheduling (BC, HRC, AGJ, MEG).
•
All message and strategy would be generated/ communicated from here.
•
All outside communications (i.e., Congr~ssional monitoring, interest group
activity) would be routed through it. We could have a "hotline" for Hill contacts.
•
Rapid response capability would be a key component.
•
Our morning (and perhaps, in key weeks, also an evening) meeting would take
place here: to find out what we are all doing, what our strategy is, what our
message is, what news there has been.
Timing: I had originally thought of this as not having to be fully operational until the
plan was launched. Mter Mandy's request yesterday to get daily updates on interest
group activity on the Hill, we may decide to get it up and running as soon as possible.
Name: We all heard James say that we can't go backwards. We need a different name.
"War Room" is too common now -- it has lost its meaning. We need to signify that this
is not a re-creation of our old (beloved) War Room but an entity developed for this
specific purpose, with its own· distinct structure. Could have a contest for this. Maybe
something like "ICU" (Inter-Departmental Communications Unit) or "Emergency Room"
or "Health Security Room" (Jason) or "Special ICU" (Special Interest Combat Unit-Jennifer) and "Triage 1 (also Jennifer).
1
victims
The sorting of and allocation
of treatment
according
to a system of priorities
designed
to patients
to maximize
especially
battle and disaster
of survivors.
the number
�War Room Organizational Memo
April 7, 1993
Page Two
N~xt
Steps:
If you agree with this proposal, the next steps that suggest themselves are:
•
Consensus: Float this idea to everyone who needs to approve it (Ira, HRC?, all
people who we would expect to provide staff/be staff, Mandy/Paul/Stan?, et~ ... )
•
Room: We will have to find a really big room. It would defeat the purpose if
most people couldn't sit there.
•
Money: Where do we get the money for fax machines, computers, printers,
phones, furniture, televisions, VCR, wire machines? Also to pay staff.
·•
Who?: We will need a core group dedicated to this room. We should remember
that many people may become available as the policy work and the Tollgate
process 1s over.
Staffing Needs:
•
Focal Person: to run daily meetings, generate ideas, give final sign-offs
[Robert 0.] [Question: is this the same person that manages the organizational.
component of message coordination? i.e., a James with organizational ability]
•
Administrative: to oversee organization, functions, volunteers, technology,
supplies, mail, subscriptions, database, etc. [Perhaps Steve? He is up to speed; he
set up the database and administers the Intake Room. If this person also
coordinates things from a communications/ message perspective (like Ricki did)
then is Steve still O.K.?]
•
News: part-time from Keith's staff? Come in early and attend 8:00a.m; meeting to
give news updates on the networks, the prints, wire stories, etc. [an intern]
•
Press Secretacy (maybe 2): take press calls, take interview requests, generate
releases, etc. [Robert 0.; who else? Maybe "rental" press person from an agency
-- a 60- or 120-day appointment; manywere state press secretaries during general]
•
Press Scheduling Person: to schedule interviews [Josh? He does this now]
•
Congressional monitoring: Both to monitor C-Span as well as go to the Hill for
hearings and press conferences [maybe Nestor or Stu or people from that shop?]
•
Surrogate scheduler: To fill all press/media requests as well as carry out proactive surrogate strategy. [Alan? And an intern]
•
Rapid Response/Opposition Operation: to respond to Congressional counterproposals and attacks, interest group attacks, etc.; will involve policy [Christine,
Atul] and communications [Jason, Me, Robert 0., the additional staff we have
discussed] and congressional affairs [key person with deep knowledge of Congress]
and Public Liaison Office. DNC can also help from research end
ONCE/IF WE HAVE SIGN-OFF, LET'S HAVE A MEETING TO DISCUSS
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
David Lew to Robert Boorstin; re: A Proposal to Improve
Communications in the Clinton White House (6 pages)
09/07/1994
P5
002. memo
Bob Boorstin to Mark Gearan; re: Job Description/Suggestions (4
pages)
06/1811993
P5
003. memo
Michael Waldman to Mark Gearan; re: Planning/Coordination (2
pages)
06/22/1993
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boors tin (Speechwriting)
OA/Box Number: 416
FOLDER TITLE:
Communications Department- Structure
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2553
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI
P2
PJ
P4
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(J) of the PRA)
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) ofthe PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(I) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(J) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) ofthe FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) ofthe FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions ((b)(S) of the FOIA]
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in acc9rd,3J!~e wit~~;~4 R.SS;. ' ; .-- :.i,is~~-(~)!~elejlse~o-~lY,'ai~lo~ological or geophysical information
2201(3).
i · ·. d;-:A.~~;.:.JE~'-- -- · 'f ---'c-onceriiiiig-~~~~S'I(b)(?)'hr the FOIAJ
RR. Document will be reviewed upon req!Je~t. . r['!', "- '. c.·. : -, .- •• _,
_ _ ,, , _ • •
;;.:j
i;!::Ji.---.
'1-~:. P!NJQ~':I:;IBRA~Y:J?HOTOCO?Y
<r,:it
'iJ:!\f-<:!'1
�... __ .~
..
.
-----~· _
·-·-.-. ___ ·_.___
SEPTEMBER 7, 1994
MEMORANDUM FOR ROBERT BOORSTIN
OFFICE OF COMUNICATIONS
FROM:
DAVID LEW
INTERN/VOLUNTEER, OFFICE OF GEORGE STEPHANOPOULOS
ROOM 415 OEOB, x6-2950
SUBJECT:
A PROPOSAL TO IMPROVE COMMUNICATIONS IN THE
CLINTON WHITE HOUSE
SUMMARY
One of the key challenges now facing the Clinton Administration
is centralizing and reporting the Administration's policies and
accomplishments to the public. Currently, policy information is
scattered throughout various offices of the White House, making
it difficult to-locate an accurate and authoritative source of
information. This problem directly hinders the Administration's
ommunications efforts, both internally and externally. Policy
nformation needs to be consolidated into one office to allow
asier access to the Administration's position by White House
taff, the public, and the media. The creation of a Foliaq'
D
osition Tfeaaq:l:ilarteFs office would serve as an excellent vehicle
~communicate the Administration's message to the public and at
the same time, improve access to policy information within the
Clinton White House.
BACKGROUND
Currently, I work in t e Office of George Stephanopoulos as an
intern/volunteer. My m in responsibilities are to write wellresearched and succinct! articulated positions of the
Administration on behalf f George Stephanopoulos for virtually
all matters concerning the dministration's foreign and domestic
policies.
I have worked in ~he White House for over eight months
now, previously serving as a hite House intern in the Health
Care Congressional Relations
fice. As a result of having
served in the above two office · I believe that I have gained a
somewhat wider perspective of t
foreign and domestic policy
issues facing the Administration ~han most interns or volunteers.
During my term, I have noticed a c man problem cited as a major
concern to the White House. After aving attended numerous White
House intern speaker events, many hi -level speakers have
indicated the following problem which is hindering the
Administration's efforts. Specificall , it is the seeming
inabilit of the Administration to carr its messa e and
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accom lishments to the
blic. Several senior officials in the
Administration have ackno edged that the White House could do
better in communicating its olicies and accomplishments to the
American people. Here, I wi
describe this communication
problem in detail and offer so e suggestions on how to overcome
it.
PROBLEM: THE LACK OF A CENTRAL POU CY POSITION OFFICE
In the course of researching the off'cial policy positions of the
Administration, I have found that man White House staff membe~s
are unable to state clearly the posit1on =or the Adm1nistrat1o on
a1n 1ssue. Mos staf mem
s 1
o e have told
~ that they ~ten receive outside inquiries by phone or
correspqndence which concern the Administration's policies.
However, these staff members are invariably unable to access the
necessary policy information without going through considerable
red-tape.
In my case, even though I work in the office of George
Stephanopoulos, I still have encountered surprising difficulty
obtaining the informatio that I need in order to write a precise
and thorough response to c stituents and government officials.
Time after time, the White H se offices I .contact have referred
me to another office, which th
refers me to another, and so on.
I believe this is because very
w people feel they are in a
position to state the official po icy or they simply do not know
the correct and authoritative poli
If someone working for the
Senior Advisor to the President has uch difficulty finding out
the Administration's policy on curre
issues, there is no doubt
that the average person on the street r people in the media have
more difficulty in obtaini~g accurate
licy information.
Ideally, one should be able t
call the White House Press Office
and access the press briefings ontaining the official policy
. position of the Administration o a certain topic.
Unfortunately, however, these pre
releases are categorized by
date, not by topic. Therefore, unl ss one knows the date of a
specific press briefing when a parti ular policy was discussed,
then it is very difficult to find an uthoritative source of the
Administration's position.
~ l~('.
\
G7\11 ~
.J\'\\UnJ_(l '
SOLUTION
()_
·~ ~~t a~v~.1i"
All White House
should have the ability to
instantly know where to a
e official policy positions on
[ any topic once it has bee
As sho
above, part of the
~reason why the Administrat
s constant
plagued by
misreporting and misunderstanding by
media is because there
seems to be no authoritative office
at can readily access and
report the Administration's offi · 1 positions.
This alarming difficulty in tracking information on the
Administration's position suggests that a central "Policy
''
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Position Headquarters" ( H) office be created. The White House
has all the necessary poli
information it needs within the
complex. The challenge is I eating the accurate and
.
authoritative policy informat'on - information which is currently
scattered throughout various d artments. Policy information
needs to be consolidated into one place for easier access by
White House staff, the public and the media. The main advantage
of a PPH office is that it can serve as an information-clearing
house which can rapidly respond to any inquires concerning the
Administration's offl 'al position.
[j
The main responsibilities f the Policy Position Headquarters
office would be to request
d obtain the current positions of
the various offices within th White House.
I would recommend
that a· "staged approach" be us d in initially creating this
office. For example, for the f st few months, the PPH should be
made available for internal use
only the White House staff.
If it is successful during this t 'al period, then its operations
can be gradually expanded to inclu
providing information to the
media and the general public.
-,
The Policy Position Hea uarters would probably require a small,
but efficient staff (five eople, at the most) composed of
perhaps two full-time staff orkers and interns or volunteers.
The facilities of a PPH offi
would include a co~puter, printer,
telephone, fax, and file cabin t to cull and organize all the
various documents into one plac . The director of the PPH should
be someone with good political and interpersonal skills,
~
preferably possessing a legal background since much of the
~nformation would have to be cleared through the General
c~unsel's Office.
The PPH d~·
ector should also be able to attend
-~~0 1 ~\~hior staff meetings and rep t directly to either the President
~\~~~.~ran Assistant to th Presiden .
t
.
~.~~w
~~~ ~~w This office should not be onstrued to be one that makes policy.
~~~
Rather, it should be an offi e that reports the current policy
'\ \~ positions of the Administrati
to whoever needs this
~~~\t information. If there is a poi'cy change, then the PPH should be
~-~~~
informed of this change. This n w policy information could then
~\\ \
be disseminated throughout.the Wh'te House by u~ing the EOP
'~\~1 network (OASIS system E-mall), new letters, or 1nternal memos.
"\)~'
'\
currently, a "Statement of Official Policy" series does exist in
the Presidential Correspondence Office. But, it only covers
domestic legislation which has already passed.
It does not
include foreign policy issues, nor does it include domestic
issues unrelated to legislation, such as the Administration's
position on the problem of AIDS.
I believe that the Clinto Administration
benefits of having this typ of office by
"War Room" during the electi
campaign.
the War Room not only served a a central
has already seen the
the successful use of a
The difference was that
policy-making
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headquarters, it also
center of information where one could
gain the most current and o~cial stance of the Clinton team.
A SUCCESSFUL PAST EXAMPLE OF A POLICY POSITION HEADQUARTERS
In the Reagan White
use, the Public Affairs Office essentially
served the function o
Policy Position Headquarters. The
Public Affairs Office co sisted of six staff members and it was
one of the few offices in he Reagan White House that made
extensive use of interns.
was subordinate to the Office of
Communications and was run b a Director who also held the title
of Special Assistant to the Pr sident.
The Reagan
Public Affairs Office carried out
many vital responsibil1 'es: it responded to all public inquiries
to the White House on pol' y and past accomplishments. Besides
its reactive functions, thi office also had proactive
responsibilities, such as pro cing "talking points," compiling
various statistics, and puttin out a newsletter called the
"White House Economic Bulletin." This monthly newsletter was
designed to answer journalists' qu stions about the
administration's economic policies.
The Public Affairs Office also produced an annual 100-page report
entitled, "The Reagan Presidency: A Review of the First Year."
This report mixed a list of Reagan's activities (for example, all
72 of his meetings with foreign leaders) with a summary of the
year's major accomplishments in terms of the economy, defense,
and other domestic and foreign affairs.
Although the information produced by the Public Affairs Office
admittedly put the Re gan Administration's policies in a
favorable light, there can be little doubt that this office
effectively helped Pres ent Reagan convey his message to the
public. It is indeed no ccident that Reagan was also known as
"The Great Communicator."
or your review, I have attached at
the end of this memo some pa es from the 1988 EOP Telephone
Directory showing the Office o Public Affairs (p.3) under the
Reagan Administration White
.)
·
A USEFUL BUT UNDER-UTILIZED RESOURCE
According to the Executive Office of the President (EOP) Library,
a database which utilizes software called "Basis +" already
exists but it is not yet available beyond the EOP librarians.
This database is an on-line source of White House press-releases
which virtually anyone on the EOP network should be able to
access.
Staff members could type in key words or subjects and
view all the official statements by the President or Press Office
on a specific subject.
Unfortunately, the software is not user-friendly and the EOP
librarians are among the few people who have access to it. The
efficient use of the database depends on the cooperation of the
�r
Press Office in providing press releases in a timely and thorough
manner. The good news is that with the right software, this
technology can be used more extensively by White House staff.
The Press Office has already requested access to this information
in their office.
I would suggest, however, that a meeting be
heid to discuss the needs of other potential White House users
and providers of this software and that a requirements analysis
be taken.
For example, all correspondence offices within the
White House could make great use of this new kind of technology.
Obviously, budget considerations would be key in determining the
best s'oftware package for the White House. Once this database is
fully implemented, it would be an ideal resource for the Policy
Position Headquarters office.
TEN ADVANTAGES OF HAVING A POLICY POSITION HEADQUARTERS
1. Any White Hou~e staff member can instantly find out the
Administration's position on a specific topic. This will save
time and eliminate the frustration of waiting for information to
be sent or being co stantly referred to different offices.
-
2. A PPH can make ful use of today's new information technology,
such as the under-util'zed EOP Library database mentioned above.
The White House can the use the PPH to demonstrate the practical
benefits of employing an information superhighway, an effort
which Vice President Gore would be likely to support.
3. More than any previous A ministration, the Clinton White House
has had to depend on interns and volunteers to.staff their
offices due to budget cuts.
y utilizing a PPH, interns and
volunteers can confidently res ond to outside inquiries on the
Administration's policies if th need arises.
4. In the same vein, new. interns nd volunteers will be less
prone to embarrassing the Administ ation when fielding questions
on the Administration policies. TH's is particularly important
when their full-time staff supervis s are temporarily away from
th~ir desk or on leave.
Consequentl
the image of the Clinton
White House would be shielded~rom th unnecessary public
criticism of using, many inexperienced nterns and volunteers.
5. In the past, too many individuals in he White House have
claimed to represent the Clinton Administ ation's position to the
media without obtaining proper authorizati n. With a PPH, the
Administration can offer one central and au horitative position,
thereby reducing the number of conflicting
ports and helping to
dispel the image of a chaotic White House.
6. Media organizations will be able to immediat ly access a
central office which will provide accurate and t'mely information
on the Administration's policies and accomplishments.
�······,,.,
7. Concerned' 'tizens can call or write to the PPH to find out
what the Admini
specific issues.
8. In the past,
often been in the position of
reactively respondin to criticisms of policy. This gives the
impression to the pub ic that the Administration is constantly on
the defensive. By pre ring talking points in advance, a PPH can
proactively defend the K ministration's policies before the media
or public has an opportun'ty to attack them.
9. A PPH will ease the resp
Office and the
other pressing matters.
sibilities of the staff in the Press
o that they can concentrate on
10. A PPH will allow all White H use correspondence offices to
write better issue letters which uthoritatively state the
Administration's current policies
d past accomplishments. In
the past, several citizens have com ained that they have
received impersonal form letters fro the President or other
members of the White House. The Clin n Administration can avoid
this kind of unnecessary damage to its eputation - and actually
enhance its image - if it uses more issu policy letters instead
of form letters.
CONCLUSION
·~,
. ,,
'··~
If a Policy Posit1,on Headquarters office is created, the Clinton
White House will h~~e
taken a significant step towards improving
its internal access t, policy information and enhancing its
public image. This pr Rosals can be implemented by using the
resources already available within the White House. They only
require better organizati
and a dedicated staff.
Even if a PPH is not feasibl at this time, there are still a few
simple ways to improve the in rnal access to policy information.
I would specifically suggest th t the Press Office begin to
categorize its press briefings b date AND by topic. This would
greatly enhance the usefulness of ~hat office for people both
within and outside the White House.
I have spoken to several White House
various
offices who agree that a PPH could rna
a positive difference.
If you feel that this idea has any mer t, I would be more than
willing to discuss it further with you.
It cannot be stressed
enough that the Administration needs to guarely address this
critical challenge of communicating its p icy messages to the
public and making the public more aware of he Administration's
past accomplishments.
--~A:,~~iJ~7,:~~~-- ,_:~~~ ~~.~.~~._-_ ·~~~1;~:-~]
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····--··-··
MEMORANDUM
TO:
FROM:
DATE:
RE:
Mark Gearan
Bob Boorstin
June 18, 1993
Job description/suggestions
Job description
Save for the ten days preceding the State of the Union, I
have spent about 90 percent of my time trying to coordinate
communications and policy on health care. My charge is to design
·and help implement a consistent message for the health care
reform program. Last month, HRC asked Jeff Eller to coordinate
the message efforts. Specifically, I:
• run a daily 8 a.m. health care policy/communications
meeting that brings 10-15 people together to review schedule and
events, relations with interest groups and Congress, policy
progress and related matters;
• act as the chief spokesman for health care (previously for
the Task Force), answering questions from the major papers,
magazines and networks and arranging background briefings;
• act .as edltor for all health~care related materials,
including remarks by the President, HRC and Secretary Shalala,
talking points for Congress, etc.;
• work w~th Congressional leadership staff and members in
developing and explaining a message;
• attempt to make sure -- by organizing meetings that bring
our consultants and policy staff together and by having constant,
direct input~- that-:the_pol:j;cy development process takes into
account political rea.;t.i~y,; also, in developing my role as
"special assi~tant for pblicy coordination," try to help make
sure that all Q.gE3nciesjdepartments are brought into decisionmaking process;
• meet with various health interest groups, particularly the
larger alliances and those associated with mental health, to
discuss communic_q.tions and policy matters.
In prac~ice, I e;pend a lot of my time on the phone with
reporters. 1,: have deve];oped regular wo:rking relations with those_
assigned to health eare, ~n addition to a numbei: o.f White House
reporters, some of whom I helped during the c.ampaign. I also
spend a lot of time l:n meetir1gs that address specific health care
policy matters or communications calendarjstrategy.
'
.
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�Outside of health care, I have served as an editor for
Administration materials and speeches. During the run-up to the
state of the Union, for example, I edited the OMB book that was
sent up to the Hill. I also occasionally help out David by
editing speeches or statements for the President. Finally, I have
spent many hours trying to make sure that the young people who
worked on the campaign ended up with jobs in the Administration;
this has wound dovfri in recent weeks, though I feel a particular··
responsibility for those who worked in the policy shop.
Job suggestions
The Communications Department has suffered from a lack of
administrative oversight and from a failure to coordinate its
.long-range activities. We track some issues very closely but lose
sight of othe~s (i.e. national service,· immigration), resulting
in mixed or nonexistent messages. We have done a miserable job of
responding rapidly to the Republicans and opposing interest
groups. In addition, there is little or no coordination between
domestic and foreign policy messages.
Our external communications failures are grounded in
dysfunctional internal communications in the.Executive Office of
the President. Simply put: people don't talk to each other.
Meetings don't include relevant parties. People don't show up at
meetings, and_then countermand decisions. Decisions are made,
remade and then reversed. Communications with legislative affairs
and cabinet affaii;,s are miserable at best. The result is
confusion, botli in m~ssage and pol:i.cy.
Perh"-ps our biggest administrative problems are in
speechwritlng ~nd ~es.ea:J;:ch which, ironically, have our biggest
talent pools. The speechwriters deserve respect, authority, POTUS
face time, and more inp'llt into the message. Research needs to be
completely reoriented.
$ome of the things we might do:
·• Establishment of sensible internal meeting times and
attendance ·for the entire White House. Podesta's shop should
maintain a master dal~nc:iar of meetings and attendees, with power
to add representatives o~ departments or agencies that have not
been inolud~d. People .wl).o don't show up to meetings should be
aliowed tp send dei;mti~s.
• Divif:):ion of respopsibility among communications staff
based on issue a-rea. Staff would be teamed with a policy and
legj,.slat:,ive f;t~ff, -member to form a core team charged with
developing message and monitoring progress of issue. These teams
would prodl:}.ce.weekly issue updates, taking-into account
developments and deliver'ing warningf) on upcoming problems. They
would a:J.,-so make oceasi.onal presentations to WH senior staff,
brief spoke~pe,ople ~rid eoordinate with agency public affairs
departmeh·ts. · TJ:iey would · also coordinate -..,. with scheduling,
politieal,. public liais;on; etc. -- events for the principals that
touch on that par:td,.cul"-r area.
�To lighten the load and expand people's opportunities,
communications representatives should include Voles, Jones,
stone, and Curiel.
• Development of an "issues calendar" that would track
issues and highlight potential conflicts. One person should be
given responsibility for making sure issue teams deliver timely
reports and should make assignments (like Ricki does now) for
strategy memos, talking points, speeches, Q & A, backgrounders,
bios, etc.
• Weekly planning meetings that would involve, at a minimum,
Gergen, Stephanopoulos, Gearan, Myers, Dreyer, Seidman, Waldman,
Boorstin, Romash, Kusnet, Steinberg, Begala, Grunwald, Greenberg.
Cruci~l issues could be updated.
• Regular meetings with heads of Cabinet public affairs
departments and maintenance of clear s.chedule of major
announcements and policies.
• Establishment of rapid response "war room," similar·to
that being planned for health care. (I understand that personnel
changes are in the works already.) Failure to have rapid response
capability led, to some extent, to the death of the stimulus
package, Guinier-, etc.
• Refashioning of dai~y 8:30 a.m. meeting, to make sure that
deputies from each department attend and that short presentations
on the progress of issues are made. These meetings have devolved
into daily recitations, with some departments regularly missing
out (i..e. eabinet-) and others not sending high-level reps (i.e.
legislative.)
• Establishment of a targetting operation. Right now, it is
impossible to get necessary information from legislative and, in
turn, impose;i}:)1e for Eller's shop to focus its efforts
geographic:ally. Internal commu11ications with the legislative shop
are lousy.
'
• Establishment of official communications deputy for
personnel 0r de:Legation of this task t0 another area (i.e.
Ricki). As we all knc:>w, personnel has been at the heart of our
communicatic:>ns trc:>ubles.
• Inereased background briefings on issues, particularly
with groups c:>fnetwork reporters and correspondents and "tong"
members.
• Presence 0f .P9;ticyf<::ommunic:ations person on all trips to
accompany the press and provide our spin and background on issues
under diseussion. Exampl,e: Sperling on deficit reduction t:rust.
• Integrat;ic:>n c:>.f foreign pol;i:cy message with domestic
message. This i~ a poten~ial:ly ha2;ardous and c:c:>mplicated
c-·: .. 1
·:~r.:~~~~~~~:~:~~:~~~·!J
i'·:> (1 ; ., "LiNTON LIBRAR.V·PHOT0c6i>Y .:;:li· ·.,·:]
r· · ·~.;~;~,:-~".~2>.:~ .,~...;,, ;=· >-·~G~ :.I
�undertaking, but we have not developed an easy to understand
"Clinton doctrine" that is in line with our domestic themes.
• Integration of foreign policy events, announcements or
developments. Our haphazard approach threatens to bury domestic
events that we want to stress or to highlight foreign policy
issues that we could muffle with domestic pronouncements.
• Immediate hiring of a fifth speechwriter, perhaps with
foreign policy experience.
·
• Weekly planning meetings with speechwriters and Gergen,
Stephanopoulos, Gearan, Dreyer.
~ Monthly meetings with POTUS and speechwriters, preferably
held in conjunction with upcoming major speeches but with time
reserved fer general discussion.
• Continued presence of at least one speechwriter on each
POTUS trip.
• Reorganization of research to orient it towards rapid
response and compilation of materials for 1996.
• Establishment of research data base on POTUS actions and
statements, with search function based on Lexis/Nexis style key
words. We must have the ability to immediately access this
information.
(-.~~~4,··:,.;'~~~~~:~:<::~~1· - ~.:.:il
; :.: . .,.l~, >~TQN pBRARY PHOTOCOPY ·i'•:jl ·~ 1
f.
·~&~~~~~
~Fil~'>~-~~-~-,~~(.~~·c;,~~.i.:..:M, r~;~ J
�June 22, 1993
MEMORANDUM FOR MARK GEARAN
cc:
BOB BOORSTIN
FROM:
MICHAEL WALDMAN
SUBJECT:
PLANNING/COORDINATION
I believe the planning/coordination effort could be very
exciting, and is .very much needed. I don't know how much
progress you made on thinking this through after my departure
last night, but here are a few thoughts about how it should be
structured.
* As I mentioned last night, I am particularly concerned
that this has the potential for being very nebulous -- a recipe
for frustration. This process will only thrive with empowerment
and access. Without these, it could be a grand exercise in
wheel-spinning. This needs to be done under the auspices of, and
with the input of, someone at a Gergen-Stephanopoulos-McLarty
level. (Even with that, this will require considerable
diplomacy.) And it can't work unless the people involved are
given access to the fora where priorities are set and decisions
made. For this to happen, we need your leadership and advocacy.
* There are, in my view, several distinct roles that are
inadequately filled, and that could be properly undertaken by the
communications department (as well as elsewhere in the White
House).
• Traffic cop --We've gotten better about this,· but the WH
still lacks the ability to prioritize and order policy
initiatives. This entails things such as executive orders,
new proposals, scheduled speeches to organizations, etc.
• Message cops -- Even at a non-presidential level, there
needs to be a more effective infusion of Clintonite ideology
and priorities.
• Issue tracking -- As discussed, the planning operation
should systematize the tracking of what the departments and
cabinet councils are doing, for our informational and
planning purposes.
• Lona-term calendar/block schedule -- The compilation and
updating of the long
• Injecting a "communications" sensibility early into the
process of issue development -- Especialiy for those issues
that are the next major campaigns or projects, we should
r-F~~--rr;/f::~~~;;;;~~~~~~"<~~;~;i
·c~ 1: ):.I}{t¢N'Lii3RA.R::Ypfi6To(5b#Y';}·i~ "d
\:.;;~~~~t.;···~-~~;~~~.<::~:._~ ~~ti;~..F~ ·~.... ~._,;~?tt~.~· .-.:
�have communications input early and continuously. Either
the people involv.ed in planning can play this role, or. they
can ensure that someone is doing it. (Consider reinventing
government; that could be me or Bob, or it could be Marla.)
* We shouldn't get too caught up in structure at first. A
good first step would be to think of it as a task-oriented
project-- e.g., weekly updates on what's going on; working on
and implementing a master schedule and plan for the next six
months.
As for Bob's idea of tripartite "teams" that work on the,
various issues, I think that they probably exist already to a
certain degree. To the extent they don't, however, it is a pipe
dream to seek to reorganize other people's shops (e.g.,
legislative) to match this model.
�Withdrawal/Redaction ·Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
David Dreyer to Donald A. Baer & Gabrielle M. Bushman; re:
Random SOTU Thoughts (l page)
01123/1995
P5
002. memo
Todd Stem to Don Baer; re: State of the Union- January 18 Draft (2
pages)
01119/1995
P5
003. memo
Bill Galston to George Stephanopoulos et al; re: State of the
Union/The President's Vision (2 pages)
Ol/05/1994
P5
004. memo
Bill Galston to Don Baer eta!; re: State of the State of the Union (3
pages)
Ol/04/1994
P5
005. memo
.Bill Galston to George Stephanopoulos et al; re: State of the Union
(2 pages)
Ol/03/1995
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number: 419
FOLDER TITLE:
SOTU 1995- Inside Memos
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2564
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - !44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- (5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
Pl National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) ofthe FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIA]
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in acc~rdaiic-C'witlf~1,4 U:S:C~;: ..- ;_;~::.:~b(9rRelease"'WOiil~:al~~~e'~ological or geophysical information
r
j(. :/!!~":-~""'"'"-"<:-~:>- - ·' ~--clincerruiig-:wens ((b)(9) .~fthe FOIAJ
2201(3).
·
RR. Document will be reviewed upon requ~i(
i ·1· '· '
'
· • -· ~~-·1!''::.~-(,
r;,.~)~.
~, -~1
WT.ON~LIBRARY PHbToCopv2.~·~1 . ~l:
��THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
January 19, 1995
MEMORANDUMFO~DONBAER
FROM:
·SUBJECT:
TODDS~~
State of the Union -- January 18 draft .
-I've made a few interlineal comments on the attached copy of this draft. I also have a
larger, structural concern about the speech. I realize the train may. be too far down the track
at this point, but I thought I'd give it a try anyway.
You have framed the speech around three principles or goals -- the new economy, a
new kind of government, a new covenant -- but the principles lack narrative context. I think
the speech needs to tell a story about what the President came here to do, what he has done
so far, and what he still intends to do. And I think that story needs to be told in a way that
rings true to people's sense of who Bill Clinton is and that shows him 'standing for things-things quite different from what Gingrich and company stand for. For example:
"I came to Washington two years ago with three overriding goals in mind. First, to
revive our nation's economy and prepare it to lead the way toward a new century of
expanding growth and democracy.
Second, to put the interests of ordinary, middle-class Americans front and center for
a change, rather than asking them just to accept what trickles down from the wealthy
or just to foot the bill for programs aimed at ·helping others. That meant to me that
we would have to make sure that Americans on Main Street, not just those on Wall
Street, enjoy the benefits of a stronger economy; that the children of ordinary
Americans would get a better chance to go to college or get trained for a job; that
their neighborhoods would be made safer; that their health insurance would be made
secure if they lost or changed jobs; that I would work day in and day out on the longneglected problems of middle-class Americans.
Third, I wanted to implement a new vision of government -- a government that was
leaner and more streamlined; one that was courageous enough to tackle problems that
- require government solutions, but wise enough to get out of the way when states or
private citizens can do better; one that was tough enough to demand responsible
behavior from any citizen looking for a helping hand; one that reflected and
encouraged the age-old values and virtues of this great land. In short, I came here
believing in a middle ground between those who think government is the solution to
every problem and those who think eliminating government is the only solution.
�"Now, I know better than anyone that, as we have charted our course these past two
years, the sailing has not always been smooth. We have done wme things well and
we have made some mistakes. But let me say to you tonight that we have made·
powerful strides toward realizing the goals I was sent here to accomplish and that,
while. much remains to be done, the state of our union is far stronger than it was two
years ago. And let me also say that, where we have not yet succeeded, we will keep
working at it, keep testing, keep trying because if there is one thing I learned from
my mother, it was never to give up and if there is one thing I learned from the
example of our great President Franklin Roosevelt, it was that if something doesn't
work, try something else."·
[Then I'd discuss what we've accomplished and where we're going within this
framework. (I) First point would discuss real deficit reduction without gimmicks -the only kind that counts; opening markets for American goods; strong
macroeconomic performance regrowth, inflation, lowest misery index, etc. And I'd
do foreign policy here too. We've put our own economic house in order, we're back
at the top economically, we're leading the way toward· freer markets and freer
nations. Russia. Middle East. Korea. Haiti. Disappointment in Bosnia, but
working at it. It may be counterintuitive to put foreign policy this high up, but I
think that, above all, people want the President to be presidential and that it would be
a good thing for him to stand strong, addressing the big picture first, both
economically and globally.
·
(II) Second point would discuss our efforts to put ordinary Americans at the forefront
--again, first what we've done and then what we're proposing to do. What we've
done: increased jobs; EITC tax cut; college loans and school to work; crime; effort to
reform health care, etc. What we are going to do: Middle-Class Bill of Rights;
health care (first steps).
(Ill) Third point -- role of government, under which we could discuss our vision of
what government should and should not do (tackle problems rather than leave them
neglected, a Ia Bush, but streamlining, cutting, reinventing all the way). Discuss
REGO (what we've done, what we're doing). Lobby and campaign reform. New
Covenant-- responsibility and opportunity. Welfare. National Service. Community.
Values.
Let me also mention one other point. Leaving my own alternative ideas aside, I think
we are at some risk in the extent to which we are mirroring David Osborne's recent article.
First, our three principles -- new economy, new kind of government, new covenant -- are
exactly the ones he outfuies. Second, our language on p. 3 about being in the middle of a
great crossing, as full of peril and opportunity as any in our history, moving from Industrial
to Information age-- is virtually lifted right out of his article. I worry that we're setting
ourselves up to be whacked by the press.
cc:
v
Dreyer, Galston, Boorstin
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
RESTRICTION
001. draft
re: Outline/Draft #I - SOTU (partial) (1 page)
n.d.
P6/b(6)
002. memo
Bill Galston to Don Baer et al; re: State of the Union Outline (6
pages)
01/08/1995
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number: 419
FOLDER TITLE:
SOTU 1995- Outlines/Language
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2563
RESTRICTION CODES
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) ofthe FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b )(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA)
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
2201(3).
( .. ·:~::~~;o·~- :~~-~;~~..,2:~-:~i~~~f!fi'i"{~l~J<?X9·):~f the FOIA)
··.if:-<~··· --..~·:···
it ." )
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
!.~:;;·.
·
. ;. "' :.
c'j· ~- ·~·- -:~. . ~~ . -.: ·
'
··
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.::~~:~·:!;!.
·~1
�January 8, 1995
TO:
Don_Baer
George Stephanopoulos
Mark Gearan
David Dreyer
Bob Boorstin
Stan Greenberg
FROM:
Bill Galston
SUBJ:
State of the Union outline
In response to Don's request, I've sketched a rough outline of
one possible approach to the State of the Union.
I've tried to
track our conversations as closely as possible, but I haven't
entirely screened out my idiosyncracies--as you'll see.
Guiding assumptions
The American people have not given up on the Clinton presidency.
They want the President to succeed--whenever possible, in
fruitful partnership with the new Congress. They are willing to
listen attentively to the President on January 24th, but oQly if.
he has something fresh and compelling to say. The State of the
Union may well be our last chance for a very long time to command
the attention of the people as a whole. We cannot hold anything
back.
This speech must comprehensively lay out the President's
public philosophy and the agenda for which he will fight during
the next two years, in a manner that both addresses the people's
concerns and respects their i~telligence.
Principal purposes
1. to enhance the stature of the President. To do this, he
should: situate the speech in a broad historical narrative and
constitutional tradition; strive for a more elevated rhetorical
tone than usual; offer a vision of the future; demonstrate
devotion to the common good by pursuing bipartisan
cooperation whenever possible, praising Republicans for good
ideas; and show strength by specifying the fights he is willing
to wage.
2. to address the defining issue of contemporarypolitical
life--the role of government. The President should close the
book on the New Deal, draw the line with conservative
Republicans, and build the foundation for our affirmative
program.
3. to strengthen the President's credentials as the champion
of Americans working to stay in the middle class, and of those
struggling to enter it. The President should identify with the
concerns of the middle class, promote its interests, and defend
its values.
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~LIN-TON·~LiBRAitY PHOTOCOPY: ;e1i~ :' ~1
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�4. to offer clear and compelling responses to the three key
areas of public concern today--economic anxiety, social
disintegration, and political dysfunction.
Basic structure and flow
1. Introduction
* Constitutional continuity: "I appear here to set forth
the State of the Union, as have XX of my predecessors.
The
stability of our public institutions is one of our greatest
resources as we face the profound changes now sweeping our
country--and. the world."
* Constitutional responsibility: "I come here in
fulfiilment of one of the constitutional duties of the President.
As we engage in the work of democracy during the ·coming year, it
is fitting that we recall the underlying purposes that animate
our public institutions and our national life." One possibility:
read and expound the Preamble, focusing on phrases such as "a
more perfect Union" (contemporary meaning: overcoming deep social
divisions) and "secure the. blessings of liberty to ourselves and
our Posterity" (contemporary meaning: we have a responsibility to
future generations, not just to our own well-being in the
present).
* Constitutional authority: "I appear here as the
President of all the people, duly elected for a four-year term.
The Founders in their wisdom established a system of separated
and divided powers, in which three distinct entities--the House,
the Senate, and the President--representing the people under the
Constitution must find ways to agree if the people's business is
to be done.
I intend to be an active partner in the conduct of
that business.
I will make full use of the powers of my office;
I will do what I think is right. And in the end, the people will
be the judge."
·
* The middle-class test: "In considering each proposal
and each piece of legislation that comes before me, I will apply
one simple test: Does it advance the interests of average
families? Does it support their values? Does it build their
future? If it passes that test, I will support it; if it does
not, I will oppose it. I will say 'No'. to any policy that serves
only the special interests; and 'Yes' to everything that promotes
the_common good."
2. Description of our current situation
"There are many positive elements in the current state of
our union.
Our nation is at peace; the economy is growing; jobs
are being created at a rapid pace; inflation is in check; the
federal budget deficit has declined for three consecutive years;
and some of our gravest social ills, such a violent crime, seem
finally to be responding to the outcries of an outraged people.
Yet you, the American people, are not satisfied with the
state of our union. And rightly so. While employment is
growing, family incomes are not.
Too many of you are working
harder for less, with far less job security than your parents,
c-:~~~:};~~i:,~~~~~:;x;:.~~~- .:.,::;!
f,ri~ . ' rfidNT6NrtiBRARY PHOT080PY: ~~it .';~l
r.·· . . ~~~~~v.,~.,·.,.-,.~t~:~.-·~"·"~"~"':;t.~~~,~?">;~!i :. ·l
�enjoyed. While our society is freer and more respectful of
diversity than ever before, too much of our society--starting
with families and neighborhoods--is in disarray. And although
our public institutions have made great progress in addressing
many public problems over the past generation, from civil rights
to the protection of the environment, government is too often
inefficient and ineffective, even intrusive ~nd
counterproductive, in its efforts to do the people's business."
3. Explanation of our current situation
* In this section, the President should offer an
explanation of the forces producing the changes that are
disturbing to the people. Some possible elements: the end of the
Cold War; the transition from an industrial economy to an
information-based economy, and from a relatively closed economy
·to a global economy; a social revolution in which the exercise of
rights outran the acceptance of responsibility, and in which the
expansion of individual liberty weakened the bonds of community.
The President could then go on to say:
"When I took office just two years ago, our nation was
uneasily poised between joining and spurning the new economy.
Since then, we have made an historic opening to the world.
I am
proud of the way in which Democrats and Republicans worked
together to pass NAFTA and GATT. There can be no turning back.
But while America as a whole is better off, the same cannot
be said for all Americans. Without an expanding and confident
middle class, neither our society nor our political institutions
can function as they should. Restoring a system that rewards
.those who work hard and play by the rules, that balances the
dynamism of the new economy with security for families and
communities--that is the principal challenge we face on the
threshold of the 21st century.
We need not, we dare not, be mere passive observers of the
forces that are reshaping our _world. We can master them, with a
compelling vision of the future we want, with an updated
under~tanding of what government can do--and cannot do--to build
it--and with a clear agenda of action."
4. The President's vision of the future
* In this section, the President should lay out--in broad
strokes--his vision of the America we want to build for our
posterity.
Some possible elements of this vision include:
o a restored civic foundation of strong families and
vibrant neighborhoods
o schools that children can attend in safety, and streets
that citizens can walk without fear
o full and equal opportunity for all Americans to get all
the education and training they can use, to have access to all
the information they need, and to go as far as their talent and
drive can take them
�o an economy with jobs for ali who want to work, with
steadily rising incomes so that our children can look forward
with confidence to a batter future
o citizens who do the work of citizenship: who take
responsibility for themselves and for their families, who depend
upon themselves to the maximum and upon government to the
minimum; and who involve themselves actively in political life-obtaining information, engaging in dialogue with public
officials, making judgments about the policies that affect them
o a society in which our diversity is a source of
strength, not division, in which American can engage in frank
dialogue and .productive cooperation across their differences ·
o an America that is open to the world, in a world that
is open to America; an America whose most important exports are
the ideals of democratic governance and individual liberty
5. The President's understanding of the role of government
This section should begin with a strong statement of the
President's belief that while we need the revise our
understanding of the role of government,· there continues to be a
valid and important role for government in our national life:
"To all those who say that government is the problem and that
eliminating it is the solution, I reply, let us pause to reflect.
Social Security, Medicare, unemployment insurance, the GI bill
and student loans, clean air and clean water, equal civil rights
and voting rights for every citizen--all these and more are the
fruits of modern government.
In our desire to curb the excesses
of public power, do we really wish to tear down these historic
achievements? That is not what the American people want; that is
not what I was elected to do; and that is what I will fight to
prevent, with all the energy I possess ~nd with all the powers of
my office."
This section should then continue with the President's
conception of the appropriate role and conduct of government in
contemporary circumstances. Some possible elements include:
* Self-reliance: government should do only what the people
cannot do for themselves.
* Community: government must work in partnership--not
competition-~with the voluntary community organizations,
including religious institutions, that constitute our nation's
historic and distinctive strength.
* Devolution: the national government should do only those
things that cannot be accomplished at the state or local level.
* Reinvention: whatever government does should be c~rried
out in ways that minimize costs, complexity, and bureaucracy and
that respect the people as beneficiaries and as citizens.
* The common good: the national government ought to do those
things that serve the interests of all the people (that promote
the "general welfare") that must be done by government rather
than by individuals, business, or voluntary organizations, and
that must be carried out on a national basis.
�6. The President's agenda for the 104th Congress
In this section, the President should lay out his agenda to
build a better future for average families.
They could be
organized under the headings of the three key public problems
discussed in the earlier section.
*
To address economic anxiety:
o the Middle Class Bill of Rights
o lifelong learning (take credit for past achievements,
pledge to defend them against Republican efforts to gut the
federal role in education and training)
o the increased minimum wage (if the President has
endorsed it)
o health care reform
*
To address •political dysfunction:
o political reform agenda--lobbying, campaign finance,
and so forth
o governmental reform--accomplishments of the NPR to
date; downsizing proposals to come in the FY 199 budget; REGO II
*
To address social disintegration:
pregnancy
o welfare reform; national campaign against teen
o defense of the crime bill; perhaps some special
emphasis on school safety
o the quiet success of national and community service
o strengthening the role of religion in public life;
passing and enforcing the Religious Freedom Restoration Act
7. Cooperation when possible, confrontation when necessary
In this section, the President could address areas of
possible agreement and cooperation with the new Republican
majority as well as specific issues where he is prepared to draw
the line.
* Cooperation: this could track the remarks the President
made at the beginning of the bipartisan leadership meeting last
week.
o a wild and crazy idea: if a bill the President
supports receives final passage in both the House and Senate by
the 24th, could he sign it during the State of the Union, with
.. ~~~~~~~~•:43;~~~~~;:;.~3:,i,c~;~~~~f~:l
:..· '.~~~LINToN tiBRARY PHGtOtoi'v. ~:l+;.':';:j
·.
·. \~~~;,~ -·~·::·'"::."'~'-.'(1~tr<c .,,.~~" .;,;,·:~;St4; ·.!
�appropriate commentary?
perfect.
Sl--the Unfunded Mandates Bill--would be
* Confrontation: While complimenting the Republicans when
they do the right thing, the President should draw the line in a
handful of key areas.
Some possible examples:
o "We must reduce the tax burden on our hard-pressed
working families, but I'll fight proposals that aren't honestly
paid for and that would explode the deficit."
o "I'll work with the Congress on reforming our health
care system, but I won't accept massive cuts in Medicare."
o "I'll listen carefully to any new proposals for making
our streets and our schools safer, but I'll fight any effort to
repeal the Brady Bill or the ban on assault weapons."
o "We need to end welfare as we now-know it, and the
proposals I sent to the Congress last year would have done just
that.
I'll work with the new Congress and with the governors to
get it done this year, but I'll reject any proposal that would
mean hunger and misery for millions of our children."
8.
Valedictory on civil society and citizenship
The speech should end with the thought that the solution
to our problems cannot be found--and should, not be sought--in
government alone.
It falls to each of us--as parents, as
neighbors, as participants in community groups and religious
institutions, and a citizens--to do what is in our power to
improve the part of our society that we touch most directly.
The
President's Renaissance Weekend remarks on responsibility, the
work of citizenship, and the spirit of community represent a
promising point of departure.
Concluding reflection
As always, the drafters of this speech will have to make choices
about the length, content, and placement of the segment on
foreign policy.
I have not addressed any of those issues in this
memorandum.
r;,:·j~~-~~~~'":~Jt:;:~
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Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
RESTRICTION
001. notes
re: Handwritten Notes- SOTU (3 pages)
1/20/1995
P5
002. notes
re: Handwritten Notes- SOTU (4 pages)
1/19/1995
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
OA/Box Number: 419
FOLDER TITLE:
SOTU 1995- Meetings
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2562
RESTRICTION CODES
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. SS2(b))
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(J) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information [(bXI) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute [(bXJ) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) ofthe FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for Jaw enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA)
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in acc~Ydl!IJC~witli}4;U:s:c;- ; _-: ,:;;;;-~~Ii(9fRel~f(J1!!~to~ological or geophysical information
f. --. J(£-::tf:~~"'-""-~"7 --- ,~--ro-ncerning-w~i1s;i<li)(9,)~of the FOIAJ
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECTrfiTLE
Todd to David, Bob; re: SOTU Six (1 page)
01/22/1994
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number: 419
FOLDER TITLE:
SOTU 1994- Draft #6
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2560
RESTRICTION CODES
Presiden~ial
Records Act -(44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. SS2(b)]
Pl National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute [(aXJ) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute ((bXJ) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIA]
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in acc?rdi!~C~~ith~44:u:s:<;::. ·-·~·~~~(~):Rele~se;\~'if~t~:d~ii:!ose geological or geophysical information
2201(3).
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..
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To:
Fr:
Re:
Da:
David, Bob
Todd
SOTU SIX
January 22, 1994
I -like the way you have retooled this and I think the new first
page is qUite good. A few points:
•
stickinq national security in the middle of the section on
the economy strikes me as a biq mistake. Most important, it is
very confusing and jarring to go from economy to national
security and then suddenly find oneself back on jobs. In
addition, it is weird to make National Security a subheading
under_the Economy, if that is what you're really intending. It's
.fine to move economic issues onto the center stage of our foreign
policy, but it's not fine to suggest that national security
occupies a lower rung on the Clinton ladder.
•
We have a line on p. 10 that. says "You'll pick the health
plan and the doctor of your choice." This sounds great and I
know that it's just what people want to hear.. But can we get
away with it? Isn't the whole thrust of our health plan to steer
people toward cheaper, HMO-style providers? It's one thinq to
say we'll preserve your option to pick ·the doctor of your choice
(recognizing that this will cost more), it's quite another to
appear to promise the nation that everyone will get to pick the
doctor of his or her choice. And that's exactly what this line
does. I am very worried about getting skewered for overpromising here on something we know full well.we won't deliver.
•
Maybe it doesn't fit, but I'd love to see a little more in
the values section about how devastating the explosion of
illegitimacy is. How we know that nothing is more destructive to
the development of solid American values like respect,
responsibility, care for others, hard work, etc. than the
breakdown of traditional two-parent families. And that we must
therefore put government on the side of fighting against that
breakdown, rather than·encouraging it. There's a little bit in
welfare section on this, but not big and clear and direct.
•
In the conclusion, when we recap the challenges facing us,
we have to m~ntion something foreign. Otherwise, we're just
feeding the notion of the Potus as a domestic President who
defines his challenges strictly in domestic terms. I think this
would be a major error.
cc:
Gergen
Gear an
�I
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Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
JP to D2; re: Cleaning the Laundry (3 pages)
n.d.
P5
002. memo
Leon Panetta & Alice Rivlin to John Podesta et al; re: State of the
rL~
Union Address (4 pages)
01/04/1994
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number: 419
FOLDER TITLE:
Sotu 1994 - Cabinet Requests
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2558
RESTRICTION CODES
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
PI
P2
P3
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Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
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'
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information ((b)(4) of the FOIA)
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PRM. Personal record misfile defined in acc~rd~~c~·with~:IJ·S.. C:_-· - 0;\:..:-· ---~~);~~~ou.l!l;d~!~s~-gfological or geophysical information
2201(3).
• . ,, ·
t~'· ... ;tl>,;-;~\'''·~c:~~" · · ... : o;:... . o.con~ermng.wells-[{1:1)(9)_ofthe FOIA)
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1;'1;;,· ;
~
'
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''1 :L l.';INTON -LIB
. , ;-,:~;.o ·~;~:!
'
�TO:
D2
FR:
JP
CLEANING THE LAUNDRY \
At- each Cabinet listing you will find up to three types of
potential issues:
One. Those that would be argued for if they were left out
but which I expect you will be touching upon.
Two. Those which I am pretty certain will not be included
but will be argued for.
Three. Suggestions as to how you may want to inoculate the
draft from a Cabinet member by addressing an issue through
the chosen themes.
·
REICH
School-to-Work-- no matter what's included about Reich's issues,
he is almost certain to argue for a mention of this, probably
directly to the President.
CISNEROS
The Cisneros submissions are surprisingly vague, but I expect
that he will make an argument about Homeless programs; he has
been especially out there on this issue since Yetta Adams' death
and minces no words about it being a "presidential priority."
However, I think that you can do a lot of Cisneros appeasement
with an Empowerment Zones reference ~- and you can do that in a
crime, job creation, job training, or education section. Every
federal agency came up with dollars and programs that will be
targeted to the zones, including community police, reemployment
services, etc.
RILEY
You'll be in good shape here.
BENTSEN
I'm sure the speech will include a significant Trade section; I
wouldn't be at all surprised if Bentsen doesn't think it's
enough.
He also clearly signals that he wants (I think he'd argue needs)
a boost for his proposal to Consolidate the Four Banking .
Regulators; he's under heavy fire about this from the Fed and
he!s lookin' for that old sotu feelin'.
Bentsen also wants an endorsement of the International
Development Banks.
�Finally, he may argue for a mention of our opposition to the
Balanced Budget Amendment; if he does, I expect he could persuade
some people because it has such an obvious health care
connection. The President clearly needs to make a strong
statement about this in the near future; but, personally, I think
it would definitely weigh down the lift of the health care
section, and probably get it's own graph/mention in most stories.
Besides, are we going to ... ?
Finally, although this isn't what you asked for, I think that his
suggestion that we acknowledge what the President has already
accomplished for health care is a very good one -- the debate is
~~l now about what kind of reform, not whether we should have reform.
\r
SHALALA
She will certainly argue for mention of children's programs: Bead
Start, Immunizations, WIC, and EITC. Of course, you can
certainly include Head Start in the education section, and I
expect that EITC will be included in the welfare section.
BABBITT
Still the champ.
O'LEARY
As you know, her playbook is not in code. We are looking at
Nuclear non-Proliferation right up the middle.
BROWNER
As you indicated, she will definitely argue for a mention of the
Cabinet Status Elevation bill. If/when that doesn't pan out, she
may argue for an update of last year's "get the lawyers out of
Superfund" reference. Apparently, she has a Superfund·Reform
Package ready to go.
J. BROWN
.
.
The first issue he mentions is the special benefits of Health
[ Care Reform for Veterans. As you indicated, this is probably
worthy of mention. I expect he will be more than pleased with
that.
SEGAL (Rick Allen)
There is no question that National Service will push hard for
inclusion in the speech; there is virtually no question that
whatever mention is made ~11 not satisfy them; and there is good
reason to believe that th~r, arguments will carry significant
emotional weight with the President. You don't need me to tell
you this.
GIBBONS
Gibbons' submission doesn't lead me to believe that he will make
a very serious case for including any particular initiatives; I
certainly can't imagine many people arguing that Clean Cars,
which he singled out for special recognition, is SOTU material.
�On the other hand, I think his mention of our developing
Environmental Technology Policy is a decent indicator that some
may argue for a mention in order to kill a few birds with one
immaterial paragraph.
L. BROWN
I -assume he has no worries.
R. BROWN
Guesswork: He will be looking for technology policy as well,
particularly TRP. It's his hook to more money and stature.
He is, of course, interested in trade as well -- and the Trade
Promotions Coordinating Committee is his baby. While this
alphabet soup board is obviously not worth mentioning by name,
perhaps its principal product-to-date is: the relaxation of
Export Controls is right up the trade, new global economy, new
global buddies alley.
r:;
l·
- -~A~~~;~,.;_~~~~ -~- --~~:-~5J
~~·\c ).~i.Nt6N LiBRARY PHOTOCOPY. /i~:i} .·:·,. 1
:-: ;:~·--~~: . .·~": :.'7"'-"":>1:::~~.1._-~, t'; :"."t·_·~
.....
~,~~..-~:...:----.:"'1· ·-.::_;.(,:}~ ·•· !
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
RESTRICTION
001. letter
To FLOTUS; re: Country's Health Care Problems (2 pages)
02/21/1993
P6/b(6)
002. memo
John Podesta to David Dreyer & Bob Boorstin; re: State of the
Union/Health Care Positioning (1 page)
01/2311994
P5
003. memo
Jason to Bob; re: State of the Union (partial) (1 page)
01122/1994
P6/b(6)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
OA/Box Number: 419
FOLDER TITLE:
SOTU 1994- Health Memos
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 1736
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - (44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act -(5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) o~ the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(J) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advis"rs (a)(S) ofthe PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIA(
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(J) ofthe FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions ((b)(S) of the FOIAJ
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accl)r!J,ancewith.,.44JJ;s:~;.:. · ". ,.,:;"=-~~~(9).~f.lease,·W.oiil~'"~i~l.ose geological or geophysical information
2201(3).
;: · :
_1
,;:~;';f?t"'·'c?:~~....., ~-- · 1- ~ ·'-cilDC'erningwellsJ(~)(9)'pf the FOIAJ
f{T. ·., : . . . , .:.' . ,, . -. , .
.
.
· • :' ·it
·~
RR. Document will be reviewed upon reqJest~
. it,;.
'~j '~<. :L1NJ:ON.LI~RARYPHOTOCQPY
:.t•!\ . i
�January 23, 1994
MEMORANDUM TO DAVID DREYER AND
FROM:
JOHN PODESTA
RE:
STATE OF THE UNION/HEALTH CARE POSITIONING
I am probably the proverbial voice in the wilderness,
but I think the health care veto threat in the current SOTU draft
is playing the other side's game.
It seems to me that this draft
lays down a marker in a fight between us and Cooper, when the
real fight is going to be between us and Dole. Doesn't laying
down this line in the sand help Dole round up the 41 votes he
boasted this weekend he would need and he would get to stop us
from implementing national health reform?
.
.
Dole has given us a huge opening off of which we can pivot.
People are sick of sides squaring off in Washington. We can use
the speech·to not only attach the special interests who would
benefit from blocking health reform, but also those who would do
it purely for partisan reasons. We can lay down our principles
and ask the center to resist the calls of partisanship and
ideology.
Instead of a pen, we can offer a hand to work
constructively to seek a practical, comprehensive solution which
guarantees every American health care that is always there and
can never be taken away.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
Todd Stem to Dreyer, Boorstin; re: State of the Union- Draft 3 (2
pages)
.
01115/1994
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number: 419
FOLDER TITLE:
SOTU 1994 - Draft #3
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2559
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)J
Freedom oflnfDrmation Act- [5 U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(I) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
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an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
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information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
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C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
financial institutions [(b )(8) of the FOIA)
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misnle defined in accord~nce 'Yit!J:~4-y.s.<::;, .. ·:· .~~~..::..::~:¥t~).;_l_~el~~,~e'~.~-~~~:d!s~J?s~ g~ological or geophysical information
2201(3).
i ·... 1 ·• .: . Jfi.",;11!~~;-;,.,.,(!!<'~~· · -,-~. concermn~.we1ls [(~X9!:~f the FOIA)
.. ((:f ,, ..~,~:··4 ,; ., ;.··: ... , "''· . ~, .. ·. . .. , . . : . ......... • t~[\;:.:f;,j
·
RR. Document will be reviewed upon requ~~~:
~(,,1,
.'1
• YlN1'QNL'JBRARYPHOTOCQPY·j:!h,\\;.;c•,!
�To:
Fr:
Re:
Da:
Bo~tin
Dreyer,
Todd Stern
State of the Union -- Draft 3
January 15, 1994
I think this is a major step forward. Much better framed,
more of a story-line, etc. Very good work. Here are a few
thoughts, together with a copy I've marked up a bit.
Structure: Foreign Policy and Narrative
I'm not sure it's going to work to have your main narrative
line ("America is a nation of ••• , we've got to regain, restore,
renew, etc.") after two pages of what we've done and where we're
going on foreign policy. I'd rather mention the trip, as·you do,
maybe adding a graph or two to embellish it, and then segue, as
you do quite gracefully, into the narrative (pivoting off of
"seeing America as others see us") -- but saving the real foreign
policy discussion for after the thematic America stuff, which, by
rights, should be setting up the whole speech, foreign policy
included. I just think it's going to seem jumpy and confusing to
do a full foreign policy treatment and then move back to the
overarching theme.
I'd also still do foreign policy last, for the reasons I
discussed in my comments on draft one (and on the assumption that
you'd have already discussed the trip a bit at the top). But
even if you want to keep foreign policy first, I'd still get your
narrative structure set up first.
The "America is a nation .•. " Litany
What bothers me here is that we haven't given voice to what
people's concerns are. You say America has always had the sense
that next year will be better or has always had a commitment to
the ideals of liberty and opportunity, etc. and that we must
regain or revive these things. But what makes you think that
people feel that they have lost them in the first place?
I think people have very real worries and concerns, but I
don't think they conceive them in these abstract terms of losing
their belief in liberty and opportunity, or their quality as
searchers and discoverers, etc.
I think we need to talk about how people's concerns in ways
that they recognize -- so they think, 'yes, he's putting his
finger on it, he's in touch with what I'm worried about'.
Otherwise, we lose an opportunity to connect.
l
So I'd talk about how people in this rapidly changing world
are feeling uncertain. Worried about the future. With the sands
seeming to shift under our feet. The assumption that our
children will have it better off than we did no longer seems so
.,- -··,;(,t~~:;;~~;~;,;~~~;~~~;'~jf~:i,,~\
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\;~"'~~~~~>';; :~ ...:· ···c,S.<c ·~~;~:" ,.,rf\;;:?"': ::~'::::~U./1!;'' . I
�sure. Nor does the idea that if we work hard the basics of the
American dream -- a good job, owning our own home -- will be
available. Jobs that once seemed secure -- blue collar and white
-- don't anymore. An increasingly integrated global economy can
seem threatening. Health care that once seemed secure no longer
does. Violence makes us all feel unsafe in our own communities,
etc.
You're assuming anxiety and the anxiety is there, but I
think you need to describe it in ways people relate to.
Forcing the spring metaphdr ("early shoots" etc.) p.2
Forcing the spring was a fine metaphor for the ceremonial
beginning of a new Administration -- now I'd move beyond it.
First, this occasion is different (speech before Congress,
reporting on the state of the union, more of a working than
ceremonial feel). Second, people now know the President in a
completely different way than they did last year at this time.
would try to feed more into the positive image people have of
him.
I
Rather than talking about "early shoots struggling to break
through" talk about the groundwork we've laid, the foundations
we're building, whatever -- something that ties into people's
perception of this guy as smart, willing to tackle the toughest
problems (in contrast to Bush and Reagan), persistent,
determined, committed, working-like-hell, never~giving up, etc.
It's always easy for political candidates to brag about how
they'll fight for ordinary people, but Clinton really does and
people think that he really does. I'd try to feed that image
more.
Page
9,
graph 6
"I know you will do the right thing." There's a tone in
this that I think will rub Members wrong. I'd say something like
"But I know that you and I together will meet this challenge and
pass the right bill."
"but I have .•. this pen ••• " I don't like him bragging about
the power of a veto pen. I do like the veto threats in the
previous three graphs, but this is overkill and it's not who this
President is. His strength and power, as distinguished from
Reagan and Bush, is different. So I'd use the threats but lose
the bragging.
Page
9,
graph 7
"I want every one of you to stand up ••. " I'm undoubtedly
outnumbered here, but I think this is-Mickey Mouse. I'd talk
about a pledge, but I wouldn't make Members stand up -- they
won't like it and I think it looks gimmicky to viewers.
�Withdrawal/Redaction .Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. paper
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
.· n.d.
re: Summary- State-of-the-Union Research (4 pages)
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
OA!Box Number: 419
FOLDER TITLE:
SOTU - Research/Groups
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 1743
RESTRICTION CODES
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Pl National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal s~atute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P~ Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
· an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in acc~~d~n~~'with~~4J:I;~;<:;;~:~. _~: :~~~~;J!i9~~!!~!i~~~li_l,r~,~¥!os~ eological or geophysical information
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�Withdrawal/Redaction· Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. speech
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
re: Samuel Berger, Deputy National Security Advisor to the
President- RemarkS on Haiti- National Defense University (extensive
edits by Richard Clarke) (10 pages)
0113111995
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
OA/Box Number: 420
FOLDER TITLE:
(Samuel] Berger- Haiti Speech - 1131/95 [2]
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2569
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act -(44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act -(5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to.the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) ofthe FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal'statute ((b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) ofthe FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIA]
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordiln~~-~ith,~~JJ:~-C._ ..... .,.... . , --~QJ) . ~~Q.Y.Id"d}s~!o_s~ geological or geophysical information
'·
220](3) .
.
.
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{1:;·: _.,,,,,.,1 :_~~-. . -::-::-C::'j':' ... c?~cer.mng.we S!~:! .
RR. Document wtll be reviewed upon requ~~.t:.: .. ·. r:,·
ti'1\ :. ;:;~: .
!'rr ·
·<. ;· •"-'': .
· ~~~ -~.--~ ·· ·:·,:,....
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�1/26/95 3 p.m.'
SAMUEL BERGER
DEPUTY NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISOR TO THE PRESIDENT
REMARKS ON HAITI
NATIONAL DEFENSE UNIVERSITY
JANUARY 31, 1995
[Acknowledgments]
·I'd like to give you a progress report on Operation Uphold Democracy-- the U.S.-led mission to
restore Haiti's democratically elected government. @is is an esp cially appropriate audience for
~ ..-<loch a report. As military officers, you will appreciate per
~
difficulties of our undertaking -- and the
P~~
you will find in Operation Uphold Democrac
~
·
s better than most people the
success we have achieved.· As students,
4J7ase study of military and political planning,
coordination and implementation, from resident Clinton -- who has been intensely engaged in
this operation from the start -;oo n to our men and women in the fiel~
0
This is also an appropriate moment to review the Operation. It was just over four months ago
that our troops entered Haiti peacefully after the military regime agreed to step down. And it was
just over three months ago that President Aristide returned to power. Now, our troops are in the
midst of a draw down.· Soon, they will hand over their responsibilities to a United Nations-led
mission. So it's a good time look back at what they have accomplished, and to look ahead to the
long, hard work that remains to give Haiti a lasting chance at democracy and stability.
Before I talk about where we stand, let me remind you how far we've come.
0
�2
~
Four years ago, a military coup
jet·
.
.
aiti's newborn democracy, replacing it with a violent
regime that crushed opponents brutally and caused thousands of Haitians to flee toward our
shores. For three years, the United States and countries around the world tried everything short
of force to remove Haiti's illegal military regime and restore its democratically elected
government. It wasn't until the regime knew that our armed forces were on their way that they
agreed to give up power peacefully.
I would ask you to think for a moment where we would be today if we had not acted last
September:
•
The military regime would still be in power, terrorizing the Haitian people;
•
Tens ofthousands of refugees would continue to pose a threat to America's borders and to
�3
Instead, we kept our word. President Aristide, Haiti's first democratically elected leader, has ~
·..to,.;~~
returned to office. I!!aiti' s parliament is functioning. A sense of security has replaced a
climat~'(J ,
. fear. The private sOctor is starting to get back on its feet and the rebUilding process has begu~.,f.
"""-f.
And our region is more stable and
secu~
"'N!. · ~ '-
~~.?
Those are the facts. And they add up to one basic conclusion: Operation Uphold Democracy has
~
·.succeeded beyond what just about anyone would have predicted four months ago._
.
.
/
.
L~rllo AIJ~
\
~4 V'A.JL ~ ~
1(..6
ff..
Each phase of the operation -- from the planning to the intervention to our work n th"{/g~-<>n,;
has, to date, achieved
it~ major objectives. Let me say a few words about each o those phas~ .
~
-;tarting with the planning process, which I witnessed from the inside.
d'/;.tJ
"t.. ~
~41ct-~·
~~
The so called Principals' Committee-- which includes the National Security Advis , the
Secretaries of State and Defense, the Chairman ofthe Joint Chiefs and the Director of Central
Intelligence-- met for the first time on a possible Haiti intervention in the Spring of 1994. They
charted out a road map to intervention that we followed carefully for the next several months.
The Joint Chiefs and the U.S. Atlantic Command were charged with military planning. They went
o ;work without interference from the White House or other agencies. Meanwhile, various interagency working groups gathered regularly to map out post-invasion strategy. We sketched plans
to disarm the military and the militia, restore parliament and return President Aristide, and a
C(:
.
.
timetable for getting our troops out once a stable environment had been secured in Haiti.
�4
·As a result of this detailed planning, by the week of September 12, our armed forces stood poised
to remove the military regime and restore President Aristide to his office.
That brings us to the intervention itself And the one fact we should never forget is that, at a
moment of acute tension, with our troops ready to roll, President Clinton showed what I believe
was an extr~ordinary example of leadership. As he put it at the time, "it is the responsibility of
any American President to pursue every possible alternative to the use of force to avoid
bloodshed and the loss of American lives." So the President dispatched former President Carter,
·former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs General Powell and Senate Armed Services Chairman Sam
Nunn to Haiti to give the military regime one final chance to agree to step down peacefully.
President Clinton's use of diplomacy backed by force saved lives while achieving our objectives.
Our troops entered Haiti through an open front door without firing a shot-.,.. instead of being
forced to kick the door down and do battle with the small but well armed Haitian military.
The initial success of Operation Uphold Democracy is also a tribute to our military's flexibility -and to the detailed planning I described a few minutes ago. We were able to quickly recall the
massive assault force that was on its way. In its place -- and within just hours of reaching
agreement with the military regime -- we sent in troops, carried by the Eisenhower battle group,
to keep the peace, not to make it.
'>3.r~~:i,;~~~~~(;:~1~--~~~j
~~-
"
.
..
. r) ,
1\.o . 'JNTQNLIBIU\~YPHOTOCQPY. t~ll. ,:1
1
-~·~~~~·i·~~~;.. ~:~--~-~-~~.i-. !~~~~~:;.~~-~l"7~·b·.\ .:..~~~:l~ ' l
�5
I know that some of you already have looked carefully at the mixing of our four services in
Operation Uphold Democracy -- an innovation that will be a model for future military planning.
For example, army helicopters flew off of a Navy aircraft carrier for the first time. Had it not
been for this kind of creative cooperation, it would have taken many more hours, if not days, for
our troops to be on the ground.
Our first three weeks in Haiti focused on creating a secure environment for President Aristide' s
return. Without going into too ntHl"detail, let me remind you of our military's
r~
accomplishments in that short space of time: They secured Haiti's major cities and towns, helped
more than 2000 refugees return home from Guantanamo and permitted parliament to open its
doors.
As a result, President Aristide returned to Haiti October 15 -- on schedule. He brought with him
· a climate of tolerance and reconciliation that has thus far endured. Immediately upon his return,
President Aristide met with parliamentary leaders from all sides of the political spectrum to set a
common, cooperative agenda. On crucial matters -- such as the appointment of a Supreme Court,
writing a new police law and amnesty legislation, setting up an electoral planning commission and
drafting a budget -- Aristide has worked with parliament, not around them. These are all goodl~
· precedents for continued cooperation that should culminate in free elections and a more sec::J
democratic and prosperous future for Haiti.
~'
~~
~~
~
~~~
~
�6
For the United States, the road ahead is well marked out. From the very first planning meetings
~
. .
on Haiti, President Clinton made clear that any intervention would have to be of finite duration
and would have to have a clear exit strategy. The goals we set were straightforward: restore
President Aristide and establish a secure and stable environment. Because we've achieved them,
~ 1(.
we now plan to turn over responsibility for the Haiti mission to the United Nations by the end of
4-eC/]'A..
M v""'
~1}M..
March. 2500 U.S. troops will remain in Haiti as part of the U.N. contingent,
~
. the command of an American, Major General Joseph Kinzer ofthe Army.
~Mt~t.
~!J.:
The U.N.'s job is to help see Haiti through parliamentary elections in May and the presidential
.1s~~ ...
election in January 1996. At that point, the U.N. mandate will be complete, and all American ~.L ,_
V tJe.t.-v~'
troops will leave Haiti.
. 5·
~-'4ristide's
~
~
d like to focus for a few moments on
1-c:1~
~~
~-
.
return.
ur first and
~~,f
w~t ~d
.
we'
~)1.4..
in Haiti since President
[be~.)<, ~ ~<M
·
.
~~
.
.
CJ.~~t-J
forem;.~::::~r~e=m = . ~am ~~~~:tg rs~gt:t that$y and
·~ s~ 1 ge, we have succeeded.~olitical ~iolence has dropped from 10 to 15 incidents a week
1.1.~
p~., ~
~~~
11owmg t h e mterventwn to no reporte d'met ents 10ft.he enttre month ofJ anuary." mmn
.
.
.
'd
c.
.
lk.r~olence.Mo ~creased somewhat, but-- and this is a double edged sword-- the numbers compare
~•
very favora; to statistics here in the United States. An American city of I. 5 million inhabitants
~~··expect to witness 256 violent crimes per week.. Since the interVention, the average number of
can
. . e,t:t
et,<J '
fX1
~,(·~) 4- ~
J .
4-oft:'Y "'1\fA,tf
sue crimes reported per week in Port-au-Prince has been 11.
Uw~'r:~
.
A/Ut~
~·
1- fa·· · k :r~~~.-~4;~~c--·,-:'~:~
~ ail. f<~iNI2jUfilJW»_P~Y~"'' 1.& ~~ ~ ~-~-pt.d ~
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•
/·· ·.•
.
.
'i
•.
..
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�7
~-·
Our success is the result of a carefully planne , multi-level strategy. Initially, a massive military
presence served as the guarantor of peace. U.S. forces reached a peak of21,000 --including
more than one thousand Special Force --in early October. Together with their colleagues from
the Multinational Forcel they establis ed 27 bases and made their presence felt throughout the
~ ~Of\.~ ~IM/.)
country.
~~..,;;..._i--1~
~
.
t we began to draw down our troops in November [TK TK] and we now have fewer than
As the drawdown has proceeded, the other elements of our security
~~
gram have taken on more and more weight.
~?We've
made real headway in getting weapons off the street. Thus far, an
'UJJ1\ O'V\
~
(4
~ c5) tJM
'4.k o CAAtd.IJ
~~
.
~ ~ an interim public security force Jiil!;o.
Department has conducted
MNF-administe~ed
To date, the JUstice
dt,~
~ourses for 3,000 members of the interim force and jus~Y~.I. ~.
this week started to train the first recruits for a permanent force at .the new Haitian Police
~~
~
~
Academy. Meanwhile, a 1000-person strong contingent oflnternational Police Monitors from 20
[TK TK] different countries -- under the command of former New York City Police
Commissioner Ray Kelly -- has been deployed throughout Haiti. It conducts 24-hour patrols with
the Interim Police, ensuring that they respect the human rights of all Haitians and teaching them
modern police techniques .
.
.- .
•
".-.
~-~-~_,:~.·=J~~~-~:~ ~-- ~.~~~_-i·· ~j
-~ -~.-
· \~11-n~-~- LI~RA~Y PHOTOCOP~ ;X,~ ... ,j
"',~~.l":":~~~·.::""?'....'~;''":'tl.J~~.~.,.,~>:"":""f::'-·;:..~'f:':"'\,_"':_,.(."'!:' .... ~.__.,,..,J
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�8
Finally, the MNF continues to help the government ofHaiti downsize and reorganize its military.
A>U
be:.
For those soldiers being forced out of the army, we've helped establish a program for onward
employment and vocational training.
Because of these efforts, tlie fttle eflavl !Hld respect for human rights are no longer foreign to
. Haiti. Thousands of men, women and children who were in hiding or in exile during the dark days
of military rule -- from members of Parliament to clergy to entrepreneurs -- have resumed their·
normal lives. And the improved security environment has helped put the international assistanc~
(j>
~~11-,
effort back on track and sparked new economic activity.
~-~~-.
By lifting the international economic embargo against Haiti in October, we were able to
~e~ ~
the door to humanitarian assistance. In Fiscal 1995, $57 million will be used to provide critical
health care for two million Haitians, increase daily feeding programs to sustain 1.3 million people
and provide short termjobs for 50,000 people. The balance ofthesejobs, I might add, will be in
infrastructure -- repairing roads and irrigation canals, garbage collection, erosion control and
conservation.
But make no mistake, Haiti's economic problems are deep-rooted. Only a long term aid and ~
,.,.&
.~':f.
investment program will spread and deepen progress throughout Haiti. To that end, our
~~
government can help with development assistance and technical support -- and we are. AID
~
4
····-~~f:t/~;~~~~~x~~~'~'~t~~,:§l
1
'i ·-- INTGN UBRARY PHOTOCOPY )ilf · " l
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Haiti's arrears. And officials from just about all of our economic agencies are providing technic
support -- everything from counsel to the central bank to advice in the areas of agriculture,
education, the environment and job training .
. One of the most effective roles government can play is as a catalyst for private sector investment.
With that in mind, AID is working closely with the Overseas Private Investment Corporation to
provide loan guaranties for foreign investment. And Deputy Secretary of State Talbott will lead a
Presidential Development Mission to Haiti next month comprised of corporate CEOs and officials
from all our economic agencies to look for ways to spur more private investment from the United
States.
Meanwhile, the Haitian private sector is getting back to the business of doing business. Since the
· · intervention, thirty-two companies that make finished products for export have reopened their
doors, providing jobs for 5,000 Haitians, and another twenty companies will be up and running by
~he end of February. The $50 million in private sector loans that the Bank of Boston has
tentatively approved should spur more activity.
~Haiti's exports are slowly picking up. To cite just two quick examples, three American
agribusiness companies' have resumed imports of mangos and papaya. And a Vermont-based
company is once again importing Haitian handicrafts and expects to place more than $2 million
�·.
'
10
worth of artwork with upscale retail outlets in the United States this year. These small success
stories and dozens more like them mean that more and more people in Haiti are starting to reap
the tangible rewards of democracy.
Operation Uphold Democracy's success to date in Haiti does not mean there will not be difficult
times ahead. Our niission remains dangerous. And Haiti's future remains uncertain. It is still the
. poorest country in our hemisphere. Its essential infrastructures -- from roadways to the
institutions of government-- need to be built or rebuilt from the ground up. All of this will take
time. And, ultimately, only the Haitian people themselves can make democracy work in Haiti.
But Operation Uphold Democracy has given them a fighting chance to succeed. Thanks to the
brave men and women of our armed forces, Haiti's long night of fear has given way to a new day
of promise. And both the people ofHaiti and the American people are better off today for that
fact.
Thank you.
_
--
-.;:__
__.-'
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Antony Blinken to Anthony Lake; re: Council on Foreign Relations
Speech - Draft #2 (partial) (1 page)
09/02/1994
P6/b(6)
002. outline _
re: Notional Outline- Address by Tony Lake to Council on Foreign
Relations (extensive•comments) (5 pages)
09/1994
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
OA/Box Number: 420
FOLDER TITLE:
[Anthony] Lake- Council on Foreign Relations- 9112/94 [2]
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 1755
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of gift.
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Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. speech
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
re: Address by Anthony Lake, National Security Advisor - The
Council on Foreign Relations (Rob edits - new version- extensive
comments) (16 pages)
09/12/1994
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
OA/Box Number: 420
FOLDER TITLE:
[Anthony] Lake- Council on Foreign Relations- 9/12/94 [1]
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2568
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [S U.S.C. SS2(b))
Pl National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
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b(l) National security classified information [(bXl) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
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b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
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b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
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C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
· financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in acc~r(liliiCewitli i'4 ;P.s':c...: : - ;.j:~,!J(9flieiease'W~il!!!~tij~os~g~ological or geophysical information
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·. . . ... . . . .. ;: ; r:;'ll . :;•:·:'i
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4 •, LINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY.·;,.;
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by~
Address
Anthony Lake
National Security Adviser
The Council on Foreign Relations
September 12, 1994
"The Purpose of American Power"
I'm delighted to be here. And Mort, thank you for that generous
introduction.
It's always a pleasure to hear any words of praise
Still vivid in my
from a prominent member of the Fourth Estate.
memory are the times tha t~1,p.-pe·'t""rcra-s±-y happened .. -- both of them.
.
. ..
~
I want to talk to you tonight about the purpose of American power
o.fi
in the world}
chart a new course in a radically new
,re
international environment.
Charting such a course has never been easy.
While the policy of
containment looks obvious to us in retrospect, we should remember
.,,.,V~o~Att.'h
that it took President
~nd
~
Dean AcheJtseveral years to
J.;.._J...,.;./ ,·f
define their way and build a policy consensus[
And they had the
advantage of an ideologically and geographically defined
adversary with whom to contend.
Today, we -- all of us in this room ~who believe in American
engagement
have a still more difficult challenge.
We must
sense
seek to be as creative and constructive -- in the literal
of that word - - as the generation of the late 1940's.
a world of opportunity for such construction.
For
.
~0~
But we must do it
·!.-... (
•
�2
in the domestic circumstances not of the 1940's but of the
1920's, when there was no single, foreign threat against which to
r~lly
public opinion.
To most Americans, the post-Cold War era seems chaotic.
The easy
divisions of the Cold War have given way to a confused complex of
problems:
bullies.
"Traditional" threats of aggression by regional
Emerging transnational threats like environmental
decay, over-population and refugees.
A global economic and
•
but also produces fear and
rid(,f-;;;t E a()O\A
0
£ a1
i,
r"
qjrn short, for too many of our people
and commentators, we seem to face an incomprehensible chaos that
prtuurt~ ~ ~ t•orYl
(I
~
':J
cdefeats any effort a~ setting a clearly defined goa~for the
exercise of American
pow~r
and diplomacy.
wrong.~r
\t:!uj/0
I believe that view is profoundly and dangerously
...... .,.{"'
.
{rl'-. IM4 l
there is~ truth about this~ worldVA~ that
been at the heart of American foreign policy throughout the past
five and one-half decades.
£])
~at
truth is
thi~ the
ftftit4 «nd tll,~ddLom
same idea that
~under
fascism and then by communism remains under attack
many fronts at once
.crf In
attack by
toda~·,
but on
deteating .fascism, and prevailing over
coillffiunism, we were defending an idea that comes under many names
•. -.- ~/i:fl!:;i£~;;;;l:::~ ~;-,~~;~ -~-~~-~;: i:-~}~)
.. ~~]-,,_· tfutqktiBRARY J>HOT6topy' ~t~~~
.'
,
-~· .;~~~~~~~·:;~~~(~.~.f~~~~;.. ~~.~h~~ \'~~:~:}~1~·,'1-. \
..
II
�-- democracy, liberty,
,wasa:
a constant face.
civility, pluralism -- but has
It is th
face of the tolerant society, in
not to use or abuse people,
which leaders and
and opportunity, to preserve
but to provide them with freedo
.Sou.A.~ ~~CA...~ '"""~.J
individual human dignity *~ay, those societies
~
.
f rom(,..frag lle
to the mature -- remain under assault.
q' Far
'. ,-#J
\}::::,-~
from reaching the end of history, we are at the dawn of a new
\~ tue
strugglKThis is not a clash of. civilizations.
Rather, it is a
a!J.,J
contest that pits nations and individuals guided by openness,
responsive government and moderation against those animated by
isolation, repression and extremism.
The enemies of the tolerant
society are not some nameless, faceless force.
They are extreme
nationalists and tribalists, terrorists, organized criminals,
coup p1otters, rogue states and all those who would return
freed societies to the
·'\. ~ut ~M
all
r!JJ ·
intole~ant
· ·
~angers~ this new
ne~ly
ways of the past.
~ ftH@Ilfs/
worl~immense
,;.."""'",J...,...J
opportun~-
the chance to adapt and create new{security and economic
.
C,ni .. {oltl/ Wa.<; ~
realities, but are
structures that are not merely sized to
::z.wt:
specifically designed to consolidate the victory of the idea of
democracy and open
markets~
~e~
�•
+
•
·-·
...!.-'..L:~..:
4
CfThe issue for the next decade is whether our efforts at this
construction can succeed in the
forces at work within and among
nfaatc~ onsf.the~centrifug:,~,c~
~
0
nu'
because, as
~y
j
LIU/
. rA .
P(eJ,D,MJ
Democracy is at once the foundation and the purpose of the
international structures we must build.
v
f.Jl
It is the foundation
predeeecsor Zbig Brzezinski has put it,
"If one
builds ... only with bricks and mortar we will find that something
profound is missing. and the structure
may not prove enduring,
because societies as viable entities exist on the basis of
conviction, of commitment, of certain shared values."
the purpose because
~i~~n
It is also
the security structures that defend
our safety and the· economic institutions that expand trade and
\.•M.>
\. ffll chruue fo)
create job~democracy~~rish ..
We are not starry eyed about the prospects for
-JI"(J'JA-
democracy -- it will not take hold everywhere.
L.
But we knmv that
the larger the pool of democracies, the better off we will be.
l
Democracies are less likely to wage war on one another and they
c;y; , .. .,. ~ w~w- cv··~ htrrt:~M.,
.
make for more reliable trading partners.
,.,
·
e c.I\~•(LA J
rt/'..11( t)4,_ .
is the
tells us
hvt
devised.
enjoyed the
and the
We want others to
�·.'
... ·..
5
., . . ,wr ~ ~-1-kJ
It
•hiilre it-s eenefiL>.
c.t
So. we
*
ffilolO~
do all that we can
I believe that over the past nineteen months, building often on
f.,Ak~~~
the work of our predecessors, (a good start at this process of
construction.
:_~ort 1? (_)c ...;~
-t c
'-"""J)
f/1 I ~
o
c-
<A•---
To meet the new reality in Europe, we are deeply
transforming existing structures to fulfill President Clinton's
a.....rl ~f
vision of an integrated continent.
r~-c.W
While NATO remainslthe
foundation of security and stability for the trans-Atlantic
community,it must adapt to changing times so as to keep the peace
-- and,
if necessary, make the peace.
That's why President
Clinton has taken the lead in establishing the Combined Joint
Task Forces for peacekeeping and crisis management, and the
upartnership for Peace," to begin the process of expanding
security in Europe eastward.
For the new European democracies, the Partnership for Peace is
the lighthouse at the entrance to NATO's harbor, offering real,
practical military and defense cooperation with NATO.
For
Russia, the Partnership gives a boost to reformers and commits
Moscow to open up and democratize its defense forces.
While
keeping us prepared for the worst, the Partnership allows us to
~-~~;~,1~~~~~~~ ~~~7~1~:,:,)!
·1 k ~.'_: iN'foN LiBRARY PHo'foc@py: Jit ., l
.'.~;-;~~~~~~·/~':i:~~.~~~.:~~~~~·~t:'~i,;~~~<::;;~~-~:,,',]·:. !
�6
work toward the best possible outcome for Europe -- a community
of democratic and stable nations.
In Asia, because there is no equi~alent to NATO, we must develop
a series of arrangements that will function,
has put it,
ulik~
as President Clinton
overlapping plates of armor,
individually
providing protection and together covering the whole body of our
.common security concerns."
llateral
~lia,
arrangements
the Philippines__9..ll-d !±'b.ailand
1 w~th
~egiou~l
and tfie deployment of
multilateral
While the new global economy has delivered wonderful
possibilities for growth and creativity, it al~o has limited
governments' ability to control ~heir nations' economic future.
�.. ~·~
7
This has bred fear and insecurity within each of our societies -especially among those left behind, and who blame their personal
.
WIA•'4.lftr~·~•ttd
predicament on ~ ominous,~nternational force$.
There is a powerful lesson here for those of us concerned with
sustaining our country's prosperity in the decades to come.
That
is the need to design structures with the e?ery day, real
interest~
of Americans
that produce tangible benefits
for them and turn
One striking example is NAFTA, whose passage President Clinton
went to the mat to secure.
Already, NAFTA has dramatically
accelerated the exchange of goods and ideas between the United
States, Mexico and Canada.
For all it promises to achieve in its
own right, NAFTA is just the starting point for the integration
of our hemisphere.
will follow.
Other regional compacts modeled after NAFTA
And we will pursue hemispheric integration at the
Summit of the Americas, convened by the President in Miami next
December.
first ever gathering of the Organization for Asian-Pacific
. ::.·.:.:.~.'..:.
�8
The 15 APEC members account for
By setting pro-growth
policies, toppling trade barriers, and cutting regulatory red
tape within
th~ac·i~can
improve our peoples' lives.
take tangible steps to
And a heavier flow of American
will help spread the
_
the P r~ wi 11 p urs ~ i n r n d oa~e~3'M'":i'l"ta-'li<>fnT-It>¢WtJi7'"V~'
~;::e.l5,f etiif: ois:o: ~
i 3
~
integrated Asian-Pacific community)'
lot of heavy lifting, we successfully completed the GATT
Uruguay Round, begun eight years ago.
By lowering barriers to
trade and bringing·more nations into an open trading system, this
accord promises to lift substantially American wages and living
standards, and to do the same for other nations around the world.
GATT's successor, the World Trade Organization, not only will
ensure a more even international playing field, but also will
provide a forum to resolve disputes openly and amicably.
the habits of democracy and community
~
t rive.
Thus, when we
�• - ·..:~·. : ........'...J
9
support and foster peace in the Middle East or Northern Ireland
or Southern Africa, we are promoting the tolerant society as
well.
It is no accident that the enemies of peace in such areas
are also apostles of
intoleranc~
and extremism.
Effective diplomacy today -- as throughout human history -- is
dependent not only on the skill of our diplomats, but also.on the
power that lies behind it.
The progress we have made in Bosnia,
or example, carne when power
t)~(
-- implicit or explicit -- was tied to
~
Sarajevo ultimatum largely succeeded be
air power was judged real.
diplomatic ends.
The
use the threat of NATO
e catalyst for the
Ifprovided
agreement on a federation between the Cro tians and Muslims in
Bosnia, in itself a
deve~ment
of great s rategic importance
of/..L/1~ -II.J~~~~,e~ 'ftu•U /11 ~
there.
~
And I belleve Lit was the threat of further actio~ /.1 }.)14-/l).)
combined with the effect of our sanctidns, that led Slobodan
Milosevic to promise effectively to close Serbia's border with ~·
~hs
gooRian Serbs.
1f a CA.f" ~roo..d.
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~ 89&1 ef two Administration}"" HoiM Jooo. been the restoration of
60U11111r'IQ,~t,
democJ;v
.
·
·
For almost twenty months we have vigo)4rously pursued every diplomatic avenue
available to achieve a peaceful transfer of power from the coup . leaders back to the
. democratically elected
government.~ We :ave tightened
~ I mJtc~
~ p~~I( ee~
~~~· fl.!.?\"
sanctions all we can Without
~"'"'' ,l1--
.
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crushing the Haitian people. Yet the military leaders remain defiant. Their brutality, if
anything, gets worse.
Now, the international community has spoken clearly and authoritatively, through
the United Nations Security Council. Resolution 940 authorizes the use of all necessary
means, including force, to restore democracy to Haiti.
·
I beli""e there is a great deal at stake here. ~t is the essential
United States and the international
rt/Jat/,t.K
~iloilli¥ of the
communi~ving exhausted all other remedies, we
J
.~
....
177(
:.,:e~:~ha!m:~m::so:: ::;~:::=~~~:
. important not just for Haiti, but for North Korea, Iraq
an~every other r.~~= that
~.
threatens our interests.
A\ :V.. S
f
~ ~-.J. ~
--.:::;) f)v ..r c ...
...·
Second, there is a new wave of democracy sweeping over this hemisphere. But it is
not irreversible. Haiti is a critical test of our commitment to defend democracy, especially
where it is most fragile.
_
11\t cJ7 ha~ ct
.
. ~\.}---~")Third, the situation in Haiti has become too brutal to allow, especially in a nation
s~ so close to our own.
Murder, rape and intimidation are a systematic part of this regime's
.
f
Th .. . .
hild~dffJn~ili . · We sunpIy. cannot tgttefe
·
·~
retgn o terror.
e VIettlms are women, c .lren,~ pnests.
.
.
.
d;M_;,_;,t,; .. / ~~a lA ... Cd' t:•E·
brutality on this scale next doo; Without bil~ dliBlasked'ewrselveg.. • ' 0
r
•
Finally, the consequences of this festering problem will not be confined to Haiti.
· We risk an explosion}eaving in its wake a mass exodus that
prove difficult for us to contain.
So_...ia ft11
vie~ the
military leaders must go.
~~estabilize the region and
JJ.J
W,t.. ~ope
that they will do so
voluntarily. The more resolute and united we are, the more likely it is that they will. lk!t-
Thus far,
~;tf~~~~ addition to the United States have told us they will
join the international coalition in some form, and others are considering it. Additional
nations will sign up when the coalition is replaced by the UN mission.
··--
�.
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.I
Hetore starting a project, any good architect sits down with the client and asks a
few basic questions: what's the building for; what are your needs; how much time do you
~d t.4..~lA.f/~l W4lcr.IIW-k(J
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spend in each roorr? what direction do the high winds and storm fronts come from?
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c·.-~osnia and Haiti, for example, are not ....., ,
transitory tragedi~ Rather, they are part of something bigger and more menacing
threatens to und
· e the
tJW
~~ policy structures we are working. so hard to build: ft..
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�Mass migrations and refugees. The population explosion.
environment.
An endangered
A nefarious nexus of crime, terrorism and weapons of mass destruction.
These are the so-called transnational threats that our institutions must be built to
withstand, and ultimately to 4Aqtiids ~~ ·
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organized crime,
weapons of mass
Four times in the last month, police seized weapons-
quality plutonium smuggled into Germany from Russia.
We should be thankful that
superior police work and cooperation among various intelligence services - including our
own -- intercepted this deadly cargo. But we also should be concerned.
Imagine, for
example, what would have happened if the World Trade Center terrorists had detonated a
This nexus demands a coordinated, international response. Mere vigilance will not
suffice. The amount of plutonium needed to make a bomb is no bigger than a can of
Coke. Intensified cooperation among various criminal justice systems is one of the most
potent weapons in our arsenal. Over the past few years, we have greatly enhanced our
intelligence sharing with allies and through
lnterpo~
increased regular consultations, and
engaged in joint anti-terrorist training . Most recently, in July, FBI director Louis Freeh
visited several Eastern European countries and Russia, where he stressed the risks of
.
.
~
nuclear proliferation through the efforts of. organized crime and proposed new cooperative
initiatives in response.
evolve into a new
thr~!:llt"
tn.
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strufre td~~~:ki::~~}~~,J,eatest long term
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Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
OOla. email
Daniel Poneman to National Security Advisor; re: Revised TL Speech
Outline ( 1 page)
01/25/1995
Pl/b(l)
001 b. outline
re: Speech Outline for Tony Lake- Nonproliferation & Arms Control
(3 pages)
01/25/1995
Pl/b(l)
002. memo
Jane Wales to Billy Webster; re: Presidential Speech on Nuclear
Smuggling & Nonproliferation (2 pages)
01111/1995
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
OA/Box Number: 420
FOLDER TITLE:
[Anthony] Lake- Non-Proliferation Speech- [1/30/95]
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
1753
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C . .552(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(I) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b )(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) ofthe FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
.-- --·----·------ __ _•"" _ _ _ --·---~ • __ financiall!1.$titutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
PRM. Personal record misft.le defined in acc~~dim~e l'Yith~ll~~s:-,_z.,,_:¢~il(9~wo~Jd!dl~kise g~ological or geophysical information
2201(3).
i . ,Jf,:.''.- - -.·"'"'1_, . ·; . ' . concerni~g wells.[(b)(~);rif the FOIA]
,.; ,• '
RR. Document will be reviewed upon r_equw.i
. I. <I
4
·\ -.
~
"~I.'!.\}
II\
·:\IN'!6N PBRI\R~ PHOt.6c()p~· /)J -r:::j
·1'- '
··-
'
.
.
,.'"'•·!,\(<
�NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
WASHINGTON. D.C. 20506
11 January 1995
MEMORANDUM FOR BILLY WEBSTER
FROM:
JANE WALES.
.,.J
. l\}1"
/
SUBJECT:
Presiden'-E'ial Speech on Nuclear smuggling and
Nonproliferation
The proliferation of nuclear weapons materials, especially
··nuclear smuggling from the former Soviet Union, poses a national
security threat to the United States.
Failure to address this
danger could ultimately become a crisis powerful enough to define
this Administration, just as the Iranian hostage incident defined
the Carter Presidency. Media coverage of the issue, particularly
in television ~magazine shows," has been sensational, playing on'
public fears.
What deserves to be reported is that this
Administration has .a coherent, aggressive program for controlling
and accounting for Russian fissile materials, a program that
depends on modest but essential Congressional funding and
effective interagency management.
A speech by the President that
lays out his program and places it in the context of his overall
nonproliferation strategy would allay public concerns, persuade
Congressional budgetmakers, and reassure participants in the
April Nuclear Nonproliferation Review Conference of our
seriousness of purpose.
A 1992 campaign theme, this issue is in
every respect Presidential.
The following are additional arguments for assigning high
priority to this speaking request.
(1)
U.S.-Russia assistance programs are under attack on the
Hill.
The use of aid for securing Russian nuclear material is an
issue on which consensus can be built, providing the basis for a
constructive discussion of U.S. interests in Russia.
(2)
Nuclear smuggling is of deep concern to the public and
Congress.
Time magazine ran a cover story in August, the Post
and Times just ran major articles on uranium smuggled into the
Czech Republic, and television coverage often returns to this
issue.
(3)
It is high time that the Administration gets the credit it
deserves for its important accomplishments, such as Operation
Sapphire in Kazakhstan, or the lab-to-lab efforts imprpving
nuclear security in Russia right now.
�-'
2
(4) The timing is right.
The President's speech would be
delivered at a White House Forum in late March, two weeks prior
to the opening of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT)
Review Conference, in the midst of Comprehensive Test Ban
negotiations, and shortly before Congress casts budget votes,
ificluding votes pn Russian aid.
The NPT has been the cornerstohe
of international efforts to prevent proliferation for the past 25
years.
It is up for review this Spring, and there is no
guarantee whatsoever that it won't be scrapped altogether.
(5)
The location and audience are right.
The National Academy
is a nonpartisan, apolitical institution. Among its members are
the experts who have made nonproliferation policy over the years
and have been responsible for the development and modernization
o~ nuclear w~apons. Many of these are the experis used by the
media to interpret and comment on national security policy.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Bob Boorstin to Anthony Lake; re: POTUS Speeches SeptemberDecember (4 pages)
08/15/1994
P5
002. memo
Bob Boors tin to Anthony Lake; re: POTUS Speeches SeptemberDecember (4 pages) (}'-fJ· rf lJ c) I
08/15/1994
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number: 420
FOLDER TITLE:
1994 Pricipals Schedules
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2567
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
Pl
P2
P3
P4
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) ofthe PRA)
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) ofthe FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in acc~rdance w,ith _,44~U~S£;.:_.-· · : .~::~~~~)~elease:wo~l~'~iJ<;_Iose·~eological or geophysical information
: _. · · ,·:J(:;~il?''~~_f.'"'~::~·-. · ·- · , ·-.· ""Concerningwells;[tb)(9)pf the FOIA)
2201(3).
J · "-''!;::_,.__ · _.. ·. · ."'.__ . · _ _ _·. ;, _ . ;.\[\ · _);:;
. __
RR. Document will be reviewed upon req'!·es~.
1
i!y.l.t .
· ·4
· I',INTONLIBRARY PHOTOCOPY i}1j.: ··:~
�THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
MEMORANDUM
TO:
FROM:
RE:
DATE:
Anthony Lake
Bob Boorstin
POTUS speeches Sept - Dec
August 15, 1994
The President will make four or five major national security addresses between Labor Day
and the end of the year. What follows is my attempt to summarize the goals and give a
brief description of each of these speeches. It is meant to give us a sense of what's coming
and start arguments about what should be said.
Three caveats: (1) The "goals" mentioned focus on how we want the American people to ·
View the President and his foreign policy, rather than the content of policy or the intended
effect of the speech on the international community~ (2) Specific initiatives are mentioned
in passing, though they could form the bulk of one or two of the speeches; (3) The
Yeltsin and Mandela state visits, as well as other bilateral forums we create, offer other
major opportunities.
I have assumed that each of the speeches should follow up on an aspect of the UNGA
speech~ each should also be connected to a speech or speeches given by another principal
and presented t.o the media as a package. A calendar of the scheduled and tentative
speeches of all the foreign policy principals is attached.
United Nations General Assembly
September 26
Goal: To set out U.S. interests in clear terms for the American people, and to
convince the media/foreign policy elite to take a fresh look at the President's
leadership and policies.
The President should offer a clear statement of the national interests of the United
States, what they mean for Americans, and how they coincide with what is good
for the international community. This speech should be primarily aimed at the
public, rather than the foreign policy elites. It must demonstrate that we have
.:· .~ ~i~::~~~~~i·~~~~~~:?::~.i::,~~~"}~~-~:~:
.,, .JiNroNLiskAkv pflotocopv· ~~:~t;·:: :j
''~2=} :;.~,tt~<··~~.:.~:~;..~.~~"';J~;t':".i:;~~··;- .'~ '1
'
�2
made progress in advancing our interests and that -- at this century's third great
turning point-- we knowwhere we are going. It should paint a picture ofthe
structures the President sees emerging, touching on the role of the UN but not
getting bogged down in policy details. It should also deal with the transnational
threats to the structures we are building. The President could introduce an
initiative on combatting the deadly combination ofterrorists, organized crime and
control of weapons of mass destruction. This speech will be teed up by your
September 12 speech at the Council on Foreign Relations (architecture of the postCold War world); Secretary Christopher plans a September address on
transnational threats, and Secretary Perry has two speaking engagements the
previous week which could also be used.
Democracy
Week of October 4
Goal: To extrapolate on and make clear our oft-stated goal of promoting
democracy, and give the President a chance to link his domestic and international
calls for tolerance.
The speech should open with a more philosophical section, in which the President
reflects on history and the trend toward democracy. He should argue that the
United States has an obligation to continue to promote democracy (free and open
societies) throughout the world. Although we realize that not every nation will
become a democracy, we recognize its distinct advantages: stability, peaceful
resolution of conflict, civil and human rights, economic opportunity and expanded
trade. It should also -- following on the Latvia/Poland/Berlin speeches and a
Rosner-promoted "culture of tolerance" speech-- give the President an
opportunity to issue a Memphis-like appeal for an end to ethnic strife and discuss
the values that lie at the heart of democracy. This speech is scheduled to coincide
with the state visits of Yeltsin and Mandela; Russia and South Africa should be
used as prime examples. This would follow on Secretary Christopher's speech
about the U.S.-Russian relationship (week of September 19) and Mandela's
address to the Joint Session of Congress.
Asian/Pacific Security
Week ofNovember 7
Goal: To take a hard-headed look at our security interests on the Asian/Pacific
rim, and position the President as a realistic Commander in Chief who knows what
we must do to fight existing and emerging threats.
·
Immediately before, or during, the APEC conference, the President should speak
abou.t the future of the Pacific Community. He should stress security·issues,
starting with comments on the 50th anniversary of World War II in the Pacific
theater and following up on his remarks during last year's speech at Waseda
�3
University. In discussing the "interlocking plates" ofthe new security structure,
the President should address issues of regional security and the control ofweapons
of mass destruction (ASEAN and North Korea). He should talk about the
relationship between establishing security in the region and the development of
freer, more open societies and expanded economic growth and trade. Depending
on the state of play, this speech might present an opportunity to urge nations not
to whitewash the history ofWWTI, or to talk about China's position in the
emerging Pacific rim community. This speech could be teed up by Secretary
Perry's remarks on the Pacific theater anniversary or his October 27 speech to
Stanford Alumni.
Global economy
Week ofNovember 14 or 21
Goal: To bring home to Americans the advantages of our global economic
policies, revive the leadership image on these issues we created in 1993, and paint
a picture of the President's view of the world economy fifty years from now.
This address would begin with a reminder of the connection between domestic and
foreign policies, and illustrations 9fhow our economic fortunes at home (i.e. jobs).
are tied to trade and the "economy without borders. It would then turn to
history: the 50 years that have passed since Bretton Woods and the need to update
financial institutions and renew and build new structures. It would focus on
regional economic groups, linking the just-concluded APEC conference -- and the
future of the Asian/Pacific trading region -- with the upcoming Summit of the
Americas and the emergence of a hemispheric trading bloc. GATT and theWTO
would be covered. Then it would return to the benefits for Americans. This
speech might include an announcementfmitiative of our efforts as we move toward
Halifax. Note: only one major international economic speech is scheduled for the
fall: Secretary Bentsen's address to the Madrid Conference on October 4.
II
Americas: democracy and prosperity
December 9 or 10
Goal: To present the President as the strong, dynamic leader of the new Western
Hemisphere, and bring home to Americans the positive results of increased trade
and the advance of democracy in the Americas.
Keynote of the Summit of the Americas. This speech should address the three
themes of the Summit: promoting democracy, fostering economic integration and
prosperity, and pursuing sustainable development. It should begin with history,
harkening back to the ties that bind the Americas and the Alliance for Progress.
Most of the speech should be divided into two sections: one on democracy,
including a discussion of what we're doing/should do about Haiti and Cuba;
another on the post-NAFTA economic world. (The Vice President could deliver
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an in-depth speech on sustainable development later in the Summit.) The
President's speech should reach outside the audience in the hall, demonstrating to
Americans why democracy and stability in the hemisphere make their lives better,
and how the new economic structures will increase exports and produce more
jobs. The speech might also spell out in greater detail the post-NAFTA timeline
for proceeding with trade deals with other countries. There is an opportunity for
· the Vice President to address the OAS in Washington and preview the Summit two
weeks before it opens~ that address could mark the beginning of our media
campaign.
Note: Despite the fact that it builds on stereotypes, this speech would be an ideal
place to present a major hemispheric anti-drug initiative. The fact that we have
increased drug treatment and prevention funds. here at home despite budget
cutbacks allows us to pursue this. This issue has obvious politicat salience and we
have been relatively silent on it throughout the Administration. .
cc: Sandy Berger
Nancy Soderberg
Tara Sonenshine
DonBaer
�_,
:....,~::.·-·-~·-·-··_c;
Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Tara Sonenshine and Tom Ross to Mark Gearan; re: Six-Month
Public Affairs Strategy (5 pages)
06110/1994
P5
002. memo
Carter Wilkie to Don Baer; re: Major Speeches in September (2
pages)
08/17/1994
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boors tin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number: 420
FOLDER TITLE:
NSC - Public Affairs Strategy
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
.. 2566
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- (44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- (5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) ofthe PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) ofthe PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b )(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIA)
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in acc9riliUice;-witli}'l l!;s;(:,~ -~~!i:<n:~~l~se ~~I!!W~J~Jo~~:g'eological or geophysical information
i Jl':::.tf~:c::"'-'o'·'~'-~:·--:· • · · i
·· concerriing.weHs·!(b)(9fhfthe FOIAJ
2201(3).
:.
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RR. Document wtll be revtewed upon request.
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LIJ'l;!:ON LI~RAR:Y ~H9TQCOP)' · ti·j~ : ];1
�THE WHiTE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
June 10, 1994
MEMORANDUM FOR MARK GEARAN
/7(_
FROM:
TARA16NENSHINE/TOM ROSS
SUBJECT:
Six-Month Public Affairs Strategy
This memorandum lays out a six-month strategy for the steady improvement of
our foreign policy communications. The plan is organized around upcoming
events, trips and policy initiatives which provide "message markers"; points
around which a coherent policy message can be centered. We attempt in this
memo to identify what we consider to be some of the major weaknesses in the
current foreign policy communications apparatus, along with suggested
improvements. Finally, the communications plan focuses primarily; but by no
means exclusively, on the President. There is plenty of work to go around.
OVERVIEW OF THE PROBLEM:
There are a series of problems which, taken together in our view, explain the
difficulty the Administration is experiencing in successfully articulating its
foreign policy:
· 1.
Absence of a Common Frame of Reference
Despite the fact that "guidance" is circulated daily and "common talking
points" are drafted, there still remains a fundamental lack of
Administration-wide clarity on the goals, objectives and message of our
foreign policy--both in terms of individual policy areas, and more
importantly, when it comes to defining an overall theme and agenda.
2.
Failure to Communicate in Clear, Strong Terms
Neither those who make foreign policy nor those whose responsibility it is
to articulate the policy are consistently doing so in a way that
�communicates strength, clarity and decisiveness. With the exponential
increase in media outlets over the past few years, there is a daily barrage
of coverage of foreign policy. Too much of that reporting and analysis
takes places without an Administration point of view. We are, therefore,
constantly on the defensive.
3.
Lack of Coordination in the Public Affairs Apparatus
The communicators of foreign policy Administration-wide are still not
integrated into a common network. There is not enough routine structure
. to the exchange of ideas amongst communications experts at the various
agencies.
Too much happens at State and Defense without White House knowledge.
Too many journalists now find they can play one agency off another. In
short,. the communicators of foreign policy are not well-armed with
common material and not moving out in force. The communicators of
foreign policy are not engaged enough in the daily task of keeping
reporters and analysts briefed and informed about our agenda.
4.
Weak Public Engagement
The Administration is not doing enough to reach out to constituent groups
such as think tanks, foreign policy associations, former government
officials and cultural and ethnic groups. There is no structured system for
an Administration-wide campaign to flood outside experts with our point
of view and to bring outsiders into the process in an orderly way.
5.
Failure to Trumpet Successes
There is not enough pro-active public affairs efforts towards underscoring
the successes that this Administration has had in foreign policy. Far too
often we allow critics to define the agenda and let charges against us go
unanswered. There is also far too much attention given to explaining the
daily crisis and not enough attention paid both to underscoring victories
and initiating discussion of policy initiatives which are more long-term in
nature.
--.
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�6.
Weak Domestic Linkages to Foreign Policy
We have allowed our critics to draw old, outdated lines between domestic
and foreign po,licy without making a strong case for why the distinction is
no longer valid. We fail to build a strong bridge between national
security and international security' and to explain why and how in an
interdependent world it no longer makes sense to look at foreign policy in
isolation from domestic issues and vice versa.
Message or Messenger: Which Is At Fault?
· There are those who blame the message and those who blame the messengers.
We think it is a foolhardy exercise in semantics. Without a sound message, the
finest of messengers will fail. On the other hand, you can have a terrific
message which, if not properly communicated, will fail to resonate with the
public. In the end, it is a chicken and egg game, and there is no value in
placing blame in any individual comer. The important thing now is to move
away from finger-pointing and on to the task at hand--revitalizing the foreign
policy process by which those outside the Administration, at home and abroad,
come to understand what the Clinton Administration stands for and seeks to
achieve with its international agenda. With so much talent in one
Administration there is no reason why we cannot, over the next six months,
build upon successes. already achieved in foreign policy and communicate a
bold, clear vision for the future.
The next six months are critical to our effort. It is a crucial period of
re-definition andre-engagement. A successful overseas trip such as Normandy
only remains a success if it is followed by a deep commitment to explain,
explain and explain again, in simple and concrete terms, the ideals that drive our
overseas agenda and how that agenda relates to life at home. The public must
be made to see how this President is going to connect security abroad with
security at home. The communicators of foreign policy must find ways to
integrate themselves into a structure which gives voice to the President's themes
and disseminates his message in a forceful and proactive way. The time to
energize this process begins now with a strategy that capitalizes on the strength
of the European D-Day trip by laying the groundwork for the next trip.
�CONCLUDING RECOMMENDATIONS:
The next six months present this Administration with an opportunity to radically
improve the communication of its foreign policy. There are enough trips, events
and initiatives in the pipeline between now and December to build solid
messages around. The issue is how we do it.
The President cannot do it all, and cannot do it alone. But the President must
and should set the pattern and the standard for all others. The President should
not be placed in the position of articulating foreign policy on the run. He needs
to communicate our foreign policy in carefully structured and dignified settings
· on matters of great importance. Well-crafted speeches, appropriately placed and
well-timed messages, pre-trip broadcast and print interviews are some of the
ways in which the President can address foreign policy issues in a proactive, not
reactive manner.
The Normandy trip was a model in that regard and there are concrete ways in
which to build on that success to demonstrate a clear roadmap:
1.
~
~
. : •" 2.
,:· f~
1
A set speech on Asia/trade prior to the G-7 /Poland/Riga/Germany trip.
A videotaped message to the Baltics prior to departure .
An interview with a major German network and with Polish television
.
pnor to departure.
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A luncheon of 15 -- with newspaper editors from all G-7 countries plus
Russia AND with seven U.S. newspaper columnists.
,'
A Presidential roundtable on trade with _all eight Japanese
wires/newspapers which would be covered by Japanese and American
television. /\1.9 ..._~
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6.
A separate strategy for getting Principals to reinforce what the President is
doing and to take direction from him on the message.
7.
Aggressive coverage of Sunday talk shows.
8.
Outreach strategy to think tanks, foreign policy associations, media and
business groups. H~N -·?
�9.
Getting Senior Directors out as well as Assistant Secretaries of State and
Defense on talk shows. 7
,
10.
More OP-EDs and more releases of speeches in a timely and coordinated
--fashion.
. 11.
Better interagency coordination on press strategy.
\
I
i
12.
'
A message sheet in bullet form which is generated by the NSC.
.
I
I
I
13.
Rapid Response Team to correct misimpressions and address criticisms
which appear in print or! on television.
cc:
Dee Dee Myers
Nancy Soderberg
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.
�August 17, 1994
MEMORANDUM
FOR:
FROM:
SUBJECT:
Don Baer
Carter Wilkie
major speeches in September
A series of speeches in September could allow the President
to get beyond the process here in Washington and speak about
attitudes and ideas.
It will be a critical time for reminding
Americans of what he stands for and what his Presidency is
fundamentally about.
The President must speak with the confident voice of the
captain and navigator of our ship of state.
People crave a sense
of national direction.
In a big and broad way, the President
must tell us where we are going and what is needed from each of
us if we are to get there.
Trying to persuade the uninformed
with abundant information will not suffice. Non-political people
and journalists on non-political beats need that message conveyed
simply and directly, without a lot of details.
Deliberative rhetoric abqut the process here in Washington
has reduced us to being the broker among competing interests.
This has forced the debates on crime and health care to limited
ground, with both sides saying: protect what you have and fight
anybody who tries to take it away from you. We've got to get
beyond that. We cannot allow this coutitry to appear paralyzed by
an inability of Americans to work together.
·
In September, the President should reawaken our dormant
sense of community and civic virtue. He will be going up against
a culture that has allowed individualism to run amok.
For too
long, the right has told us to "go it alone, you're on your own."
For too long, the left has said, "do your own thing." The right
has preached abandonment while the left has preached entitlement.
Both have promoted an unhealthy individualism that has weakened
our attachments to each other.
We must establish a new governing ideology. As Clinton
himself has said, "We must go beyond the competing ideas of the
old political establishment:.beyond every man for himself on the
one hand and the right to something for nothing on the other."
We have to get Americans to see beyond themselves. We have to
show Americans that they belong to something larger than
themselves. We have to encourage every American to do more than
merely look out for themselves. We have to challenge them to
help shoulder our common load.
Bringing Americans together to restore our sense of
community is one of the most basic purposes of the Clinton
presidency. These speeches ought to be built around this theme.
i;~;;:;~~£~~~=~~-~~~:~~~~·~~f:~~~
INT0NUBRARYPH01iOCOPY''' '<;;"":~:
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THE SPEECHES:
Ministers: Scripture tells us to be our brothers' keepers, but we
are acting like a "me" society when we need to be a "we" society.
"We ought to be part of a nation that's coming together, not
coming apart. We ought to be part of a community where people
look out for each other, not just for themselves. We ought to be
part of a nation that brings out the best in us, not the worst.
The only limit to what we can do is what we are willing to expec:t
and ask of oursel~es." Here, the President should raise the
question of how to sustain the idea of "community" in a highly
mobile and individualistic society.
National Service: The news here is not the size or mechanics of
AmeriCorps, but what it says about our view of American culture
and. government's role in it. Unlike the right, which believes
government has no role, and the left, which believes that
government should play every role, this administration believes
that every American shares a responsibility for the quality of
life in his or her community. Rather than build new
bureaucracies as substitutes for decaying social institutions and
personal relationships, this administration is fostering new
relationships and rewarding the people who accept and uphold
their civic responsibilities.
U.N. General Assembly: There may actually be a subtle echo of our
domestic message in this speech. To strengthen peace and
prosperity in this time of rapid change, nations of the world
will have to look beyond their borders and see beyond themselves.
Our global security, economy, and environment demand that we live
and work together. The twin themes of this speech should be the
increasing interdependence and integration of nations, East and
West, North and South. This should not be a laundry list, but a
concise vision statement that will endure long after it is given.
Both remind us that old enemies can
Yeltsin and Mandela visits.
In this era of
put aside their differences and work together.
change, we need each other. We must find ways to trust each
other, and help each other, if we are to help ourselves.
THE SELL:
Last June, the press did a better job of reporting how the
President delivered a string of "values 11 speeches than explaining
what those values were. The coverage was about our tactics, but
not about our ideas, our vision, and our mission. We need to
help reporters be less like theater critics and more like book
reviewers. We need to stress the messages of the speeches and
not merely the fact that these speeches are taking place.
cc. Bob Boorstin
•. ~~....,.......L.,
�..
·.·
Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
Timothy E. Wirth to Mark Gearan & Eileen Clausen; re: President's
Speech at the National Academy of Sciences Dinner (2 pages)
06/24/1994
RESTRICTION
PS
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
OA/Box Number: 421
FOLDER TITLE:
White House Conference on Africa - 6/94
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2575
RESTRICTION CODES
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. SS2(b))
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) ofthe PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarr:,tnted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) ofthe FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with·44 U;S;C.: -- ·:· · ~- - b(9fRelease''woiilil=disciOse'geological or geophysical information
! · · :. f:if~~~;c,.~;~~ :"'".'E: -- t"-o1t~ernlng ~tiils'[('i>)(9) the FOIAJ
2201(3).
~ ;·~.'
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RR. Document will be reviewed upon request:.~ .
th• ·.
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61
lNTbNUB~RY PHQT090f>Y ;{): '·:~~\
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�06/24/94
09:01
United Statoe DGpa.rhiMIDt of State
'
v
u.-,~ofSroN
fiw ~JW'rsir•
lr'ed"""Gll, D.C. IMZO·'fUI
MB M0 R A N D U N
TO:
FROM:
RE:
Mark Gearan
Eileen Clausen ~~'
~imothy E. Ni~tb~\~
President's Speech at tbo National
Sciences Dinner, June 29
·------
Ac~demy
of
-.·-----~--------·----
As Ke discussed earlier thi5 week, many beliove it would
be highly effective for the President to make a statement
outlining u.s. inte~national population policy, especially 1o
light of the International Conference on Populttion and
Development (lCPO} in Catco in S~ptember. The ~ost promising
opportunity would be at the June 29th dinner beinq hoste~
jointed by the National Acaaemy of Sciences, the Turner
Foundation and Harvard's ~ennedy School~ to which the President
bas bean invited ·to epeak. Btuca Alberts, Preaident of the
National Academy of Sciences, and Jack Gibbon$ hava r.~collU'nended
that the Presi~ent make 'this speech. Ambassad.or Albri~bt has
cabled that aQ address by the President vould be beneficial.
Thesa sentiments were echoed by ae~oral members of the House
Foreign Affairs Committee, who pressed hard for a Presidential
statement durinq t brieEing I had wit~ Chairman Hamilton and
his colleaques.
A c~prehensive, widely suppo,ted policy has been
developed and it is important that citizens understand the full
contezt of this forward looKing strategy.
Last year in New Delhi, representatives of national
academy of sciences from around tba wotld particlpat~d in a
•science summit~ tc e~plore the interrelated issues of
populat;on gcowth, resource consumption. socio-economic
~evalopment an~ environmental protection. At th• aummit, sa
national acadamies of science issued a joint statement
declarln~ that ~the ultimate succes1 in dealin; with ~lobal
social, economic, and environmentel pxoblems cannot be achieved
without a stable WQrld population." The philosophy of the
summit became, •tet 1994 be [~ered as the year when the
people of the world decide~ to act toqether for. the benefit of
future 9enerations."
Buildinq on the findings ot the ~orld science summit on
population, the National Academy of Sciences, the Turner
Foundation and the Pew aiobel Stewa~dship Initiative are
hosting a dinner at the State Dapart~nt on June 29 to engage
250 opinion leaders, scientists, policy makers, and businoss
leads~• in a discussion on the issue of population and
sustainable developmaat.
�061241Y4
09:0~
Mith the National Academy of Science 11 the intellectual
backdrop, tbis dinner is an ideal forum for the President to
lay out h1s vi6ion of the btea6tb and importance of us
population and developme~t policie3 prior to the International
Conference on Poplation.and oevalopment. Because the press
has focused on the few remaining unresolved issues of the
conference, thete ia les• understandinQ ot ~ the us 13
pu~auing these policies an~ bQK it will benefit cutrent and
future 9enerationa in the US aod around the world. A speech.et
the June ~~ dinner would allow t~• Presi~ent to frame our
vosition as he would like citizens to under&tand it.
We would suggest that the President could address a few
key points:
·
the national security implications of rapid population.
rooral an~ ethical position that has. been carved
out for i~provin; individual's quality ot life ~hile at
t~• same time acting ea 8te~rde of the planet
haprovi.ng the social, economic and political status of
woman around the globe -- including access to education
and healtb services is integrsl to ~uccesa on evetY level
the US is a proud partner with the international community.
in eJrlbracinQ a population strategy "'hicb inte9rates· t:ha
~ui~ance provided by the world academies of science
Q[OWtb
tha bigh
~hat is being promoted as an international a~enda mirrors
auuch of tha Preaident • s domestic agenOa --
ilccess to
quality health care,· family, responsibility, poverty
alleviation, and education
In addition to makin9 a policy statement, the President
could ~sQ the opportunity to announc• that Vice P~esident Gore
will participate in the Cairo confetence. The day followinq
the dinner, the Vice Preaidant is escheduled to participate in e
fo~um entitled "5ayoi'ld t!le thlmbet'S: Population Is&ues for the
21st Cent~.try•, sponsored:by the same-o:rCjJ&ni&ations and
mode~ated by Ma~vin galb of t~e Kennedy School et the National
Academy of Science•·
Thank you for yout attention to this impo~tant iasue. We
are happy to assist in any way wa can. l look forward to our
continued efforts to ensure a successful and productive
conference for the united States in Septerobar.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
Timothy E. Wirth to Anthony Lake; re: President's Speech at the
National Academy of Sciences Dinner (2 pages)
06/27/1994
P5
002. paper
re: NAS Conference - Background & Themes for Presidential
Speech (2 pages)
06/27/1994
P5
) COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
OA/Box Number:
421
FOLDER TITLE:
Population Conference - 6/29/94
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2574
RESTRICTION CODES
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b )(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA)
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance .with. 4~qJ.S.C. · ·-· ·;: - · -b(~)}k!~~:~ould·disclo.se·geological or geophysical information
2201(3).
,..~c~~~~~conc~fning w~nfl{lj){9) Jf the FOIA)
RR. Document will be reviewed upon requrst.. .
__ · .... ' . . . . . : . .. . . . . , ....
';:~;,;
'"i
INTONl:IBRARYPHOTdCOPY<m'/':~
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) ofthe PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(aX3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
,~f~k,;~;,,
~.,.
~. ~~1l i~&1
�06/27/94
10:31
-5'202 647 0753
@] 003
United States Department of State
Under Secretary of State
for Global Affairs
Waahin6ton, D.C. 20520-7250
MEMORANDUM
TO:
Anthony Lake
""""'l.'i
Timothy E. WirtH ttl/
President • s Speech at th4?: National Academy of Sciences
Dinner, June 29
------··-····--·----·
FROM:
RE:
As we discussed Sunday afternoon, the President has a great
opportunity this Wednesday evening, before a perfect audience.
The population issue is a winner for the United States, and we
should take advantage of it:
***
it is a foreign policy, post-Cold War winner;
*** women are a key support ~Jroup for the Administration,
and our Cairo policy and actions are a winner;
*** among environmental groups, who worry about the
Administration's resolve, our po9ulation policy is a winner.
So why not accept the win and speak about it?
The perfect opportunity is Wednesday, at a conference on
the Cairo population conference tc be held on the 8th floor of
the State Department. Sponsored by the Kennedy School, the
National Academy of Sci•3nces and i:he Turner Foundation, the
dinner precedes a Thursday morninq conference of 500 people, at
which the importance of populatio11 as a national security issue
will be laid out for an audience that will be mostly press.
Wednesday night's dinner will involve our nation's press~
Administration and NGO leadership on this issue.
We have done a proposed speech (attached); in it, the
1
President should:
·
under line why population :>ta:Oilization is an important
post-Cold War issue, crucial i:o 311 other hopes for
economic development, political stability and environmental
preservation;
·
praise from the rooftops our positions on the
empowerment of women, reproductive health, the education of
girls;
underline that family planning is the best prevention
strategy for abortion (in keeping with his pledge to make
abortion rare), and point to the horrors in Russia and
Eastern (Eu.rqp,ej;~'i~~:a5Q.r-t'lioJiJras:.;[oe.¢orpe the only option;
!:.1>'· . ({. \ ., ~.,;, ;., . : ~, "·.~' .~ .. . . - . .• .. " "";, ~~1}:
.
i/.'i.:
t' '. .
;: :.:
'y~' biNTONUBRARY PH0T0CORY· ~>::1 ,, ·.)
',;~;::._·~~;'"~~~~~~~.,;';Y,,,~,.-~(.;~ryJl.i ; i
·
�06/27/94
10:32
'&202 647 0753
----------------------------,----
Page Two
Memorandum for Mr. Lake
take the high road, and not get into the specifics of
the Cardinals' letter and the concerns of the Holy See.
We'll handle those through ongoing efforts.
This opportunity and strategy is supported by Vice
President Gore, Ambassador Albright, Jack Gibbons, Mark Gearan,
Tom Donilon and others. In addition, a strong group from
Congress has urged the President to speak out clearly and
fully. And this will echo long and well among large numbers of
th~ Administration's best supporters and groups.
Attached is a fuller description of this week's meeting,
and an outline of recommended speech themes.
As we used to say in politics, "why not take Yes for an
answer?" This is superb opportunity. I look forward to
hearing from you.
141004
�06/27/94
10:33
[41 005
e2o2 647 0753
APPENDIX A
NAS CONFERENCE -- BACKGROUND ABD TEIEMES F'OR PRESIDENTIAL SPEECH
Last year in New Delhi, representatives of 58 Nafional
Academies of Science from around the world participated in a
"science summit" to explotfcl the interrelated issues of
population growth, resource consumption, socio-economic
development and environmental protection. At the summit, 58
national academies of science issued a joint statement
declaring that "the ultimate success in dealing with global,
social, economic, and environmental problems cannot be achieved
without a stable world population." The philosophy of the
suz:nmit became, "Let 1994 be remembered as the year when the
people of the world decided to act together for th~ benefit of
future generations."
Building on the findings of the world science summit on
population, the National Academy of Sciences, the Turner
Foundation and the Pew Global Stewardship Initiative are
hosting a dinner at the State Department on June 29 to engage
250 opinion leaders, scientists, policy makers, and business
leaders in a discussion on the issue of population and
sustainable development. This will be followed by .a 500-person
conference on June 30, to focus on press and leadership groups.
With the National Academy of Science as the intellectual
backdrop, this dinner is an ideal forum for the President to
lay out his vision of the breadth and importance of US
population and development policies prior to the International
Conference on Population and Development. Because ·the press
has focused on the few remaining unresolved issues of the
conference, there is less understanding of W-1--Y the us is
pursuing these policies and .h.Q.w it: will benefit current and
future generations in the us and around the world. A speech at
the June 29 dinner would allow th~ President to frame cur
position as he would like citizens to understand it.
We would suggest that the_ President could address a few key
points:
the national security implications of rapid population
growth
.
.
the high moral and ethical position that has been carved
out for improving individual';:; quality of life while at the
same time acting as stewards of the planet
impioving the social, economic and political status of
women around the globe -- including access to education and
health services is integral to success on every level .
the us is a proud partner wi'::b the international community
in embracing a population st.rategy whic~ integrates the
guidance provided by the world a<:ademies of science
~hat is being promoted as an interriational agenda ~irrors
much of the President's domes·~:ic agenda -- access to
qua 1 i ty ;P.~Ci'~,~~ft.'S~;t:,~,-:;J~~~~~~~i,--~J~e§;ppp.:¢-b,i_,~ i ty, poverty
alleviatfoli fi':~a.rteauciftt-on- _, .. ----- . ~)). :.~1
·-···'~··· - - · · · · ·
'\ ,.
h(;, -· -·q~<.'·. [~toN tisRAR.Y PHerrocorv· :;·;:1~ '>·j
r·;; -. - \,;~:': ·~~·f ~-- ~-,.;.::-_,-.:.r-·'·'~~-~rr - ~;:_~J~ ' ~ j
�06127194
10:34
'5'202 647 0753
~0.06 __ _
In addition to making a policy statement, the President
criuld use the opportunity to announce that the Vice President
will participate in the Cairo conference. The day following
the dinner, the Vice President is scheduled to participate in a
forum entitled "Beyond the Numbers: Population Issues for the
21st Century", ·sponsored by the same organizations and
m6derated by Marvin Kalb of the Kennedy School at the National
.Academy of Sciences.
A copy of a draft speech for President Clintqn is
.attached.
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. notes
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
re: Handwritten Notes- POTUS G-7 Briefing (6 pages)
06/23/1994
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number: 421
FOLDER TITLE:
7/94 Trip - POTUS Briefings
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
2573
0
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act -(44 UoSoC. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act -15 U.S.Co 552(b))
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIA)
. b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) ofthe FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
financial institutions ((b)(S) of the FOIA)
PRMo Personal record misfile defined in acc?r~!lilcfwii~A'¢.·S..:<;;,-;,,::.£~~~9)~:~~~~~~£!i~~e:~fological or geophysical information
2201(3)0
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RRo Document wiii be reviewed upon requ~_s(i r-_~· .' ·_,_· _· .. ·.:;:, . ,.', :_. _- .. - 0 .. . · . 0.. . . ·'
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P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) ofthe PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
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P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
Joan Spero to Tom Donilon & Jody Greenstone; re: G-7 SummitWhat's Our Message (I page)
0611611994
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
OA/Box Number: 421
FOLDER TITLE:
7/94 Trip- Message Memos
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2572
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - (44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- (5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(J) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRAJ
. b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIAJ
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
,-.~-.:-+--·~-,-,. .-"-'"' -: _
._
~ --,-~f~,!inci~~_institu~o.'l,s.!(~)(8) of the FOIA)
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in acc,\lrdance ";,it~RS~~~Ji'(9):Rel~ase ..~oul~.dj~~-los~·geological or geophysical information
2201(3).
f '·.
~- :: ·:
··
·
concerning wel,s!((b)(9)1ofthe FOIA)
7
RR. Document will be reviewed upon
reqf:i~:sr
_ _
_
_
\~ \ .. ·.· ~TQN LIBRAR.Y PHOTOCOPY· J'/:1~ :):::j
\.
:.._ "
~
•.·.
.
t. ,// .·.
'
�UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE
FOR ECONOMIC AND AGRICULTURAL AFFAIRS
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20520-731.0
June 16, 1994
TO:
Tom Donilon
Jody Greenstone
FROM
Joan
SUBJECT:
G-7 Summit!- What's Our Message
Spero~
As discussed, attached are materials on the.Summit
prepared by me, Larry Summers and Bob Fauver.
I have also
included a short piece on where we stand on the issues at this
p~int in the Sherpa process. I think we have the basis for
developing a good theme for the Summit, but you will see from a
quick read that we still do not have a clear public message to
enunciate.
While I have to flesh out my thoughts on this, I believe
some sort of combination of Larry's "Shared Prosperity" theme
with my "New Economic Architecture" idea might work well.
Bob
Fauver has tried to incorporate the two in his synthesis draft
communique, but it still doesn't flow as well as we would
like. My thought is this:
The end of the Cold War has clearly
led not only to new political realities, but to new economic
realities.
Politically, we are seeing many individuals and
countries enjoying the fruits of democracy for'the first time.
Economically, we need to ensure that, both domestically, and
internationally, individuals and countries share in the
benefits of new prosperity.
This conceptual parallel could
then be reinforced by highlighting the need for a new economic
architecture to ensure that shared prosperity happens. We are
adapting political/security institutions (NATO, UN) to promote
democracy.
We need to adapt economic institutions to promote
shared prosperity as well.
As global economic recovery picks
up, and as economic restructuring and globalization of business
continues, the international economic system is moving into a
new phase, and we need to adapt to ensure that new issues and
new players are effectively incorporated.
These are just preliminary thoughts, but I do see the
basis of a good public message here.
I'll be testing the
waters on this idea this weekend in Naples.
I'd appreciate any
thoughts you have.
Thanks.
Spero memo on G-7 Communique
Summers memo on G-7 Communique
Fauver draft G-7 Communique
Attachments:
,.,$tatlfs.,,.o;f·-:-:.--Sl}~rga~-~§,s.,f.:~·"F"l
!.
,~l?~k~~~~:J:.~:c..~~-:-~.~-~'mr:i
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
RESTRICTION
001. letter
Dr. Lalita Muizniece to Robert Boorstin; re: Latvian Poem (partial)
(1 page)
06/29/1994
P6/b(6)
002. notes
re: Background for Clinton's Baltic Speech (partial) (1 page)
n.d.
P6/b(6)
003. note
Nick Burns to Bob Boorstin; re: Riga Speech (3 pages)
06/2111994
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number: 421.
FOLDER TITLE:
7/94 Trip- Riga Drafts/Notes
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 1766
RESTRICTION CODES
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2} ofthe FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion.of
personal privacy [(b )(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions [(b )(8) of the FOIA)
~'<;;,,~=~C~-iJi!~!eSe'.~~-'J!~~~~~o~ ·~eological or geophysical information
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in acc,l>.rii_alicewi!_~
2201(3).
i . · : A~ · -~ Y;·:"" · · ·.: ·
'
concerru~g wellsi[Ql)(9),(>fthe FOIA)
! ' .(, I. .
. 'l
'
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
. . . b > • .,._.. ....... , '"-- .... _· .........,. " ..._. ,- :.,_ l/._ ·'-'-;"
...... -. i\. ' I· ;~~-·~··i
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) ofthe PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
... :p:s_
0
•
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lt ._L,~T0 N:LiaRARYrHQT9C:OPY ·~ti:if ·-~~I;l
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June 21, 1994
Note for Bob Boorstin
From:
Nick
Burn~~SC
Subject: _Riga Speech
Bob: By now you should have received the general background
information on Latvia that you requested.
I have attached to
this memo some additional information just received today from
our Embas~y in Riga.
As for the-speech, I have also attached the State Department's
draft-speech.
John Beyrle and I have read it carefully. Jt is a
good job, contains much useful information but is not, in my own
view, up to par.
In general, I think the speech needs to be more
emotional, less bureaucratic, and certainly more poetic.
I would offer the following thoughts to supplement the State
draft.
1) As we discussed, Clinton must be brief and passionate in this
speech.
He has to take a broad view and hit a few, special
themes to engage the large .. outd6or audience expected (helped, of
course, by an ~ble and theatrical interpreter--I have asked our
embassy in Riga and the Latvian Ambassador here to find the right
person, per our earlier discussion).
The State speech i's too
mundane and distant to meet this goal.
2) In addition, there are several key themesjissues that need to
be accentuated:
A) Baltic independence.
This ought to be the first big
message in the speech.
You delivered yourselves from a long
occupation and nightmare.
We congratulate you.
We applaud
the efforts of the thousands who struggled.
The story of
Baltic independence from 1940-1991 and especially during
1989-1991 is dramatic and filled with tales of individual
courage and valor.
Clinton should both acknowledge this and
praise specific acts.
This may be a good way to accomplish another goal--highlight
each of the ·three countries in some way in the speech. One
way to do this would be to mention a patriot from each
country who distinguised him/herself during this period.
State has given you the example of Ambassador Anatol
Dinbergs, a hero in Latvia.
He represented Latvia here from
the 1930s until his death last year.
He stayed for over 50
years in Washington keeping Latvia's legation open in the
hope independence might come in his lifetime or after.
Another example, over twenty young people died in January
1991 when the Soviet army took over key installations in
Riga and 1-i,lni~:h~~~~0Jv~~~~7~:i~~;~~~
!,,; ... i~~'i'0iltffiRAkY .f>Jibt6COP;\i' ~~ :fi
/:: .'
\,rii~~~·-:~f'-:.·e~,-,c,,,; :::~-;-:<*":'~'!''' i-';:"~J<j~ ,;;. ~ j
'.
'·•'
.
·....... ...;........:..
�Another:
Tens of thousands were deported to Siberia during
and after the Second World War. Many never returned.
One
who did is Clinton's host, President Ulmanis of Latvia.
B) U.S. Support for the Balts:
Play up the fact that we
stood by them, both Democratic and Republican
Administrations, for over 50 years and never recognized
Soviet rule in the three countries.
We pro~ected their gold
reserves (later returned in 1991). We harbored their
diplomats and kept their legations open. We kept their
flags flying at the State Department.
Laud the role of Baltic-Americans who made sure the U.S.
government never forgot.
They kept the Baltic flame burning
in the U.S., kept the Baltic languages and culture alive
here, maintained international awareness, lobbied
insistently for American attention.
They have given back to
the U.S. too and strengthened us (in Chicago, Cleveland,
Baltimore, New York etc.)
Work in here that he is the first American President to
visit the Baltics.
That visit is meant to express our deep
support for their independence, freedom, sovereignty.
It
represents the culmination of a long journey in our
relations with them. Woodrow Wilson supported their
creation as States at the end of WWI; Clinton now makes a
pledge to help them achieve true independence, freedom as we
enter a new century.
C) Highlight the issue of Russian troop withdrawals.
This
is tricky because the President will not want to criticize
Yeltsin or stick it too hard to the Russians in general.
But he should take credit for having energized U.S. efforts
after taking office.
He stood clearly and squarely for an
early Russian troop withdrawal from the Vancouver Summit
onward.
He lobbied personally and effectively to produce
results in the negotiations. Most importantly, because of
his efforts, the U.S. is providing 5000 houses for Russian
officers as an inducement to get them to leave.
D) Note we must now look to the future.
Challenge ahead is
to help consolidate their independence, make sure it lasts.
U.S. will help.
We will be as dedicated to this as we were
to your liberation from occupation.
Examples:
--We will support you politically as new European
states.
Stress the fact we consider them to be
Europeans.
--We want closer security ties--through direct military
training and exchanges; through welcoming the three
into Partnership for Peace. This is best way to
preserve their future security.
- -We 1 a±~():""-~gl)-t --!-O-:-~~~gc5':f~~~he;tr econ?mies with
the ~~~t~'l-(":~~;y.:t.-~¥e".'lie-J:p:tng · thems~il:y;s- -pralse the
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Estonian economic miracle (highest growth rates in
Europe); belief in free market economics. We, in turn,
have started Baltic-American Enterprise Fund to lend to
their small businesses--$50 million.
--Pick up on Clinton's theme from the January trip--all
countries need to seek greatness and redefine
themselves.
Balts now have chance to seek peaceful
relations with all neighbors, including Russia.
Important message here that Clinton must mention is for
Balts to live in peace with Russia and Russian
minorities.
Give the Russians living in the three
countries an opportunity to be full members of the
society.
Some minor, additional points:
Never refer to them as the Baltic "republics". The State
draft does.
It is anachronistic and from the period when
they were republics of the USSR.
They are now "states",
"countries".
I would also try to use the specific names of the three
countries as much as possible and not lump them as "Balts".
The President's audience is also in Estonia and Lithuania.
You might try to work in the President's early understanding
of the Baltic issue.
He said publicly last year that he had
known Baltic-Americans in Arkansas as a young boy and had
early on grown to know the plight of the three states.
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Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. speech
SUBJECTrfiTLE
DATE
re: President William J. Clinton- Remarks to the People of Berlin at
the Brandenburg Gate - Berlin, Germany (with extensive corrections
by POTUS) (4 pages)
07/12/1994
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speehwriting)
ONBox Number: 42 I
FOLDER TITLE:
7/94 Trip - Brandenburg Gate
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2571
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a})
Freedom oflnformation Act- [5 U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI
P2
P3
P4
National Security Classified Information [(a}(l) of the PRA)
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2} of the PRA)
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6} of the PRAJ
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2} Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b}(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b}(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8} Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
financial institutions [(b}(S) of the FOIA)
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in acco~da?ce w!_th 4~,~~S·.,:-: ·], :;:t~~~!e~s~;~ou~~,·!i,!,f!,'?.W~~~Iogical or geophysical information
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7 I 11 I 9 4, 3 pm
PRESIDENT WILLIAM J. CLINTON
REMARKS TO THE PEOPLE OF BERLIN
AT THE BRANDENBURG GATE
BERLIN, GERMANY
JULY 12, 1994
Citizens of free Berlin ... citizens of united Germany:
We stand together where Europe's heart was cut in half-- and we
cele}?rate unity.
We stand where hundreds perished when they dared rise up against
foreign masters -- and we embrace freedom.
We stand where crude walls of concrete separated mother from
child -- and we meet as one family .
..w_e ste:nd where tlrose Whe sought a neu life instead feund deatl'r -?nd 1.v_e reJoi,Cf6l in renewa~.
(
.ChancelJor Kohl, Mayor Di,.epgen, Berliners.j:he world over.
>you f-or welcoming me to ~the heart of Y<(U_r city. ,
.
Thank
.)
,.
: ..ftou have won
your long struggle. You have proved that no wall can contain the
mighty power of freedom.~,
Half a century has passed since Berlin was first divided, thirtythree years since the Wall went up. While one half of this city
lived encircled, the other half lived enslavec:a:, ~ rn itt!@ •in,
.
fie HletE-ex HRi»@l, one force ·endure'd: the 'Spfiit ef ~ivilscusaEffi~~
~e - '1• r 111 ~ r:;t!L '"ha~ i...§..::right and::nRat
H'iu 9 'E:Js~ .
Your courage has taken many forms. The bold courage -- of that
June day in 1953, when those trapped in the East stood up to
communist tyranny. The quiet courage to lift your children above
the Wall ~o that grandparents on the other side could see those
they loved but could not touch. The inner courage to reach for
th~ ideas that would make you free.
: ,~~;~t~f:··~~~.~;,:~:~~.~:--·~-.-~~~;.r1f.~t:l:
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INTONLIBRARYPHOTOCOPY. ·.·il
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For over two centuries, in every age, that gate has been a symbol
of its times·.~ A monument to conquest. A \'Iindow on darkness
~d a· tower of tyranny.
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gate.way. hu
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Now, together, we ~make it the gateway to a united EU'rop~
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tr~ first time in the history of mankind, tf1e fl~ople of
·s ~ ~
-----£anti nent can 1 j ve t oge~her in peace.
~
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na::!:g gl---wiJd stop us
-+is''' I~ - gateway. f>ne
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:] All things are
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Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. paper
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
re: Haiti Communications Plan (13 pages)
n.d.
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number: 421
FOLDER TITLE:
Haiti - Communications Plan
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2570
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA)
PJ Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) ofthe PRA)
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(J) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled. for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
,---.-.-~-._____ .-.~- , .. ___ .... ___ ....H!1-~11-s!~~sJ5b)(8) of the FOIAJ
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance wit,!i. ;g.S;(:;~~~(?)'R~IJLa,Se,!V_o_iild,dis~.9se g~ological or geophysical information
2201(3).
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coricernirijfwells [(b)(9) of the FOIA)
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
00 1. fax cover
sheet
Taylor Branch to Tony Lake & Sandy Berger; re: Revised Haiti
Speech Draft (partial) (1 page)
09/15/1994
P6/b(6)
002. notes
re: Handwritten Notes- POTUS Meeting (1 page)
09/15/1994
P5
003. memo
Richard Clarke to Bob Boorstin; re: Haiti Speech (2 pages)
n.d.
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
OA/Box Number: 421
FOLDER TITLE:
Haiti- Final Drafts/Comments
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 1756
\
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) ofthe PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) ofthe FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) ofthe FOIA)
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in ac,:orl~a~lce.wii1th~t4~~d~~~~~~~~~~~~:~l~IJ~;~jfJ~i~~~f.~';•t~~~~~ or geophysical information
-~
the FOIA)
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon
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Note to: Bob Boors tin
FM: RClarke
. Sounds like forced intervention is a given.
The fact that it is still possible for the Haitian junta to leave and for the
peacekeepers to enter peacefully is not highlighted. In the Ct1rrent version that fact
is only mentioned briefly in one para on page seven. One suggestion to add
emphasis would be to add at end of first para, page one:
"and why the international community is offering the brutal Haitian junta a
choice: leave now and give the Haitian people back their freedom, or democratic
nations from around the world will restore democracy to Haiti."
2. Context: Post Cold War World
In one meeting the President said that he wanted to put Haiti into a context
of the post cold war world. If he still wants to do that, I'd try something like:
" Let me put what is happening in I!aiti in the context of where America and
the world are as we approach the end of the century. The forty year long Cold War
has been over for almost five years. Democracy won.
" We can not ignore that victory, after all the efforts of the American people
to achieve it. We must continue the struggle for democracy. Throughout the
former Soviet Union and its East European empire, democracies are taking root. In
Africa, President Mandela's election was a triumph of democracy after decades of
repression.
"Here in our own hemisphere we have gone from a predominance of countries
n by military dictators to now having 33 democracies out of the 35 nations of the
[
Americas. Only in Haiti and Cuba are the people still not free." Then pick up with
-page 4, first full para ... " No American should be...
·
ru.
MAP: There is a vivid visual in the White Paper showing two maps of Latin
America with dictatorships in red and democracies in blue. In the 70s, its got a lot
of red. Now, just two islands of red stand out in a sea of blue democracies. I
strongly urge that we use that map in the speech.
�<.
2
3. International Support
On page five, I think we can highlight more the international nature of the
support for our action.
"This is not just the United States that is trying to helping the people of
Haiti. The six Central American presidents, the leaders of the thirteen nations of
the Caribbean Community,
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
·
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
From Strobe Talbott; re: Comments on POTUS UNGA Speech Draft
#3 (1 page)
09/2511994
P5
002. memo
Mitchel Schwartz to Tony Blinken; re: UNGA Speech/World Summit
on Trade Efficiency (1 page)
09/22/1994
P5
003. paper
re: Outline & Themes for the President's UNGA Sppech (4 pages)
09/12/1994
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
R.obert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number: 422
FOLDER TITLE:
UNGA '94 - State Memos
Jimn1ie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2582
RESTRICTION CODES
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2201(3).
.j(;~~~~~''"f'~'"'"concerning·w~ll~'!(li><9,>.:,?f the FOIAJ
.
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JNTONLIBRARYPHOTOGOPY ,11:\t. '.·l
�sunday, september 25, 1994
Comments on.POTUS·UNGA speech 4raft #3
From strobe Talbott ·
erall, I feel i~ still nee4s --~~-
m morable billboard section·· - somet
'Lon Fuerth's suqqestion, 'The Fo~~ h Coalitio
int for the 21st century isn't-bad. But
peech is still too 41tfus • {One ot th
adveretantly
more memorable -lines in the
•
t ia, "The end ot the Cold War ha• opened the world and its problems to a new ·
. flexibility.·" Hardly what we want people to come out of the
speech hummin9 to themselves.) This deficiency could be
lar9ely fixed with a powerful paragraph up top, which could
be rep~ised near the end.
have a1Jc.ecl Jim collins to look. carefully at the Russia
section to ll\&ke sure that it adequately takes .care of the
synchronization/harmonization' exeriae we're doing with ·
Yeltsin'• apeech. My initial readinq au9gests that we need
to beet that up a bit, but collins will be in direct ~o~ch. ·
on that -score.
·
o
-~
o
There is a key point that needs to be included more
explicitly: virtu.ally all ref!e:tencas.to the end of the Cold
War make it sound at thouqh the West beat the East; ~omehow,
we've qot_to work ,1ft reco9nition that the end ot th• Col4
Wa~, the fall of Communism, the collap•• of the soviet .
Union, the ~reach of the Berlin Wall and the Iron curtain -all that came about in large meaaure becauae of the rise of
reform in the East; the.velvet revolution in czechoslovuia,
the. triumph of the people·· and .reformist leaclers over the
dea4 hand of the past, etc.
o
P. 3, there'• a jarrin9 transition at the bottom ot the
paCJe, just before, "Let •• be clear." It'• •• thouqh the
President sudd.enly reme~r•. he'• supposed to sound tough
and repre•ent. his own country first and.toremost. SUCJCJest
worK1nq a much saoother ••~· there.
· ·
0
o
Pp. 5•6, I hope we can find some other way to d•al with th•
assesa•ent issue than, "The financial burden that my nation
carries ll\uat be li9htened." It baa a whiny, apecial•
pleading.quality to it.
p. 1, trust you'll adjust the reference' to "avoid bldod•he4"
in the Haiti section, given last ni9ht. "Minimize
·
bloodshed" woulcl probably still work. ·
I've CJOt. some
phone . in. ·
.
a~citic
:h;;,C..;;.;
word• and phrasa•fixea thae I'll
_,
2
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r·\)~; ·. ·. ·\ ,~;~,~~ . ;·~_{t:~~-~~~~,i~~+l;~~\~~Jl;:.: ;~-~
��SEP-12-94 MON 14:33
10
FAX NO. 2027364116
P. 02
llN.C:LASSIFIED
Outline and Themes for the
PLe~t·s
UNGA Speech
In last year's speech the President laid out some of the
-parameters of the post-Cold War world. He stressed the
importance of free-market democracies, non-proliferation,
conflict resolution and peacekeeping, and sustainable
development. He asserted that "the United States intends to
remain ·engaged and to lead."
This year we need to build on last year's speech by
affirming our commitment to its agenda. The President has now
been in office long enough to have real experience with the
post-Cold War world, but is still a fresh presence. He speaks
as Commander-in-Chief of an unprecedented relief mission to
Rwanda and, looking forward, a UN-sanctioned intervention in
Haiti. He knows more about the pitfalls of this era, but also
about the kind of commitment required to pun:sue l ts potentia 1 .
. This year's UNGA speech, above all else, needs to show that
kind of commitment -- commitment to leaa, to cooperate, to
drive toward meeting real needs of real people, to assuring
that the potential of this era is not lost.
The speech should transcend the forum. It should be only
incidentally about the UN, although it should certainly touch
on the Secretary's theme about integration of institutions.
The speech should challenge the world to work for a few
basic goals (non-proliferation, sustainable development,
education, health, democratic institutions; where possible -e.g., NPT, CTBT --he might specify dates certain for
attainment of the goals). These are in everyone's interest,
and in the enduring security interest of Americans. The speech
should assert the importance of America's assets in this world
-- its democracy, pluralism, flexibility, wealth, might,
confidence. Above all, il should express a sense of American
commitment.
The President should speak past the diplomats and press,
addressing the peoples of the world, Americans included. It
should be a short speech, an elegant synthesis that people can
understand.
The President would help the world and the Administration
by playing the change agent role we have seen often in his town
meetings. Our policy discourse and political behavior,
domestic as well as global, are hamstrung by assumptions and
symbols that most of us sense are out of date but not yet
replaced. On almost every issue (e.g., gun control), this
President has had to break through assumptions and standards
that are out of date and out of tune with public concerns.
�'SEP-12-84 MON 14:34
FAX NO. 2027364116
10
P. 03
UNCLASSIFI:Jm
-2-
In the international arena we have moved from an era of
tight control to one of fluid change. Countries and leaders
that had to control the nuclear stalemate cannot control the
adoption of sustainable agriculture or Radio Hutu. Yet our
_definitions of leadership, national interest and the
comparative advanta9es of Americans in this new world are still
evolving. By asserting his own leadership, the President can
also set a tone for collective responsibility in a changing,
chaotic world.
No single speech, indeed no single Presidency, will
complete the conceptual adjustment we face. But if the
President can start changing the terms of debate, he can escape
some outdated measures of success which no President can
satisfy and at the same time find more resilient political
footing.
Themes;.,
Enduting American interests. We have an opportunity now to
strengthen, extend and create institutions that serve our
enduring interests: security, prosperity and expanded democracy
and free markets. The G-7 pledged itself to this goal in June.
'
Responsibility. We are responsible. As individuals and
nations, we are responsible. We are responsible for shaping
this epoch of change and opportunity so that it makes life
better for all our people. Others are responsible too -responsible for prolonging war and genocide, and the world
community will hold them accountable. This includes parties to
conflicts who do not demonstrate the will to solve their own
problems. It falls to us, to our generation, to decide whether
the world proceeds toward democracy, peace and prosperity, or
whether those bright prospects are allowed to slip away.
Chaos. Part of the challenge is to keep our bearings,
guided by mankind's most fundamental-moral commitments. These
are embodied in the Charter of the united Nations. They are
expressed in our conventions on human rights, etc., end they
are being fulfilled. The Cold War required control and a clear
vision based on maintaining that control. To promote our
people's interests in today•s world of chaos requires a new
kind of vision -- confidence in our ideals and in ourselves.
With Rwanda on the television we cannot pretend to control
events; but we CAN shape events toward a freer, more secure and
humane world. We have to be willing to think anew about what
is going on in the world.
�'
SEP-12~94
MON 14:35
IO
FAX NO. 2027364116
P. 04
UNCLASSIFIED
-3-
Action. Why must we act in Rwanda? Why must we act to
prevent Rwandas if we possibly can? First and foremost,
because people are suffering and dying on a massive scale, and
we have the resources and thus an obligation to relieve and
prevent human suffering and death. But also because the
post-Cold War world is y@t unformed, and our action or inaction
'Will directly affect the prosperity, the safety and the moral
expectations of our own societies and our own children. We.
commemorated D-Day -- a vast mobilization of resources as well
as the expression of democratic ideals. Today the challenges
are more complex but the essentials are the same -- a
commitment to ideals, the willingness to risk, intense
co9peration, determination to prevail.
Domestic-International. Americans are adjusting after the
Cold War. We are reducing our military expenditure and putting
our economy on a path of sustainable growth. we are tending to
long-neglected public needs such as health care for all. We
are learning the possibilities of a world no longer frozen and
paralyzed by nuclear confrontation. What we do outside 6ur
borders is intimately tied to what we can do at home.
Public opinion. On every issue we have fought in America
trade liberalization, deficit control, health care, crime -we have had to break through old politics and build consensus
for new approaches. In each case we have succeeded because the
public believes there are better ways to serve their real needs.
Americans support the United Nations. They support
peacekeeping. ~his is clear from many polls. The UN and
peacekeeping must work as well as possible, and we as member
governments are responsible to assure that it does. That is
part of our commitment to revitalizinq international
institutions. I doubt if public opinion is very different
anywhere in the world when you are talking about the most
fundamental aspirations people have for their families.
Solid progre~~ ~n the last year. It is important to
celebrate our gains. Since we met a year ago:
o
Development of international institutions: Partnership for
Peace; expansion of NATO and the EU; OECD expansion; APEC;
GATT/WTO; and NAFTA. This will continue with the November
APEC leaders meeting and the December Surrunit of the
Americas.
o
In the UN system:
-- High Commissioner for Human Rights.
�'·
SEP~ 12--94
MON 14: 35
FAX NO. 2027364116
P. 05
UNCLASSIFIED
-4-
-- Continued the process of streamlining the UN to
respond to the challenges, e.g. Inspector General,
stronger peacekeeping structure.
o
Russia and the.United States, the former adversaries, hav~
continually improved our working relationship for peace. __
o
Middle East
o
South Africa
o
Rwanda mobilization
o
Cambodia, El Salvador, Mozambique, Haiti (as appropriate).
I.9sks Remain.ing_.
There is still much to do;
o
Major non-proliferation goals, including NPT, CTBT,
follow-up to COCOM.
o
Further UN _reform, including bettet peacekeeping
capabilities, better humanitarian aid coordination, 25
percent limit on peacekeeping assessments, and the
expansion of the Security Council with permanent seats for
Germany and Japan.
o
Sustainable development, population growth, terrorism,
narcotics.
o
We have to do better on peacekeeping and humanitarian
relief: Bosnia, Somalia, Liberia, Angola, Georgia.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. notes
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
09/22/1994
re: Handwritten Notes- UNGA Meeting (6 pages)
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speech\Vfiting)
ONBox Number: 422
FOLDER TITLE:
UNGA '94 - POTUS Meetings
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2581
RESTRICTION CODES
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)J
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)J
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRAJ
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Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
SUBJECTffiTLE
I
Tara Sonenshine to Bob Boorstin; re: Some Random Thoughts on the
UNGA Speech (3 pages)
DATE
RESTRICTION
n.d.
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
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FOLDER TITLE:
UNGA '94 - NSC Memos
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2580
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_
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RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
· ~~ i_ · ·
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;:!'! "'.-. · :
INTON· LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY' '·
:;fl
·
�.,
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
TO:
FR:
RE:
Bob Boorstin
Tara Sonenshine
Random Thoughts on the UNGA Speech
This memo contains various, different directions for the UNGA
speech.
Please disregard the use of code.words like "Multilateralism"--I
use them as short-hand only.
I am not saying they shoUld be used
in speeches--but sometimes there is no escaping descriptive
language.
1.
GLOBALISM, INTERNATIONALISM, MULTILATERALISM
Call it what you want--the reality is that our Admininstration
has come to rely more and more on global, international,
multilateral institutions and mechanisms for addressing world
problems.
That, in and of itself, is NOT a bad thing.
The
problem, in my view, is that we have failed to explain why and
how we view these institutions and the role of American
leadership both in driving these bodies to act, and reforming
them in ways that increase their effectiveness.
a.
Firstly, we have failed to explain why multilateralism is NOT
and does NOT have to be a substitute for US leadership or an
excuse NOT to act.
We have failed to make the case for why and
how America can lead ~nternational oiganizations to act and the
ways in which we can change old institutions and build new
institutions that can, more effectively, act decisively.
examples:
PFP--a brand, new international body.
G-7--a new approach to an old institution by having
Russia join discussions on the last day
UN--reforming the body is something we are doing
ASEAN--other regional fora--actively working
New Pacific Roundtable
Summit of the Americas--a new kind of regional forum
Somewhere in the speech we should highlight the role of this
President as a pioneer in making·antiquated institutions fit the
new realities of the post Cold War world and giving birth to
brand new institutions and mechanism for solving international
problems. We can be very specific on the laundry list.
b.
Secondly, we have failed to explain how American leadership
can bring pressure on new·, international mechanisms.
The CONTACT group--America sets the agenda for it.
NATO, UN/Bosnia--America moved the allies to act on the Sarajevo
ultimatum
· '
UN- HAITI re'solution.
America got the Lat:i,.ri Americans and other
nations to support the resolution .
.
;
'
c.
In tern at tona-:-~-.-.~gr.~a~J-:z-a;t:,i;Qn~s~p·~~q l~,~~;l':~·~i"·(~mpedimen t s to
solving probie.!h? /'~fJ"tnefte'~7'ios::.·T~a_g~'i:'?::lf:~F~c%~1tJ1Jn them.
With new
/:: :·:·.·~:·::_'\~~~QNt Lr~MR:~~~~?t8:9~rx·::~l}; :;~_l
�nations interconnected economically and politically, it is
foolhardy NOT to be looking to international bodies for
solutions.
The key, it seems to me, is not to be held hostage to
international bureaucracy and to make global institutions active
agents of change.
That requires leadership, which we have shown.
d.
When our vital interests are threatened, America will act
alone.
(A point the President has made but must make, repeatedly
-if we end up developing this theme of globalism.
e.
Spreading the wealth as well as the burdens.
I think
Americans understand and appreciate the basic fact that, you can
accomplish more when you pool the resources, energies and talents
of nations than when you act alone.
We can make the case IF we
continue to stress that US leadership within these bodies is key
to their success.
2.
ENGAGEMENT
Last September at the UN, the President said that for those who
wonder if America will be engaged in the world, the question is
not whether or not we will be engaged but how we will engage.
For all the criticism of our foreign policy, it cannot be said
that over the past year America has not engaged itself and
engaged others on the international stage.
What we may want to
do this September is to explain the HOW part of engagement with
greater clarity.
(If we could find a new term of art for the
KIND of engagement we seek in the world, it would be great-clearly it must take into account the various forms of
engagement: )
a.
HUMANITARIAN ENGAGEMENT
(Somalia, Rwanda.) American leadership when it comes to
humanitarian engagement .is unprecedented and daunting.
b.
ECONOMIC ENGAGEMENT
Nafta, G-7. APEC, US-Japan framework, GATT, Eastern Europe ....
c.
POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT
Middle East, Africa, Eastern Europe, Russia, NIS ...
d.
MILITATY ENGAGEMENT
When our vital interests are
after the plot against Bush,
were violations in Bosnia of
hesitate to press our allies
threatened, as they were in·Iraq
we will employ force.
When there
the Sarajevo ultimatum, we did not
to use force.
3. A MORAL RESPONSIBILITY TO ACT
I know you bristled at the use of the term ''moral" especially
vis-a-vis foreign policy, but the reality is that this President
has a moral compass, feels motivated to act with higher
principles in mind, and we fail to trumpet the fact that he has
the moral courage to take on difficult issues such as staying in
Somalia even after the killing of US servicemen, bringing the
force of the entire US military to bear on the crisis in Rwanda,
sti9king up for democracy in Haiti (with all the costs of doing
so) finding s~fe haven for refugees, paying attention to
continents l.dJ<e ·:;:Af;r ·~aJ~-e~e::..:::::;r,t;c,:-=rs~w0:ilt:'~"7a!t least, thinking
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�about how he can say that America has the courage to take on the
hard challenges in. the face of criticism and skepticism.
4.
BRINGING PEOPLE TOGETHER WHO ARE WORLD'S APART
Don't use the phrase--it is ABC NEWS' slogan! The point worth
considering is that in this new, complicated era, part of
.
American leadership involves finding opportunities for peace and
seizing them. .This President has done that this year with
Arafat-Rabin, Hussein-Rabin, Yeltsin-Ukraine, Yeltsin-Baltics ...
America has inserted herself into many places where US leadership
was required to encourage parties towards peace.
5. DIPLOMACY and USE OF FORCE
I keep hoping that someone will pull together a CLINTON DOCTRINE
description which explains that Clinton's Foreign Policy is based
on a careful calibration of force and diplomacy in which we use
these dual levers to bring about the resolution of conflicts.
The skillful use of force and diplomacy in Bosnia has involved
building a confederation while at the very same time that NATO
airpower was used to change realities on the ground.
In Haiti,
we began with diplomacy and have moved to the possible use of
force, but only after the diplomatic track was unsuccessful.
(*I plan to give this last category more thought.)
6.
A TRULY GLOBAL VISION
No piece of the globe has been igrr6red this year by America.
Africa--laundry list of examples of our attention to Africa
Middle East--Israel-Jordan, Israel-PLO
Latin America, Carribbean--attention to Haiti, Summit of Americas
Asia-Pacific--attention to Korea, China, US-Japan, ASEAN
Europe--European integration, NATO summit, Normandy trip
Russia-former Soviet Union--Ukraine tri-lateral deal, Baltics,
Riga trip.
Standing in the United Nations, this President could do some
verbal globe-trotting to relfect upon all that has been done and
yet still needs to be done around the world.
The NO MAN IS AN
ISLAND (add women) .. WE ARE ALL PART OF THE CONTINENT, PART OF
THE MAIN" line by John Donne still might be appropriate, overused
as it is.
This memo is a work in progress.
I will be back with more.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE
Bob Boorstin to Anthony Lake; re: Preliminary UNGA Thoughts (4
pages)
08118/1994
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number: 422
FOLDER TITLE:
UNGA '94 - Outline
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2579
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade sec~ets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in ar<•orrlar,rPcwi!t1~~~42~!~~;;~~-~~~~!~;;;~::~~:~~~~~~tl''f&:j~:)~j'~~~~i~~ or geophysical information
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Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECTrfiTLE
From Strobe Talbott; re: Comments on POTUS UNGA Speech Draft
#3 (1 page)
09/25/1994
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number: 422
FOLDER TITLE:
UNGA '94 -Later Drafts
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2578
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
. .
.
r,:c--c·---"""·:.·-~-~-r-- 7 _ _ -·-:-:--~-fi~~~~~n,~t<~~(8)o~the FOIA)
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2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon
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s.;;X );\/ · -.
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--
sunday, september 25, 1994
Comments on.POTUS-UNGA speech 4ratt 13
From Strobe Talbott
o
overall, I !eel it still nee<!s a mora focused, hard-hittinCJ,
memorable billboard section··-- somethinq alonq the linea of
Leon Fuerth's suqqestion, "The Fourth.Coalition." "Pivct
point for the 21st centUry" isn't bad. But right now1 the
speech is still too diffuse. (One of the inadve~etantly
more memorable 'linea in the current clraft ia, "The end. ot
the Cold. War. has opened. the vorl<! anc! its problema_ to a new ·
. flexibility." Hardly what we want people to come out Of ttle
speech hummin9 to themselves.) This deficiency could be
lar9ely fiXed. With a powerful paraqraph Up top, which could
be rep~ised near the and •
.o
·;r have aslc.ecl Jim· Collins to look carefully at the Russia
section to ll\ake sure that it adequately takes .care of the
synchronization/harmonization axa~i•• we're doing with ·
Yelt&in'• epeech. My initial reading ·•U9t••t• that we n•ed
to beef that up a bit, but collins will be in direct ~o~ch. ·
on that ·ecora.
·
o
There i• a kay point that needs to ~· included more
explicitly: virtually all refe:tences.to the encS of the Cold
War aake it sound as though the West beat the East; •omehow,
we've qot.to work ,in recoqnition that the and of t~a Col4
War, the fall of communi1m, the collap•• of the soviet .
Union, the breach of the Berlin Wall and the Iron CUrtain -all that came about in l•rga maa•ura because of tha rise of
retorm in the la•t; the velvet revolution in czechoslovakia,
the.uiumph of the people, and ratontist leaders over the
cSead hand of the past, etc.
o
P. 3, .there'• a jarring transition at the bottom ot the
paqe, just batora, "Let •• be clear." It'• aa thouqh the
President suddenly remembers he'• euppoaec! to sound tough
and represent his own country first and toremo~t. sugqest
workin9 a much 1aoothar ••~• there.
·
o
Pp. 5•6, I hope we can fincl soma other way to deal with the
as•e•••ent isaue_than, "The financial bU¥"den that my nation
carries •ust be li9htenec!." It haa a whiny, special•
pleading. quality to it.
~
·
o
P. 7, trust you' il adjust the retaranca' to "avoid bloodshe4••
in the Haiti sac.tion, · 9iven last. niqht. "Minimize
bloodshed• would p~obably •till work.
·
I've got some
phone in.·
a~citic
word• ancl phrase•fixes that I'll
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Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECT/TITLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. notes
re: Handwritten Notes- Agenda for A Strong America (2 pages)
n.d.
P5
002. memo
Michael Waldman to Georgetown Speech Meeting; re: Some
Thoughts on the Speech (I page)
11101/1994
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
OA!Box Number: 422
FOLDER TITLE:
Georgetown- 11/10/94- Outline
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2577
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
. .
.
,....,... _ c·-::~· . ~. n•·"-·c··--· . _ -;·· ... _ _ .•. , .-n:\l-~l.~tit~~~~-,~(~~(8) o~ the FOIA)
.
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
Lawrence Summers to Bob Boorstin & Anyone Else Interested (2
pages)
11/09/1994
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
OA/Box Number: 422
FOLDER TITLE:
Georgetown- 11110/94- Inserts
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2576
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRAJ
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b )(7) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
r···~~c:--·.·
:;.''p- : ··. --·- ._.. - --~· . - - fin;mcial-i!}__st!tutio!l~·[(b)(8) of the FOIA]
·
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2201(3).
i . . . •;{~ '-· ., • ~' . ·. ,
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RR. Document will be reviewed upon reqt~~' · l~ l.fNTON•~iJBRAJ{Y PHO'rQCOPY: ~J\! ~,~:)
:
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
John Shattuck et alto Tom Donilon; re: Themes for Pre-APEC
Speech - Human Rights, Democracy and Economic Development (4
pages)
09/30/1994
P5
002. memo
re: Democracy & Development (10 pages)
10/07/1994
P1/b(l)
003. paper
re: Suggested Themes for Possible Presidential Speech on
Democracy, Trade, & Asia (3 pages)
09/2611994
P1/b(1)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number: 422
FOLDER TITLE:
Human Rights - Language
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 1777
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI
P2
P3
P4
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) of the PRA)
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b )(7) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA)
PRM. Personal record misftle defined in accofd~m:e-with:~fl !J'~;~\:::; ~(~):}~el~a-s-e}~?li'd,:d~~~t~e g~ological or geophysical information .
:.
.. ... Jl~.~~~~~ - ---,-- ·concernmg-wells [(b)(9,),~f the FOIA)
2201(3).
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.
d
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=
11 :j;INTQNtJBRAR)"_PHOTQCOPY
�·-.
09/30/94
17:20
'a'20264704Jl
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DRL
9/29/94 DRAFT
l'
OCTOBER__,
I
1994
TO:
PA - Tom Donilon
FROM:
DRL - John Shattuck
EAP - Winston Lord
EB - Dan Tarullo
SUBJECT:
Themes for Pre-APEC Speech.-- Human rights,
democracy and economic development
This memorandum sets forth a framework for a speech by the
President or the Secretary interpreting and synthesizing the
relationship of economics, human rights and democratization in
our integrated foreign policy toward Asia. This relationship
will likely be in the foreground of the upcoming APEC meeting
and the President's visits to the Philippines and Indonesia in
November.
BACKGROUND
In keeping with the strategy approved by the Deputy
Secrelary for dealing proactively with human rights and related
issues around APEC, we recommend a speech by the President or
the Secretary that would sensitively but ·unambiguously
enunciate the u.s.• commitment to the promotion of democracy
and human rights and anchor that commitment in a compelling,
nuanced understanding of our many shared interests with Asia not least our economic ties - and ·of the burgeoning U.S.-Asia
relationship, as we approach the next century. We believe that
in light of the MFN decision and its af.termath the
Administration needs to set forth an authoritative statement on
what are admittedly sensitive and complex issues. The speech
also needs to address and set in perspective human rights
developments in Indonesia.
CHARACTER AND SUBSTANCE OF SPEECH
The speech would build on the President's concept of a
"Pacific community" based on shared intereBts in economic
development, security and democratic values, while
affirmatively engaging in the ongoing debate within Asia over
the relationship between economic development and political and
civic freedom. Much of that debate has been dominated by a few
goyernments and leaders who
1
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have vocally asserted an "Asian" view that human rights must
take a backseat to economic development, or in its extreme
form, that democracy and human rights are antithetical to
economic development. This speech aims to resolve this
"chicken and egg" debate by offering a fortota-rd-looking vision
of how economic openness and political openness are mutually
-reinforcing, even as they proceed at different paces in
different places.
FRAMEWORK OF SPEECH
The u.s. has begun to forge a long-term, strategic
partnership with the Asian-Pacific region, a "Pacific
community," based on principles of shared strength, shared
-prosperity and shared democratic values.
As .we approach the 21st century, a global community is
beginning to take shape around the principles of free
markets and open societies. A chief historical lesson of
thi~ century is that open societies and free markets offer
the fullest and most productive outlets for.human
development, creating and distributing wealth, fostering a
just social order, and a safer world. Repression stifles
creativity, breeds injustice and foments international
tensions..
·
Open societies and free markets are always ongoing "works
in progress," varying with the contours of time and place.
We in the u.s. frankly acknowledqe our own society's
injustices and imperfections, past and present, and regard
that self-criticism and a drive for improvement as the
basis of our national vitality.
The pace and extent of political and economic
liberalization, will necessarily differ trom country to
country. When one or the other is held back or when the
two are out of sync difficulties will arise, e;g.
Philippines (late 60's and early 70's), Russia, China
(Tiananmen), Thailand (1991). The problems in Indonesia
now reflect the differentiated pace of econtimit and ·
political development.Democracy/human rights are not code words for West~rn
imperialism or protectionism. We do not aim to replicate
u.s. democracy around the world. Our long-term objective
is respect for human rights as enunciated in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, reaffitmed at last year's
Vienna Conference, for governments to be held accoun~able
to those they rule and to the international community, and
for economic development to proceed in tandem with civic
and political openness. There is a shared underlying logic
to free markets and free societies; both are grounded in
respect ~2r b,~m"'J,\~-,S~"c:JP:;-F~,~~-~1:he . . . ~#kE!~-~9;t'-::"law and individual
choice.
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-3-
~he Asia-Pacific region looms large in our future. We well
recognize the region's diversity and rich history, greatly
admire the region's recent economic gains and welcome the
benefits that economic development have brought to the
Asian people. We also admire those Asian countries an~
leaders which have moved along the democratic path towards
open societies and the.protection of universal human rights
(e.g. Korea, Kim Yong Sam, Cambodia and its people, 'and the
Philippines, Ramos and Aquino, 'Taiwan, Aung San Suu Kyi).
We look for~ard to working with all Asia-Pacific countries,
to deepening our ties and our mutual understanding through
trade, cultural exchanges and increased cooperation on
global issues.
·rn its dealings with Asian countries as with all countries
the U.S. must remain true to its .values and ideals. We are
unequivocally committed to respect for individual rights
and human dignity, representative government and the rule
of law, which, with our belief in free and open markets
comprise the basis of our own brand of democracy.
Our deeply held commitment to democracy and human rights ts
rooted not only in values, but in our conception of our own
national interests, and the interests of our partners and
friends. Political systems based on representative
government,· governed by the rule of law and charged with
protecting individual liberties, provide the most effective
grounding for long-term and sustained economic growth. For
example, co·untries cannot attract substantial investment
without the assuranc~ and credibility of an effective legal
system.· Likewise, economic growth and free markets foster
pluralism and democr~cy.
·
0
Freedom (economic as well as political) releases
entrepreneurial energies, ·empowers· workers, ·generates
reliable information, creates long-term stability and
rewards private initiative. A system base(j on
accountability and the rule of law provides a government
with the legitimacy necessary to make hard choices, deal
. with the inevitable dislocations that come with economic
and political development and enhance security by placing
military power under civilian control. Such a system
provides the stability of rights and responsibilities
necessary to sustain long-term economic growth.
Moreover, promoting .open societies and accountable
serves our national interest in promoting
security and stability... Such governments do not attack
each other or drive domestic groups into armed·opposition.
They do not generate refugees or practice terrorism.
.90\~tnments
!
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-4-
We seek not debate but dialogue. While the u.s. is deeply
committed to our beliefs, we recognize and understand that
there are other views on structuring the relationship
between a people and their government. We welcome frank
and op~n dialogue with the countries of Asia on issues 1ike
the relationship between rights and responsibilities, the
balance to be struck between the respective needs of the
individual and the community. We look forward to increased
cultural exchanges between the u.s. and the Asia-Pacific
and are proud of the growing prominence of Asian-Americans
in the u.s.
This discussion will enrich our broad-based engagement with
.the Asian nations in. our many areas of mutual interest, in
a synthesis of dialogue and cooperation. The speech should
close by reaffirming our policy of including human rights
in our relations with other countries and reiterating our
belief that long-term security and prosperity and
·
inextricably bound up with aconomic and civi~ freedom.
CONCLUSION
we believe that a speech along these lines will serve two
purposes. First, it will-reaffirm our commitment to the core.
values that bind and define the U.S. as a nation and anchor
.those values in a meaningful long-term understanding of our
national interests in security and prosperity. Second, the
speech will present the governments and -'not least - -the
people of Asia with an alternative to the much-touted ~Asian
Model'' of authoritarianism-cum-growth. By· framing the ongoing
exchange Qver these issues in terms of dialogue, the President
or the Secretary will avoid being seen as lecturing or debating
these issues, but rather, we hope, use the discussion ~o
broaden our sense of what it means to engage with the
Asian-Pacific region._
Laying out these issues in advance of the President's trip
and the APEC meetings will set a broad framework for both our
doemstic and Asian audiences on these sensitive subjects. It
should make it easier for the Presdient and the Secretary to
handle the specific issues and general dialogue that will
unflod during.the Asian Pacific trips. ·
Please let us know what you think about- the preceding
structure and themes for a Prel!lidential speech on our Asian
policy. Our bureaus are prepared to work with your staff as we
legin to draft the speech.
141 005
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
001. letter
Robert Boorstin to Stephen Cohen; re: Moscow State Speech
(partial) (l page)
002. letter
Strobe Talbott to Bob Boorstin; re: Moscow State Univerity Speech
(4 pages)
. 05/17/1995
05/04/1995
RESTRICTION
P6/b(6)
P5
COLLECTION:
· Clinton Presidential Records
. National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number: 423
FOLDER TITLE:
Russia, 5/95 - Moscow State [University] - Experts
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 1791
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- (44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- (S U.S.C. SS2(b))
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(I) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
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C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIA) .
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
2201(3).
r~;-::~-::--:-~~~~~,~~~~~~~~i"JQI)(?),?f the FOIA)
.
.
.f(. ··: '- -··· · .r·· ·~ •• - ·
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05104195
08:08
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Thursday May 4, 1995
.
c;,. a, ,_, / fle-.-1-r ,-.
Bob:
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Some thoughts on the Moscow state u. speech, following up on
the discussion in the Cabinet Room yesterday .•. I'll continue to
send alonq such missives as thoughts occur to me. I'll be
working all weekend at. home on summit stuff'· and would be glad to
qet together with you, either by phone or in person, if I can he
of any help on the speech.· ·
. The speech needs, I think we all agree, a Lift of a Driving
Dream (known here in the bureaucracy as a LOADD, which makes you,
as the speechwriter, a LOADD master or a LOADD star).
Suggest that you have POTUS echo, perhaps with direct
reference, his Ostankino speech in Jan. 94, particularly the
passage where he said that Russia had one of those rare
opportunities to redefine itself -- and that the whole world was
waiting to see how it did so: would it redefine itself in terms
of the past (might-makes-right and empire), or the future?
That could lead into a riff on integration:
The world wants and needs Russia in the 21st century to be a
strong state and an active player on the international stage.
Russia has an immense amount to contribute, because or its vast
huma~ and na.tural resources.
But when we· say we ,want and need
Russia to be strong,
do not mean just any Russia; we believe
that a strong, active, internationally engaged Russia must also
be a democratic, prosperous Russia, fully at peace with itself
and with its neighbors, fully integrated into the world
community. Moreover, we believe that Russia can be strong only
i:f it is democratia.and integrated.
we
We fully recognize that the basic choices are up to Russia
and to Russians. Russia's fate is in its own hands. But we can
help. we do so not just for your sake, but for our own. Just-as your foreign policies will be rooted in your leaders' sense of
your self-interest, so ours will be rooted in our own. And our
self-interest demands that we support Russian reform, because a
reformist Russia is a Russia with which we can work together to
make the world a better place •.
[In the way you craft that passage, be careful to
avoid any whiff of condominium.]
One way we can support reform and advance our own interests
as well as yours is to use our own position in and with
international institutions to make sure that doors are open to
you.·... [Then list some: G-7 /P-8, export-control regimes,
commercial s~!=l<?e .~~wtqh...markeh. ~1~ -~--~
. ·
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08:08
Chip Blacker has some very qood thoughts and
formulations on this whole integration bit.
Somehow we need to work into this passage a cautionary
we can open the doors, but it's up to you,
Russ,ia, to walk thro~qh.
pain~!
The opposite of integration is self-isolation: do~t do
that; you tried that already. It led not only to the
opposite of inteqration but to the opposite of strength
the Soviet Union collapse.
Another point that will help avoid the danqer of sounding
patroni2ing or condescending that both POTUS and the VP are
concerned about:
·r
We all talk about the end of the Cold War, and we celebrate
it as an event in this century as significant as the end of World.
War II, which, of course, was the reason for my visit to Moscow
yesterday.
But there is one point that sometimes does not get enough
recognition: the Cold War ended not just because the West
steadfastly championed a set of principles and pursued a
consistent strategy {although that was part of it); the Cold war
ended·because the Russian people and Russian reformers, along
with others throuqhout the former Soviet Union and Central
Europe, demanded changes -- insisted upon basic political ~nd
economic freedom. The· forces of reform in this part of the world
were not just among the victors -- they made the victory
possible. And you did so at considerable risk and sacrifice. We
know that reform and transformation have brought with them .
hardship and uncertainty. So let me echo today, in the contex~
of the end of the Cold War, what I said yesterday at.the WW2
Museum in the context of the end of that other great struggle:
you have our gratitude; you have our admiration; you have our
support.
On Chechnya:
Perhaps after a segue from the immediate previous •••
one of the many extraordinary -- and admirable -- aspects of
what is sometimes justly called the Second Russian Revolution has
been ~hat it has been generally peaceful, nonviolent. You have
gone from being part of an empire held together by force to
reinventing yourselves as a modern nation-state, prepared to take
i~s place in the community of nations.
It is against the backdrop of that achievemen~ that the
and blunder of·Chechnya.are particularly lamentable.
Violence on a massive scale have stained the map of Russia with
blood.
t~agedy
�•
05/04/95
r. - '
\..
- '-
•
~
'..__, ' •-
~
'·•
(4J 004
08:09
You'll need a sub-riff here on how we're not questioning
Russian sovereignty; quite the contrary, part of our
concern is precisely that Russia be a modern state in
which all people feel like full citizens, not subjects
of Moscow's rule; a modern state at peace with itself
as well with its neighbors. Chechnya has been a
setback to precisely that goal for yourselves that we
share. It has weakened Russia -- in part because it~
has weakened the forces of Russian reform.
Now, for the coda or peroration •••
- Here's where I'd elaborate on the "we are with you" line that
I suqqest would be a good chance for the President to show oifhis
mastery of Russian -- and to sound an overarchinq theme.
In Russian it's (phonetically) mwee svami.
,
I'd suggest that you have him use it three or four times
(we'll have to script this carefully with the simultaneous
interpreter); and it should be done in a way that is both a vow
of solidarity and also an exhortation to keep on the course of
reform.
Something like this ..••
Yesterday, I joined 000 world leaders in paying homage to
the Russian people's heroic contribution and sacrifice in World
war II.
Yesterday, we looked back 50 years. Today, I would like to
look ahead 50 years •••• look ahead to the next century, when
Russia can, and we hope will, be a strong, democratic, etc. etc.
[t;his point is. fleshed. out below].
p
We hope that your children and grandchildren·will be deeply
grateful to the Russians who stood up against the coup of August
91 and who voted in the first post-Communist constitution .and who
voted in free and· fair elections in December 95 and June 96
just as you, and we, are grateful to your parents and
grandparents who fought and; in such dreadful numbers, died in
the struggle against Fascism.
As you work to build that future, we are with you -- mwee
svami.
If you can stay on the course of reform -- economic reform
dedicated to the market, political reform which means democracy - we are with you -- mwee svami.
If you can resist the forces of ugly nationalism and ethnic
hatred and fear of the future, we are with you -- mwee svami.
p
�05/04/95
08:09
Anyway, you get the idea, and if you think it has any merit,
I'm sure you can make it sing.
By the way, speaking of warning against fear of the
future, that makes me wonder ir we could, without beinq
too corny, have POTUS echo FOR's most :famous single ·
line -- it would be a way of establishing empathy as·
opposed to condescension. Give it some thought .•.
And I repeat: I'm available any time, anywherQ, over the
weekend.
cc: -Chip Blacker
Tom Donilon
)?nt/
/
.
�---~~.
.-
~·
--··-
.:
.. ,_·_- '- .... '. ·- -·
Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. letter
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
Strobe Talbott to Hillary Clinton; re: Interview in Moscow with
Radio Nadezhda (3 pages)
05/02/1995
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
OA/Box Number: 423
FOLDER TITLE:
Russia, 5/95- Moscow Stae [University]- Background
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2583
RESTRICTION CODES
Freedom of Information Act- (5 U.S.C. SS2(b)]
Presidential Records Act- (44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
PI
P2
P3
P4
National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA)
Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) of the PRA)
Release would disClose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) ofthe FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions ((b)(S) of the FOIA]
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in acc~rdance.wit!J.4~ 7y,.~:C:'·:: . _.;,.:: .. :~~"~QY.Id,,<J,~s.!:!~S,~·~~ological or geophysical information
2201(3).
I
· '/{·· .•.)?t,,~~~,:..~~f~-:'r concernmg.well:f(I?Xn~?fthe FOIA)
RR. Document will be reviewed upon
requl;~(' •4~:~".;.~f
.:. ·- .. ' . ·
_ :it,j,j
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·~---·
_.
�·-~---..l.------·-·
05/02/95
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14:57
.
_...___~
141002
United States Department of State
l'M Deputy Secretary of SltLLe
WCishingtcm. D.C. 20520
May 2, 1995
Dear Mrs. Clinton:
. Melanne·called last week.to say that _you have agreed to do
an interview in Moscow with Radio Nadezhda ("Hope"). It's a
terrific idea. Part of .the P.resident's purpose in going to
Moscow is to reach out to the Russian people.
Not knowing Radio Nadeihda myself, · I asked my e:::·~ecuti ve
assistant, Victoria Nuland, for her thoughts on the best
app.t·oach. Before joining m€!1 in the Departrn~nt, Victoria worked
as a political officer in our embassy in Moscow. She knows the
Russian media in general and Radio Nadezhda in paz:ticular. She
has sLayed in close touch with developments in Ru~sia, and has
been an invaluable advisor and reality check for me in my own
effort to advise Chris and the Presid<ent.The basic point to stress is that R1.lssians are exceedin<]lY
-- I'd even say increasingly -- concerned about security and
stability (a concern that is not entirely i'ncomprehensible oz:
ali~n t.o many Americans).
After the initial euphoria of
throwjng off the dead hand of the past, Russians have come
increasingly toidentify reform with crime, corruption,
hardship and fear of tl'le future. That has made them vulnerable
to the most dangerous sorts of demagogue.
They also ca.:r.e very
. mucs:h about how t_hey .are see11 _by the rest of the world.
Your. message should be tllat we admire what they have
already done, a.nd we support them in what they are t.rying to
do. That can be s<een essem:ially as undergoing a traumatic
transition now so that t.heir children can have a better future.
Radio Nade:zhda is, as you know, a station founded and run
women. That makes it. all L.he more appropriate for you to
touch upon your special concern with women's issues, such as
day care for working mothers and reproductive health (abort.j__.,.,n
is still the birth-control technique of choice -- or perhaps r
should say of default) .
·
"
"
..
by
..
Mrs. Hillary Clinton,
The
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- 2 But Victoria notes that Radio Nadezhda has a remarkably
wide listenership, across gender lines as well as across a
broad spectrum of social, political, and economic backgrounds
~nd interests.
Therefore it would be good if you could develop
two broader democracy themes that are germane both to what's
happening in Russia and to our policy.
One is the essential role a free media plays in a healthy
democracy. You could draw on our own experience in this
country with the Fourth Estate.and its key role in informing
the public, in spurring national debate on major policy
ini·tiatives like health care reform and in ensuring transparent
election campaigns.
.
. You cou~d then ~alk about the healthy role the Russian
media has played on the toughest issues of' the day there:
Chechnya, economic re!orm, crime and corruption, etc. There's
not much of a silver lining in the Chechnya debacle, but at
least the Russian press and TV have brought vivid, critical
reporting into people's homes -- and been left more or less
free to do so.
..
The second theme is the importance of elections.in a
democracy and the obligation of all responsible citizens to
vote. As you know, Russians of all stripes have expressed
concern that the December '95 parliamentary elections and/or
the June '96 presidential elections will be canceled.
President Yeltsin has pledged to hold the elections on time and
President Clinton will, both publicly and in their private
encounters, remind him of that promise on t'his .trip. You have
a chance to make our stand on this issue clear to a wider
audience.
Many Russians have become apathetic about politics and
elections. Politicians are perceived to be corrupt and.in it
for themselves. Voter turn-out has been lower than 20 percent
in some local elections. This trend is particularly serious
·because younger vote·rs, new entrepreneurs . and other
beneficiaries of reform have not been voting in representative
numbers. This was clearly a factor in the Zhironovskiy party's
landslide in 1993. You can use your radio interview to remind
Russians that in a democracy the politicians work for the
people -- but the process only works if the people
participate. The best way to send a. messagoe to government and
to protect their children's future is to cast a well-considered
vote. This ties into the free media theme because the press
can serve to educ~te voters about candidates.
y
Another angle to hit is the link between priva·te property
and the right to vote. In a democracy, citizens protect the.ir
property from government abuse through. the good work of their
elected representatives. Now that 70 percent of Russian
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141004
- 3 -
J=>rOp,erty is in private hands and. virtually every Russian· owns
something (an apartment, a privat~ garden ~lot, stocks, or a
private business), Russians should have more incentive to vote,
not less.
Whenever possible, l'd urge that you totork in.personal
.
experience and observation. It will also help -if you can find
ways of telling the Russians that, tough as their problems are,
they're neither unique nor ignoble. Even though our country
has. had over two hundred years of practice in trying to perfect
the institutions and attitudes of democracy, social justice and
civil society, we still haven't gotten any of those entirely
right. We regard it as grounds not for condescension but for
admiration that after 70-plus years of totalitarianism and only
four a half years of freedom, the Russians have made as much ~
progress as theY have.
.
I hope these ideas are-helpful as you plan what could be a
very helpful reinforcement of the main themes.we're striking in
our policy as a whole.
I'll look forwar.d to seeing you on the trip .
..
Talbott
"'
..
r-·--- (:~~~~~-,~c~:~:~-~~~-r~~~=73)-:·c~
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
00 1. speech draft
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
re: President William Jefferson Clinton- Address to the Canadian
Parliament- Ottawa, Canada (with extensive edits by POTUS) (12
pages)
02/23/1995
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speeechwriting)
ONBox Number: 423
FOLDER TITLE:
Canada, 2/95 - Parliament
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2590
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) ofthe FOIA]
b(3) Release ~ould violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
PRM. Personal record misfLle defined in accm:fi_a!l_~e ~i:tl!~ t~J~~~-0
<;;,_ --:-- .'.:'"·-- .. _=~~~~.~~i!_£~\ts~,~~ological or geophysical information
2201(3).
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�2/22/95 2:30p.m.
PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
ADDRESS TO THE CANADIAN PARLIAMENT
OTTAWA, CANADA
FEBRUARY 23, 1995
Mr. Prime Minister, Mr. Speaker of the Senate, Mr. Speaker of the House of Commons,
honm:able Senators, Members of the House of Commons, distinguished members of the
diplomatic corps, ladies and gentlemen:
4a~tt--fm not r~scinillfigmyinvitattonWfienymrt!mffied'i:hart-phur-t~elivertlre
~-halfuftlrnt
speedrtothty.
I want to thank Prime Minister Chretien for welcoming me to your beautiful capital. The
Prime Minister first came to this chamber to represent the people of Canada when John F.
Kennedy was in the White House and has occupied nearly every seat in his nation's
cabinet. His service to his nation has earned him the gratitude of the Canadian people and
the respect of the United States.
Outside:tfle
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'turning~}- It has become traditional for American presidents, when they address this body,
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�California that power your computers, we are together living proof of the the value of
Technologies produced in your nation save lives in our hospitals while food from our
farms line your supermarket shelves. Our horizons have broadened because we can listen.
to the CBC
. :And our culture is richer because of exports like
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-rontinue-t'C'"build-on ":'_h_~is the world's most
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re~arkable relati?nshi~between any two
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countries.A Strengthen -..'f'<lr'tberoSkiop tka:t fm:lst-continue to help spread the benefits of
tL4..~ LUL..k.u.l.J.Ak::.
aemocracy, freedom and peace beyond our
shorei.::,'AR6:brGa~~~the·-ties-oftrade-an1t
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""'-p.r.omise-Gf..gpportunityfor·-millions·Ill9fe.
oMGre.tha.n...ever-before,..we-mustjoin-tegether:-.:In·a··worlr:f"tha:t·g~eVerdos~
engagement-abroad·is-~er-rnore-crucialroYr--partnership-ever·more-vital. There are those
in both of our nations who say we can no longer afford to or no longer need to exercise
leadership in the world. They are wrong. Tlre·tasksthat-we-must-faee-together·"ftre-t.s
-broad.a.s-the--eentinent.-we-share,.as swift-- and steep -as the rivers and-mountains-that:link
-rmr-nation~But-ifwellavigatethos~rcUfreiits and conquer those·peaks ......-ifwe·ertgage in
the.werla-.-we-will·leave-eur--children-a-legacy-as rich as those enjoy.ecLby..aU.-the
c:...gener.C!-tiQD.~_oLN orthAmericans -that-have gone befme.
-successfurpartnership-oetweerr·any-two-natiolis-iinlie wofldthan-the. .n~lationship..-he.tw.~en
-eanadi-and--the-tJnited States. Ewe are neighbors ~~--ili~-;~~~e
of-nat~re. ~-;;;~----
allies and friends by choicej~ery-dayweproduee-progress-b~p.
·
�4
We are two nations blessed with great resources, built by men and women who fled the
tyranny and intolerance of the Old World for the New. We are nations of pioneers-people armed with the confidence to strike out on their own and the talents to give shape
to their dreams. Character and history distinguish us from one another. But we share core
values: a devotion to hard work, an ardent belief in democracy, and a commitment to
giving each and every citizen the opportunity to reach his or her God-given potential.
These common values have nourished a friendship that has become a model for nations
around the world --mtd-w0-Siieufd-Tak:e::pr1ae:~iiHkM. New and revitalized democracies in
Central and Eastern Europe, Latin America and Asia now look to us and draw hope for
the future. They see just how much stronger bonds between nations can be when their
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governments answer to their citizens' desire foraea aa9 gria~i~ 'fhey-see-
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free-peoples..like.our.s-eenverge-time-and··again.
We have our differences, to be sure. But we approach them directly and solve our
problems in good faith. And we respect -- and learn from -- what is different about your
nation and its many peoples. Canada has shown the world how to balance freedom with
~j)
compassion and tradition with innovation. In your efforts to outlaw the automatic
(!)
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weapons ... to provide health care to every citizen ... and to treat your senior citizens with
the respect they deserve, you have blazed a trail. You have shown true reverence for
nature from the Maritimes to the Rockies.
�5
In a world darkened by ethnic conflicts that tear nations apart, Canada stands as a model
to the entire world of how people .of different cultures can live and work together in
peace, prosperity and mutual respect. President Truman summed it up well in 1947 when
he said that "Canada's eminent position today is a tribute to the patience, tolerance and
strength of character of her people .... Canada's notable achievement of national unity and
progress through accommodation, moderation, and forbearance can be studied with profit
by sister nations." Those words ring every bit as true today. [I am sure I speak for most
Americans in expressing the hope that the people of this great country will settle their
differences and stay together. At the same time, we recognize that Canada alone must
decide its political future.]
For generations, our two countries have joined in efforts to make the world more secure
and more prosperous; we have reached out to defend our values and our interests. In
World War I...on the beaches ofNormandy .... and in Korea. Together we helped summon
the United Nations into existence. Together we stood fast against communist tyranny and
prevailed in the Cold War, and we stood shoulder to shoulder against aggression in the
GulfWar. Now, our nations have stepped forward to help Haiti emerge from repression
and restore its democracy. In one international forum after another, we stand side by side
to shape a safer, better world .... whether it be at the World Population Conference or in
pushing together for indefinite extension of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty .
.r·-.·---:.•·;7+,~;-;F~~~~~~~~~-~~·--···.;.;l
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We know that for Canada, this history of action is a matter of deep tradition -- a tradition
that says "We must be engaged" in the affairs of the world. You have always shown the
wisdom of reaching out instead of retreating... of rising to new responsibilities instead of
retrenching. Your tradition of engagement continues to this day, earning respect around
the world. In places like Cyprus and the Sinai, Canadian troops have played an invaluable
role in preventing more violence in critical hotspots. And today, your 2000 peacekeepers
in the former Yugoslavia are courageously fulfilling their mission in the midst of one of the
most intractable, difficult conflicts in memory.
For half a century, the United States has shared that philosophy of action and consistently
exercised our leadership abroad. I am determined that we preserve that commitment.
These times may be turbulent, but we have an historic opportunity to increase security and
prosperity for our peoples and around the world. And I will do everything in my power to
keep my country constructively engaged in the world. Imagine what the Persian Gulf
region would look like today if we had not risen to the challenge of Iraqi aggression.
Imagine just what tariffs and barriers would plague the world trading system if we had not
,
~ (\...uA..q ~~ ~~u:N-llu:t\l\~ lLL. \.J~U\,~~\ ~~C ,~l.JJt C\_~
worked so hard for liberalization\And imagine how much\rorse the tragedy in Rwanda ·
would be ifwe had not been there to provide essential help in the refugee camps. We
must not let anyone or anything break this great tradition of our nations .
In our partnership, we will find the key to protecting our people and increasing their
prosperity -- and the power to reach beyond our shores in the name of democracy and ·
·, .~~jf~~~2~~;':~~~~~7·_·,iJ
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�7
freedom. To meet the challenges of this new era, we must now adapt the that institutions
helped us win the Cold War so that they can Serves us as well in the decades ahead as they
did in those past. Some have evolved with a changing world, discarding old missions and
assuming new roles. But we have also seen that the end of the East-West conflict, the
advent of24-hour financial markets, sudden·environmental disasters and the rise of
international terrorism put new demands on our institutions that the statesmen of 50 years
ago could not have foreseen. The 21st century will leave behind those who sit back and
rest.
To meet the security needs of the future, we must work together to see that NATO, the
most successful alliance in history, adapts to the new era. That means we must make
certain that the inevitable process ofNATO expansion proceeds smoothly, gradually and
openly. There should be no surprises. We will work so that conditions, timing and
military implications will be well and widely known in advance. And parallel to the
enlargement ofNATO, we must develop close and strong ties with Russia. [Possible
sentence about Canadian contribution to North Korea deal.] And we must continue
working together at the United Nations, where our nations have taken the lead in efforts
to reform peacekeeping operations -- controlling costs and improving information
gathering and command and control.
We must continue reforming our international economic institutions. We have already
made great strides in reshaping the new global economy with passage of the GATT, the
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most comprehensive trade agreement ever. The work will not stop there. At the
upcoming G-7 summit in Halifax, we will work to ensure that our international trade
institutions advance the cause of trade liberalization to tangible gains for our peoples. We
will also reexamine the institutions created at the time of Bretton Woods so that they can
master the new, increasingly complex generation of transnational problems that face us-like explosive populatio~ growth and environmental degradation. Real progress will
depe~d on our partnership.
Together, Canada and the United States are striving to seize all the advantages the new
global economy has to offer -- and our efforts to expand trade show just how rich the
fruits of engagement can be. For your people, as for ours, international trade has become
'
the ticket to success in a riew global economy. Trade produces high-wage jobs -- the kind
of jobs that provide our people with the opportunity to care for their families, to educate
their children, and to leave the next generation better off than the'last.
The success ofNAFTA, which is generating new jobs and opening new markets from
Monterrey to Medicine Hat, is the proof And now, as Prime Minister Chretien has said
so well, we are on the road to becoming Four Arnigos. Negotiations with Chile for
accession to NAFTA will soon be underway, and the addition of that thriving economy
will only continue to increase the benefits for all of us. And let me take a moment here to
thank your nation for its help in the recent financial crisis in Mexico. Canada stood
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�9
shoulder to shoulder with us, contributing one and a half a billion Canadian dollars and
strongly supporting international efforts to bolster the Mexican economy.
As we expand trade, we must also defend what we have inherited -- the natural riches of
our continent. Our nations have cooperated to such great effect on our continent in the
past -- now we must now build on those accomplishments. As host to the NAFT A
environmental commission, your country will play a key role in ensuring that we protect
the extraordinary bounty that has been given us '-- for our children and for theirs.
N AFT A is only one of several fronts on ·which we are working together to increase
prosperity and expand free trade. Our nations are building .on the progress of last year's
Summit of the Americas, which will create a free trade area embracing the entire
hemisphere. Across the Pacific as well, we have paved the way for new markets and free
trade among the most dynamic economies in the world -- a development that will ensure
that the prosperity of today continues to grow strong in the years and decades to come.
These efforts will only enhance what is now the greatest trading relationship in the world .:
-ours. Today-- every day-- people, ideas and goods stream across our border. Bilateral
trade between our nations -- more than 370 billion Canadian dollars last year -- is the
largest in the world. Our trade with each other has become an essential pillar in the
architecture of both our economies. Today, 4.5 million of our citizens have jobs that
involve trade between our countries. Those are the concrete benefits of our friendship.
�10
Between 1988 and I994, trade between our nations rose by 50 percent; last year alon~, it
increased by II percent.
But statistics do not give the human reality behind this flourishing exchange of goods and
ideas. Our trade is creating real jobs for real people. In Boscawen [BAHS-kwin], New
Hampshire, for example, a small company called Secure Care Products produces
monitoring systems for patients in nursing homes. Recently, Secure Care began exporting
its products to Canada. Sales there are already growing fast and the company expects
them to triple this year. And so Secure Care is hiring people like Susan Southwick -- the
granddaughter of Quebeckers, the mother of two and now, the company's 26th employee.
Giving Susan and her husband a shot at the North American dream is what our partnership
is all about.
In Greensboro, North Carolina, another small company called Createc Forestry Syst.ems is
showing how our trade helps people turn their hopes into realities. Founded by a man
named Albert Jenks in his family's kitchen, Createc makes hand-held computers that track
lumber mill inventories. Those computers help managers assess their needs better, so
fewer trees are cut unnecessarily. A few years ago, Createc started exporting to Canada,
and now those sales account have already risen to nearly 20% of the total. That means a
more secure future for Createc, for Mr. Jenks's, and for his son Patrick, who works with
his father. Createc shows how our trade can increase our prosperity and can protect the
environment.
-.
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[Example of Canadian firm profiting from bilateral trade coming.]
Our bigg~st industries benefit as well. Working closely together, American and Canadian
companies have integrated the North American auto industry and staged one of the
great~st comebacks in history. We have drawn on each other's strengths. And today, our
companies work so closely that we do not speak of American or Canadian content in the
vehicles but North American content -- whether it is a Chrysler minivan made in Windsor
or a Chrysler jeep made in Detroit. Productivity and employment have risen and the auto
industry now supports [tk] jobs in our countries. [more. to come from Amb. Blanchard]
To reinforce our commitment to NAFTA and dramatically expand an imp~rtant market,
tomorrow Prime Minister Chretien and I will sign an agreement to open the skies between
our nations. This agreement-- which allows for a dramatic expansion ofUS and Canadian
service to each othersnations -- will create more than tens ofthousands (ck) of new jobs
and· spur more than one and a half billion Canadian dollars in new business. We have
reached a fair solution that will make life easier for travelers on both sides of the border
and profit both Canadian and American airline carriers. That we have done so amicably
provides a model of how neighboring nations can settle their differences.
�12
Friendship. Engagement. Canada and the United States have shown the best there is in
friendship between nations -- all the great potential that awaits free peoples when they join
· in common cause. We are, as the monument at the St. Lawrence Seaway declares, "two
·nations whose frontiers are the frontiers of friendship, whose ways are the ways of
freedom, whose works are the works of peace."
Every day we see the enormous benefits that this partnership gives us -- in jobs, prosperity
·and the great creative energy that trade brings. We have only seen the beginning. For the
Susan Southwicks who want a chance to build better lives and the companies like Createc
that are trying to build solid businesses that will last. .. this friendship holds a promise with
all the vast horizons of our continent.
Together, we have turned our energies toward improving the world around us for nearly a
century. Today, more than ever, we must reaffirm and renew that tradition-- and we must
engage and confront the global issues of our time. We must sustain our efforts and
enhance them, maintain our partnership and strengthen it.
This is our task and our mission. Together, we are equal to the challenge.
A border separates our peoples, but there are no boundaries to our common dreams.
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'
Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
00 1. speech draft
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
re: · President Willaim Jefferson Clinton- Nixon Center Address Washington, D.C. (with extensive edits by POTUS) (13 pages)
03/0111995
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Cormcil
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
OA/Box Number: 423
FOLDER TITLE:
Nixon Center, 3/1/95- Drafts [1]
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2588
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
PI
P2
PJ
P4
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release.would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(J) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b )(8) of the FOIA]
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(J) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
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Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
RESTRICTION
001a. email
Daniel P. Poneman to Jonathan H. Spalter eta!; re: Nixon Center
Speech (1 page)
02/16/1995
P5
001b. email
Alexander R. Vershbow to Jonathan H. Spalter & Neal S. Wolin; re:
Nixon Center Speech (1 page)
2/16/1995
P5
001c. email
Jonathan H. Spalter to Neal S. Wolin; re: Nixon Center Speech (1
page)
02/16/1995
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
OA/Box Number:· 423
FOLDER TITLE:
Nixon Center, 3/1/95
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2587
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act-(44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act -IS U.S.C. SS2(b)]
PI National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b )(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement ·
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA]
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accpf~ance ~.ith_.44 U.S.~:·· -. ~~it(9),Rel~se~iiiilil]},sc~o. te:geological or geophysical information
! .: ·· :· .J(~~~·:;··~::c~\~
r ~ ~concerriiiig w1I!\~~ ~9,>.(of the FOIA)
2201(3). ·
RR. Document will be reviewed upon req~e.st,
((T ., ~: ,.. _;.. . . '··' .• ·.:. . . . . . .. ...... , .. : : ''\(
·
.
{;§$)'
'"·!
. ':;) \;,,;" J~XO}.l':DIBM,RY. _P,I:fOJ'Oq)J;>Y;.;,,~l;1J :::
:J
�. ' . .__ :_ :.~~-:.'-.!
Blinken, Antony J.
From:
To:
Cc:
Subject:
Date:
Poneman, Daniel B. ·
Spalter, Jonathan H.; Vershbow, Alexander R.; Wolin, Neal S.
/R, Record at A1; @PRESS- Public Affairs; @UP- APNSA Special Assistants; @SPEECH
- NSC Speechwriters
RE: NIXON CENTER SPEECH [UNCLASSIFIED]
Thursday, February 16, 1995 3:33PM
Strongly concur with Sandy Vershbow. As March 3 is last working day before March 5 anniversary of entry into
force of NPT, the timing is indeed right for the nonproliferation speech we have been discussing. Also concur with
the concept that in order to be Presidential this speech should put our nonproliferation policy in the broader context
of post-Cold War challenges. While the President should address the substance directly and clearly, he should
not go into agonizing detail.
From: Vershbow, Alexander R.
To: Spalter, Jonathan H.; Wolin, NealrS.
.
CC: /R, Record at A 1; Poneman, Daniel B.; @PRESS - Public Affairs; @UP - APNSA Special Assistants;
@SPEECH - NSC Speechwriters
Subject: RE: NIXON CENTER SPEECH [UNCLASSIFIED]
I
Date: Thursday, February 16, 1995 02:41 PM
J
I
For TUSB/NS:
fl am increasingly convinced that the iPresident should accept the Nixon Center invite. Being in Washington, and
given the high level of other participants in the conference, it is likely to get extensive C-Span coverage, and it
would be a mistake to let this be turn~d from a bipartisan into a Republican-dominated affair. The timing is right
for the speech on non-proliferation (although I assume that non-pro would be placed in the broader framework of
responding to the new security chall~nges of the post-Cold War era).
.
As I've mentioned, the Nixon Center leeds an answer by the first half of next week, since they need to print the
programs, and since Newt Gingrich i~ champing at the bit to take the keynote slot if neither the President nor Vice
President agree to speak.
From: Spalter, Jonathan H.
To: Wolin, Neal S.
CC: /R, Record at A1; Vershbow, Alexander R.; @PRESS- Public Affairs; @UP- APNSA Special Assistants;
@SPEECH - NSC Speechwriters
Subject: NIXON CENTER SPEECH
Date: Thursday, February 16, 1995 02:07 PM
·
I
Our office forwarded to your office quite some time ago (late january) proposed responses to an invitation from
Henry Kissinger and the Nixon daughters from the Nixon Center who invited the President to keynote its March 1
and 2 conference.
I
·
The package was returned to us today without a reply from Tony.
drawi~g
le
As the conference is
near,
need to move on this quickly. Tom's view and Bob Boorstin's view was to
decline. Sandy Vershbow now und~rstands that Tony and Nancy might have a different view.
·
Please advise soonest.
;~:>:I{f~~",."-:~~~~~~1\-::-)
'1, \ ~Ff~TQN qBRARY PHOTOCOPY
•,,:1"i.:;~;rc'·.<<:-'.-·(~,"
l:•:JfJ '
,. , .
·,'bTOf·•'?..':.'-''·"\':'"',J;.:ti';
�I
......:
.. , ___ - \. -.... '>- •
'
I
Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
I
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
Clinton Library
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
Deputy Secretary, Departmlnt of Veterans Affairs to Bob Boorstin;
I
re: POTUS VFW Speech fjl page)
03/03/1995
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
OA/Box Number: 423
FOLDER TITLE:
VFW, 3/6/95 - Agency Notes [2]
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
jp2586
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act - (44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
Freedom of Information Act- (5 U.S.C. 552(b))
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the ~RAJ
P2 Relating to the ~ppointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of ~he PRA)
P3 Release would v1olate a Federal statute ((a)(3) of the PRA]
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential co.rimercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) ofthe PRA] ·
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasioh of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b )(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal_statute ((b)(3) of the FOIA]
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) ofthe FOIA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
J
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIA]
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accp-n!~nc~_-wit..~.+J;U;S.<;:~ - ,~_fl(2),:!~elea·se'wo_!l.~~d~~ose geological or geophysical information
.
'· . . ,
-~RW--~- ,..,_ '_':>'~'·co_. n_ cer.ning we_ll\(~b)(~)(of the FOIA]
2201(3).
.
.
RR. Document Will be reviewed upon req~~-~-t··.· r~Ji ~- ' .:_. ,-,_·"' ''- ·_-.-_ ... -·- - - . "; ·_·l.l!i) }_.··_:f.i_
1,'%<:. ;1l~Lqi.,J;NJ:ON LIBRARy PHQTOCOPY · h>fi. :: i,i;
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DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
Clinton Library
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
Clint~n-
RESTRICTION
00 I. speech draft
re: President William JeffJson
Remarks to the Veterans of
Foreign Wars- Washingtori, D,C.- March 6, 1995 (partial) (I page)
03/03/1995
P6/b(6)
002. speech d~aft
re: President William JeffJson Clinton- Remarks to the Veterans of
Foreign Wars- Washingtori, D.C. (with extensive edits by POTUS)
(I I pages)
03/06/1995
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number: 423
FOLDER TITLE:
VFW, 3/6/95- Drafts
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
iol800
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
PI
P2
P3
P4
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA)
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential comlnercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the ~RAJ
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIAI
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) ofthe FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
j
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA)
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in acco,r~-~~e wit_l1~44j--~·~;C_: ___________b(?~_Relea!!.~close g~ological or geophysical information
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3/3/95 1:00 p.m.
Acknowledgments:
Secretary Brown
I
Commander Kent
Mrs. Harsh (President Ladies Auxiliary)
Mr. Durni~g (Chairman ofNational Salute to Hospitalized Veterans)·
Mr. Rived (Adjutant General)
Commander Kent, thank you fo.r; that warm introduction. I want to thank the Veterans of Foreign
Wars for inviting me here to speL with you. For almost a century, the VFW has made a
difference in the lives of AmericL veterans. You are lucky today to have a
forcefu~ thoughtful
leader in Gunner Kent.
.-!
\
This year we mark the 50th anni~ersary of the end ofWorld War IT. Many or'yo!-1 ~ght in that
great struggle. One.ofmy greaLt privileges as President has been meeting
m~d wOmenwho
sacrificed so much a half centml ago for our freedom. On the windswept beaches ofNolilllandy,
at a cemetery in England, on thj Rock of Corregidor in the Philippines I have gotten to know true
American heroes.
~ofthe !i""'""P~ti~on-~
~-
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We owe them a debt we canno}fepay. With their lives before them, they left everything-~
~cd u~ -- to fight for Ia just cause.
Mediterranean to the North Seal they
From the Aleutians to Okinawa and from the
IU~~ -">m!IAoll. 1Jiey
watched
-PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
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friends fall at their side-- 400,000 died, 700,000 were wounded-- and never faltered. They gave
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everything so that~e might-b~_free. I ask the veterans ofWorld War II to stand and be
~:--
,
recognized.
~·\:!1~ •
'1"fonofing your o'e"e"Qs also fueans"We-m:nst preset VC~ fel:lgltt ~ We-mttSt-R-pRGl~i:tiieR,.
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si~ge.
Today, th2 tfaditionhs under
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If the new isolationists have their way, •
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1liH abandon
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policies -- backed by Republicans and Democrats -- that have guided us for half a century ~
~=ay from institution! like the United Nations, which promote stability around the
~~
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world. ~ will be forced to give uPJ?eacekeeping and s:m ~f90l"t for fragile democracies. We
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
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~ cut deeply into our support for emerging market economies. Einall¥,-muler-the~maslWJf
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No one knows better than our veterans the grave dangers of withdrawal. The last time
isolationism held sway-- during lthe years after World War I --Europe and Asia slid into
catastrophe, and we had to fight a second world war. You in this room -- whenever you served,
wherever you served -- know what could happen if America retreats from today' s turbulent _
world. Yes, nations on every
~ntinent
are embr'!Cing democracy and fh;e
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Think back and consider how things might have been, and you will see why. The world could
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have become a dangerous trade ~attleground without American leadership on GATT. Chaos
might be lapping at our borders if we had not worked to stabilize the Mexican economy.
Refugees might have poured
int~
Peace might never have caught
l
our country if we had not pushed to restore democracy iri Haiti.
foothold in the Middle East without our continual involvement.
In the last speech he wrote, the greatest coriunander-in-chief of this century, Franklin Roosevelt
put it well: "We have learned il the agony of war that great power involves great responsibility."
But, Roosevelt obserVed, "We
ls
Americans do not choose to deny our responsibility. Nor do we
intend to abandon our detennmltion that, within the lives of our children and our children's
children, there will not be a thiJ world war."
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
·
�4
Your devotion and the service of millions of other veterans has helped prevent that war. You
prevented communist expansiolsm from spreading across the globe during the Cold War. Your
se~ice made possible the grojh of democracy and prosperity in the West and Japan. And when
I
tyranny raised its head and Saddam Hussein threatened the Middle East, you stood up and
stopped him.
We must be clear about this: yrr legacy is threatened-- a half century of American leadership
that you worked and fought for.. We must preserve that leadership at all costs -- to keep history
on our side so our children
haj
the future they deserve. As Commander-in-Chiet; I will do
everything in my power to prJent your legacy from being diSmantled -- and to make certain that
we move into the next century jhe strongest nation in the world and the greatest force for peace,
freedom and democracy.
That means, first of all, preserving a strong American military. More than anything else, our
armed forces guarantees our selurity and our influence over world events. They ensure our
credibility. They are the backbLe of our diplomacy. They showed that in the Persian Gult; when
our troops' swift deployment clnvinced Saddam Hussein that he didn't want to make the same
mistake twice. They showed tLt in Haiti too, when the news that our forces were poised to
·
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mvade convmced the corrupt genera1 s that It was time to go.
·
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I have pledged that the United States will have the best-equipped, best-trained, best-prepared
military in the world. My
ad~Ltration
is keeping that promise every day.
~;
forces•
.:e
;eady
to fight.
I am determined to maintain that readiness. That is why I am committed to increasing defense
funding an additional $25 billionl over the next six years. We have fewer troops today, and we ask
more of them than ever -- whichl means we nrust pay to prepare them for the different missions
.they may face. Our combat piloL will fly the training hours they must fly, our artillery units will
fire the rounds they musL.so oj troops can meet their mission of being ready to fight two major
regional conflicts nearly simultaLously. Some of the money will also go toward improving the
~~~
quality oflife for those who servi and~ who stand by them. We must raise their pay, provide
better housing and child care and other benefits they deserve. If we want to continue drawing
educated and motivated
prof~sJnals
the finest fighting force on earth
l_
to our armed forces -- and hold on to those who make up
we nrust do right by them.
.
Improving quality of life is not tne only way to ensure that. our armed forces perform as well in the
future as you did in the past. PJple who fight for the United States have the right to know that
the United States will fight for Jem -- and not just for a few years but for their entire lives. The
soldiers of tomorrow will only
bl as good as our commitment to the veterans of today.
·
Since before I took office, I vowed to defend the interests of all those who have fought for
America. Our administration h.J kept that pledge.
.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING .
�6
•
I have been meeting with. y~terans groups since before my inauguration. I have made sure
that our
-
adrillni.ir~iion'
s-dots were opened to veterans as never before -- as they were when
lA
·
.
Gunner Kent visited me WHEN an~e agreed to fight to protect veterans benefits. And I
·
I
look forward to signing the VFW charter reform legislation in the next few days. ( ck)
•
We have consistently looked to veterans to help shape our policy. Much of your influence is
due to the outstanding work of Secretary Jesse Brown. You could not have a more energetic
fighter on your side.
•
We protected veterans' preference when your national commander wrote to us last year and
said it was in danger. We tled the issue around in days-- and overruled our own postal
I
service. Veterans must get the shot they deserve at federal jobs.
•
We reached out and contactl veterans around America when interest rates fell to tell them
about refinancing opportunitiL under the GI bilL No one has more of a right to the
American dream than those 1ho went to war for America.
•
·
We have worked to improve health care for veterans and expand veterans' nursing care
benefi;. We process claims f1er. We are getting you the benefits you're owed.
•
We made certain that when a
r.s.
I
delegation visited Hanoi, representatives of the VFW and
other veterans' groups were there to discuss the painful issue ofMIAs --and we have
runL possible accounting for those lost while serving in Vietnam
and in Korea.~
continued to press for the
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
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When the federal government is shrinking faster than at any time
but·~~ganded ca;e for veterans.
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agency budgets are being cut, wle are going to the mat for you. •We are pushing for $1.3 billion .,.~ r•i(i.{~
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more for the Department ofNeterans Affairs -- $1 billion of that devoted to the Veterans health
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system. That means care for
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more veterans ... two new hospitals ... three new nursing
homes ... and these are just some [of the things we are fighting for.
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veterans. Some in the Congress want to reduce the benefits that veterans have earned. New
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legislation, if passed, will cut deeply Wfiefe-th.~~s. Medical equipment won't be
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bought, outpatient centers won't be bmlt. And a successful program to remtegrate homeless
[
veterans-- to give them temporary housing, job training and .help with job placement-- w~ll be
abolished.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
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No matter when you fought or where, we will stand with you. And we are working to meet the
challenges in veterans' care thaLur nation's last two wars have brought. We have confronted
the terrible problem of Agent otange, ending years of neglect. We reached out to 40,000 ·
..
I
.
veterans suffering from exposure to Agent Orange and told therri about expanded treatment and
the long list of related illnesses Jhat we now cover.
.
.I am determined that the kind of unacceptable treatment of veterans who were exposed to Agent
Orange will not be repeated with veterans from the GulfWar. Last year, I signed landmark
legislation that for the first time compensates veterans suffering from undiagnosed illnesses
resulting from Operations Desert Storm and Desert Shield. Two weeks ago (ck), I gave one of
.
I .
the first ofthose checks to Michael Sills, an Illinois veteran (ck ).[possible quote coming] Even if
we do not know the exact reasL for these veterans' disability, we know they are sick. These vets
fought America's fight, and
the~ have paid a high price. We must not compound that injury by
making them wait for science.) Lho served in the Gulf
But we must do everything we ran to push science forward so that they can get their health back.
My wife and I feel very strongly that we can spare no effort for these GulfWar veterans. Many of
these veterans have written to
ls,
with harrowing accounts of respiratory trouble, muscular and
skeleton pain, headaches and slmach disorders. We heard from Dylan Callahan ofNew
Hampshire, for whom "The +War Syndrome [has become what he and his wife call] "the
never ending nightmare." We hear these veterans' message: we know that they just want to be
well again, to be the people thjy were when they went off to fight for our country.
---~~(bk:.:~,:~-~~~~~~:~~"~1~-t~('~~i
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In the last two week_§, Hillary -i1as visited with Gulf veterans at Walter Reed and the
VA
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Washingto~
been deeply moved by their experiences. She also met with
.
.
Gunner Kent and Bob Currieo of the VFW and other service organization representatives to
discuss GulfWar veterans' illneLes and what needs to be done for them.
.
GulfWar veterans are receiving lthe attention they need in VA facilities, and those still on active
duty are receiving specialized care in military hospitals. We have enlisted some of the finest
scientists in the nation and a ranle of government agencies to explore these ailments, and a b;oad
.
I
range of research projects is under way. We have mounted a massive outreach effort to let all
I
.
GulfWar veterans know about the care that is available to them. But we must do more.
That is why today I am announcing the creation of a Persian Gulf Advisory Committee that will
review the hazardous elements il the Gulf region that our personnel were exposed to -- so that we
can find answers to the mystery of these illnesses. This Advisory Committee will be made up of
.
.
.
~~~~~~/~<\t\M~
scientific experts, doctors and veterans and will rep~ the Secretaries of Defense, Health and
Human Services and Veterans
lairs.1:- ~ ~ ~ ~ 1M. '
We will continue to step up our efforts to explain these illnesses and cure them -- because even
though they are mysterious, we know they are real. This year the Veterans Administration and
the Department of Defense will spend up to $13 million on new research, looking into issues like
the effects of oil well fires, pesticides, d~pleted uranium ammunition, drugs used to protect
PHOTOCOPY·
WJC HANDWRITING
�10
against chemical and biological reapons. We are investigating the infectious diseases in the Gulf
area, and we are examining whether illnesses have been transmitted in veterans' families. We will
not stop until we have run theJ sicknesses to ground and done what we must for our veterans.
-
.
I
We must spare no sacrifice for the men and women who have sacrificed so much for us and our
freedom .
. Last month, at the Iwo Jima commemoration, we heard two Latin words repeated again and
again: Semper Fidelis. Always f1thful. The Marines noble motto· is one that serves well for a
.
I
great branch of the service but also for our whole nation. Being faithful to one another and being
faithful to our traditions -- they Le tied together. And those bonds of fidelity are at the heart of
our community as nation.
Being true to our tradition of leaoership in the world means reaching out across the oceans to
support democracy and freedom ahd all the benefits they bring us. We must honor the sacrifice of
those who served by carrying forard all they fought for. We must lead around the world so that
the America of the 21st century enjoys the peace and stability that you wanted for your children.
Staying faithful to our veterans honors the deepest ties in our society. You know better than
anyone what these bonds of relilce are -- they are a lot like the ones that between troops in
battle. Dan Pollack, an lwo
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veteran who commanded the unit that took Mt. Suribachi (ck)
recalled what it was like last mJth: ·"You never had to watch your back," he said, because he
I
was in what he called "a band of brothers." Whether it is 50 years later for World War II
�\
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11
veterans or five years later for GulfWar veterans, you should know that your nation will never
forget your service.
As long as I am President, the sacred tradition of protecting our veterans will continue, and a
strong America will march fojard. You put your faith in America. America will continue to
keep faith with you.
###
...... ~:~;~~;).~. ~..~k{~~~p~•c :7·f~\'~']
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. speech
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
03/3111995
re: President William Jefferson Clinton- Address to the People of
Haiti - Presidential Palace, Port-au-Prince (with extensive edits by
Sandy Berger & Tony Lake) (4 pages)
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number: 423
FOLDER TITLE:
Haiti, 3/3119 5 - Palce Drafts
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2585
RESTRICTION CODES
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b )(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA)
·
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
financial institutions [(b )(8) of the FOIA]
,
b(9) Release.would disclose geological or geophysical information
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
c:~--~;;-~;~~=. "J~,:,"--",2~~"-,;_._:;.~i:~H~~!'fii~:~tl!~~bX?\?f the FOIAJ
2201(3).
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RR. Document will be reviewed upon request. · ·
Pl
P2
P3
P4
National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA)
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA)
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA]
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WILL~M
PRESIDENT
JE'ERSON CLINTON
ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF HAITI
PRESIDENTIAL PALACE, PORT-AU-PRINCE
MARCH 31, 1995
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President Aristide, distinguished guests, citizens of a free and democratic Haiti:
.
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.
.
~u. In the many months
I am deeply honored by President Aristide's invitation to speak
that we have known each other, I have learned firsthand ofPresident Aristid~'s tremendous
courage. His strength in the face of great ~ challenge is a testament to the unbreakable
i
will of the Haitian people.
"-
.
"'-
Today we come together as friends. Today we celebrate the bonds between two peoples-.peoples separated .by hundreds of miles of rough sea but tied together by the power of shared
ideals. Today, once again; we give life to the
id~als of opportunitY,~~ eedom..
. . . v~tdtr
These are essential elements o{ democracy -- a, ..way of life that is as old. as history, as powerful as
the waves that pound your shores, and as bright as the sun that shines upon this land. You have
brought democracy to your country -- and it must never again be stolen away.
~.
For. centuries, ~r{eople have known- blood and terroc You have suffered the whims of tyrants.
You have been robbed of opportunity and deprived of basic rights. Your children have grown
old before their time -- if they have had the chance to grow at all.
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Fromthe Cite de Soleil to the smallest village in the farthest corner ofyour land, you have fought
hard, and sacrificed much, in your quest for liberty. You have learned that freedom and
independence are promises that must be won and defended. §at the forces who
~~ a
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e ready to set
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thems . es, but never disappeaf]
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Now, today, you stand on the brink of a new, more hopeful time. You are ready to push forward~"'
together
~gains! those who would hold you back You have the chance to make real the dreams ~
of those who liberated your nation more than two centuries ago.
The tasks ahead will not be easy. Democracy does not flow naturally like the tides. It is the
product of hard work. Prosperity does not spring full grown from the earth. It demands careful
Q:l~
cultivation. Justice does not fall like the spring [ck] rains. It rises up from the people.
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.
But, as President Aristide has said, "[your] challenge is great, but [your] will to succeed is
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mission will be fulfilled only when he leaves office to t~e next democratically elected president of
ft«~,
cruelly and violently -- it is not inevitable or irreversible. President Aristide has said that, when
~~)r
~ ~ you start a democracy, the most important election is the second election. He has said that his
Haiti.
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You must guarantee and guard your new democracy because -- as you have learned sometimes
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We must all match his courage. My nation and the United Nations will do all we can to guarantee
free, fair and open elections first in June and then in December. But these elections will be hollow
unless you participate. You must do the hard work of democracy. Viv demokrasi popile
[pronunciation; Long live popular democracy]
. Your nation has been stripped bare of many of its resources [ck riches?] but the most important of
them -- you, the people -- have survived with dignity and hope.
Now you have a chance to come together. To make the cane fields come alive and the coffee
'
;
plants grow [ck crops], to build the schools that promise a better future for your children. I urge '-your countrymen who fled the terror to return and help rebuild their native land. We-- your
neighbors, your allies and your friends -- will do our best to support your efforts to transform
your economy and attract private investment. But you must recognize that a newly-planted tree
does not quickly bear fruit, and summon the patience that progiess demands.
There will be times of great frustration as you build your democracy and move towards
prosperity. But now, more than ever before, I urge eacli and every citizen of this nation to come
together in the spirit of reconciliation that President Aristide has so eloquently advanced, I can do
no better than repeat his words: there should be no vengeance, no violence, no retribution.
�.4
Justice will not always be swift, or seem fair. But the rule of law can prevail. The police and the
~t~-\ 8tro~ ~o~~A
courts/{an Ho their jo~. Citizens need no~ take the law into their hands. Different opinio~s need
no_t lead to violence. Each of you can choose to build up, not to tear down.
History records that two centuries ago, more than 500 of your ancestors came to my nation and · ~ ~
~f .
· died in the fight to bring the United States to life. Two hundred years later, the United States is
,.~
Af.~
~
dreams of your liberators.
.
...
~,i. ~
· proud to have helped give you a second chance to build your democracy and recognize the
~~~
.
Now you must do the hard work of democracy. You must find the courage to bring freedom to ;
''--
life. You must summon the energy to build prosperity. You must cast aside vengeance and let
~W~
justice rule. Never again must the darkness of tyranny shut out the bright light ofliberty.
Your tasks are not easy. But if your spirit is strong, you will prevail. Men ampil, chay pa lou
[pronunciation; With many hands, the burden is not heavy.]*
..
.
*Proverb used by Aristide responding to U.S. Ambassador's welcoming remarks in
0
1994.
s}6~
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�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
001. memo
DATE
SUBJECTffiTLE ·
Tom Malinowski, John Hannah, & Andrew Weiss to Bob Boorstin;
re: Moscow State University Speech (1 page)
05/03/1995
. RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number: 423
FOLDER TITLE:
Russia, 5/95- Moscow State [University]- Outlines
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2584
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
PI
P2
P3
P4
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA]
b( 4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [{b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [{b)(S) of the FOIA]
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance_~ith 44 ~:S.:S:.:..
_ ·- _ ·--~{9).~e~ea_s!_'YO~s~l'!~~,ge;ological or geophysical information
·• ·~-;._;~ ·~,;;<;~f@~eti!!!!g~~i!_(~)(~)'1,fthe FOIA]
2201(3).
( . ·.
RR. Document will be reviewed upon requist. .,... ..f , .. ':·:<·• ...'"~-'·'" ..-. ,. ·
'
. l''1) :;,::·.!
t<·-
r.~:r .~=- . (:::~•. --·-
·, ~ -·~-/t!t<~rt;;.l_
�DEPARTMENT OF
STATE
(WE)
05, 03,
' 95
20: 50
NO,
1460 I 20885
PAGE
To: Bob Boorstin
From: Tom Malinowski, John Hannah, Andrew Weiss
Re: Moscow State University speech
Here are some. comments based on your "Themes and Ideas"
paper. We think it's on the right_track, but have some concerns
and suggestions.
On World War II: A speech that strives to be honest about.
the pres'ent also needs to be honest about the past. That means
you should eloquently extol the sacrifice and achievement of the
·Russian people (an achievement that is, in fac.t, all the greater
.when you consider Stalin's purges of the military, the two-year
alliance with Hitler, and all of the suffering ordinary pe_ople
.endured because of the actions of their government) . But you
shouid be more careful and sober when you recall the wartime
.alliance between governments.
The ~Themes paper makes it seem as if the Cold War was some
otherworldly force that ."tragically" imposed itself on the United
States and the Soviet Union, rather than the result of Soviet
actions after World War II. The Cold War certainly did not
"stunt democracy" in the USSR -- there was no democracy there to
be stunted; the leadership had no intention of permitting
democracy; and our opposition to the Soviet Union had nothing to
do with it. Nor can you say that absent the Cold War, the Soviet
Union would have devoted its resources to "constructive ideas"
rather than destructive weapons. In the Soviet economy,
resources not wasted on weapons were simply wasted elsewhere.
And while we do face a "different challenge" today, that's
because Russia has changed, not because the Cold War somehow
magically gave way to a global economy.
11
One way to handle all this is to note that the alliance was
based on our shared opposition to Nazi aggression. The end of
the war eliminated _the basis for that alliance, and left Europe
divided. Now the Cold War is over; the empire is gone; Russians,
Poles, Balts, etc. are building democratic institutions; and we
can build a more lasting set of relationships -- this time based
on shared interests and values among free peoples and
·governments. We can also complete the task we could not have
achieved in the 40's and SO's, by uniting Europe's eastern and
western halves under common security and economic institutions.
That leads naturally to the theme of integration and
European security, where you might mention the danger of Russia
isolating itself from Europe and the West. Talk about what
integration did to rebuild shattered economies in Western Europe
. after World War II, and how, and describe it as the key to
reconstruction and lasting prosperity in the east today. Stress
that the door to Western institutions is open to countries that
respect international norms and that are capable of meeting the
obligatio~s_tl}_at;.. __~~§~_ern _p_a_~:i._()r1~ __ share ~- it's in Russia's
. interests/.,~o ~~ •.. <"'~.:t~§~~~ ..~~"-:- ::_~.~,. ~ -~
;g
·~T\· _INJGNiLTBRARYPHOtOcbP.y:.'W· :::;:1
f: ;'-'
. ~;~,'~,~.~~~~;·.:.~.~.y~,~~;-~.~,.~\~~~~
'1
J
2
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
00 I. speech draft ·
SUBJECTrfiTLE
DATE
re: President William Jefferson Clinton - Commemoration of the 50th
Anniversary of the Signing of the United Nations Charter- San
Francisco, Ca. (with extensive edits by POTUS) (32 pages)
06/2611995
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
OA/Box Number: 424
FOLDER TITLE:
UN Charter 50th [Anniversary] -Drafts [2]
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2591
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act -(44 U.S.C. 2204(a))
PI National Security Classified Information ((a)(l) of the PRA)
P2 Relating to the appointment to Federal office ((a)(2) of the PRA)
P3 Release would violate a Federal statute ((a)(3) of the PRA)
P4 Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information ((a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA)
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((a)(6) of the PRA)
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon
Freedom of Information Act- (5 U.S.C. 552(b))
b(l) National security classified information ((b)(l) of the FOIA)
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency ((b)(2) ofthe FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute ((b)(3) ofthe FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information ((b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy ((b)(6) of the FOIA)
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes ((b)(7) of the FOIA)
.b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions ((b)(8) of the FOIA)
b(9) Release would disclose
or geophysical information
----- -the FOIA)
�PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON
COMMEMORATION OF THE 50TH ., .:- :: ~
ANNIVERSARY
OF THE SIGNING OF.THE UNITED NATIONS
CHARTER
SAN FRANCISCO, CA.
JUNE 26, 1995
Mr. Secretary General, Mr. Secretary, delegates to the
Charter conference, distinguished members of the
diplomatic corps, Members of Congress, honored
guests, Mr. Mayor and the people of San Francisco:
,,
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
~
'
'
'
.
�1
Half a century ago, eight hundred delegates·(rom fifty ,
·-
¥
-
•
-
·.·.;
...
..
~
~
-
nations came to San Francisco to lift the world from
the ashes of war and bring life to the dreams of the
peacemakers. Among the delegates were giants of
diplomacy and untested leaders of infant nations.
They were separated by tradition, race and language.
shared a vision of a better, safer future.
PHOTOCOPY·
WJC HANDWR\TlNG
�2
Three months af~er th~y began their taskJ-:4_ti_ tltfs_-"_ :; .
-
tJiftt@ tltttl oli this day fifty years ago_)- Ute people.,
.
m
~I& pledged te mer~e tlteit e&er~it'!8>to maintain
peace and "promote·social progress and better
standards oflife in larger freedom." President
PI anldir ,Do huM Roosevelt did. not live to see it, but
the delegates had launched his dream of "a
democratic organization of the world."
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�3
The Charter they signed reflected the harsh l~ssons J>f
-
their experience. In the 1930s they had watched the
world react slowly and passively to Fascist
aggression ... they had seen millions sacrificed on the
..
~~"•auLc\4«1
-
battlefields15f tt lis :astwting ua.r... and, in.\Auschwitz
Iwman1rtRtl's capacity MH
Jft@b . tho
\
c' it.
•TM1he)r knew that celebrating victory was ·
twfu ~-w.a
e~~·~
·not enough. •a4f11IZJ IIJd lest a.
~t\hat
merely
punishing the enemy was self-defeating. They ~~
·neal to build an effective, permanent s~Ci:=e to
-•••1"~e freedom ....
= a c e and •fl•z
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRiTING
�~
While war still
raged~
~-
gave the WOrld
-
.
,.
4
in the Pacific, San Fraqc!sco .
....
~
8 TIR88B tO
f
.
U ll ~
-
~
-
.••
~~~
renewed confidence and hopel_ "This is proof,"
Au>resident Truman said that day*'that nations, like
men, can state their differences, can face them, and
then can find common ground on which to stand."
.d) Some of those who worked at the conference are here
today -- including our Senator Claiborne Pell, who to
this day carries a copy of the UN Charter in his
pocket. I want to ask them all to rise and be
recognized. ·
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
.
�5
Five decades later, the world has been transf9rm..e(l_,_.
...
..
..
.
Fsln Ju
~
.
.
'
.
.
•.
.
.
.-
~
;_:
z.J.c,n Cold War ha'& given way to
liberation and cooperation; as we meet here today, a
Russian spacecraft and an American spacecraft are
preparing to link in orbit some 240 miles above the
earth. From Jericho to Belfast, ancient enemies are
searching for peace. On every continent nations are
struggling to embrace democracy, freedom and
prosperity. New technologies move people and ideas
around the world at record speed.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�6
'it new forces oQJ.ntegration w.fftt gPeat--- __:,-_
~
These
8pp8rtttaiti~a
hut tlt9Y also carry within them the
seeds of disintegration. New technologies and great
4
.
openness mak~our borders more vulnerable to
terrorists, dangerous weapons and drug traffickers.
Newly independent nations offer ripe targets for
international criminals and nuclear smugglers. rtmlll a.
luid capital markets make it easier for one nation's
.
~
economic troubles- first become exaggerated and
then to become a threat to all of us overnight.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�7
Today we face no Hitler or Stalin. But we do-have --
•
1.
L:
enemies who share # contempt for human life and the
rule of law, who put modern technology to lethal use,
who seek personal gain in new divisions and age-old
conflicts.
""'
g'
f18 •fl their state sponsors... who tJton &tJ lltuaw;
ftlttl tttM
~children&into orphans... who target innocent
.
LJ~o ;).U ~CU~~a~s /1k Pv~tL-f .!1vha~
people in order to prevent peace/~ who, in. the name of
nationalism, slaughter those n
•
"~
homelands ..
k:St . e~ faithS
1
•
-- and drive the survivors from their
eo
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWR\TlNG
�8
Our enemies are+h•o •rli8 pat protits 1lssad cttewe
&b4\cza 'am
disinte~t tttistt;
IJ8th man matl& and natttral--
encroaching deserts that threaten the earth's
balance... famines that test the human spirit •all
1
tcclinolsgtas ... deadly, new diseases that endanger
whole societies.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�9
President Roosevelt si!!~~!-~??.!~s•.be~~re his
deat~~
"We have learned that we cannot live alone, at peace;
that our own well-being is dependent on the well-being
of other nations, far away."
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�10
Today, more than ever before, those words_-~~ng.!r~u~.
'
.
£..:
-
Yet some in~-my country dismiss Roosevelt's wisdom.
They acknowledge that the United States must play a
strong role overseas, but they refuse to supply the nonmilitary resources that our nation needs to carry on its
. tradition of leadership. Others believe that, outside
. ~~~ll\
our borders, America should ~nly act ~lone.~'lhese..
·
tAuJ~~\\8~w-w.t~o~·¥W'·ttA•-.,.._~...-..
alftlatct nlists. ignore the benefits that coalilions bring
~ nation. 61tey reject decades of bipartisan
"*'<~~ ""·~
our
.
.
. .
~s-~
cooperation. ktt;l ·
American support for international
•
~--~
-tl5 dismiss fifty years of hard evidence.
I)
.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
In those years we have seen the United Nations
.
�11
that advances America's interests and th.e interests of
free people everywhere. From President Truman in
Korea to President Bush in the Persian Gulf, America
has built UN military coalitions to contain aggressors
who threaten stability in vital regions. ·UN forces also
often pick up where U.S. troops have taken the lead ....
·.
r·· ·~ ~--~;,~~,::i~~~· r.~~~- ~~7~-·-~~-l~e
· ~"~:',i,:,~:~.~T0NLIBRARYPHOTOCOJ,>Y
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�12
Just yesterday --,.when Haiti held free parliamentary~
and local elections with the aid of UN peacekeepers
~
and election personnel -- we saw fat tlref'pi our 11iat the
§t0
g
UN-'!8fTwork in partnership with the United States•
~ ~-/i~\t~~ll\ p?:ofl9 1 a\~\ l~bcV' io c_vr.aR 2t
. .ad~=aBee democracy. 'Fitaitks to tltc cettrage 8f tlte
H-sitiau ~Je8~Jie; tit@ 8@ti8RS 8f wnr ggyernment
.wUjtary9 'ntil
all~
QUr
tlte tetBBtitlllont of the ITpjted ~a*i,gns,
~llots.JLwe replaced bullets and the citizens of Haiti
now have a second chance to renew the promise of
their long-troubled land.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
~
~
�13
On every continent, the United Nations has played a
vital role in making people more free and more secure.
For decades the UN fought to isolate the South African
regimes that perpetuated apartheid. Last year, under
the watchful eyes of UN observers, millions of South
Africans who had been disenfranchised for life cast
their first votes for freedom. In Namibia, Mozambique
'
-- and, soon we hope, in Angola-- the United Nations
is helping people to bury decades of civil strife and
turn their energies to building new democratic
nations.
�14
In Cambodia, w!J.ere a brutal :regime left more th~U\7 ~ ~
one million dead in the killing fields, the UN helped
hundreds of thousands of refugees return to their
native land and stood watch over democratic elections
that brought 90 percent of the people to the polls. And
in El Salvado{,~ the UN brokered an end to 12
years of bloody civil war and stayed on to help reform
the army, bring justice to all citizens, and open the
doors of democracy.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�15
From the Persian Gulf to the Caribbean,
'
UN
·. :~
. -'~ ..
-
economic and political sanctions have proved to be a
valuable means, short of military action, to isolate
regimes and make aggressors and terrorists pay a
price for their actions -- in Iraq to help stop that
nation from
MTir
agltin developing weapons of mass·
._....
•
.
destruction or threatening its neighbors:. in the
Balkans, to isolate aggressors ... and, in North Africa,
to pressure Libya to turn over for trial those indicted
in the bombing of Pan Am flight 103.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�16
•
The record
oft~e United Nations~proudJv-.
the battle for child survival and against human
suffering and disease. Every year UNICEF oral
vaccines save the lives of three million children. Last
year alone, the World Food Program -- using the
contributions of many governments, including pur
own -- fed a record 57 million hungry people. The
World Health Organization has eliminated smallpox
from the face of the earth ... it is making great strides
in its campaign to eradicate polio by the year 2000 ...
and it has helped contain fatal diseases -- like the
Ebola virus -- that could have threatened a continent.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITiNG
�17
pt ofile peacekeeping ol'entti8Rs are all ftte Ui'f is
~boat. H-..i10 millions around the world the United
Nations is the meal that keeps a child from going to
bed hungry; the knowledge that helps a farmer coax
strong crops from hard land; the shelter that keeps
together a family displaced by war or disaster; or the
vaccine that allows a mother cradling a newborn
infant to know her baby will have a good chance to
.
survive.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRlTlNG
�18
In the last fifty y~ars, these remarkabl~ stories of. .-:- ~7 ~
. . . ~- -
_
~~C\\'tt.\l\)~~\eo
success were· too often obscured an~im1ted by the ~
.,
Cold War -
t1
tlecp 1 ift tltat hleckett Ute 61i's ability
=8eett8881) as colonial rule was broken, differences
between industrialized and developing countries and
regional rivals added new
tension~l~ive, not
debate, filled the General Assembly.
1B
MQ IDt!B)C
N\l£ial aPeas, united aetieB ~ras B8t JJ8ssillle.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�19
Th-e end of the Cold Wa!:)lraS et ssed tlte di,risiett tltttt
possiblities, the UN does not work as well as it should.
It must be reformed.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWR\TlNG
�20
In this age of relentless change, .successful
._:~.
.-...~~ ~
-
·~
-
governments and corporations must reduce their
·bureaucracies, set clear priorities, and focus on
U.\uWt..•u~..,.~\\J'.t......~l\ ~ ~~·~
results.l The UN must do the same. Over the years, it
.
._,dJUI ~~~--,
.
has grown bloated; too often it encourages
duplication and spends its resources holding meetings
rather than getting results. As its board of directors,
we, the member states, must create a UN that is faster .
and more flexible, that wastes less and produces more.
·~~~'---~·· . ·-...~·
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�21
In the past few years, we have seen some go-~,~
-
reforms: · a- new oversight office to hold down costs; a
ne:w- system to review personnel; and a start towards
privatization and modernization.
But we must do more, a •1he United States supports
the proposal of the President of the General Assembly,
Mr. Essy, to prepare a blueprint for renewing the UN
and to approve it before the 50th General Assembly
finishes work next fall.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�22
We must consider majo:rr structural change§.,,_·The
...
.
.
..
-
.
·C·
..7·
..
'i.;.
.
~
Unitedl Nations does not need a separate agency=- with
its own acronym, stationary and bureaucracy -- for
every problem. The new UN must peel off what
doesn't work and get behind what will.
We must realize, in particular, the limits of
peacekeeping and not ask the Blue Helmets to ·
undertake missions they cannot be expected to handle.
We have too often asked UN peacekeepers to work
miracles while denying them the military and political
support required....
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
Ct~~. f~£
CM+vuf
f'vvl 0
dzvll
'tJ')f1 ""-\5
-fkit"~ob Yxf~
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�Peacekeeping can only succeed when the parties to a
,
conflict understand they can not profit from war.
Today's United Nations must be ready to handle
tomorrow's challenges. Those of us who most respect
the UN must lead the charge to reform. Not all critics
of the United Nations are isolationists. Many are
supporters who would pay for the UN's essential work
if they were convinced that their money was well
spent. As we improve the UN, I will continue to work
to see that the United States pays its fair share to
support it.
�.24
Meanwhile, let us all remember. The Unit~ Nations,
like the world ii~epresents,i&iit';}'tt~T~~~
-
.
i
'\~.
.
just as withdrawing from the world is impossible,
turning our back on the UN is no solution. It would be
shortsighted and
self-~estructive.
It would strengthen
the forces of global disintegration and threaten the
security, the interests and the values of the American
~
.·
:nt\a.~,~~iMtN.~-
...._....
peorle. ~"'··· ...., •.-.;'* ...... ._,,. "-"~ ,_.
~.,...
~...
...... "'
. .....
~~ ~\~\~W,UM•,,.,..,...._.'
..
Let •lPstead, on this fiftieth anniversary of the
*(M~
Charter's signing,, renew our vow to "live together... as ·
.
.
goo d. ne1g hb ors "'-d~ on a new UN agen dailZ!_t
.an pgree
Itl!lll'"'
....
3~
~~
'
peace ~nd prosperity for the next fifty year~ .
.
' 5ii~...
... Q
WI ....
:··h • ...... ~~~"._..,,
"'L
-
~·~
h
.:.a.. •
"'WII'i
lu. \ •
~
.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�25
··First, the United Nations must strengthen its efforts
to isolate states and people who traffick _in terror -and support those who continue to take risks for peace
. in the face of violence. The bombing in Oklaho:r the
deadly gas attack in Tokyo and recent discoveries of
...... biological weapons
laboratories capable bf producing
~,~~
~
'
demonstrate the dangerous link between terrorists and
weapons of mass destruction.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�26
· Second,~the United Nations must continue it~ .
eff~rts to prbtect our planet from the spread of those
'
weapons. States on their own~~»~ dramatic
steps -- the United
S~ates
and Russia are destroying
the UN must also play its role. We were honored to
help secure the indefinite extension of the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty under UN auspices, and we
rely on UN agencies to monitor nations bent on
acquiring nuclear capabilities.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�27
·Third, the UN must support the fight again~~ m~n-,_·
. •
. ..
:.._"'~
'i.i
-
made and natural forces of disintegration. From crime
syndicates and drug cartels to new diseases and
disappearing forests, these enemies are elusive and
· cross borders at will. Nations can and must oppose
them alone , b~ternational cooperati~n
.
. to he ihe most effective oppositio2 ~ ~
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDVVRITING
,
�28
· Fourth, we must reaffirm our commitment to
strengthen United Nations peacekeeping as an
important tool for deterring, containing and ending
violent conflict. The UN can never be an absolute
guarantor of peace, but it can reduce human suffering
and advance the odds of peace.
· Fifth, we must continue the United Nations'
unmatched efforts on the front lines of the battles for
child survival and against disease and human
suffering.
�29
·Finally, let us vow to make the United Nations an
·.. .; .-..... ~
-
inc:teasingly~strong
~.
~
'
voice for the protection of
fundamental human dignity and human rights -- the
cornerstones ofany free and open society.
hie Uilited Nations stands poised to luiftll its pt otnis&
'SS
never beffire. Evefy day bttugs fresh evident@ that
-cunntrtes who
wot k togetltet ltave tlte best chaRg&
• seizingstteW opput taniHc~
&Btl tri&1 mphiug
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gyer new
threats, afill evidcn:ee that: rehtt:ltc~ tlte~e ill an natj,gns
2
~Ito
allvocare tsolartmtilnd cxhncm@ &atigaausm.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�30
The measure of this generation will be wheth~r w~...
7-
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give up because we cannot achieve a perfect world, or
strive on to build a better world. Fifty years ago
today, President Truman reminded the delegates
gathered here that history had not ended with Hitler's
defeat. "It is easier," he said, "to remove tyrants and.
destroy concentration camps than it is to kill the ideas
which gave them birth .... Victory on the battlefield was
essential, but it was not enough~or a good
··~
IIII!!IIL..Iasting peace, the ~eeentpaopltl rftbe cantil
.
Mttst remain detet tnined to 5h ilte ti8Wil tile
~rb ica
ltas lttta.g ~vet tltc n ot ld:d'
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWR1TING
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~the challenge of building that good--a_n~ la~ting,.
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• In this historic chamber, on this historic day,
II
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Let us remember that
~
each child saved, each refugee housed, each disease
prevented, each barrier to justice brought down and
each sword turned into a ploughshare brings us closer
to the vision of the founders)
###
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRlTlNG
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Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
·clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
00 1. speech draft
DATE
SUBJECT/TITLE
re: President William Jefferson Clinton - Commemoration of 50th
Anniversary of the Signing of the United Nations Charter - San
Francisco, Ca. (with extensive edits by POTUS) (12 pages)
06/26/1995
RESTRICTION
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (Speechwriting)
ONBox Number: '424
FOLDER TITLE:
UN 50th [Anniversary], 6/26/95- Drafts (1]
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F .
. 2592
I
RESTRICTION CODES
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financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA)
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
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C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
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PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
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'·
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b))
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
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purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
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financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIA]
b(9) Release would disclose
or geophysical information
--- -- the FOIA)
•
�/l/.--1-
6/24/95, 6 pm- updated draft
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'- PREs_ipENTwiLLIAM JEFFERsoN cLINToN fe...L. -::~.,- l
-- COMMEMORATION OF THE 50TH ANNIVERSARY
,
OF THE SIGNING OF THE UNITED NATIONS CHARTER . d> ____,-';( ~
SAN FRANCISCO, CA.
6~
JUNE 26, 1995
..c~
Mr. Secretary-General, Mr. Secretary, delegates to the Charter conference, dis
members ofthe diplomatic corps, Members ofCongress, honored guests, Mr. Mayor and the
people of San Francisco:
Half a century ago, eight hundred delegates from fifty nations caine to San Francisco to put war
to rest and bring life to the dreams ofthe peacemakers. Among the delegates were~ giants of
diplomacy and untested leaders of infant nations. They were separated by tradition, race and
language. Cynics said they faced an impossible task. But they shared a vision of a better, safer
Three months after they began their task -- in this place and on this day fifty years ago -- the
peoples of the world pledged to merge their energies to maintain peace and "promote social
progress and better standards oflife in larger freedom." President Franklin Delano Roosevelt did
not live to see it, but the delegates had launched his dream of "a democratic organization of the
world."
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�2
..
The d.eelt~ th~y signed -~h0
eltarter uf=ft:le Wted UatiJA~~reflected the harsh lessons of
their experience. In the 1930s they had watched the world react slowly and passively to Fascist
aggression ... they had seen millions sacrificed on the battlefields of a devastating war. .. and, in
Auschwitz and Dachau, they had seen the darkest evidence of humankind's capacity for evil.
~\W'\~~~~~~k~ .
. Aftertlie war they knew that celebrating victory was not enougiL~They saw the need to build an ~t~
effective, permanent structure to foster peace and promote freedom. While war still raged on in
~l
the Pacific, San Francisco gave the world a reason to face the future with renewed confidence and
hope. "This is proof," President Truman said that day, "that nations, like men, can state their
differences, can face them, and then can find commonground on which to stand." Some of those
who worked
a~onference are here today -- including our Senator Chiiborne Pel!, who to this
day carries a copy of the UN Charter in his pocket. I want to ask them all to rise and be
recognized.
Five decades later, the world has been transformed. Fsmr decades of Cold War have given way to
liberation and cooperatiolljP.. we mecHiiife today, a
.ftii~~iedli' opacecratf are
lmk~iii:irbi~Q49 miles a&ov~p . FroQl Jericho to Belfast, ancient enen:ues are
~~d~o •..,..e.~~. ()_{,~_·-
' searching for peace~ On, every continent nations are ~trbggling to -embrase democracy, "fl'iBI*afy;.k~e;;.~:t-
·~~~. ~ew technologies move people and ideas around the world at
record speed.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
•.
�3
These new
force~~ and offer~ opportunitiOs --·but th~~~~·,;~;Jn th~m
~}.the seeds of disintegration.
~~.
New technologie"m~e
~more vulnerable to
terroris~~ers. Newly-freed nations offer ripe targets for international criminals
and nuclear smugglers. And fluid capital markets make it easier for one nation's economic
l~~~QJ.i~~~
trouble~~o become a threat to all of us overnight.
·
~~~
Today we face no Hitler or Stalin. But~enemies aftiUlS dearlly us my who imve±iiiliet;~re.
\k)~
~
~share a contempt for human lif~ and the rule oflaw~ ~put modern technology to lethal
us5~ ~ ~~~;~~fe~;~~~~~o:~e,;le our
effatiR<J
htmt ~:m <!, •!N:Il.
~
Our enemies include the terrorists -- individuals, groups and f i state~ sponsol$Yah d . dly
k ·· "
~who blow up buses and turn children into orphans, who target innocent people
in drder to = t a o odw seek peace. . . --f-1 or A!ri .odes aa at t llb&lsw.s w,ho, in the name of
~
.
~
n!.M:ies 8~, slaughter those who share another faith or tradition -- and _ . the survivors
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�4
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VI
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· · -,"· ...,-.
-a~iMURi·tR: siamt _pfls~es. Our enemies are those who put profits ahead of people--
international crimi-nals who step in to fill the vacuum when governments disappear and drug
~~
{t~~~\,
.
traffi.cker~Jwho~IDrea~n our childre~And our enemies are the forces of disintegration, both manmade and natural -- encroaching deserts that threaten the earth's balance ... famines that test the
~
human spirit and our technologies ... deadl)j\diseases tftat .. e las c a : u seen.
Besm.u:@ gfqpr resp~t$ilities as a: gteat power, the Ohlied Sf-ales can B:fi'e st:iGtJbl..take- Htt.:JeiKl in
.fu~nztic&atcocditi()f!,fl. Pt:esiden+&asevelt Lccv tha?Afnetica had to rea:eB: 8\i£,:: ~
-~ ~AtA\JL
no• e' RtL "We have learn~ ile said ju_st months before his deat~hat we cannot live alone,
I
I
at peace; that our own well-being is dependent on the well-being of other nations, far away."
Today, more than ever before, those words ring true. Yet some in my nation dismiss Roosevelt's
wisdom. They acknowledge that the United States must play a strong role overseas, but they
'
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refuse to supply th~esources tl\.at .our nation needs to carry on its tradition of leadership. Others
believe that, outside our borders, America should only act alone. These unilateralists ignore the
benefits that coalitions bring our nation. They reject decades ofbipartisan American support for
international cooperation. And they dismiss fifty years of hard evidence.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�5
·. :~:
In those years we have seen the United Nation,s compile a remarkable record
ofprogress,td~
h~~~~~~~\t~~t~~~~~~~~~.
.
watched the tR>~ help asvance AmencaH: tfttere:sts. Fr~m Pres1Jent TrurJan in Korea to President
Bush in the Persian Gulf, America has built UN military coalitions to contain aggressors who
threaten stability in vital regions. UN forces also pick up where our troops have taken the lead.
Just yesterday-- when Haiti held free parliamentary and local elections with the aid of UN
peacekeepers and election personnel -- we saw further proof that the UN can work in partnership
with the United. States to advance democracy. Thanks to the,courage of the Haitian people, the
actions of our government and our military, and the commitment of the United Nations, ballots
have replaced bullets and the citizens ofHaiti now have a second chance to renew the promise of
their long-troubled land.
On every continent, the United Nations has played a vital role in making people more free and . . _
more secure. For decades the UN fought to isolate the South African regimes that perpetuated
· apartheid. Last year, under the watchful eyes of UN observers, millions of South Africans who
had been disenfranchised for life cast their first votes for freedom. In Namibia, Mozambique-and, soon we hope, in Angola-- the United Nations is helping people to bury decades of civil
strife and turn their energies to building new democratic nations.
In Cambodia, where a brutal regime left more than one million dead in the killing fields, the UN
helped hundreds of thousands of refugees return to their native land and stood watch over
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�6
democratic election~ thatbrought 90 percent of the ·people to the polls. And in El Salvador where
the UN brokered an end to 12 years ofblpody civil war and stayed on to help reform the army,
bring justice to all citizens, and open the doors of democracy.
From the Persian Gulf to the Caribbean, UN economic and political sanctions have proved to be
a valuable means, short of military action, to isolate regimes and make aggressors and terrorists
pay a price for their
actions~~ @;W--- in Iraq to stop that nation from ever
again developing weapons of mass destruction or threatening its neighbors.(in the Balkans, to
isolate aggressors ... and, in Nprth Africa, to pressure Libya to tum over for trial those indicted in
the bombing of Pan Am flight 103)
J
The record of the United Nations is equally proud in the battle for child survival and against
human suffering and disease. Every year UNICEF oral vaccines save the lives of three million
children. Last year alone, the World Food Program-- using the contributions of many
governments, including our own -- fed a record 57 million hungry people. The World Health
Organization has eliminated smallpox from the face of the earth... it is making great strides in its
campaign to eradicate polio by the year 2000 ... and it has helped contain fatal diseases-- like the.
Ebola virus -- that could have threatened a continent.
~
Read the headlines and you might think that high profile peacekeeping operations are wmtt the
UN is 1li about. But to millions around the world the United Nations is the meal that keeps a
�. ·--~~-- ---
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child from going
t? ped hu~gry; the knowledge that heips a farmer coax strong crops from hard
land; the shelter that keeps together a family displaced by war or disaster; qr the vaccine that
allows a mother cradling a newborn infant to know her baby will have a good chance to survive.
~~ ~ ~\U_~ lYL{
In the last fifty years, these remarkable stories of success were too often oessure d by twlitisal
oonflict. E; en \Vhile delegations liftea up tEN-ig+Lib~? Ct• a I e• i Thtw cpnh I feel=tlrc
I
of
\
0 Nliig 1 ~
the Cold War -- a deep rift that blocked the UN' s ability to act except~WZ&ifi.11!il#!~~8l!!li!Biiili.~n&'swhen
East and West agreed. In later decades, as colonial rule was broken, differences between
industrialized .and developing countries and regional rivals added new tensions. Invective, not
debate, filled the General Assembly. In too many crucial areas, united action was not possible.
-~~~~Q~'lAI\_~.
Now hrsteFy ~las
ew
1t as to a fork
tft
.
the roae"\ The end of the Cold War has erased the te¥ftb1li9
division that time and again prevented the United Nations from taking action. Never before have
h-.t>
the nations of the world!converged around democratic ideals or faced so many problems that can
best be solved by collective action. The pmnrisc Of the thrited Nations has been testsred at Mime·
~v;hen its lJHire eat?"bili! ies a1 e nc<:aled Iii!!! e thea --31.zer.
~ ~'~ ~l~\ \ ~~\
But we must face the truth:)\the UN does not work as well as it should. It must be reformed.
wu:r..
~~
In this age of relentless change, successful governmen15and corporations a ~e thei~
.
~l~
~
@f30F~s, <set priorities, and focus on the Lo Hom line. The UN must do the same. Over the
~
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
·--l,o..~
�8
years, it has grqw~ !oo larg-e and too slow; too often it encourages duplication and spends its
(
resources holding meetings rather than getting results. As its board of directors, we, the me1llbe / ·
~""" .
states,· must create a UN tha wastes less and produces more._ that is fa.m& aae more flexible.
In the past few years, we have seen some good reforms: a new oversight office to hold down
costs; a new system to review personnel; and a start towards privatization and modernization.
But we must do more, and the United States supports the proposal of the President of the General
Assembly, Mr. Essy, to prepare a blueprint for renewing the UN before the 50th General
Assembly finishes work next fall.
The authors eftB.e UN ChMier knew their cteation would have to change with the times. 'l'octay\We must consider major structural changes mthe Gtgarrizflti:en. The United Nations does not need
a separate agency -- with its own acronym, stationary and bureaucracy -- for every problem we
face. The new UN must peel offwhat doesn't work
ftft.tbtlBtse u luuieA:.t vvom.---- and get
--~
behind what will work.~~~~
~
RefeffB:s will save us met:u~y, ef ceurse, but the primary rea~oB Vv e snppm rffiem I~
Today's United
Nations~~-~ ready to handle tomorrow's ~'!;:Ji)~\:®lst: Ccntaw U:t Ismst
~tto.\~~
be ea:~able ofq&iek IC&ctiw. T-hose of us who most respect lHltbsttppenulrls ins.1iiution lliJ!$J:e:a.rJ
~ ~~
the charge to reform. ·A 1 d:&!
\Q,t\1.\.)
\_~~t'll~i:o~
~thJ::U T, h: ~vwrk a~ni • Mitl~a
BHEC
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t:! ~~s=}itallu-=r T~
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�9
-.
~&9\ ~\.L"-t\._L~ f\U--\..L~~.
The United Nations, like the world it represents, is far from perfect. But just as withdrawingfrom
the world is impossible, turning our back on the UN is no solution. It would be shortsighted and
.
. .
"fO. ~~tJJ, ~\.\ l: '\\tA
self-destructive. It would strengthen the forces of global disintegration and threaten the~interests
of the American people.
4nstead, y;@ must prepare the United Nations to w.eet tb.e Gaallenges of lfs second fifty-years.
~ ~ '\}J.,'<~
.
~y, on tJte fiftieth anniversary of the Charter1s signing,~ renew our vow to "live
~.
together ... as good neighbors" and agree on a new UN agenda for peace and prosperityt' ~' ~Kt~'D~,
•
First, the United Nations must strengthen its efforts to isolate states and people who traffick in
terror --and support those who continue to take "risks for peace in the face of violence.
•
Second, the UN must support the fight against man-made and natural forces of disintegration .
From crime syndicates and drug cartels to new diseases and disappearing forests, these
enemies are elusive and can c~oss borders at will. Nations can and must oppose them alone,
of course, but international cooperation will prove to be the most effective opposition.
•
Third, the United Nations must continue its efforts to rid our planet of nuclear weapons and
other weapons of mass destruction. States on their own are taking dramatic steps -- the
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�'
.
10
'·
·United States ~d Russi"aare destroying missiles as fast as possible, for example-- but UN
agencies must continue to monitor nations bent on acquiring nuclear capabilities.
•
Fourth, we·must reaffirm our commitment to strengthen United Nations peacekeeping as an.
~
~
important tool for deterring, containing and ending violent conflict. ~·~he UN lms never
.
.
.
\twl"u-UtAJ-. ~ ~ ~
been, I!SA!ftfi.it C"?f e?Epected tcrbe, an absolute guarantor of peace~ "'tJa:tfHUl stthsf:ityte fo~o..',: \
.
~ (}.AN•d_W.,'\ ~ ~ C\ ~
dhe regional and national actions that countries tmiSt take, together er alone, to de(end thei.L
4
-interests But it has a uniqye ability te eelstet the confidence of pat ties who Me wary
w laying
A.m:vn. arms. Instead of discarding peacekeeping because it is not equal to all tasks, we:sllQJ.Ild
-· sharpen it so that we may respond more rapidly v.r.b:en ana where we can act efkctively.
•
Fifth, we must continue the United Nations' unmatched efforts on the front lines of the
battles for child survival and against disease and human suffering.
•
Finally, let us vow to make the United Nations an increasingly strong voice for the protection
· of fundamental human dignity and human rights -- the cornerstones of any free and open
society. ,
<Fifts 5
!IU
ofte~--,:b.e United Nations stands poised to fulfill its promise as never
before. Thectlivisioos Qfttre--G.old Wat ha. e been bMtSW. NatiEms ate eiiihracing tfi!m• ~
'
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�..
11
~-
Every
day~brings fr~Sh~vidence that countries who work tOgf(ther havethebest chance of
.
9AJUJ.AAMA tw._;~-
·
seizing new opportunities and
,
triut?phin~ over new threat8.l ~~\~~Q..li\_~~'"'- lU t\..tA
L~~u ~ C\.i).J.)-~~ ~ 00l0 '\rl--~1~.lU-A ~Lh~JU..l.vr,
treme na ·onalism\
\
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~(he measure of this generation will H.« be whether# a'reid~ ~etba:ek~, ettt in lm vc i~ds
"IM~ \MJ
tEi thm;
... .
tnA
wlte::tlliM- we give up\because we cannot achieve a perfect world, or strive R:S\!CI ehelsss to
-.J.o.~J
build a better world. Fifty years ago, President Truman reminded the delegates gathered here that
history had not ended with Hitler's defeat. "It is easier," he said, "to remove tyrants and destroy
concentration camps than it is to kill the ideas which gave them birth.... Victory on the battlefield
~
was essential, but it was not enough. For a good [.]. ..lasting peace, the decent peoples ofthe
earth must remain determined to strike down the evil spirit which has hung over the world."
~
Today, the challenge of building t>good and lasting peace is in our hands.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�12
. It has been said that all work that is wOI th anything is done in faith~ In this historic chamber, on
. ~ ~LV'Rtttt' JA.l,_Jlr.-~.-xe- , ~aw [~JMJ.J:."Q;.v; ·
this his~oric day, let us all resolv~t~ ke'ep the:profound faith that each child saved, each refugee
c
.
housed, each disease prevented, each barrier to justice brought down and each sword turned into
l~ iAA ~ to~~~ 6\ "f:W\1\ ftnll
J
.Cl.U.!\'
.
a ploughshare~~Fich th.e fiJ!JJfe a n _ d n d a r l e s ~ at:hi:evae~iffllls-eat:t;h.
~s.
PHOTOCOPY
WJC HANDWRITING
�Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
DATE
SUBJECTrfiTLE
RESTRICTION
001. memo
From Robert Boorstin; re: UN Speech Draft (partial) (I page)
06/22/1995
P6/b(6)
002. speech draft
re: President William Jefferson Clinton- Commemoration of the
50th Anniversary of the Signing of the United Nations Charter- San
Francisco, Ca. (with extensive edits by Sandy Berger) (14 pages)
06/26/1995
P5
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Robert Boorstin (SpeechWriting)
OA/Box Number: 424
FOLDER TITLE:
UN 50th [Anniversary], 6/26/95- Drafts [3]
Jimmie Purvis
2006-0460-F
. 2145
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)]
Freedom of Information Act- [5 U.S.C. 552(b)]
PI
P2
P3
P4
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) ofthe PRA]
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRA]
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(3) of the PRA]
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRA]
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors (a)(S) of the PRA]
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRA]
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIA]
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b )(2) of the FOIA)
b(3) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(3) of the FOIA)
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA)
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIA]
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
"
purposes [(b )(7) of the FOIA]
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
b(S) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
of gift.
financial institutions [(b)(S) of the FOIA]
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
c:~~-~·-:-; .~~~; ';;T,,~--~~.i:~~~~ef'Dl~i~§i~j(9) ~fthe FOIA)
2201(3).
.
.
RR. Document wdl be rev1ewed upon reque~t;, . , 1 · Jj'\ ·'::·· ·<;~. :, "'· ·· ·
'
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PRESIDENT
CLINTON
COMMEMORATION OF THE 50TH A NIVERSARY -7/Mt.t4
OF THE SIGNING OF THE UNITED NAT ONS CHARTER
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SANFRANCISCO,CA. ,;_'-------------------------JUNE 26, 1995
Mr. Secretary-General, Mr. Secretary, authors ofthe Charter, distinguished members ofthe
diplomatic corps, Members of Congress, honored guests, Mr. Mayor and the people of San
Francisco:
One half century ago, on this day and ih this place [ck], the peoples of the world came together
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international peace and security."
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The document they signed-- the Charter ofthe United Nations-- reflected the hars
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recent history. Its authors had ~e world react too slowly and passively to Fa ist
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aggression ... they had seen the flow~eneration sacrificed in a devastating war. .. a dj in~ >Ht.e..
~and Dachau, they had seen evidence of humankind's izfi:stle capacity for evil.
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After that war, they knew marking victory would not be enough. The generation that defeated
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Hitler surveyed the broken world around them and saw tke need to build a permanent structure .0f1
peace and goodwill. They came tOgether to bring
~ocracy, liberty and shared prosperity
in all nations, small and large. They dreamed of a better, freer and safer world for their children.
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f!nd on that d~they gave the world a reason to face the future with renewed confidence and
hope. Some of the Charter's authors are with us today -- and I want to ask them to rise and b
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Five decades after these people finished their work, the world is scarcely recognizable.
linked their spacecrafts and are orbiting the earth. Across both oceans, once-devastated nations
command great economic and political power. Democracy is rising on every continent. Enemies
-- ancient and modern -- have begun the search for peace. And a technological revolution moves
people, information, and money around the globe at ever increasing speeds. .,
These forces bring us together but
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them the seeds of disintegration. New
technologies promise expanding opportunity -- but make our borders more vulnerable to terrori s
and drug traffickers. The breakup of the Soviet Union has freed us from constant fear ofm.iclea
confrontation -- but makes it harder to control the materials and the knowledge required to buil
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bomb. New fluid capital markets~e prospects for trade-- but mdans that one nation's
economic troubles can become a threat to all ofus overnight.
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~hese new, unfamiJl~iaf!Llw·t:les.~:..ra.o.e a contest as old as history:
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the nations of thl world faced so many problems that defY borders and can o y be solved by
collective actioJ The promise of the United Nations has been restored at a ·ime when its unique
capabilities are needed more than ever.
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never before. Since the fall of the Berlin Wall, thO United Nations has oined the United
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and increasingly become an international agent for the spread of dem cratic ideals. As outlaw ~ ~
nations and terrorist groups have grown more bold and deadly,
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moved to isolate them economically and politically. And as ethnic· conflict
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by the Cold War have reignited, the United Nations has moved peacekeepers into con ~~
that threaten to destabilize entire regions. [?on last sentence]
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])espite this trend, the •oiees@::sototniij·n Washington have grown more and more strident. tk,~
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~~k people who insist that the Unit d States must play a strong and active role overseas, but
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refuse to supply the resources that our n tion needs to carry on its tradition ofleadership. They
are unilateralists -- people who believe
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extreme cases, they believe the U · ed States should withdraw completely from the United
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Let me be clear:/ the United Nations is far from perfect II.. t withdrawing from it is no solution: 111P_
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To-do so would be shortsighted and self-destructive. Instead, we must continue our work to
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reform it We must recognize that, in the long run, the United Nations will save taxpayers
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millions and millions because we share financial burdens with other countries. And we must lo ~ ~
beyond the difficulties of today and recognize what the United Nations does every day for the
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that nuclear materials are not diverted to the construction of nuclear arms. It has made the world
more just by working to overturn apartheid in South Africa and invoking sanctions against Ira%
and other regimes that break faith with the community of nations.
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United Nations has made the world more free by working to end colonialism. In some of the
great untold
s~ccess stories of our times, the UN has helped peoples worn down by civil violence·
.fud repression to make the great leap to democracy and peace --in Namibia, Cambodia, El
Salvador, Mozambique and now-- we hope -- in Haiti and Angola and others to come. And it has
made the world more humane by saving millions from disease, starvation and the ravages of war.
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Read the headlines and you might think that high profile peace operations are what the UN is all
but to millions around the world the UN is the meal that keeps a child from going to bed
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hungry; the knowledge that helps a farmer coax sustainable yields from hard land; the shelter that
keeps together a family displaced by war or disaster; or the vaccine that allows a mother cradling
a newborn infant to know her baby will have a good chance to survive.
We support and believe in the United Nations because its goals are right and it has accomplished
much. But as we scan the horizon from the Balkans to Central Mrica to the Caucasus, and as we
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In the past few years, some progress has been made: a new oversight office to hold down costs; a
new system to review personnel; and a start towards privatization and modernization.
But this is just a beginning. We need to consider major structural changes. We do not need a
separate.agency, with its own acronym, stationery and bureaucracy, for every problem we face.
As the G-7 leaders concluded at Halifax two weeks ago, we should eliminate some UN agencies
and reduce the total number of UN civil servants. The United States supports the efforts of the
President of the General Assembly, Mr. Essy, to present and pass a specific reform proposal at
this fall's 50th General Assembly. [statement on US share ofbudget, arrears?]
not be able to take on the threats that demand collective action by nations. The 21st Century UN
must operate in real time and be capable of rapid reaction. And it must integrate agencies so that
precious resources are not wasted.
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We know from experience that crises that sometimes seem to come out of nowhere have deep
roots. But ifUN agencies identify problems early enough, and plan a coordinated and quick
. response, we can save countless lives and resource~w.. · ~ · . ·
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environmental catastrophe and disease. And by helping to track down terrorists and collect
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evidence against states that sponsor them, the United Nations can
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contribute directly to the safety of our citizens.
Today, on the fiftieth anniversary of the Char!er's signing, let us renew our vow to work together
against the enemies of peace and prosperity. Let us summon the energy to fight one nation's
troubles
bef~ecomes every nation's nightmare.
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First, we must continue o~o rid our planet of the nuclear weapons that pas
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Nonproliferation Treaty.· Now we must rigorously enforce it, strive to make it universal and see
that nuclear and non-nuclear nations comply with it in letter and spirit. We must also· join
together and agree to .a comprehensive ban on nuclear tests and a ban on the production of fissile
materials from which bombs are made. And in what we sell or transfer, we must not contribute
to the spread of weapons of mass destruction.
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Second, we must pledge full support for those in the .Middle East,
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Central America and elsewhere who have stood up to terrorism and extremist violence in the 1 ; pursuit of peace.
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Taking
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Such actions will sometimes require companies to forego profitable economic contacts and our
nation to risk retaliation. But these are deadly criminals -- and we must unite in opposition to
defeat them.
Third, we must reaffirm our commitment to strengthen United Nations peacekeeping as one
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important tool for deterring, containing and endin~nflict. No, the UN has never been, nor was
it ever expected to be, an absolute guarantor of peace. It cannot substitute for the regional and
national actions that countries must take, together or alone, to defend their interests. But in
responding to the world's bloody and complex struggles, we need every available tool.
�bcrlster the confidence of parties who have had enough ofwar, but who are fearful ofwhat might
happen if they lay down their arms. This capacity allows the UN to keep peace and to aid
democratic transitions where others cannot; this asset is too valuable to lose. Even where the UN
has not been able to fulfill ambitious mandates --as in the former Yugoslavia-- it has saved many
lives.
Today, there are some who say that UN peacekeepers should leave Croatia and Bosnia. Their
frustration is understandable. When something is not working well, it is natural to want to try
something else. But my government believes the "something else" in this case would ~e
wider war, with more killing, more refugees, no greater degree of justice, and a greater risk of
another European catastrophe.
We believe the UN force, given a more robust capacity to defend itself, can keep alive the
possibility of a negotiated peace based on the Contact Group plan. We want a political solution-one that would preserve Bosnia's inde~ence within its recognized borders -- by maintaining
pressure on those who reJect the peace
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Those who would dismiss international peacekeeping because it cannot do everything would
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deprive us of the ability to accomplish anything. They ignore the fact that, from 1990 to ~ the
UN launched as many peacekeeping operations as it had in the previous 45
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discarding peacekeeping because it is not equal to all tasks, we should sharpen it so that we may
respond rriore rapidly when and where we can act effectively.
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Fourth, we must keep this organization on the front lines in the battles against threats posed by
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In the battle for child survival and against infectious di
se -- perhaps the purest definition of
crises that need early warning and rapid response -- the UN's record is proudest. When three
million children who would have died each year live, because UNICEF has provided oral
vaccines; when viruses, like Ebola, which would have raged across a continent, are contained
because of the efforts of the World Health Organization; when a drought, which would have
ousands m South Africa, claims no victims because the Food and Agriculture
Organization has alerted the world to the risk of famine; we understand both the value of the UN
system and its promise as we prepare to enter a new century.
In the fight to protect our planet -- against encroaching deserts, disappearing forests, and toxic
wastes -- we must redouble our efforts to cooperate. In the fight to protect· our children from the
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. danger of illegal drugs, we must come together .._as-C--olombia
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traffickers out of business. And in the fight to protect our communities, we must move rapidly to
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attack the growing dangers of international crime; these criminals have~m
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Finally, let us vow to make the United Nations, over the next fifty years, an in~gly str~v~~ J'l'
voice for the protection of fundamental human dignity and human rights. The first international
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war crimes tribunals since Nuremberg must be a powerful instrument of justice and truth. Lasting·
reconciliation in Rwanda and former Yugoslavia will not be possible until presumptions of
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Within most societies, there are forces of cynicism, isolationism and extreme nationalism that
focus only on what separates one people from another. Enormous differences of outlook and
circumstance separate the peoples whose countries are represented at the UN. But as President
Truman said to the delegates in San Francisco wh~n they signed the Charter: "This is proof that
nations, like men, can state their differences, can face them, and then can find common ground on
which to stand. That is the essence of democracy; that is the essence of keeping the peace in the
future."
Today, more than ever _before, the United Nations stands poised to make a difference. The
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divisions of the Cold War'h:~ erased. The goals of democracy and freedom~
embraced. We have come to recognize that no nation, acting alone, can deal with challenges that
respect no borders. That we must act for the collective interest in order to protect our national
interests and make all of our people safer. That we all have a stake in making real the vision laid
out a half century ago in the UN Charter.
The measure of this generation will not be whether it avoids setbacks, but in how it responds to
them; whether we grow more frustrated or more determined; whether we give up because we
cannot achieve a perfect world, or strive nevertheless to build a better world. The good news, in
which my own nation has always believed, is that human security and prosperity and freedom are
dynamic, not finite; if we plant the seeds and till the soil, they will grow.
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Like those before us, we will fence in the conflicts, rip out tyranny at its roots, and plan for a new
season. Like them, we will draw inspiration and strength from the memory of past sacrifice, the .
extraordinary dignity of ordinary citizens across the globe and the ennobling vision embodied in
this Charter signed here-- by men and wome:1 much like us-- 50 years ago.
·It has been said that all work that it is worth anything is done in faith. In this historic chamber, on
this historic day, let us all resolve to keep the profound faith that each child saved, each refugee
housed, each disease prevented, each barrier to justice brought down and each sword turned into
a ploughshare will enrich the future and explode outward the boundaries of what is achievable on
this earth.
###
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