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[Portugal] [ 1]
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Withdrawal/Redaction Sheet
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
SUBJECTffiTLE
DATE
RESTRICTION
00 I. briefing paper
Background Paper: Portugal and NATO (3 pages)
05/09/2000
Pllb(l)
002. briefing paper
re: Iran terrorism (3 pages)
n.d.
Pllb(l)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Paul Orzulak)
OA/Box Number: 4023
FOLDER TITLE:
[Portugal] [I]
2008-0702-F
'm223
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�l.
b:::==:=:-~.,...,...-~:::-:-'--=----==~
b.-CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
'i ·
�Page 2 of3
what we've got. And by your presence and your positioning, we have
allowed the world to iook through our window with you there, and that
world has been able to also see our country.
So thank you for helping us let the world know that we do exist,
and that we do value things that are important; that we are at the
cutting edge of many things that we think others should come and look
at. And we think that you've been a pretty good ad for the things that
matter to us.
(Laughter and applause.)
PRESIDENT CLINTON:
Thank you.
PRIME MINISTER SHIPLEY:
So what rna~ters, Mr.· President, in
relationships, are those things that endure. New Zealand and the United
States have enjoyed a strong relationship for many years.
Your visit to
New Zealand, I think, has been a huge step forward in cementing the
strength 6f that relationship, and I thank you for that.
I believe that New Zealanders can look forward to moving from
strength to strength. And we hope that before you finish your
presidency, you will pick up that opportunity you referred to this
morning, of corning again to New Zealand o'n your way to Antarctica, a
place that both of us value as well~
Ladies and gentlemen, it's my pleasure, on behalf of all of you
here, to ask ~ou to raise your glasses, and to drink to friendship
between the people of .the United States and the people of New Zealand,
people who are very good friends.
Mr. President, to friendship.
(The toast is offered.)
PRESIDENT CLINTON:
Th~nk you very much.
Fprgive my hoarseness.
First, Prime Min{ster, to.you, your family, your government and the
people of New Zealand, I cannot thank you enough for the wonderful
welcome that our party and my family members have received here.
I
apologize for having to rush horne, but all of you know of the great
storm that is now hitting the American coast. We had to move over 2.5
million people today in an attempt to minimize the loss of life.
So I
hope you'll forgive me, but let me say I have had a wonderful.tirne here.
I'm glad that the fashion people approved of the way I wore the
beautiful outfit you gave me.
(Laughter.)
You know, I've been
President sev.en years now, I've been all over the world, I've received.
any number of items of clothing. And when you go to these meetings very
often the people who are there get the native dress and we wear them.
And usually, when I go horne there is someone making fun of how I looked
in the dress of whatever country I was.
This is the smartest outfit
I've ever been given.
(Applause.)
In the calendar cycle, we in the Northern Hemisphere are moving in
the opposite direction, so we're corning into fall and winter. And ·if
you watch the television, I'll probably in your outfit several. times
more before the end of the year.
(Applause.)
Let me' say from the bottom of my heart, this has been a magical
trip.
I think every person, when he or she is young, dreams of finding
some enchanted place, of beautiful mountains and breathtaking coastline
and clear lakes and amazing wildlife, and most people give up on it
because they never get to New Zealand.
This has been an amazing thing
for me and for all of us.
http://www.pub.whitehouse.gov/uri-res/I2R?um:pdi://oma.eop.gov.us/1999/9/15/6.text.l
05/24/2000
�Page 3 of3
You might be ·interested to know that on the front page 6f The
Washington Post today, there is a picture of my National Economic
Advisor bungy jumping.
(Laughter and applause.)
We all had to remind
him that he wasn't supposed to be Houdini and slip the cords, you know.
(Laughter.)
And so the whole story.was·about how much fun we were all
having.
I hope that it will also be reported that at this meeting we took a
strong stand for freedom and 1 human rights in East Timor, and we are
going in there, together with our friends from Australia and others in
this region, to try to protect the integrity of the referendum for
democracy and independence, and save lives.· And I thank New Zealand for
its leadership in this cause.
We also stood for the proposition that we can best lift the world's
fortune by having more free and fair trade. And that, too,·was
profoundly important.
. We celebrated today our partnership in Antarctic and talked about
the importance of Antarctica to our whole future.
I have mentioned
often that, as all of you know probably, when the new millennium dawns
it will dawn first on New Zealand.
I will be proud' to cross that bridge
into the 21st century with you, knowing that we will be partners for
peace and prosperity, and a more decent and humane future for all our
children. And I thank you for that partnership.
I'd like .to ask all of you to join me in a toast to the Prime
Minister, to her wonderful husband, to her government, and to the people
of New Zealand.
(The toast is offered.)
Thank you very much.
(Applause. )
END
7:06 P.M.
(L)
I
http:i/w-Ww.pub.whitehouse.gov/uri-res!I2R?urn:pdi://oma.eop.gov.us/1999/9/15/6.text.l
05/24/2000
�;;·
Page 1 of2
THE WHITE 'HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(The Hague, Netherlands)
For Immediate Release
May 28, 1997
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
· IN EXCHANGE OF TOASTS
AT LUNCHEON.
:Small Ballroom of Noordeinde Palace
The Hague, Netherlands
1:53 P.M.
(L)
THE PRESIDENT:
Your Majesty, Prime Minister Kok,
honored colleagues, on behalf of the United States I would.like to thank
Her Majesty and the people of' the Netherl~nds for this ~eeply
appreciated commemoration. · And thank you, Your Majesty, for ·your very
fine statement.
,
The ties between our two nations are long and unbroken.
When my country was first seeking its independence, the Netherlands was
one of the first nations to which we turned.
John Adams, America's
first envoy to th~ Hague and later our second President, described the
completion of a treaty of friendship with Holland as "the happiest event
and the greatest action" of his life. More than 200 years later,
America still takes pride in our friendship with :this good land, whose
compassion ·and generosity throughout the .world is far disproportionate
to its size.
I also express my gratitude to all my fellow leaders for
being here. today.
Your presence is a very great honor'to the United
States and a symbol of the age of'possibility which we now inhabit -thanks in no ~mall measure to the vision.and work of General Marshall
and his contemporaries in the United States· _and in Europe.
The Marshall.Plan we celebrate today, as Her Majesty
noted, was open to ·all of Europe.
But fdr half the continent the dream
of recovery was denied.
Now, at last, all of Europe's nations are
seeking their rightful places at our trahsatlantic table.
Here in this room ar~ freely elected Presidents, Prime
Ministers, and officials. from every corner of Europe, including Russia.
We are the trustees of history's rarest gift, a second chance to
complete the job that Marshall and his generation began.
Our great
opportunity and our enormous,obligation is to make the most of this
precious gift and together to build an undivided, democratic, peaceful,
prosperous Europe for the very first time in all human history.
The daunting challenge in Marshall's time was to repair the
damage of a devastating war.
Now we face the equally.ambitious task of
promoting peace, security, and prosperity for all the people of Europe.
As we celebrate the 50th anniversary of. the Marshall Plan,
let us commit ourselves to build upon its success for the next 50 years
and beyond. And let us now join in a toast to Her Majesty and the
people of the Netherlands in gratitude for this great and good day.
http://www.pub.whitehouse.gov/uri-res/12R?urn:pdi://oma.eop.gov.us/1997/5/28/6.text.l
05/24/2000
�..
Page 2 of2
END
1:53 (L)
\
http://www.pub.whitehouse.gov/uri-res/12R?urn:pdi://oma.eop.gov.us/1997/5/28/6.text.l
05/24/2000
�James B. Steinberg
Deputy Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs
Remarks 1to
The Center on the United States and France
Brookings Institution
May 24, 2000
Introduction
o Very pleased Phil Gordon invited me to give this talk.
Understand he used to work at'NSC.
If someone could point him
out to me, would appreciate it.
o
.o
Of course, most of you know vital role Phil did play at White
House. Masterful job preparing .for 50th anniversary NATO
Summit, including toiling long and hard on NATO's new
Strategic Concept. Also played central role in preparing
President's trip to Turkey and Greece and helping to jump
start Cyprus talks .
My only hope is. that he does not match his success at the
White House, or before that at the ISS, with success here at
the new Cen~er on the United States and France. After all, if
U.S.-French relations were to become devoid of all creative
tension, those of us who wor~:on transatlantic affairs m~y be
out of a job, or at the very least bored.
The Worst of Times
o
Recent New York Times article that received lots of attention
was headlined:
"Europe's Dim View of U.S. Evolving into Fran~
Hostility." It cited a litany of differe~ces -- fro~ arms
control policy to trade disputes. to the death penalty - for
proposition there is c~isis in transatlantic relations.
o
In preparing this talk, decided to dig a little deeper to see
if. this coverage reflected reality, or was just flash in pan.
o
Must tell you I'm very troubled by what I found.
Consider
these headlines:
"Allies Complain of Washington's Heavy
Hand".
"France to NATO: Non Merci". "U.S. Declares Economic
Warfare on Allies."
"Protesters Rally Against American Arms'
Plan."
o
Sure you all recognize the references.
"Allies Complain of
Washington's Heavy Hand" is headline of story about ... the
�2
1956 Suez crisis.
"France to NATO:. Nori Merci" is a story
from ... 1966, when France left NATO's military command.
"U.S.
Declares Economic Warf~re on Europe" is of course about ... the
1981 Siberii:m pipeline crisis. "Protestors Rally Against
American Arms Plan" is circa .. '. · 1986, during the debate over
the· deployment of intermediate range nuclear weapons in
Europe.
o
o
In short, bickering across the Atlantic is as old as the
Alliance itself. And the colloquies and conferences we're
seeing in the year 2000·about the crisis between the United
States and Europe· are simply an echo of the colloquies and
.conferences we saw.in 1960, 1970, '1980, 1990.
In.fact, I would and will argue that relations across the
Atlantic are deeper and stronger that ever, that our
cooperation is broader than ever, and that pros~~cts for the·
future are brighter than ever - provided we manage the
relationship with wisdom and care.
The Big Picture - Thus Far
o
Step back and consider our common successes thus far in the
post cold·War era.
Just a decade ~go, it was predicted that
'NATO would not endure, ·having lost its reason for being.
Europe's new democra.cies would fail.
Eui-ope' s project for a.
common currency and foreign policy would founder.
US and the
EU would.go their own ways.
Russia wot!-ld turn inward and
reactionary.
o
The re~lity is quite the opposite. We not only preserved
NATO, we strengthened it by adapting the alliance to new
missions, and working with new members and partners, .including
Russia.
Our common efforts have the new democracies of
central Europe and the Baltics well on their .way to joining
the transatlantic mainstream.
The EU - with our support - has
brought monetary union into being and has made a remarkably
fast start at a common foreign and. security policy - a policy
that this Administration strongly supports . . The relationship
between the United States and the EU is stronger than ever, as
evidenced by the 14th US-EU summit of his presidency President
Clinton is about to attend. And Russia, for all. its
difficulties, .has just completed the first democratic transfer
of power in its history.
o
Some also predicted that a fundamental contradiction would
.emerge between oui desire to sust~in the TransAtlantic
�;
3
parfnership and Europe's determination to further its
integration. Again,.. I think we have proved the opposite.
·.
o
From the outset of this administration, President Clinton has
been a conkistent ~rid ~loquent.supporter of European
.
integration.
He believes in and supports a strong EU.
He
believes in and supports the EMti.
He believes in and supports
ESDP. · The reason is simple, and it is based on the history of
the 2dth century. When Europe is divided, its people at war or
subjugated to tyranny, that's not only bad for Europe, it's
·bad for America. When Europe is peaceful, undivided, and .
democratic, America bemefits. And of course, such a Europe ·is
a more effective partner for us 'in meeting the common
challenges that have replaced the common existential threat as
the glue of our relationship:
o
Thi$ is not to say thete hav~ not beeh big picture problems.
The wars in the former Yugoslavia were our common nightmare.
But now that killing ground.has beeome a proving ground for
new structures of cooperation we have built - for a new NATO,
the Partnership for Peace, NATO...:.Russia, the OSCE and, of
course, a strong EU.
o
It's also not to say that we have reached the end of history
within the Euro-Atlantic area.
The great construction project
of our time -- a peaceful, undivided, democratic Europe - will
not be complete until southeast Europe and Russia are truly
part of the foundation.
I expect you will be hearing the
President talk about - and act on - that proposition when he
is in Europe next week~
o
Here too, th~ United States and Europe share the same goals
and the same approach. We're working· tog.ether thru NATO and
UNMIK to pick up the pieces in Kosovo.
We're working together
through the Stability Pact to bring southeast Europe into· the
21st century.
We'rE; working together to encourage Russia's new
leaders to deepen democracy and economic reform, and to find a
political solution to the crisis .in Chechnya.
o
Even in the area of trade -- where seemingly innocuous words
like "bananas",
~beef" and ihushki.ts"
can cause mature
diplomats to cry out in frustration - by almost any_ measure
the transatlantic relationship is strong and ~rowing ~tronger.
US investment in Europe grew by seven times between 1994 and
1998 .. European companies are. the largest investors in .41 of
our 50 states. The value of these ties dwarfs the money in
question in our disputes. We exchange more than $1 billion
)
�4
per day 'in goods and investments - ahd the number is rising.
News trans-Atlantic alliances - for example, between Daimler
and Chrysler, Bertelsmann and Random House - are creating a
whole new depth to o~~ partnership. Why All. the Angst?
o
Of course, something must explain the spate of
divorce" articles. Two basic explanations.
~'U.S.
-Europe
o
First, Americans and Europeans alike must contend with
phenomenon of globalization.
Some Europeans think
'globalization' is "Americanization.'; Of course, the u.s·. is
especially well placed to thrive in a globali~ing world.
But
so is Europe - a proposition ·its companies are proving every
day. And millions of Americans too are concerned about
globalization's implications for them, their families, their
futures - witness the receptions they gave delegates to the
. WTO meeting in Seattle and the WB/IMF meetings in Washington.
For Americans, too, the way we live, work and interact amongst ourselves, with our government, and·with people and
countries arourid the world- is changing.more·rapidly and more
profoundly than ever before.
o
Convinced globalization is neither inherently good, nor· bad but it is inevitable.
We can't will it away.
What we can do
is work together to better share it benefits and spread its
burdens. And here, U.S. and Europe' uniquely well placed.to
lead.
o
Second, and more specific to the U.S.-European relationship,
end of Cold War brought demise of European dependence on U.S.
for existential security.
Into void surged two phenomena that
are largely. complementary but sometimes. in conflict. On the
one hand, what a certain Foreign Minister has called the
American hyperpower - a country dominant militarily,
economically, politically and culturally.
On the other hand,
an emerging European identity, built around EU, EMU, ESDP.
o
This new ~~ality require~ us to ·refin~ the relationship across
Atlantic. Not surprising certain amount of tension results.
Not surprising each partner is experiencing discomfort in
changes it is being forced to consider.
For Europ~, the
challenge is to assume more of the burden of.leadership.
For
the U.S., the difficulty lies in ceding more of the say in the
conduct of common policies.
�5
o
I'm convinced we can and will meet these challenges, because
.the common challenges we face will compel us to do so.
America needs Europe, just as Europe needs America, as much as
we needed each other during the Cold.War and, I would argue,
even more than we did then.
o
We have built a
partnership that
our common area,
problems we face
partnership that is
is global, tackling
but beyon~ it. And
are, more and more,
unique in this world - a
problems not only within
as you all know, the new
global in nature.
o
Of course, we must continue to contend with classic conflicts
of international relations - wars between nation states fought
over territory, resources and power.
These will not go away.
o
But more and more, news kinds of threats demand our time,
energy and resources- threats that ehe U.S.-European
partnership is uniquely placed to meet.. Conflict within
societies based on ethnic, racial and religious animosity.
The spread of weapons of mass destruction.
The challenge of
international crime and terrorism, drug trafficking and cyber
criminality.
Epidemics of disease and malnutrition.
Environmental degradation.
The truth is no less profound for
being plain:
no one nat~on can tackle these problems alone.
Isolationism or unilateralism cannot answer the challenges of
the 21st century.
o And so I'm convinced that as people who share the same basic
values and same core interests, we are fated to work more
closely and deeply together than ever. For all the sturm and
drung about transatlantic relations, I'm confidant the
relationship will endure and thrive.
There ·is, simply put, no
alternative.
�Withdrawal/Redaction Marker
Clinton Library
DOCUMENT NO.
AND TYPE
00 I. briefing paper
DATE
SUBJECTrfiTLE
Background Paper: Portugal and NATO (3 pages)
05/09/2000
RESTRICTION
p 1/b(l)
COLLECTION:
Clinton Presidential Records
National Security Council
Speechwriting (Paul Orzulak)
ONBox Number: 4023
FOLDER TITLE:
[Portugal] [I]
2008-0702-F
·m223
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Presidential Records Act- 144 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
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DOCUMENT NO.
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re: Iran terrorism (3 pages)
n.d.
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·
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�Russian CW Destruction ·
Objective
To encourage the EU and its member states to support CW
Destruction efforts in Russia, especially at Shchuch'ye
(pronounced "shoo-chee") .
•
Background
Under the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC), Russia must
destroy its chemical weapons (CW) by 2007 (or 2012 if an
extension i~ approved). Due to the financial crisis, the
high cost of destruction facilities ·($1 billion each, 7 are
planned), and internal buieaucratic problems, Russia will
miss .both deadlines. While responsibility for destruction
does lie with Russia, international assistance is crucial to
destroying Russia's CW stockpile.
U.S. DESTRUCTION ASSISTANCE: The.U.S. is the largest
contributor, having provided $192 million for CW destruction
assistance through FY1998. ·Most of it is for the first
phase (500 tons per year) of a CW destruction facility at
Shchuch'ye. In FY2000, Congress imposed a prohibition on
construction funding for the facility. Congress is
concerned over inadequate international assistance and an
·inability to spend the money due to lack of Russian
cooperation. We are currently working hard to demonstrate
increased burdensharing, and Russian cooperation has
improved. We are seeking to have that prohibition repealed.
INTERNATIONAL CW DESTRUCTION_ASSISTANCE: Germany is the
second largest contributor, $25 million over several years
f6r a·blister agent destruction facility at Gorriiy. Oth~r
contributors include The Netherlands, Italy, Sweden, and the
European Commission.·· International assistance for Russian
CW destruction totals around 10% of the U.S. contribution.
The U.S. has approacheq the European Commission (EC) with
requests for further assistanc~. EC officials, while
sympathetic, report that t·hey cannot act with out a mandate
from the Member States (the Council) who have not yet agreed
to make this a priority.
Talking Points
•
Although destroying its chemical weapons is at its core
Russia's responsibility, increased international
assistance to the Russian CW destruction program will be
crucial for success.
�•
•
Failure by Russia to destroy its CW would have negative
consequences for global arms control and nonproliferation
objectives. Stopping the proliferation of all weapons of
mass destruction, .including chemical weapons, is-a goal
·we all share.
•
Congress has imposed a prohibition on U.S. funding for
construction o~ the·destruction facility at Shchuch'ye.
However, I have asked Congress to repeal the funding
prohibition and have asked fo~ $35 million for FY 2001.
•
The Commission, Germany, Italy, The Nether.lands, Canada,
and others are now providing assistance to the Russian CW
destruction program, and we are hopeful ~hat this
demonstration of international burdensharing -- and
particularly increased international assistance to the
Shchuch'ye project -- will convince Congress to repeal
the ftinding prohibition.
•
Urge EU and. Member States to increase your support for
the Russian CW destruction program; urge Member States to
support an increase in Commission funding fo.r CW
destruction.
�...
~:
Orafted:EUR/PRA:Teggert
Clearance:
AC: OWeekman
o.k
000/CTR: SKoch/RRock ok
S/NIS-C: KSavit/JBaldwin
H: TLynch (info)
EUR/ERA: DYap
ok
S/P: LFeinstein ok
P: SWhite ok
0: Tcynkin ok
T: Jtimbie ·ok
ok
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RMERICRN
EMBRSSY
FRX
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NO.:
. • \ AMER!Ct\N
1 72655G2
05-04-00
17:42
P.01
~M.BASSY J:-ISB()~ .·
· Office ofthe Deputy Chief ofMission
Av. Das ForyasArmadas
.1600-0BJ Lisboa. Portugal
Tel:
351-I-770-2303
Fax:
351-21~726-5562
456- 9150
Fax#:
To:
NSC - Hoyt Yee
From:
Kathleen Stephens
Re:
POTUS VISIT TO PORTUGAL:
Totlll Pages: 7
•
•
•
•
•
•
May 4, 2000
•
•
•
Possible useful background for remarks in Portugal.
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
�'"
·~FROM~
RMERICRN EMBRSSY
FRX NO.:
+
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0 subs~retario norte-americana da Energia
.o nosso homem
e nelo de quatro
a<;orianos
na Casa Branca
0 subsecretario da Energia ·eo primeiro Iusa-americana
na Administra~ao dos EUA. Mas ja ·pauco tala ·
portugues. E, sobretudo, nunca em publico
'
mancira americana, deveria c:hamar-sc Ernest Moniz Ill 0 avo
Emesto emigrou dos Ac;:ores em
1910, para trabalharnuma fiar;:ao
de algodao em Fan· River, Massachusetts.
0 pai, que ja tinha o nome americanizado, foi oper:irio da Firestone e pianista aflf:r hours em clubes locais. Ele e o titular
de urn amplo gabinete: no topo de urn ediffcio supermodemo no cora~,;ao de Washington: a subsecretaria da Energia.
0 ga!Jim:lt: lit: Ernc.::;l Moni:r. e uma sala onde as paredes s6 tern esrantcs. Nao
ha retratos dele ao !ado de Clinton ou de
qualqucr membro da admini:str<l<;:ao nor-
A
52
P.!32
ERNEST MONIZ
SUCESSOS
' EMiLIA CAETANO • WASHINGTON
17:43
~Fiz
.I
cobcrta do caminho maritirno pam a india:
convidou Portugal par~ urn proim::to especial que juntou cientistas de 40 paises.
No princfpio de 1998. poucr.> depois de
Moniz entrar em fun~;oes, o secretario de
Estad<) portugucs dos Negocios Estrangeiros eo embaixador em Washingtc;m estiveram no s-cu gabinctc: .vicram aqui
trazer-me a bandeira portugm:sao que ia
para a csta~ao espacial MlR. ..
te-americana:
sempre uma carreira a
margem da pol!tica,., exp!ica.
Aos 53 a nos, ja ocupou alguns do3
Crescei' em Fall River
principais cargos ligados a fisi_ca nuclear
Ernest raJa com goSh) da ~llil inffirt<:ia
nos EUA. Depois de urn percurso como
profe:;:;or no MIT (Massachusetts lnstitu- 1 em Fall P..ivcr, nos tempos cm que cri) o
te of Technology). uma das suas tarefas
companheiro privilcgiado dn avi> materfoi presidir a comissao consultiva extcma
no, Eugenio Pavao: ·· o ITlCu Ji<• tfpico t.:l'n
do departamento de Fisica de Los Alac:rian~:a era ir com €lc lJ P"~ca. lkp<>i~. i<•mos, o gabincte que, nos anos 40, produmos lomar qualqu~:·r coi~a ao duhc onde
ziu a prirneira bomba at6micao
us portugue:::;c~ st: juntavarn. Nc,sa alt1.1m.
Ine~per<~damente. esta 'vinda p:tra a po- ; · ouvia mais portugues do quc ingle~.>1
lrtica acabou por voltar a liga-lo ao. pafs
.A.i.nda hoje, mais de metadc.: da popub ·
que. dos tres Ernest Moniz. s6. o primeiro ,. · ~ao de Pall River c de J.o;ccmk'rK·ia pnrtli·
conheceu. 0 seu gabinete foi palco dt1 ce- 1 guesa. sohrctudo do:-; A<.;IJr!:::<. 1-: j;J era as~im
tza oficial do- programa escolhid6 pel a
·nos tempos ern que o:s qualm "'"·,s dt: Mn·
NASA para assinalar os 500 anos da Jes- ! ni7. de= l;.i t:hc=g«l"iJ.Ill, ~rtl: thl hnu1iil era •
o
.,
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i
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,_.
o
\ l:"-.\0 2 dt' Dl'o'•'rl'brt:
<!o.•
1
9~9
.;~ .
. ;.•
�Hoyt Yee
Announcements: pretty limited- AIDS initiative infecitious disease initiative- biotechnology
consultative forum, launching, culmination of a year-long process working since washington in
december, where we agred that we needed 2 tracks of progress on biotech- govt to govt to
address problem with market access- other track is consultative forum broad-based discussion
group between europeans and americans involving civil society to have a conversation about
understanding on
benefits and risked about gentically modified organisms- have to have
second part before we get to first part - have arrangements done, agreed on mandate and
composition of forum, will have a meeting in the near future- science, agriculture, public and
private who will talk over issues and come to some understanding to take advantage
an
Also have something to announce on data privacy- written description- agreement that will
allow us companies to have access to information in europe about euorpean clients that is
protected by eu regulations- very strict- up until now, no us company can access information
and store is here unless it is in compiance for eu regs- no framework for that here- thing called
safe harbor here that companies can volutnarily abidee by- once they are, the eu will allow
participation- probably take weeks -companies that have already been abiding by safe harbor
principles for some time- flipping the switch- companies that have been using this information
- sales and marketing- for coming year- are we going to be able to tap into that marketpredictable, reliable access to information important to building market shareThe Madrid Protocal on patent registration- been initialled already, we are announcing -- Allow
us company to register for a patent in one country, will register in all countries- right now, have
to go to each country, pay a separate fee, companies are going to save approx 67 percent on costs
discussed eed to coordinate the security policies of the nato and the eu- us welcome eu's effort
to strengthen security in full cooperation with nato- will strengtehn trans-at relations and
compement nato's work
RussiaHow important our cooperation with eu has been in both the balkans and russia- share same
goals and approach, keep cooperating on shared agenda.
we are going to cooperate on x,y,z
Portugal - hosted by the president - will be toasting him - prime minister will be there, too --
�EU-draft with U.S. response- 5/23/0010:51 AM
U.S.-ED Statement on the Expanding Threat ofHIV/AIDS,
Malaria and Tuberculosis in Africa
Few challenges are more profoundly disturbing or lJl.Ore far-reaching than the
collective threat posed to the citizens of Africa by three major communicable
diseases: IDV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria." While the scope of the threat·
. is global, Africa bears a disproportionate share of the suffering caused by
these diseases. This year_alone, IDV/AIDS will claim·morethan two million
victims in Africa while another million lives will be lost to malaria and
tuberculosis. The devastating effects of these diseases reverse decades of
development and robs an entire generation, especially those caught in the
trap of poverty, of hope for a better future. This health crisis in much of
Africa deepens the vicious cycle of disease and poverty, erodes security and
undermines social and economic 'development and poverty reduction.
We, the U.S. and EU, reiterate our commitment to combat IDV/AIDS and
control diseases such as tuberculosis and malaria. Together with other
countries and international organizations, we are already making a major
effort. But the scale of the problem requires new mechanisms to mobilize
international opinion, resources and to take appropriate actions to assist
African countries. We welcome the work done in the UN Security Council
during the January 2000 U.S. Presidency. In theC~iro Declaration and
Action Plan of April 2000; the ' EU and African leaders pledged their
.
commitment to pursue further action in this field. The renewal of the
ACP-EU Partnership Agreement in June 2000 also highlights the need to
work with the African, Caribbean and Pacific Partners on a comprehensive .
approach in the context of poverty reduction. We are looking forward to G8
initiatives on communicable diseases and poverty at the upcoming Summit
in Okinawa.
Today, at the EU-US Summit, we agreed to join forces and look at new
mechanisms and partnerships for finding responses and solutions to the
threats posed by IDV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis. This will become part
of our global agenda. We will work together to advance the following
objectives:
�International partnerships
• The EU and the US call for commitment and leadership.to control
malaria and tuberculosis and to combat IDVI AIDS in Africa.
J
• We welcome initiatives aimed at developing international partnerships
with the WHO and other UN agend~s, the donor community,
governments in developed as well as developing countries, the
pharmaceutical industry and civil society in order to find ways to
encourage new international responses and sustain successful national
health strategies.
• We recognize the central role and responsibilities of governments in
Africa in setting priorities and coordinating country efforts and call upo:n
. our partners to support such national ownership.
Public awareness·
I
• We will cooperate to increase public awareness of the scope of the crisis
and to propagate effective health and prevention measures against these
.
I
.
scourges. The roles ofprimary health care services and basic education
are crucial as are information and o:ther disease-targeted campaigns.
• We call upon political leaders in.Africa and elsewhere to encourage
information and education campaigns, including on how to prevent
mother to child transmission oflllV/AIDS. We welcome the success in
some countries where strong leadership, openness to issues and flexible
responses come together.
• We will mobilize our diplomats and other representatives at the individual
country level to work with national leaders and others to intensify cooperative
actions, to share relevant information needed to strengthen local capacity and to
·deliver necessary health ser\rices and cost-effective treatments for IDV/AIDS
and other infectious diseases.
Drugs and vaccines
�• Together with devel9ping country partners and with industry, we will
· strengthen--our-research-and-development- cooperation in-the fight· against·
these poverty-related diseases. In this respect, we ca~l for enlarged
partnerships aimed at speeding up research and development. We will
explore new methods of evaluating needed drugs and vaccines, including
strengthening capacity and training in those countries most impacted by
these diseases.
• In order to make new drugs, vaccines and other public health intervention
methods available, we will stimulate increased links between our
respective research activities and coordinate research tasks. We will
support the introduction of new financial, legal and investment incentives
designed to make drugs and vaccines more accessible and affordable to
countries in need.
•
*(EU: We welcome international initiatives on increased inwistments in
the development of drugs and vaccines.)
• (U.S.- We will support international' coordination initiatives, such as the
.
Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization (GAVI), the Multilateral
Initiative on Malaria and the EU-ACP West African Vaccine
Independence Initiative.
Resources
• The EU and US will seek increased governmental and private resources
dedicated to the fight against 'I-nvI AIDS and other diseases, including
through multilateral organizations and institutions. We acknowledge and
encourage the important role ofNGOs and civil society.
• In the World Bank and other relevant organjzations, we will support the
setting up of mechanisms such as concessionary loans and debt relief.
,
I
• (U.S. - We will look for incentives and support for governments such as a
linkage of the health budget to the IDPC debt relief initiative.)
•
(EU: We will support governments which improve their health systems
�within the HIPC debt relief initiative and the Poverty Strategy Paper as
defined-by the Bretton- Wood Institutions.)
• We will seek to·augment multilateral bank lending for healthcare
systems.
�Page 1 of6
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Ankara,. Turkey)
For Immediate
Release
November 15, 1999
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN ADDRESS TO
THE TURKISH GRAND NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
General Assembly Hall
Ankara, Turkey
4:20 P.M.
(L)
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank ~ou. Mr: Speaker, Mr. beputy Speaker,
distinguished members, it is a great honor for me and my family and for
our delegation to appear before this body, the repository of Turkish
sovereignty which, as the words behind me affirm, belongs
unconditionally and without exception to the people.
(Applause.)
I have come to express America's solidarity with the Turkish people
at a time of national tragedy, and to reaffirm our partnership for a
common future.
We have been friends for a very long time.
In 1863, the first American college outside the United States,
Robert College, opened its doors to the youth of Turkey.
It was the
only foreign institution allowed along the Bosphorus, precisely because
America had never encroached upon Turkish sovereignty.
I'm very proud
that Prime Minister Ecevit is an alumnus of· Robert College.
(Applause.)
Earlier in this century, the great founder of the Turkish Republic,
Kemal Ataturk, ·captured America's imagination ·with his bold reforms.
He
was called a second George Washington.
He appeared on the cover of "Our
Time" magazine.
He corresponded with members of our Congress. And we
moved our embassy here to Ankara, the capital of. his new republic.·
In 1927, in a six-day speech before this body, Ataturk surveyed
Turkey's relations with the countries of the world. And he paid America
what I believe was a compliment when he said, "The United States is more
acceptable than the rest."
(Applause.)
In an effort to remain more
acceptable to you, I promise not to speak for six days.
But I.would
like to review our relationship and our future.
At the dawn of the Cold War, President Truman committed Ame~ica's
resources to protect Turkey's sovereignty. The Truman Doctrine sealed
our partnership, and laid the basis for the Marshall Plan and for
America's entire postwar engagement with the rest of the world.
Over 50
years, now, our alliance has stood the test of time, and passed every
other test, from Korea to Kosovo.
On behalf of all Americans, I thank
you for half a century of friendship, mutual respect and partnership.
(Applause. )
Since the Cold War ended, we have learned something quite
wonderful. We have learned that our friendship does not depend upon a
common concern with the Soviet Union, and that in fact, in the post-Cold
War era, our partnership has become even more important. Together we
are adapting NATO to the demands of a hew century. We are partners for
peace in the Balkans and the Middle East. We are developing new sources
of energy to help the entire reg,ion.
Last year, our trade was over $6
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�Page 2 of6
billion.
It has risen 50 percent in the last five years alone.
Thanks to the vision of your former President, Turgut Ozal, the
continuing leadership of President Demirel and Prime Minister Ecevit,
and the dynamism of the Turkish people, Turkey has become an engine of
regional growth.
In the months ahead, together we will launch new
projects worth billions of dollars, mostly in the energy sector, to
bring jobs to Turkey and to bring our two nations even closer.
I
This assembly has taken bold steps to lead Turkey into the new
century.
I want the American press to listen to this:
Between June and
September, this assembly passed a remarkable 69 laws.
I'm going to tell
our Congress about that when I get home.
(Laughter.)
But I will say
this:
It is not just the quantity of those laws that count, it is the
quality.
Landmark legislation on Social Security, an international
arbitration law, banking reform -- laws that took courage and vision.
Now, you face a difficult budget decision that requires courage and
vision.
If you do pass a sound budget, it will strengthen your economy
and advance the prospects of a stanaby IMF agreement, something the .
United States strongly supports.
On the edge of a new millennium, we have a rare opportunity to
upon our journey -- two nations that started in very different
places, with a· shared commitment to democracy, who now must forge a
partnership relevant to the n~w era.
refl~ct
In a sense, we a~e all here today because of Kemal Ataturk.
Not
only because he chose Ankara to be the capital -- (applause) ~- not only
because he chose Ankara to be your capital, but because he pledged
Turkey's future to the democracy symbolized by this proud assembly.
Ironically, he accomplished much of what he did with no help from the
western powers -- indeed, against the opposition of most of them. Many
tried to carve up Turkey, to reduce it to a rump state.
In the face of
this, however, Ataturk responded not by closing Turkey up, but by
opening Turkey to the rest of the world, a decision for which we must
all be very grateful.
For better and for worse, the events of that time when the Ottoman
Empire disintegrated and a new Turkey arose have shaped the history of
this entire century.
From Bulgaria to Albania to Israel to Arabia; new
nations were born, and a century of conflict erupted from the turmoil of
shifting borders, unrealized ambitions, and old hatreds -- beginning
with the first Balkan war and World War I, all the way to today's
struggles in the Middle East and in the former Yugoslavia.
Turkey'~
past is key to understanding the 20th century.
But, more importantly, I
believe Turkey's future will be critical to shaping the 21st century.
(Applause. )
Today, I want to take a few minutes to explain why I.believe that
is true, and what we can do together to realize the future we both want.
Since people have been able to draw maps, they have pointed out the
immutable fact of Turkey's geography-- that Asia Minor is a bridge
between continents. Less than a kilometer separates Europe from Asia at
the nearest point along the Bosphorus. And, in reality, there is no
separation at all, thanks to the bridges you have built -- to the
commerce that spans Turkey every day to the communic.ations revolution
that links .all parts of the world instantaneously.
Turkey's abillty to bridge East and West is all the more important
when another fact of Turkey's geography is considered.
You are almost
entirely surrounded by neighbors who are either actively hostile to
democracy arid peace; or struggling against great obstacles to embrace
democracy and peace. To the southeast, Iran is witnessing a remarkable
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�Page 3 of6
debate between proponents of a closed and open society, while Iraq
continues· to repress its people, threaten its neighbors, and seek
weapons of mass destruction. I thank Turkey for its support of
Operation Northern Wa~ch, which allows us to deter Saddam's aggression,
protect the people of northern Iraq, and avoid another refugee crisis
like the one you so courageously met in 1991:
To
blessed
lasting
ties to
the south, the Middl~ East .is still roiled with violence~ but
with· an historic opportunity to build a comprehensive, just and
peace. Turkey is a force for that pea.ce as well, through its
Israel and the Arab states.
·
To the northwest lie the Balkans, where in the last decade seven
new democracies have been born, and four wars have claimed hundreds of
thousands of,lives. Turkish forces in ~ATO helped to end those wars,
and thus to end this century with a powerful affirmation of human
dignity and human rights. Today we are working side by side for an
enduring peace in the Balkans, one which not only ends ethnic cleansing,
but builds genuine cooperation, progress and prosperity.
To the east, 12 independ~nt nations have emerged from the ruins of
the Soviet empire. There is no more important challenge today than
helping th~m to develop stable, i~dependent, democratic societies.
Turkey here also has been a leader, reaching out in particular to
nations that share ties of language; culture and history.
There i·s still much to be done. We must help Russia to· complete
its momentous democratic revolutiori. We must be clear with Russia that
its fight against terrorism is right, but that the use of. indiscriminate
force against civilians is wrong, likely to exacerbate the very tensions
Russia wants to re~olve. We ~ust keep working together to'resolve the
conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. We must secure the region's energy
resources in a way that protects the Bosphorus, helps newly free states
to stand on their feet, empowers Turkey and Europe's future growth.
We'll have a-chance to address all these challenges when nearly a third
of the world's nations gather at the ·ascE suinmit in Istanbul this week.
When we step back and look ahead, it is possible to imagine two
very different futures over the next generation. Without too much
trouble, a pessimist might foresee a dark future, indeed: a Middle East
with the peace process shattered, Saddam's aggression unchecked,
democracy collapsed in the Caucasus in Central Asia, extremism and
terror spreading across the region, more violence in the Balkans,
military coups, unstoppab~e nuclear tensions in Pakistan and India.
But there is another vision
one that requires a strong Turkey
playing its rightful role at the crossroads of the world, at the meeting
place of three great faiths. It is possible to see that brighfer
future: one of rising prosperity and declining conflict; one ih which
tolerance is an article of faith, and terrorism is seen,· rightly, a"s a
travesty of faith; a future in which peoble are free to pursue their
beliefs and proclaim their heritage; in which women .are treated with
equal respect; in which nations see no contradiction between preserving
traditions and participating in the life of the world; a future of
growing respect for human rights that protect our difference$ and our
common humanity; and, specifically, a future in which nations that are
predominantly Muslim are increasingly partners with nations that are
not, acting in concert in ways, large and s~all, to realiz~ the sh~red
hopes of their people.
I hope that the next time an American President addresses a nation
·with a Muslim tradition, he will be able to say that the progress of
~ndonesia and Nigeria and Moroccci, all very different nations, has.
helped all of us put the lie to the tired claim of an inherent clash of
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�Page 4 of6
civilizations. As Ataturk said 75 years ago, "countries vary, 'but
civilization is one." President Kennedy said the same thing in Berlin
when he said, "freedom is indivisible."
'
All told, there are now billions of people around the region and
the world whose future depends upon decisions made in this very room
over the next 25 years.
Each has a stake in Turkey's success in
defining itself as a strong, secular, modern nation, proud of its
traditions, fully ~art of Europe.
That ~ill require hard work and
vision.
You have done much 6f it already through Ozal's reforms,·
through the actions of this assembly, through the thousands of ways in
which the' Turkish people daily ar~ forging an energetic and responsive
civil' society.
The future we want to build together begins ~ith Turkish progress
in deepening democracy at home~
Nobody wants this more than the people
of Turkey.
You have created momentum and edicts against torture in a
new law that protects the rights of political parties, in the
achievements and vitality of this assembly. Avenues are opening for
Kurdish citizens of Turkey to reclaim that ~ost basic of birth rights
a normal life.
But there still is far more to be done to realize the promise of
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, articulate· at the very moment
our two countries·entered into close relations 50 years ago.
That
progress will be the most significant sign of Turkey's confidence in.
looking to the new century, and in many ways, the most meaningful
meas~re of your progress.
We agree with something that. was never said more clearly than by
the founder of the Turkish Republi6 -- sovereignty should pot be built
on fear.
Neither America nor Europe nor anyone else has the right to
shape your destiny for you.
(~pplause.)
Only you have that right;.
that, after al!, is what democr~cy is all about. We raise these issues
because for all the reasons I have mentioned. We have a profound
interest in your.success and we consider ourselves your friends.
(Applause. )
Keep in mind, I come from a nation that was founded on the creed
that all are created equal; and, yet, when we were founded, we had
slavery, women could not vote, even men could not vote unless they owned
property.
I know something about the ·imperfect realization of a
country's ideas. We have had a long journey .in.America,. from our
founding to where we.are.
But the journey has been worth making.
And in our own troubled century, about to close, we have clearly
learned that when writers and journalists freely express themselves,
they exercis~ not only a fundamental right, but fuel th~ exchange of
ideals essential to prosperity and growth. When peaceful outlets exist
to express normal human differences, the peace is preserved, not
shattered. When people can celebrate their c~lture and faith i~ ways
that do not infringe upon the rights of others, moderates do not become
extremists, and extremists do not becom~ misguided heroes.
A second way to shape the future lies in reducing ~ensions in t~e
Aegean -- something that will require hard work by both Turkey and
Greece.
Believe me, I appreciate how much history lies behind this
troubled relationship.
But people are beginning to see the
possibilities that can be created by a new and better history.
Prime
Minister Ecevit's government has takeh important strides in that
direction.
I agree with something he once said to me:
there is just as
much as history and geography uniting you across the Aegean as there is
divid~ng you.
.
·
Greece is also taking some risks for peace and recognizing as never
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�Page 5 of6
before that Turkey's destiny lies in Europe.
You came together to
promote stability in the Balkans, something that was, in fairness, far
more difficult for them to do than for Turkey or the United States.
The
people of both nations were movingly joined again when tragedy struck
you both in the form of earthquak~s, first in August and then, horribly,
again last week.
Every person who lost a loved one or a home to those
earthquakes knows that there was no such thing then as a Turkish or a
Greek tragedy, they were human tragedy's, and the world will never
forget the humanity each nation displayed toward the other.
We must also work hard to reach a· just settlement in Cyprus, and I
am .very pleased that yesterday the parties accepted Secretary General
Annan's invitation to start proximity talks in New York on December 3rd.
Their goal is to prepare the.ground for meaningful negotiations, leading
to a comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus problem.
I hope these talks
will bring us a step closer to lasting peace.
I believe ~negotiated
settlement is the best way to meet the fundamental interests of all the
parties, including real security for all Cypriots· and an end to the
island's division.
·
Finally, the future we want ,to build together will require
foresight on the part of our other ~llies in Europe -- the foresight to
see that our vision of a Europe that is undivided, democratic and at
peace for the first time in all of history will never be complete unless
and until it embraces Turkey.
(Applause;)
The United States . is not a
member of the European Union, but I have consistently urged European
integration to move £urther and faster -- and that includes Turkey.
There are still those who see Europe in narrower terms.
Their
Europe might stop at this mountain range or that body of water or,
worse, where people stopped to worship God in a different way.
But
there is a growing and encouraging consensus that knows Europe is an
idea as much as a plac~ -- the idea that people can find strength in
diversity of opinions, cultures and ·faiths, as long as they are commonly
committed to democracy and human rights; the idea that people can be
united without being uniform, and that if the community we loosely refer
to as the West is an idea, it has no fixed frontiers.
It stretches as
far as the front~ers of freedom can go.
Ten years ago this month, the Berlin Wall tumbled, a curtain lifted
across Europe.
The best way to c~lebrate that anniversary is to
rekindle the feeling of liberation for a new generation.
The best way
to complete the unity glimpsed in 1989 is to integrate all of
Southeastern Europe into the idea and institutions of Europe in 1999 and
the years ahead.
That means democracy in Serbia.
It means peace in the
Aegean.
It means a successful democratic Turkey fully welcomed into the
European community.
(Applause.)
At the beginning of this new century in which we qave so much hope,
there is great optimism for both our countries. We have much"to be
proud of, but we must never forget that Turkey is built on the ruins of
many ancient civilizations that once were every bit as optimistic as we
are today.
To avoid their fate, we must back up our words and our hopes
with deeds. We must acknowledge the challenges still before us. We
must not relinquish the confidence that brought us everything in this
century as it becomes our history, but we must not lose the humil~ty
that this century's great troubles leave to every thinking person.
Turkey has come so far over so many barriers in so short a time.
It was, after all, only 61 years ago'this week that Ataturk died.
Prime
Minister Ecevit was one of the schoolchildren who filed into th~ palace
to pay their respects to the fallen ~eader. All of you are the youth he
advised in his most unselfish mandate near the end:
to continue to
think for yourselves, to always re-examine your beliefs and to reshape
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democracy, generation after
~eneration
after generation.
What Turkey has generated in this century is a living example of
what all people can do to claim a better destiny for themselves. A new
century now lies untested before us.
It is an enormous opportunity.
By
deepening the democratic revolution embodied by, and still emanating
from, this very chamber, Turkey can do more than serve its own people
well.
By your example and your exertion, you can truly inspire the
world.
Thank you very much.
(Applause. )
END
4:46 P.M.
(L)
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�.,
'b·
5/19/00 3 pm
Rosshirt
Samuel R. Berger
Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs
Ceremony ori the Confemient of Honorary Degrees
. Tel Aviv University
May 21, 20.00
President of the Supreme Court, Members of the P~esidium, Deans, Excellencies, Governors,
Faculty and Students, Distinguished Guests,
~nd,
of course, My fellow Honorees:
I am honored and delighted tonight to be joining the ranks of the distinguished poets, artists,
scientists, and statesmen who have received an honorary doctorate degree from Tel Aviv
'
.
University, and I thank you for the added privilege of speaking for my fellow honorees .. I
understand that Amos Oz,,who received an honorary degree here eight years ago, politely
declined to speak for the others, saying "there -is no way I can speak on behalf of anyone. On a
lucky night I sometimes manage to represent myself." I admire Mr. Oz's humility and.restraint.
Nonetheless, I respectfully accept the privilege, and the risk, of speaking for my fellow honorees,
but only in this sense: I will try in my remarks tonight to speak for all those here and
everywhere who hope and ~ork for a world at peace. ·
[pause]·
There are few things in the history of human longing more highly prized than peace.
I
Isaiah prophesies the reign ofthe·Messiah will see no end of peace. [Isaiah 8:7] The Koran
teaches that says-believers will be greeted met:-in paradise with by-salutations angels v1ishing of
them "Ppeace.~ [Qur'an 13:_23 24]. :_Christians call Jesus Christ the Prince ofPeace.
�2
s;.
Tragically, throughout.human history we have seen more advances in the tools for waging war
than in the art of making peace.
Today, with ethnic and ideological and territorial conflicts so
persistent and the· technology of destruction so sophisticated, we face with ever greater urgency
the ancient question: Can peace prevailon earth?
I have been privileged, in ·!)erving President Clinton, to have met some leaders, and witnessed
some moments, that have revealed precious 'truths about·peace.
One truth is this: Commitment to a just peace means we may sometimes be forced to fight -- for
when good and evil collide, peace and justice often cannot prevail together. We +he
intemational community faced such a moment last year, ~hen Slobodan Milosevic sought to ·
close the bloodiest century in history with a final chapter of ethriic slaughter. Many doubted
whether the West could, or even should, respond. And yet, NATO's nineteen diverse
.·democracies came together and stayed together to stop the killing. And I will never forget- in
the midst ofNATO's action-- the words the words later uttered at the White House by Elie
Wiesel: "This time the world was not silent."
But m·any conflicts do not end as ,quickly and decisively as Kosovo; indeed, many seem never to
end at all. In the twisted logic of war, those who are weak reject peace because it appears to be
surrender. And those who are strong reject peace because they believe peace [note: would
I
..
.
.
"victory" work better in place of "peace" here?] is at hand.
Some of the leaders I admire most are those wh~ so11ght peace· when they were still strong. They
have shown us it is possible to be wise before one is weary.
Nelso~
Mandela's country was settled centuries ago by Europeans who imposed a ~octrine·of
white supremacy on the people of that land. And they forced into prisons -- or graves -- those
�3
who fought back. In 1998, President Mandela took us.to see his old cell on Robben Islanddamp, cramped, hardly large enough for him to lie flat upon the floor, without a bed for much of
· his incarceration, with one tiny window -- one foot square. He lived there 27 years -- no heat,
no fan, no faucet_-·- and a bucket for a toilet. Yet he talked to us of his life there with
extraordinary serenity. [note: to say 'without a bed for much ofhis incarceration' might prompt
the thought: "at least he had ·a bed." While the line about "lie Oat upon the
floor'~
implies no bed
and thus, I think, paints a starker picture.] .
"Were~'t you angry?" President Clinton asked him. "Even after you were freed, weren't you
bitter?" And President Mandela said: "Briefly, Yes. But then I. thought: 'I have waited so lmig
for freedom. And if my anger follows me out of this place, I will still be their prisoner, and I ·
want to be free. I wantto be free.'"
I also remember our marathon meeting at the Wye Plantation in Maryland two years ago with
President Clinton, Prime Minister Netanyahu, and Chairman Arafat- trying to restart a peace
process· that had stalled dangerously for 18 months. On day nine, the talks were close to
breakdown, President Clinton had declared this. our final day, and still there were matters we
could not settle. Into this crucible came King Hussein, with only a few months of life left within
him. Weak with cancer, he sat at the head of the table and in that deep sonorous voice- with the
authority of one who lias given up life's squabbles and centered his mind on the eternal- he said:
"There has been enough death and destruction. ' We have no right by our irresponsible actions to
ruin the lives of our child~en, and our children's children." When he finished, no one even
whispered a word of response. We resumed our work, and though we stretched that final day
out 48 hours, we concluded the agreement.
I also remember the day in President Clinton's first year in office, when Prime Minister Rabin
and Chairman Arafat had concluded the Oslo Accords and wer~ to join each other at the signing
.
�4
ceremony sign the agreements [note: the foreign ministers signed] on the South Lawn of the
White House. Just before leaving·the Oval Office, President Clinton- understanding the
demands ofthe moment-- said to Yitzhak Rabin: "You and Chairman Arafat will have to shake
hands." The Prime Minister looked truly pained. He wanted peace for the future. But would a
handshake appear to forgive the past? He paused long in thought. But minutes later, he and
Chairman Arafat sealed their agreement with a handshake, and Yitzhak Rabin said in his remarks
to the world: "You do not make peace with your friends."
Presiden~
Clinton has quoted those words everywhere in the world he has urged people to make
peace. To Prostestants and Catholics in Northern Ireland. To the parties to the conflict in
Burundi. To refugees returning to their homes in Kosovo. He told that story of Rabin to the
Indian Parliament this spring, referring to the terrible costs of war and the imperative of dialogue
with Pakistan. There in the legislative chamber of the world's mostpopulous democracy, the
story met with a murmur of voices, then applause. The wisdom and realism ofYitzhak Rabin's
words struck home.
In all the peacemaking efforts I have seen, the greatest obstacles to a future of peace are the
grievances of the past -- the searing memories of war; the heartbreaking sights of innocent
suffering.
It is difficult to put aside the instinct for revenge; it can feel like disloyalty to those who have
suffered. But making peace is not forgetting past grievances; it is trying to prevent fresh grief
from befalling our children. The injustice suffered by both sides must be acknowledged by both
sides. Those responsible for evil actions must be held accountable. But those who seek through
peace to redress all past grievances, are not seeking peace; they are still waging war.
�•.
5
Nelson Mandela, King Hussein, Yitzhak Rabin, and others like Vaclav Havel and KimDa~ Jung,
· Gandhi and Martin Luther King have understood this truth. But the existence of a handful of
heroes is not a strategy for peace. We need to grasp the defining features of this global age, and
make them serve the cause of peace.
Nationhood and national sovereignty have served for centuries as unifying, stabilizing forces
within society. They confer a common identity that builds bonds, advances progress, and eases
cooperation among citizens. Today, however, the meaning of territorial boundaries is evolving.
Goods, services, ideas, and people move more freely across. borders than ever before.
As borders begin to function more as bridges than barriers, the geography of national security -the link between land and national defense -- also is. evolving. Weapons of mass destruction,
long-range missiles, world-wide terrorist networks and global computer viruses are threats all
\
nations face together and no nation can defeat on'its own. Security 'now depends less on the
distance between neighbors than on the closeness between neighbors. True security comes from
being surrounded by partners, not walls.
By no means am I suggesting that the old threats have vanished, that sovereignty is not essential,
that we don't need armies to defend our borders, our values, and our lives. We do. But in the ·
tightly intertwined world of the global economy, it is harder than ever t9 win by making
someone else lose. Neighbors increasingly share the same fortunes. Regions tend to grow
economically, or shrink economically
together. Wheri they prosper grew-together, grievances
,,
are lightened; the cost of confrontation rises, and so also do the incentives for maintaining peace.
Here in the Holy Land, this historic drama for peace is playing itself out right no~. It is perhaps
>
the greatest challenge of peacemaking In the world. This is a place that. more than any other is
.
'
'
defined by its past- by itspeople's connection to their land; their traditions; their stories of
'
�6
suffering, strife, and exile. And yet, as His Holiness Pope John Paul II showed the world se
movingly during his pilgrimagein his visit here this Spring, feelings of 'good will' overflow
boundaries when wholehearted devotion to one's own faith is matched perfectly consistent with
a devout respect for the faith of others.
In a land where two sides have competing claims ,.--- but when a changing world opens new doors
of opportunity-- imagination must come to the support of peace. aid of memory. Through .
creativity~
ffilli-compromise, and respect, both sides can and inust find a way to honor the past,
acknowledge suffering, resolve competing claims, and give the gift of peace to one another and
their children.
Can we seize this moment? The answer is not waiting to be revealed; it is waiting to be createdby the force of each of our actions. And we must act now. The stream of history flows
endlessly onward. It will not wait. It will not return.
.
.
.
Many wise men across the. centuries have prophesied that the world will never know an end of
war. Yet, who is to say what is the limit of human achievement, or what is the endpoint of moral
development? The existence of war over millennia is merely evidence peace is difficult, not
proof that peace is impossible.
If we are ever to replace the anticipation of war with the expectation of peace, we must be able to
do it here, in this land, at this time. And why not here in this land?
The teachings from this
land gave us our ideas of human dignity and social justice. The prophets of this land gave us
our hope for progress in human history. The people ofJthis land gave us our proof that
impossible goals can become possible through generations of single-minded struggle.
�7.
The inheritors of this Holy Land can then-- if any can-- come together in a moment' of choice to .
change the world -- and fum hostility to prosperity, suffering into healing, and war into peace.
###
�Page 1 of8
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
November 8, 1999
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT QUANDT LECTURE
Georgetown University
Washington. D.C.
3:27 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much, Secretary'Albright, for
your introduction and your leadership. From the reception you just
received, I would say you can come home at any time. But I hope you'll
wait a while longer.
Thank you, Father O'Donovan, for welcoming me back to
Georgetown. Dean Gallucci, thank you. Mrs. Quandt, thank you so much
for this lecture. And to the representatives of BMW, members of the
diplomatic community, the many distinguished citizens who are here, and
to Mr. Billington, Mrs. Graham, and others, and to all the young
students who are here -- in many ways, this day is especially for you.
I, too, want to say a special word of thanks to Prime Minister
Zeman of the Czech Republic and Prime Minister Dzurinda of Slovakia.
They have come a long way to be with us today. They have come a long
way with their people in the last decade -- from dictatorship to
democracy; from command and control to market economies; from isolation
to integration with Europe and the rest of the world. It has been a
remarkable journey. You and your people have made the most of the
triumph of freedom after the ·cold War. We thank you for your example,
·and for your leadership and your friendship, and we welcome you. Thank
you.
(Applause.)
·
Today we celebrate one of history's most remarkable triumphs
of human freedom: the anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall,
surely one of the happiest and most important days of the 20th century.
For 'the young people, the undergraduates who are here who
were, at that time, 9 or 10 years old, it must be hard to sense the
depth of oppression of the communist system, the sense of danger that
gripped America and the world. I still remember all of our air-raid
drills when I was in grade school, preparing for the nuclear war as if,
if we got in some basement, it would be all right.
(Laughter.) It,
therefore, may be hard to imagine the true sense of exuberance and pride
that the free world felt a decade ago.
So, today, I say to you, it is important to recall the major
events of that period; to remember the role America was privileged to
play in the victory of freedom in Europe; to review what we.have done
since; to realize the promise of that victory; and most important of
all, to reaffirm our determination to finish the job -- to complete a
Europe whole, free, democratic, and at peace, for the first time in all
of history.
Let's start by looking back a decade ago at Berlin. If the
Soviet empire was a prison·, then Berlin was the place where everyone
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'•
could see the bars and look behind them.
On one side of the wall lived
a free people, shaping their destiny in the image of their dreams.
On
the other lived a people who desperately wanted to b~ free, that had
found themselves trapped behind a wall of deadly uniformity and daily
indignities, in an empire 'that, indeed, could only exist behind a wall,
for, ever if an opening appeared, letting ideas in and people out, the
whole structure surely would collapse.
In the end, that is exactly what happened in the fall of 1989.
Poland and Hungary already were on the road to democracy.
President
Gorbachev of the Soviet Union had made clear that Soviet forces would
not stand in their way.
Then, Hungary opened its borders to the West,
allowing East Germans to escape.
Then the dam broke.
Berliners took to
the street, shouting, "We areone people." And on November 9th, a
decade ago, the wall was breached. Two weeks later, the Velvet
Revolution swept Czechoslovakia, started by university students, just
like the .undergraduates here, marching through Prague, singing the Czech
version of "We Shall Overc6me:" Then, in Romania, the di6tator
Ceausescu, fell in the bloody uprising. A little more than a year
later, the Soviet Union itself was no more. A democratic Russia was
born.
Those events transformed our world and changed our lives and
shaped the future of the young people in this grand room today.
Yes,
the students of our era will still grow to live in a world full of
danger, but probably -- and hopefully -- they will not have to live in
fear of a total war in which millions' could be. killed in a single deadly
exchange.
Yes, America will still bear global responsibilities, but we
will be able to invest more of our wealth in the welfare of our children
and more of our energy in peaceful pursuits.
You will compete in a global marketplace, travel to more
places than any generation before you, share ideas and experiences with
people from every culture -- more and more of whom have embraced, and
will continue to embrace, both democracy and free markets.
How did all this happen? Well, mostly it happened because,
from the very beginning, oppressed people refused to accept their fate.
Not in Poland in 1981, when Lech Wale sa jumped over ·the wall at the
Gdansk Shipyard and Solidarity first went on strike; or in
Czechoslovakia, during the Prague Spring of 1968.
I was there a year
and a half later as .a young student, and I never will forget the look in
the eyes of the university students then and their determination
eventually to be free.
They did not accept their fate in Hungary in 1956, or even in
St.
Petersburg way back in 1920, when the sailors who had led the
Soviet revolution first rose ~gainst their new oppressors.
They did not
accept their fate in any Soviet home where the practice of religion was
preserved, though it was suppressed by the state; or in countless acts
of resistance we have never heard of, committed by heroes whose names we
will never know.
The amazing fact is that all those years of repression simply
failed to crush people's spirits or their hunger for freedom.
Years of
lies just made them want the truth that much more.
Years of violence
just· made them want peaceful struggl'e, and peaceful politics, that _much
more.
Though denied every opportunity to express themselves, when they
were finally able to do it they did a remarkable job of saying quite
clearly what ·they believed and what they wanted:
democratic
citizenship, and the blessings of ordinary life.
Of course, their victory also would not have been 'possible
without the perseverance of the United States and our allies, standing
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•;i:
firm against the Iron Curtain and standing firm with the friends of
freedom behind it.
Fifty years ago, when all this began, it was far
from certain that we would do.that.
It took determination-- the
determination of President Truman to break the blockade of the Soviet
Union of Berlin; to send aid to Greece and Turkey; to meet aggression in
Korea.
It took the determination of all his successors to ensure that
Soviet expansion went rio further than it did.
It took vision -- the vision of American leaders who launched
the Marshall Plan, and brought Germa~y into NATO, not just to feed
Europe or to defend it, but to unify it as never before~ around freedom
and democracy.
It took persistence -~ the persistence of every .
President, from Eisenhower to Kennedy to Bush, to pursue po~icies for
four decades until they bore fruit.
v
'
It took resources to bolster our friends and build a military
that adversaries ultimately knew they could not match.
It took faith to
believe that we could prevail while avoiding both appeasement and war;
that our open society would in time prove stronger than any closed and
fearful society.
·
It took conviction -- the convictibn of President Reagan, who
said so plainly what many people on the other side of the Wall had
trouble understanding, that the Soviet empire was evil and the wall
should be torn down; the conviction of President Carter, who put us on
the side of dissidents and kept them alive to fight another day.
And it took leadership in building alliances, and keeping them
united in crisis after crisis -- and finally, under President Bush, in
managing skillfully the_fall of the Soviet empir~, and the unification
of Germany, and setting the stage for a Europe whole and free.
This was the situation, the remarkable situation that I
inherited when I took office ih 1993. The Cold War had been won.
But
in many ways, Europe was still.divided --between the haves and
have-nots; between the secure and insecure; between_members of NATO and
the EU, and those who were not members of either body and felt left out
in the cold; between those who had reconciled themselves with people o£
different racial and religious and ethnic groups within their borders,
and those who were st.ill torn apart by those differences.
And so we set out to do for the.Eastern half of Europe what we
helped to do for the Western half after World War II -- to'provide
investment and aid, to tear down trade barriers so new democracies could
stand on their feet economically; to help them overcome tensions that
had festered under communism; and to stand up to the forces of
aggression and hate, as we did in the Balkans; to expand our
institutions, beginning with NATO, so that a Europe of shared values
could become a Europe of shared responsibilities and benefits.
Since then, there have unquestionably been some setbacks
some small and some great.
Under communism, most everyone was equally
poor .. Now, some people race ahead, while others lag far behind.
Former
dissidents who once struggled for freedom are now politicians trying to
create jobs, to fight corruption and crime, to provide basic security
for people who are simply tired of having to struggle.
Most terrible of all have been the wars
Yugoslavia, which claimed a quarter-million lives
from their homes.
But, still, 10 years after the
Wall, most of Europe is unquestionably better off
leaders so clearly demonstrate.
in the former
and pushed .millions
fall of the Berlin
-- as these two·
Democracy has taken root, from Estonia in the north to
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\
Bulgaria in the south.
Some of the most vibrant economies in the world
now lie east of the old Iron Curtain. Russia has withdrawn its troops
from Central Europe and the Baltics, accepted the independence of its
neighbors -- and for all its own problems, has not wavered from the path
of democracy.
The armed forces of most every country, from Ukraine to
Romania all the way to Central Asia, now actually train with NATO.
NATO
has three new allies -- Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic -- three
strong democracies that have stood with us in every crisis, from Iraq to
Bosnia to Kosovo.
Other new democracies are eager to join us as well,
including Slovakia, and they know our alliance is open to all who are
ready to meet its obligation. Eleven countries are beginning a process
that will lead them to membership in the European Union.
And just as important, because we and our allies stood up to
ethnic cleansing in Bosnia and Kosovo, the century is not ending on a
note of despair with the knowledge _that innocent men, women and children
on the doorstep of NATO can be expelled and killed simply because of
their ethnic heritage and the way they worship their God.
Instead, it
ends with a ringing affirmation of the inherent human dignity of every
individual.
\
\
With our ~lliance of 19 democracies sfrong and united, working
with partners across the continent, inc~uding Russia, to keep the peace
in the Balkans. With new hope for a Europe that can be, for the first
time in history, undivided, democratic and at peace.
I hope all of you
will be proud of ~hat your country and its allies have achieved, but I
hope you will be even more determined to finish the job, for there is
still much to be done.
On Friday, I will leave on a trip to Greece and Turkey, Italy
and Bulgaria.
This trip is about reinforcing ties with ~om~ of our
oldest allies, and completing the unfinished business of building that
stable, unified, and democratic Europe. ·I believe there are three
principal remaining challenges to that vision that we must meet across
the Atlantic, and I might say one great challenge we must meet at home.
The first is the challenge of building the right kind of
partnership with Russia -- a Russia that is stable, democratic and
cooperatively engaged with the West.
That is difficult to do because
Russia is struggling economically.
It has tens of thousands of weapons
scientists -- listen to this -- it has tens of thousands of weapons
scientists making an average of $100 a month, struggling to maintain the
security of a giant nuclear arsenal.
It has mired itself again in the
cruel cycle of violence in Chechnya that is claiming many innocent
lives.
We should protect our interests in Russia, and speak plainly
about actions we believe are wrong.
But we should also remember what
Russia is struggling to overcome and the legacy with which it must deal.
Less than a generation ago, the Russians were living in a society that
had nq rule of law, no private initiative, no truth-telling -- no chance
for individuals to shape their own destiny.
Now they live in a country
with a free press, with almost 1 million small businesses, a country
that should experience next year its first democratic transfer of power
in a thousand years.
Russia's transformation has just begun.
It is incomplete; it
is awkward.
Sometimes it is not pretty.
But we have a profound stake
in its success.
Years from now, I don't think we will be criticized,
any of us, for doing too much to help.
But we can certaiqly be
criticized if we do too little.
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A second challenge will be to implement, with our allies, a
plan for stability in the Balkans, so that region's bitter ethnic
problems can no longerbe exploited by dictators; and Americans do not
have to cross the Atlantic again to fight in another war .. We will do
that by strengthening democracies in the region, promoting investment
and trade, bringing nations steadily into Western "institutions, so they
feel a unifying magnet that is more powerful than the internal forces
that divide them.
I want to say that again -- I am convinced that tQe only way
to avoid future Balkan wars is to integrate the countrie~ of
Southeastern Europe more with each other, and then more with the rest·of
Europe.
We have to create positive forces that pull the p~ople toward
unity, which are stronger than the forces of history pulling them toward
division, hatred and death.
We must also push for a democratic transition in Serbia. Mr.
Milosevic is the last ll.ving relic of the age of European dictators of
the communist era. That era came crashing down with the Wall.
He
sought to preserve his dictatorship by substituting communist
totalitarianism with ethnic hatred and. the kind of mindless unity that
follows if you are bound together by your hatred of people who are
different from you.
The consequences have been disastrous -- not brily
for the Bosnians and the Kosovars, but for the Serbs, as well.
If we are going to make democracy and tolerance the order of
the day in the Balkans, so that they, too, can tap into their innate
intelligence and ingenuity and enjoy prosperity and freedbm, there can
be no future for him and his policy of manipulating human differences
for inhuman ends.
A third challenge is perhaps the oldest of them all, and in
some ways, perhaps the hardest-- to build_a l~sting peace in the Aegean
Sea region, to achieve a true reconciliation between Greece and Turkey,
and bridge the gulf between Europe and the Islamic world.
When I am in Greece, I'm going to
Gree~e is playing and can play in Europe.
~peak
about. the vital role
Th~ world'~ oldest democracy
is a model to the younger democracies of the Balkans; a gateway to their
markets, a force for stability in the region.
The one thing standing
between Greece and its true potential is ~he tension in its relationship
with Turkey.
Greece and Turkey, ironically, are both'our.NATO allies, and
each other's NATO allies.
They have served together with distinction in
the Balkans.
Their people helped each other with great human.ity when
the terrible earthquakes struck both lands earlier'this year.
This is a
problem that can be solved.
Eyentually, it will be solved. And I
intend to see that the United States does everything we possibly can to
be of help. When I go to Turkey, I will point out that much of the
history of the 20th century, for better or worse, was shaped by the way
the old Ottoman Empire collapsed before and after World War I, and the
decisions that the European powers made in the aftermath.
I believe the coming century will be shaped in good measure by
the way in which Turkey, itself, defines its future anci. its role today
and tomorrow.
For Turkey is a country at the crossroads of Europe, the
Middle East and Central Asia; the future can be shaped for the better if
Turkey can become fully a part of Europe, as a stable, democratic,
sectilar, Islamic nation .
. This, too, can happen if there. is progress in overcoming
differences with Greece -- especially over Cypress; if Turkey continues
to strengthen respect for human rights; and if ther~ is a real vision on
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the part of our European allies, who must be willing to reach out- and to
believe that it is at Turkey where Europe and the Muslim world can meet
in peace and harmony, to give us a chance tq have the .future of our
dreams in that part of the world in the new millennium.
Now, the last challen~e is one we can only meet here at hbme.
We have to decide, quite simply, to maintain the tradition of American
leadership and engagement in the world that played such a critical role
in winning the Cold War and in helping us to win the peace over this
last decade.
Think about it -- we spent trillions of dollars in the Cold
War to defeat a single threat to our way of life.
Now, we are at the
height of our power and prospeiity. Let me just ask you to focus on
thi~ and measure where we ~re as ~gainst what h~s been happening in the
debate about maintaining our leadership. We have the lowest
unemployment rate in this country in 30 years, the lowest welfare rolls
in 30 years, the lowest crime rates in 30 years, the lowest poverty
rates in 20 years, the first back t6 back budget surpluses in 42 years,
and the smallest federal government in 37 years.
In my lifetime, we
have never had -- ever -~ as a peopl~, the opportunity we now have to
build the future of our dreams for our children.
In the early 1960s, we had an economy that closely
. approximated this, but,we had to deal_ with the chall~nge of civil rights
at home and also from the Vietnam War abroad.
Today, we are not
burdened by crisis at home.or crisis abroad, and the-world is out there,
looking to see what we are going to do with the blessings God has
bestowed upon us at this moment in time.·
Everything else I said will either happen or not happen
without American involvement unless we make.up our minds that we are
going to sta~ with the approach to the world that .has brought us to this
happy point in huma~ history.
That is the most important decision of
all.
Now, what are we doing? Well, first, our military.budget is
again to meet new demands.
Tha~ has to happen . . But I want to
point out to all of you, it is still, in rea~ terms, $110 billion less
than it was when the Berlin Wall fell.
Everyone agrees that most ~f
that money should be reinvested here at home.
But don't you ihink just
a small part of the peace dividend should be invested in maintaining the
peace we secured and meeting the unmet challenges of the 21st century?
gro~ing
Look at all the money we sp~nt at such great cost over the
last 50 years.
The amazing fact is we ~re not spending a penny more
today to advance our interest in the spread .of peace, democracy and free
markets than we did during the 1980s.
Indeed, we are spending $4
billion less each year.
I
I think it's worth devoting some small fraction of this
nation's great wealth and power to help build a Europe where wars don't
happen, where our allies can do their share and we help them to do so;to
seize this historic opportunity for peace between Arabs and Israelis in
the Middle East; to make sure that nuclear weapons from the former
Soviet Union don't fall into the wrong hands; to make sure'that the
nuclear scientists have enough money to live on and to feed their ·
families by doing constructive; positive things so they're not
vulnerable to the entreaties of the remaining forces of destruction in
the world; to relieve the debts of the most impoverished countries on
Earth, so they can grow their economies, build their democracies and be
good, positive partners with us in the new century; and to meet our
obligations to and throu~h the United ~ations, so that we can share the
burden of leadership with others, when it obviously has such good
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results.
I think most Americans agree with this.
But some disagree -and it appears they are disproportionately represented in the deciding
body.
Some believe America can and should go it alone, either
withdrawing from the world and r~lying primarily on our military
strength, or by seeking to impose our will when things are happening
that don't suit us.
Well, I have taken the stand for a different sort of approach
-- for a foreign affairs budget that will permit us to advance our most
critical priorities around the world .. That's why I vetoed the first
bill that reached my desk; why I'm pleased that Democrats and
Republicans in Congress worked together last week on a strong compromise
that meets many of our goals . . But we're not finished yet. We still
must work to get funding for our United Nations obligations and
authorization to allow the use of IMF resources for debt relief.
This is a big issue.
It has captured public attention as
never before.
I mean, just think about it: This issue for debt relief
for the millennium is being headlined by the Pope and Bono, the lead
singer for U2.
(Laughter.)
That is very broad base of support for this
initiative.
(Laughter.)
Most of the rest of us can be found somewhere
in between our pole-star leaders there ..
But it's not just a political issue.
It is the smart thing to
do.
If you go to Africa, you see what competent countries· can do to get
the AIDS rate down, to build democratic structures, to build successful
economies and growth.
But we have to give them a chance. And the same
is true in Latin America, in the Caribbean, in other places. This is a
big issue.
I hope the bipartisan agreement we reached over the weekend on
the foreign affairs budget is a good sign that we are now moving to
reestablish and preserve the bipartisan center that believes in
America's role in the new post-Cold War world·. ·
In the coming year, we have an ambitious agenda that also
deserves bipartisan support. We have about 100 days to meet the
ambitious, timetable the leaders of the Middle East have set for
themselves to achieve .a framework agreement. We have to secure the
peace in the Balkans. We have to ease tensions between India and
Pakistan.
We hav~ to hel~ Russia·t~ stabilize its economy, resolve the
conflict in Chechnya, and cheer them on as they have their first
democratic transfer of power, ever.
We have to bring China into the World Trade Organization,
while continuing to speak plainly about human rights and religious
freedom.
We have to launch a new global trade round in African and
Caribbean trade bills, press ahead with debt relief, support the hopeful
transitions to democracy in Nigeria and Indonesia, help Colombia defeat
the narco traffickers, contain Iraq and restrain North Korea's missile
program.
We have to continue to do more to fight terrorism around the
world. And we must do what is necessary -- and for the young people
here, I predict for 20 years this will become a national security issue
-- we have to do more to reverse .the very real phenomenon of global
warming and climate change.
To me~t those challenges and more, we simply must hold on to
the qualities that sustained us throughout the long Cold War; the wisdom
to see that Amer-ica benefits when the rest of the world is moving toward
freedom and prosperity; to recognize that if we wait until problems come
home to America before we act, they will come home to America.
\....
We need the determination to stand up to the enemies of peace
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whether tyrants like Milosevic or terrorists like those who attacked
our embassies in Africa.
We need faith in our own capacity to do what
is right, even when it's hard-- whether that means building peace in
the Middle East or democracy in Russia or a constructive partnership
with China. We need the patience to stick with those efforts for as
long as it takes, and the r~sdurce~ to see them through.
And, most of all, we need to maintain the will to lead; to
provide the kind of American leadership that for 50 years has brought
friends and allies to our side, while moving mountains around the world.
Years from now, I want people to· say those were the qualities
of this generation of Americans.
I want them to· say that when the Cold
War ended, we refused to settle for the easy satisfaction of.victory, to
walk home and let our European friends go it alone.
We did not allow
the larger prize of a safer, better world to slip through our fingers.
We stood and supported the Germans as they bravely reunified,
and supported the Europeans as they built a .true union and expanded it.
We stood against ethnic slaughter and ethnic cleansing. We stood for
the right kind of partnership with Russia. We acted to try to help
Christian and Jewish and Muslim people reconcile themselves in the
Middle East, and in the bridge represented by Turkey's outreach to
Europe.
I want them to say that America followed through, so that we
would not have to fight again.
A few months ago, my family and I went to a refugee camp full
of children from Kosovo.
They were chanting their appreciation to the
United States, thanking America for giving them a chance to reclaim
their lives.
It was an incredibly moving event, with children who have
been traumatized far beyond their ability even to understand what has
happened to them, but who know they have been given a chance to go home
now.
Years from now, I believe the young people in this audience
will have a chance to go·to Europe time and time again, and you will,
doubtless, meet some of those children.
Or, maybe some of the young
people who actually tore down the Berlin Wall, or marched in the Velvet
Revolution.
They will be older then.
I hope they will say, when I was
young I sang America's praises with my voice, but I still carry them in
my heart.
I think that will. be true if America stays true.
That is
what we ought to resolve to do on the anniversary of this marvelous
triumph of freedom.
\
·
Thank you very much.
END
(Applause. )
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United States Mission
to the European Union
Brussels, Belgium
Senior Leven Group Report ·
to the EU-U.S. Summit ·
Washington, D.C~, Dece~ber.17, 1999
Since our last Summit in June, we have continued during the Finnish Presidency to work
closely together within the framework of the New Transatlantic Agenqa. There will be new
opportunities for cooperation between the United States and the European Union, particularly
in the light of developments in the EU, such as the strengthening of Common Foreign and
Security Policy structures, including the appointment of a High Representative and the formillg
of European Security and Defense Policy, and EU enlargement. Looking to the new
Millennium, the U.S. and the EU remain committed to the promotion of democracy,
. sustainable growth and a high quality of life across the globe. We will work to ensure that our
efforts contribute to these ends in the spirit of our Bonn Declaration.
We have consulted closely on further steps to implement the principles and mechanisms for
early warning and problem prevention adopted at the U.S.-EU Summit in Bonn in order to
prevent conflicts and facilitate resolution of problems before they risk undermining our
broader relationship. We remain committed to continued close consultations on the various
understandings and agreements reached at the ·May 18, 1998 London Summit . The
., implementation of all aspects of these remains .for both of us a h1gh prionty. We have
strengthened cooperation on non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction with a focus on
specific proliferation problems in South Asia, Eastein Europe and Central Asia, the Gulf, and
the Korean Peninsula. We have also maintained dialogue and cooperation on a range of
counterterrorism issues,. including on threats to the Middle East Peace Process and on the
Taliban.
Major Achievements
.
'
The U.S. and EU have worked, in close cooperation with our partners, to develop a shared
strategy for the stability and growth of Southeastern Europe, a major challenge for the
international community. We continued our cooperation in Kosovo. We have launched the
Stability Pact for Southeastern Europe as an important framework for facilitating reconciliation
and regiOnal cooperation, as well as the integration of the countries of the region into European
and transatlantic structures. By· implementing the Stability Pact, we are promoting peace,
prosperity and democracy throughout the region. Investment and trade play an important part,
as does the fight against corruption. We have agreed with our Stability Pact partners and with
countries outside the region to a series of measure's to which all the countries of the region will
be invited to sign on. We have also worked to promote democracy in Serbia. We are working
to give a response to Montenegro's urgent need for technical and financial assistance to
stabilize its economy.
·
·
·
The U.S. and EU have maintained and will intensify close contacts on matters related to
security and defense. In so doing, we will build on the substantial and constructive
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accomplishments registered at the Helsinki European Council and the December NAC
Ministerial which include putting in place arrangements to ensure the fullest possible
involvement ofnon-EU European NATO members. As the EU is developing its institutions to
implement its common security and defense policy, we agree on the importance of developing .
modalities for full consultation, cooperation and transparency between the EU and NATO.
.
.
Under the· Transatlantic Economic Partnership, agreement · has been. reached to open
negotiations on an MRA on marine safety equipment and on the first services MRAs on
insurance, architecture and engineering services. We successfully launched the first phase of
the TEP biotechnology pilot project. We have signed a Veterinary Equivalence.Agreement.
In separate statements to be .issued on the occasion of the Summit, we underscore our deep
concern about the situation in. Chechnya; we also emphasize our firm commitment to
addressing .the problems and· needs in Southeastern Europe; we identify afeas where we can
.deepen cooperation on Northern Europe; and we set out our common principles.and an action
plan to address the global problem of the destabilizing accumulation and the spread of small
arms and light weapons. We also signal our continued commitment to the multilateral trading
system and the'WTO.
·
Future Priorities:
At the top of our diplomatic agenda will be cooperation qn Southeastern Europe, including
implementation of the Stability Pact; on Russia and other States in Eastern Europe·and Central
Asia; and in support of the Middle East Peace Process. ·we will explore complementarity
between our policies in the Mediterranean Basin. We will continue together to promote peace
and stability, democracy and respect for human rights throughout the World, in particular in
Africa. We will work to put into effect our joint statements on -small arms and on Northern
Europe. The U.S. and the EU will continue to work together to construct a strong and enduring
approach to European security. We will continue our enhanced cooperation on
non-proliferation, counterterrorism and the fight against organized crime. We will amplify
informal consultations between our experts, within the NTA framework, on Justice and Home
Affairs, as the EU implements its new competences in the area.
·
We will continue to work towards the launch of a new WTO Round. We will make additional
efforts to achieve further results ·before the next summit on the implementation of the ·TEP
Actioh Plan and, in particular, we expect to be able to announce agreement on
guidelines/principles for effective regulatory cooperation and more transparent regulatory
procedures by mid-2000. Resolving our outstanding bilateral disputes remains a high priority.
We have decided to take new steps to address the. full range of issues of concern iri
biotechnology both through reinforced high-level dialogue between administrations within the
NTA framework and with input frorri civil society. We will now proceed to establish the
·
modalities of this enhanced dialogue.
The following Appendix outlines iri more detail our achievements over the past six months and
key priorities for the next six months.
Appendix
Current Achievements
Through the implementation. of the early warning and problem· prevention principles and
mechanisms, we have become more attuned to each other's concerns, political or·trade related.
Under the early warning mechanism, the U.S. and the EU have discussed such diverse issues
as human rights in Sudan, visa policy under the Schengen Agreement, Harbor Service User
Fees, the Electrical and Electronic Waste Directive, Low Frequency Emissions, the Iran
non-proliferation Bill, steel wire rods and market access for satellites. The Transatlantic
Business, Consumer, Enviromilent and Labor Dialogues have been encouraged to take up the
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invitation to contribute to identifying early warning issues and to offer options for their
resolution. We welcome the steps the the Transatlantic Business Dialogue (TABD) has already
taken to respond ~o this, The Legislative Dialogue has an important role to play in the process.
We continued our cooperation in Kosovo to implement UN Security Council Resolution 1244
in all its aspects, particularly regarding interim civil administration, humanitanan affaus,
institution building and reconstruction. We worked with each other and the countries of the
region, particularly our Bosnian hosts, to stage a successful July Summit in Saraievo to launch
. the Stability Pact for Southeastern Europe. In the few short months since SaraJevo, the U.S.
and the EU have worked closely with their Stability Pact partners to register a considerable
package of achievements, including a regional Anti-Corruption Initiative, a regional
Investment Compact, efforts to fight organized crime through the Bucharest Anticrime Center,
promotion of independent media in the region, and a donor review process to identify regional
priorities that would merit funding. We cooperated closely on the donor coordination process
chaired by the European Commission and the World Bank, and agreed on holding a regional
' funding conference under the auspices of the High Level Steering Group in the first quarter of
2000. Recognizing that a democratic Serbia that respects human rights· and enjoys friendly
relations with its neighbors is essential to the stability of the region, the U.S. and the EU have
also launched a trilateral dialogue with Yugoslav democratic forces to promote democracy in
Serbia and to plan for the eventual integration of a democratic Serbia into the Stability Pact.
We increased our dialogue and cooperation on non-proliferation issues with Russia, focusing
our efforts on cooperative threat reduction and other security activities, in light ofthe increased
proliferation risks from economic turmoil. In particular, we have worked cooperatively to
develop complementarity among different multilateral responses to the situation, including
those proposed by the EU and by the U.S.-proposed Expanded Threat Reduction Initiative. We
have identified new areas for future U.S.-EU cooperation in and with Russia and intensified
our efforts on existing ones. Problems of the health (tuberculosis and HIVI AIDS) situation in
Russia were one of the priorities. We have consulted closely on the issue of food aid and the
need to address agricultural reform.
We have continued to encourage economic as well as political reforms in Ukraine. In the
run-up to the October 31 presidential election and beyond, we continued our close political
cooperation and made progress on the implementation of the other initiatives set out in our
June 1999 summit statement. These include, in particular, energy sector reform, public health
($2 mllhon each from the U.S. and the EU to fund a HIV program in Ukraine), the retention of
an OSCE. presence in Kiey, and our ongoing public diplomacy efforts at developing civil
society. An agreement establishing the Kiev Regional Environmental Center, a joint U.S.-EU
initiative, has been signed. We have worked together to support power sector reforms and
additional. funding for the Chernobyl sru:cophagus in line with our commitments under the
G7/Ukraine Memorandum of Understanding on closing Chernobyl by 2000. In Belarus, we
have cooperated in urging the Government to make progress in human rights and the
restoration of democracy and have supported fully the ·activities of the. OSCE Advisory and
Monitoring Group and its efforts· to initiate and advance government-opposition dialogue.
Our concerted efforts, including through our Special Envoys for the Middle East Peace
Process, contributed to the conclusion of the Sharm el Sheikh Memorandum, notably with our
parallel letter of guarantees to the Palestinian Authority. We have worked for its timely
implementation, the resumption of the Syrian and Lebanese tracks, as well as the early
relaunch of the Multilateral track. In parallel, we have contributed, as appropriate, to the
successful conclusion of the negotiations on permanent status within the agreed deadline.
Our Special Envoys have continued to cooperate on the Cyprus problem. We have made
parallel efforts to alleviate the huinan suffering and help reconstruction of the worst affected
areas in Turkey after the earthquakes in August and November. We joined forces in the
humanitarian crises in Kosovo and East Timor. We supported the UN-organized consultation
on autonomy, allowing for the free expression of the East Timorese people. on their future.
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Deeply concerned by the violence that erupted, we took part in the international effort to
restore law and order (INTERFET) and for the gradual resettlement of displaced persons. We
both substantially contributed to UNTAET.
··
We have consulted each other on the events in Pakistan, and we expressed our.concern with
regard to the new military regime, calling for an early return to democracy and stressing our
shared concern for regional stability. We have collaborated to enforce the UN sanctions regime
agajnst UNIT A in order to help restore peace in Angola.
.,
We have continued our dialogue on important human rights issues in countries, such as Burma;
China, Cuba, Iran and Sudan. We have frankly disagreed on several issues including the use of
the death penalty, the best approach to dealing with countries where slavery is practiced and on
some issues related to the treatment of religious minorities. We have worked closely together
in the UN on Libya .. · .
We have consulted on non-proliferation and other issues related to the Korean peninsula. We
have each reviewed and updated our existing policies for promoting peace and stability on the
Korean Peninsula to take account of developments. We have each shown our commitment to
working with our regional partners on these issues, including by support for the engagement
policy of the Republic of Korea. We both have actively supported the Korean Energy
Development Organization (KEDO) in implementation ofthe light-water reactor project and in
provision of heavy fuel oil to the DPRK pending completion of the first of the two reactors.
We welcomed the commitment by DJ>RK to freeze test-launches of missiles, while U.S.-DPRK
talks continue, as a positive initial step towards meeting international concerns in this field. We
have also provided significant fo.od aid and other assistance to the DPRK. The U.S. is
embarked on a process aimed at improvingrelations with the DPRK. The EU has continued to
.pursue its political dialogue with t11e DPRK.
We enhanced our efforts to promote adherence to international non-proliferation instruments,
notably in the EU's bilateral dialogue with Iran, as well as in our contacts with India and
Pakistan. We also continued raising the issue of transfers· to countries of concern with Russia.
On counterterrorism, we have continued to maintain our extensive cooperation. We have
underlined that suppression of financing of terrorism is one of the key areas where reinforced
cooperation is needed. We have also worked together extensively on. the development of the
International Convention for the Suppression of Terrorist Fundraising. We have given mutual
support to Security Council Resolution 1267 _and its implementation and urged the Taliban to
comply promptly with it. We have expressed our concern over the possible terrorist acts, which
could hinder the Middle East Peace Process and called for an end to such acts or any support
for them. We have agreed to cooperate, as appropriate,· concerning counterterrorism assistance
to the Palestinian Authority.
'
The OSCE Review Conference, preparatory meeting and the Istanbul Summit were significant
areas for U.S.-EU coordination and cooperation. We shared and worked towards common
goals regarding the OSCE comprehensive concept of security and the need for better tools such
as civilian reaction ·teams (REACT); which will enable the OSCE to take rapid measures to
address issues of conflict prevention, conflict management and post-conflict rehabilitation.
Two joint proposals on corruption and the economic dimension of the · OSCE were
incorporated into the Summit Declaration. We have continued to support the valuable work
done by UN and the numerous UN agencies. We have consulted each other on the reform arid
financing of the UN.
,
·
·
We .continued our important dial~gue on the fight against organized crime. We held a ·
conference focusin~ on Combating Child Pornography on the Internet in Vienna, September 29
- October 1, to remforce cooperation between law enforcement and judiciary,' to encourage
Internet service providers to . establish self-regulatory mechanisms; and to encourage the
establishment of hotliries to enhance public involvement in countering child pornography on
the Internet. We launched parallel information campaigns in Hungary and Bulgaria to help
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prevent women falling victim to traffickers. The EU has informed the U.S: of the Action Plans
for third countries of the EU High Level Working Group on Asylum and Migration. We have
also discussed new ways of cooperating in the area of Justice and Home affairs to the benefit
of citizens on both sides of the Atlantic. We have collaborated in different counter-narcotics
initiatives; e.g. we undertook a joint U.S.-EU counter-narcotics assessment mission to Nigeria.
The charter for the new Regional Environmental Center (REC) for the Caucasus region was
signed in September.
·
We have made. further progress in our trade and economic relations. Our competition
· authorities have agreed to establish a working group to review cooperation procedures in the
field of global mergers. The EC has signed the UN/ECE WP 29 Parallel Agreement on global
regulations for wheeled vehicles' equipment and parts. We concluded a Statement of
Cooperation, the purpose of which is to establish a framework for the exchange of supervisory
information regarding banks and banking organizations that have establishments in both the
U.S. and the EU. Implementation is now proceeding at the technical level, involving our
banking supervisory authorities. On data privacy, we have made substantial progress towards
establishing a "safe harbor" arrangement that will ensure high standards of privacy and
maintain personal data flows across the Atlantic.
The U.S.-EU Working Group on Employment conducted two seminars; the first focused on the
social dimension · of Economic Integration and the ·second on Entrepreneurship.
We have continued to pursue actively our cooperation in a number of areas under the 1998
Science and Technolog~ Agreement:.follow-up of the New Vistas II Conference in June 1999,
m Stuttgart; implementmg arrangement on metrology research signed on October 5, 1999;
implementing arrangement on materials research finalized and expected to be signed before the
end of the year; and preparation of an implementing arrangement on non-nuclear energy
·
research.
We have agreed on principles for government relations with people-to-people dialogues under
the New Transatlantic· Agenda. These key principles - transparency, access, equivalence,
interaction, government support - will ensure a fair and ·equal approach to the handling of the
dialogues. We participated actively in the annual ·meeting of the Transatlantic Business
Dialogue in Berlin on October 29-30 and in the second meeting of the Transatlantic
Environmental Dialogue m Washington on October 13-1~ .. we reaffirmed our commitment to
give careful consideration to the recommendations of the transatlantic dialogues and stressed
the value which their contributions could make to our early warning effort.
Other Future Priorities
The U.S. and the EU will continue to develop the Early Warning principles and mechanisms
announced at the June 21 Bonn Summit, so that they may constitute an effective means for
preventing and resolving problems whtch threaten to damage relations between the U.S. and
the EU. In order better to facilitate the process of early warning of potential bilateral trade
problems, we will develop improved means for communicating within our respective
governments. Both sides . are now working to ensure follow-up on the early warning
consultations already held, in terms of designating contact points at a technical level to carry
the process further and on reporting back within a given time frame and elaborating options for
solution.
We will implement the key priorities identified in our Summit Statement on Southeastern
Europe. In addition, we will work with the Former Yugo'slav Republic of Macedonia to
accelerate progress on important economic structural reforms and to reinforce the·
improvements on inter-etpnic relations. We will continue to cooperate on developing the
border crossing point of Blace to improve the flow of critical supplies into Kosovo. To
continue promoting political and economic stability in Albania, we will work to strengthen the
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We will provide assistance to and coordinate with the OSCE in providing, at Russia's ·
ipvitation, international monitors.for the upcoming State Duma and Presidential elections.'·we
will build on our cooperation on nonproliferation activities and seek to strengthen our efforts in
this field, including resources to address high priority concerns. We will continue to exchange
information with regard to assessing the need for food aid, taking into account the possible
political implications and the potential impact of such aid on agro-industry. in Russia and the
. neighboring countries, and on the need to address agricultural reform. Special attentionwill be
paid to the prevention and tackling of organized crime in Russia. We are assessing possible
cooperation on public ·health and, .. in particular, on communicable diseases.
· In Ukraine, we will cooperate closely with the President and the ukfainian government to
strengthen political, economic and democratic reform. Bilaterally, we will work to make
further progress on our joint initiatives. In the first half of 2000, we will devote particular
attention to the implementation of the G7/Ukraine .Memorandum of Understanding on the
closing ofChernobyl by 2000. We will work together to conclude the decision-making process
on loan financing for K2/R4, to support energy sector reform and to make serious progr~ss on
the Chernobyl sarcophagus. In Belarus, we will continue to . work to support the
OSCE-sponsored opposition-:government dialogue on establishing a framework for free and
fair parliamentary elections in 2000, respeCt for human rights and the restoration of democracy.
Promoting peace, stability and development in the Mediterranean region is a key priority for
the transatlantic dialogue. We will work closely together during proximity talks under the
auspices of the Secretary General of the United Nations and will continue to support all.effoits
to prepare the ground for meaningful negotiations leading to a comprehensive settlement on
Cyprus on the basis of the relevant UN· Security Council Resolutions. We will keep in close
consultation regarding the key role Turkey could play in the whole area. While the EU is
promoting, during the next months, a series of initia,tives on its relations with the southern
Mediterranean, the U.S. and EU will continue close consultations, including through our
Special Envoys, . on the Middle East Peace Process, focusing on encouraging final status .
negotiations and on supporting. both parties throughout the negotiations, .as appropriate. We
will continue to support and to consult on the Syrian and Lebanese Tracks. We restate our joint
commitment to build a consensus among conce,med parties in order to convene· as soon as
possible a meeting of the Multilateral Track Steering Group. We will further brin'g substantial
economic and technical assistance to the Palestinian Authority, and expect progress in the
implementation of the revised Tripartite Action Plan.
To promote peace and stability, democracy and development in the world, we will continue to
seek ways to develop our cooperation, i.a. exploring the possibilities· for working together to
alleviate the problems stemming from ·civil wars in Africa and other continents. Our Special
Envoys in Africa will continue·to work closely together. We are committed to assisting further
the reconstruction of East Timor and. to supporting a peaceful transition towards independence,
the development of the rule of law and democratic society. We will support the Indonesian
Government in its democratization process. The U.S .and the EU win· also closely monitor
developments in Pakistan.
With regard to the destabilizing. accumulation of small arms beyond those .required for
legitimate security needs, we will continue to promote preventive and reactive measures, e.g.
supporting the destruction of surplus weapons and post-conflict projects to disarm, demobilize
and reintegrate ex-combatants. Within the framework of the statement adopted today, we will
pursue further opportunities ·for cooperation. The U.S and EU ·are ready to provide the
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Secretariat with expert~assistance
·for the effective implementation of the . ECOWAS moratorium on export, import and
manufacture of light weapons.
We will continue to consult closely with each other, the UN; relevant regional organizations
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and other countries, as we seek to promote human rights, including thrc;mgh o'ur respective
dialogues with countries of concern.
·
We will continue consultations on the ·reform of the UN and on seeking a solution to th.e
problem of UN finances, including full and timely payment of obligations and development of
a more equitable assessment scale.
We will continue to advocate adherence to international non~proliferation instruments and
their effective implementation. Despite delays that will affect the entry into force of the
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), we will each pursue further our efforts to convince
India and Pakistan to sign and ratify the CTBT, as part of a wider effort to maintain regional
peace and stability. The EU will con~inue to raise non-proliferation issues with Iran, in the
framework of its comprehensive dialogue. Building on our 'respective efforts, we will continue
to promote peace and stability in the Korean Peninsula, and encourage further dialogue with
-concerned states in the region. We will keep on pressing DPRK to commit itself to concrete
and lasting results in the field of non-proliferation, both on the peninsula as well as globally.
We reaffirm our shared commitment to KEDO and look forward to further· progress in .
implementing the light-water reactorproject.
The U.S. and the EU will seek to strengthen their cooperation and looK for new opportunities
to enhance transatlantic counterterrorism efforts. We will expand our cooperation in effectively
suppressing financing of terrorism. We will continue to· express our deep concern over possible
terrorist acts aimed at hindering the Middle East Peace Process, and raise our concerns with
those who support these acts. We will look into enhancing our cooperation on the issue of
counterterrorism assistance to the Palestinian Authority. We will also continue to work
together to ·.achieve full, effective and speedy implementation of Security Council Resolution
1267.
.
The U.S. and the EU. have been discussing the Information Society. We note from our
experience ·that countries need to develop efficient communication and information
infrastructure based on a market economy and a functioning democracy to realize fully the
benefits of the Information Society. The U.S. and EU will work together towards a global
information society that contributes to democracy, sustainable growth and quality of life.
· Given the importance of this subject, the EU will hold a Conference at ministerial level in
Lisbon on "The Information Society and Knowledge", to which representatives of the civil
society, policy. makers and enterprises interested and active in this field will be invited,
including experts from the U.S.
'
We anticipate increasing U.S.-EU cooperation in justice and home affairs, including in the
fight against organized crime, such as money laundering, corruption, illegal drugs, child
pornography on the Internet and trafficking in women ahd children, together with the necessary
cooperation between law-enforcement bodies, including EUROPOL. We will identify new
countries for joint cooperation on information campaigns on trafficking in women in 2000. We
will continue or extend our cooperation to com.bat illegal "drugs in the Caribbean, the Andean .
Region ofSouth America, Southern Africa and Central Asia. Building on the August Mission
to Nigeria, we will cooperate on counter-narcotics assistance to this key African country and
assess whether this approach could be. extended to other countries. We will work together in
developing the World Anti.,.Doping Agency (WADA) in accordance with the Sydney
Communique.
·
\
Building on the useful work undertaken at the fifth Conference of the Parties in Bonn in
. November, we shall continue to work closely on substantive progress towards implementation
of the Kyoto Protocol on climate change ahead of the sixth Conference of the Parties meeting
in November 2000. We will pay particular attention to Kyoto mechanisms, compliance and to
Convention issues of importance to developing countries, including technology transfer.
We will cooperate closely in the run-up to the January 2000 extraordinary meeting m
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Montreal, with a view to achieving an effective Biosafety Protocol.
We will continue to seek to implement the recommendations of our May 1999 High Level
Assistance consultations, especially in the· areas of humanitarian assistance with focus on
Kosovo. We will also concentrate on food security, drugs, health, including reproductive
health and infectious diseases, climate change, conflict prevention and peace-building. We will
work towards a positive outcome of the next High Level meeting; which is scheduled to take
·
place in the first half of2000. ··
Both sides will work towards a positive outcome 'to the Intergovernmental Forum on Forests
· and at the VIII Session of the Commission on Sustainable Development. The dev.elopment of
agreed new noise standards for aircraft is a high priority for both of us. ICAO remains our
preferred forum for achieving this. We will work to ensure that the RECs in Moscow and Kiev
are opened soon and seek to agree on new RECs in Central Asia. We aim to finalize the future
work plan of the U.S.-EU ·Task Force on Communicable Diseases at its next meeting in
. mid-2000.
We. expect to conclude our discussions on data protection before the end of March, so that a
package can be submitted for approval under the appropriate procedures shortly thereafter. We
will hold the first meeting of the Joint Management Committee on the implementation of the
Veterinary Equivalence Agreement in the first half of 2000. This meeting will address
outstanding issues, including equivalency talks on r:esidues. We will work ·to teach an
agreement on interoperability between Galileo and GPS. We will pursue our negotiations on an
agreement on wine.
We will step up our collaboration in: all areas of mutual interest, building i.a. on the
conclusions of the New Vistas in Transatlantic Science and Technology Cooperation ·
Conferences of June 1998 and June 1999. In this context, the U.S. will be invited by the EU to
participate in a meeting in the Azores in the first half of2000.
The U.S. and EU will continue to support the development of dialogue between civil society
on both sides, in particular ()n social, environment and consumer issues, given that their
involvement is increasingly important in the formulation of policy decisions. We look forward
to participating iri the next meeting of the Transatlantic Consumer Dialogue in February, the
next Transatlantic Environment Dialogue plenary in the·spring and the mid-year meeting of the
Transatlantic Business Dialogue. We will begin to prepare for the negotiation of the extension
of the cooperation agreement on higher education and vocational training. We will support the
further development of the Transatlantic Legislators Dialogue between Members of the
European Parliament and Members of the U.S. Congress.
Return to USEU Homepage
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�~
RECORD ID: 0003275
RECEIVED: 12 MAY 00 15
NSC/RMO PROFILE
TO: BRADTKE
FROM: KENNEY, K
DOC DATE: 12 MAY 00
SOURCE REF: 200008185
KEYWORDS: PORTUGAL
PRESIDENTIAL TRAVEL --·..
·-.
EUROPEAN UNION
SUMMIT
PERSONS:
SUBJECT:
BRIEFING MATERIAL FOR PRES PARTICIPATION IN LISBON EU SUMMIT ON
30 HAY - 1 JUN 00
ACTION: ADD-ON / APPROPRIATE ACTION
DUE DATE: 18 HAY 00
STAFF OFFICER: YEE
FILES; PA
LOGREF:
NSCP:
CODES:
D0 CUHE NT
FOR ACTION
YEE
STATUS: S
DI S T R I BUT I 0 N
FOR CONCURRENCE
NORLAND
FOR INFO
BLINKEN
HILLIARD
MALINOWSKI
SCHWARTZ
COMMENTS: --~----------------------------------------------------
DISPATCHED BY
~-----------------
OPENED BY: NSTSH
DATE
---~.,.....---
CLOSED BY:
BY HAND
DOC
-eeNi'II)iNTIAfi
3
W/ ATTCH ·
or·
3
�S/S 200008185
United States Department of State
Washington, D.C. 20520
www.state.gov
May 12, 2000
DECL:
05/12/10
MEMORANDUM FOR ROBERT A. BRADTKE
EXECUTIVE SECRETARY
NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL
Subject:
Briefing Material f6r the President's
Participation 'in 'the Lisbon EU Summit,
May 30 - June 1, 2000
Attached is briefing material and diskettes for use by
the President during his participation in the Lisbon EU
Summit, May 30 - June 1, 2000.
Executive Secretary
Attachments:
Briefing-Material
Diskettes. (2)
EOtU'IDEM'fiAb
Classified by EUR A/S Marc Grossman
Reason:
E.O. 12958, 1.5 (b) and .(.d)
DECLAsS.IFIED
lO.IJSU
llqlorboumofSfiRGiid... ~!liM
By.Jt1N~Date 1 2.-"f 11
.
,2ooS-o7odr- f
�6 riefing
Material
Table of Contents
Briefing Memorandum:
•
Meeting with President Sampaio and Prime Minister Guterres
Issue Papers:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
U.S.-Portug~l
Bilateral Relations
Portugal and the European . Union
Portugal and Southeast Europe/Balkans
Portugal and ·Africa
U.S.-Portugal Political Military Cooperation
Mon ten:egro ,
Foreign Sales Corporation (FSC) WTO Case
Background Papers:
•
•
•
•
•
Portugese Domestic Economic Situation
Portugese Domestic Po~itical Situation
Portugal and NATO
Iranian Terrorism/MEPP
Russian Chemical Weapons Destruction.
�Page 4
....
LEVEL 1 - 9 OF 178 STORIES
Copyright 2000 The Financial Times Limited
Financial Times (London)
March 20, 2000, Monday
SECTION: COMMENT & ANALYSIS;
London Edition 2
Pg. 23
LENGTH: 1095 words
HEADLINE: COMMENT & ANALYSIS: Europe plays catch-up on new economy: This week's
EU summit aims to combat social exclusion and boost competitiveness, says Peter
Norman:
BYLINE: By PETER NORMAN and PETER WISE
BODY:
It has been dubbed the dotcom summit. Its aim is to put the European Union's
15m un-employed back to work.
Meeting in Lisbon on Thursday and Friday, EU leaders want to make Europe the
world's most competitive economic area in 2010 by embracing the knowledge-based
economy.
It is a tall order. In a pre-summit analysis, .the European Commission says
Europe has been lagging behind for years. Growth rates "have consistently been
less than the US, unemployment remains unacceptably high and too many people are
excluded from society".
The EU faces stark choices. The Commission calculates the overall costs of
social exclusion through underemployment, poverty, ill-health and crime could be
Euros l,OOObn-Euros 2,000bn (Pounds 612bn-Pounds 1224bn) a year, or between an
eighth and a fifth of EU gross domestic product.
The prize, if the EU can raise its average employment rate from today's 61
per cent of all adults to a US-level 70 per cent, is glittering. An additional
30m people - double the number presently unemployed - would be in work, easing
many of Europe's problems, including its financially troubled social welfare and
pension systems.
There are real hopes the EU can seize the opportunity to reverse its relative
decline. "The Lisbon European Council provides a unique opportunity for the
Union to shape its long-term goals - to identify priorities, to establish
targets and monitoring mechanisms and to define who does what," the Commission
says.
The economic background is favourable. EU growth is forecast at 3 per cent
for this year and next. The euro has successfully bedded down since its January
1999 launch. Public finances are healthy. Inflation, in spit,e of higher oil
prices, is not seen as a long-term problem.
But Europe can no longer rely on a traditional recovery to solve its
problems: Last week's decision by the German carmaker BMW to dispose of Rover,
••
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Financial Times (London) March 20, 2000, Monday
its loss-making subsidiary, was just the latest example of large- scale
restructuring with job losses in an established industry. To compensate, the EU
must catch up with the US in developing and harnessing the new economy and
encouraging entrepreneurs.
No one can doubt the dedication of Antonio Guterres, the Portuguese prime
minister and summit host, to making Lisbon a success. He and his officials have
ploughed through 40,000 pages of documents to prepare for the meeting.
Some ideas could foster rapid change. The Commission and the British and
Spanish governments have submitted draft action plans setting dates for
spreading internet use to all;levels of society, encouraging small businesses
and dismantling remaining barriers to the single market in areas such as
finance, telecommunications, aviation and energy.
Unfortunately for Mr Guterres, financial markets do not share this
enthusiasm. The euro has continued to languish below parity with the dollar,
immune to promises of sustained EU growth based on economic reforms in member
states.
The scepticism is easy to understand. Markets have heard such promises
before, only to be disappointed.
A Commission report last week recorded little progress in promoting
innovation, providing venture capital, cutting red tape for new businesses and
making taxes more conducive to employment. EU countries had done little to
reform benefit systems or open up public procurement procedures.
While Mr Guterres says that EU leaders understand the need to embrace the
"e-conomy", difficulties could arise when they look at detailed proposals.
The dispute between Britain and its EU partners over plans for a withholding
tax on non-resident savings shows how views can differ. While Britain regards
the tax as a job killer threatening London's thriving international bond market,
others led by France and Germany say it is essential to completing the internal
market.
On social and labour policies, there are clear differences between France,
which has introduced the 35-hour week to boost employment, and Britain where
Tony Blair, the prime minister, lays greatest stress on encouraging
employability. In Belgium recently, Mr Blair spoke of reforming welfare systems
"so they become springboards for employment rather than simply safety nets".
On the other hand, there are some reasons to hope the summit will produce
more than rhetoric.
The speed of change in the new economy should concentrate minds. "If we don't
do something about the internet and e-commerce soon, in two years we will have
lost the game," says one official.
I·
Although .. most EU states have left-.of-centre governments, the summit's
. decisions are likely to respect market forces. The leaders'will look at
benchmarking, peer group pressure and sharing best practice - rather than
regulation - to push Europe forward.
••
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•
•
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Financial Times (London) March 20, 2000, Monday
i ·.·
Britain has suggested 16 measures with deadlines between the end of this year
and 2005 for spreading the internet economy and encouraging business start-ups.
Spain has identified four steps to jump-start the EU's strategy within a year,
including eliminating all barriers to e-commerce and creating a European
charter
for small and medium-sized enterprises to allow them to operate easily across
borders. Madrid has also proposed 13 measures to complete the single market and
develop the information society by 2004.
Policing such policies will be a job for the Commission as well as member
states. Fortunately for those who fear excessive regulation, the Commissioners
responsible for the economy, single market and competition - Pedro Solbes, Frits
Bolkestein and Mario Monti - are market liberals rather than interventionists.
Mr Guterres also believes there is no shortage of ideas in the EU. "I believe
that, if all the European countries copied the best practice already available
in each member state, we would probably be much better off than the US," he
says.
Whether the Lisbon summit provides a signal for sustained economic lift-off
will depend on how far EU leaders look beyond the immediate dotcom agenda and
agree to liberalise their economies further and modernise the EU's welfare
systems. Mr Guterres is determined the Lisbon.summit. should make a difference.
"We would like to decide some concrete measures that can be emblematic, and
targets. We don't need to decide everything, but it should be clear .
. that
we are serious in our will to promote specific changes.
"The process is not going to be finished in Lisbon. It will start in Lisbon.
But what is important is that we take all the decisions that make it
irreversible."
Additional reporting by Peter Wise in Lisbon
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: March 20, 2000
••
�Page 7
LEVEL 1 - 20 OF 178 STORIES
Copyright 2000 The Financial Times Limited
Financial Times (London)
February 28, 2000, Monday
SECTION: WORLD NEWS - EUROPE;
USA Edition 1
Pg. 2
LENGTH: 671 words
HEADLINE: WORLD NEWS - EUROPE: Portuguese presidency works to transform EU goals
into policy action: Preparations are speeding up for next month's Lisbon summit.
Peter Norman reports:
BYLINE: By PETER NORMAN
BODY:
The European Union's campaign to make its economy the most competitive in the
world by 2010 moves up a gear today when Antonio Guterres, Portuguese prime
minister, embarks on a round of visits to EU capitals to prepare next month's
special summit in Lisbon.
Mr Guterres, for whom the summit marks the high point of Portugal's six-month
EU presidency, says there is already "a strategic consensus" among member states
about how to turn its wide ranging goals into policy action.
The EU's 15 leaders will meet on March 23-24 under a less than catchy slogan
that reads: "Employment, economic reforms and social cohesion - towards a Europe
based on innovation and knowledge".
To outsiders the words might look like a classic case of "euro-fudge" that
attempts to embrace widely different vie~s on economic and social policies in EU
member states.
\. :'..
But Mr Guterres insists the Lisbon summit will launch a "clear strategy" for
improved European growth, competitiveness and employment. Europe's present
leadership, he believes, accepts the idea of "a new paradigm" in which
.
innovation and knowledge will be the main source of wealth for nations, regions,
businesses and individuals.
Preparations for the summit are under way at two levels. There have been
high-level contacts among EU leaders - such as the meeting last week between
Tony Blair, the UK prime minister, and Guy Verhoftstadt, his Belgian
counterpart, which produced some common ideas on how to strengthen emplo¥ment,
modernise welfare states and encourage job opportunities. in small companies.
The summit will aim to define strategic goals and improved methods of
implementing policies in three fields: development of the information society;
structural reform of Europe's economies and promotion of "social inclusion".
For Mr Guterres and his advisers, mastering these issues will be crucial for
managing the shift to a knowledge-based society. Conveniently, they are also
politically balanced to appeal to the different interests of leaders such as Mr
••
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�......
Page 8
Financial Times (London) February 28, 2000, Monday
Blair, who lays great stress on structural economic reform, and Lionel Jospin,
the French prime minister, for whom social issues are a higher priority.
The summit's different themes will require different types of r·esponse. The
Portuguese EU presidency has so far adopted a cautious approach to what it
considers more sensitive social issues, such as population ageing and the
consequent adaptation of pay-as-you-go pension systems.
Governments are prepared to debate the issue at European level, officials
say. But solutions will have to respect national differences so that any EU
initiative is likely to be limited to exchanging information about best
practice.
In promoting the information society, the summit will, by contrast, seek to
agree concrete targets with deadlines. Lisbon will set EU priorities, which will
be translated first into so-called "reference indicators" to allow benchmarking,
and implemented through national plans.
An example of this approach is the UK suggestion that access to the internet
in the EU should be the fastest and cheapest in the world by 2003.
EU leaders .are unlikely to set similar deadlines for cutting unemployment,
despite support for this idea in the EU Commission. (A Commission draft has
suggested setting a 2005 date for the EU jobless rate to fall to 6 per cent and
a 2010 target for full employment) .
A more likely approach was outlined in last week's UK-Belgian paper. This
would target "key groups - women, the young, single parents, the long term
unemployed, over 50s, ethnic minorities, people with disabilities, people with
low qualifications - with tailored programmes to reint egrate them into the
labour force."
Mr Guterres•s visits, starting in Dublin and Athens, will give him a chance
to counter objections that the EU should not neglect long unresolved issues such
as tax co-ordination.
"I am fighting to make Europe better," he says. "And if we don't have
ambitious targets we won't be able to achieve anything."
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: February 28, 2000
�Page 17
LEVEL 1 - 67 OF 178 STORIES
Copyright 1999 The Financial Times Limited
Financial Times (London)
March 31, 1999, Wednesday
SURVEY EDITION 3
SECTION: SURVEY - PORTUGESE BANKING AND FINANCE;
Pg. 01
LENGTH: 1189 words
HEADLINE: Travelling on the euro train to prosperity:
Membership of the EU and, in particular, participation in Emu are
the catalysts that have done most to stimulate Portugal's
economy, writes Peter Wise
BODY:
Electronic doors open automatically for visitors to Sociedade Interbancaria
de Services (Sibs), the company that runs Portugal's automatic teller machine
network, acknowledged as the most advanced in the world. On display inside,
prototype ATMs, equipped with full computer keyboards in steel and large colour
print-outs, provide services ranging from driving licence applications to
internet browsing.
Only a few hundred yards from the group's headquarters, housed in the same
gleaming black tower block as the Lisbon stock exchange, a startlingly different
aspect of Portugal emerges. In a rundown shanty town, dozens of families, among
the poorest in Europe, subsist in shacks roughly nailed together from old planks
and rusty sheets of corrugated iron.
The deep gulf between these neighbouring Lisbon districts is a symptom of the
rapid transition Portugal is undergoing as strong economic growth brings the
country closer to average European living standards. Since 1985, av~rage gross
domestic product per capita has grown from just over half to about 70 per cent
(about Es2m or euro 10,000) of the European Union average.
Some sectors of the economy are surging rapidly forward, often benefiting like the ATM network - from a late-starter's advantage in leapfrogging stages of
development. Their progress, however, exposes an increasingly stark contrast
with more backward areas, including pockets of extreme.poverty, an inefficient
health system and low educational standards, where Portugal still lags behind
most of its European peers.
Vitor Bento, head of the Public Debt Management Institute (IGCP), says these
contrasts, which also exist in more developed countries, are a sign of positive
change in Portugal, because every section of society cannot advance at the same
pace. "Portugal's progress is like a train," he says. "The rear carriages only
start moving after the locomotive has set off. But eventually the whole train
arrives at the same destination."
Membership of the EU and, in particular, participation in economic and
monetary union are the catalysts tha·t have done most to stimulate Portugal's
transformation. "Adopting the euro was like putting a lock on the door," says
Rui Martins dos Santos, chief economist with Banco Portugues de Investimento.
•••
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LEXIS~· NEXIS®
�Page 18
Financial Times (London) March 31, 1999, Wednesday
/
"There was a cost involved, but the benefits include smaller insuranc'e premiums
-that is, lower interest rates- and~ above all, security."
He says the most important security provided by the euro is "protection from
speculative raids against our currency. Disciplining the economy to qualify for
the euro has already required a long period of exchange-rate stability,
involving a substantial overall appreciation of the escudo in real terms and the
abolition of the "crawling-peg" and one-off devaluations that had helped to keep
industry competitive in the past.
Despite the stronger escudo, exports to the EU, which accounts for more than
80 per cent of Portugal's foreign trade, have been growing faster than the
average rate of European economic growth, reflecting a gain in market share for
Portuguese products. Manufacturers have been able to compensate for the loss of
an exchange-rate advantage by improving productivity, says Mr Bento. Only in
this way can Portugal catch up with the rest of the EU.
Portugal, once considered an outside candidate for joining the euro-zone,
surprised many by complying so comfortably with the Emu criteria. More genuinely
surprising, perhaps, was how painless the process proved. "Portugal was the only
country able to reduce its budget deficit to below 3 per cent of gross domestic
product (the Maastricht criteria) without reducing current government spending.
This was achieved while actually increasing expenditure as a percentage of GDP,"
says Miguel Beleza, a senior economist with Banco Comercial Portugues.
This was partly because of the sharp fall in interest rates that occurred as
Portugal prepared for Emu .. It led to big reductions in the cost of ser~icing the
public debt. Lower interest rates are also contributing to strong economic
growth, which peaked at about 4 per cent last year. This has helped produce a
substantial increase in tax revenue. An extensive privatisation programme has
also eased government spending by providing funds for improving the balance
sheets of state companies that have not yet been sold.
The EU Commission feels Portugal should now be more aggressive in reducing
the public deficit, which the government aims to cut from a projected 2 per cent
of GDP this year to 0.8 per cent in 2002. But Antonio Guterres, the first prime
minister to take office from the new generation of modernising socialists that
now dominate EU governments, argues that public spending needs to be relatively
expansive if Portugal is to continue catching up with the rest of Europe.
European funds are also playing an important role in the country's
modernisation, amounting on average to the equivalent of 3.5 per cent of GDP a
year. The negotiations that ended last week with an agreement on Agenda 2000,
the EU's plan for reforming spending, were the toughest Portugal had ever faced,
said Mr Guterres.
He had been prepared to block an agreement unless a formula was found to
spare the country sharp cuts in regional aid. Fearing Portugal would be the
country hardest hit by EU funding proposals for the period 2000 to 2006, he
pressed hard for concessions to s?ften the impact of proposed reductions.
After scoring what officials described as "a last-minute penalty" in the
talks, Mr Guterres said Portugal had achieved all its objectives by securing
10.8 per cent of total EU structural funds, up from 10.6 per cent in the
••
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�i
Page 19
f:
Financial Times (London) March 31, 1999, Wednesday
f/''
previous six-year period. Portugal would receive an average of Es650bn a year
(eur6 3.2bn), up from Es637bn previously, he said.
"European structural funds have been crucial in helping Portugal move closer
to average EU levels of productivity and income. But we are still one of the
poorest EU countries, facing a significant gap in relation. to the European
average," said Francisco Seixas da Costa, European affairs secretary in·the
Socialist government
The government had been prepared to fight because the Agenda 2000 proposals
focused more on cutting structural funds, the main source of support for
Portugal, than they did on reducing farm aid, from which Portugal derives almost
no benefit.
According to the Centre for European Policy Studies, although Portuguese
farmers are the poorest in the EU, they benefit the least from the Common
Agricultural Policy. This is because CAP funds are channelled mainly to meat,
dairy and cereal production, which are not prominent in Portugal. Other EU
farmers are on average six times better off than their Portuguese counterparts,
the Centre says.
"The modernisation of Portugal is to the advantage of the whole of Europe,"
says Mr Bento. "Germany, for example, is our biggest supplier. German and other
European companies benefit directly as Portugal becomes more prosperous and
spends more. European structural funds should be seen as an investment not a
hand-out."
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: March 31, i999
••
�Page 20
LEVEL 1 - 4 OF 178 STORIES
Copyright 2000 The Financial Times Limited
Financial Times (London)
April 10, 2000, Monday
SECTION: OBSERVER;
Europe Edition 1
Pg. 19
LENGTH: 186 words
HEADLINE: OBSERVER: Go home OBSERVER COLUMN
BODY:
Go home
Poor old Antonio Guterres may feel he's suffering from a touch of the Mikhail
Gorbachevs. For just as the one-time Soviet leader was feted in the rest of
Europe while being reviled at home, the Portuguese prime minister has come in
for plenty of domestic criticism, though his handling of the European Union
presidency has won praise from abroad.
Opposition leaders leapt on the fact that Guterres was hobnobbing with fellow
European socialists last week while his finance minister was defending unpopular
fuel price increases in parliament. One of his government colleagues assured the
Portuguese that: "The prime minister will resume his normal relationship with
the country in July." He may find the atmosphere a little strained when he does.
At least the public spending cuts that have added to Guterres' woes don't
just hurt the Portuguese. One of the first items to be axed was a slap-up dinner
for journalists covering the EU finance ministers' meeting in Lisbon over the
weekend. So maybe the international coverage of Guterres' accomplishments won't
be so glowing next time around.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: April 10, 2000
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.Page 21
LEVEL 1 - 89 OF 178 STORIES
Copyright 1998 Guardian Newspapers Limited
The Guardian (London)
January 29, 1998
SECTION: The Guardian Features Page; Pg. 18
LENGTH: 448 words
HEADLINE: Obituary: Luisa Guterres: Analysis and a first lady
BYLINE: JILL JOLLIFFE
BODY:
LUISA Guterres, psychoanalyst
Antonio Guterres, who has died of
became Portugal's political first
socialist in the Blair mould, led
10 years in opposition.
and wife of the Portuguese Prime Minister
Chron's disease aged 51 in a London hospital,
lady in 1995 when her husband, a moderate
the Portuguese Socialist Pa~ty to power after
His decision to run as prime minister had been conditioned by his wife's
chronic illness, which involved her constant travel to London for treatment, but
his performance in office was not affected, given that Luisa Guterres was not
the sort of woman who was interested in a decorative protocolar role. She had
accompanied her husband's political development from radical Catholic to
socialist leader.
Born of a middle-class family in Oporto she married Guterres in 1972, in the
twilight years of the Portuguese dictatorship. They had in common a marked
social conscience: she was studying medicine and he was a militant of the
Catholic Action movement, dedicated to working in the shanty towns of Lisbon.
But whereas Antonio Guterres was most influenced by Catholicism and enlisted
in the Portuguese Socialist Party soon after.the 1974 revolution, Luisa
Guterres was influenced primarily by her scientific training, and did not join
the party. The parliamentarian Antonio Reis, who attended their wedding and
signed Antonio Guterres up for the Socialist Party, said: "She had great
prestige as a psychoanalyst in Portugal, and her background was rather a
contrast with that of her husband. Whereas he began his political career as a
radical Catholic and his thought was and still is heavily influenced by
religion, her vision of the world was scientific. The input in political debates
involving them was always lively for this reason. She had a very discreet role
in relation to her husband's political office, but she was an independent
thinker of strong political convictions."
One of her main influences was Dr Pedro Luzes of the Portuguese Society of
Psychoanalysts, of which she was a member. Being a psychoanalyst in Portugal in
the days of the old regime was not easy, and her colleagues remember Luisa
Guterres as a brilliant person who successfully completed an extremely rigorous
course in medicine followed by training as a psychoanalyst. In her years as a
practitioner she specialised in the psychoanalysis of children. A colleague also
noted the contrast with her husband's personality: "His religiosity and her
•
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The Guardian (London), January 29, 1998
scientific thinking were. complementary, their meeting point was in humanist
principles."
She leaves two children: a son and a daughter.
Luisa Guterres, psychoanalyst, born 1947; died January 28, 1998
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
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Copyright 1997 Guardian Newspapers Limited
The Guardian (London)
January 24, 1997
SECTION: THE GUARDIAN FOREIGN PAGE; Pg. 13
LENGTH: 1014 words
HEADLINE: LISBON TALK-ALIKE SETS AN EXAMPLE FOR BLAIR;
Portugal's Socialist prime minister Antonio Guterres resembles the Labour leader
in many ways - and is still popular 15 months into his job, despite having no
new money to spend. Are there lessons here? asks John Hooper QBY: John Hooper
BODY:
WHAT happens when a socialist government takes office having pledged not to
increase spending?
That question, implicitly posed earlier this week by the shadow chancellor,
Gordon Brown, has an answer - in Portugal.
Antonio Guterres, like Mr Blair, has converted an often reluctant party to
free-market values, and is also accused of relying too much on an inner circle
of spin doctors.
Like Mr Blair, Mr Guterres is a practising Christian who has successfully
taken the moral high ground from the right. His language on law and order is
almost identical to Mr Blair's.
Most significant to the current debate in Britain, Mr Guterres voluntarily
promised to zip up the public purse before he began campaigning for office - but
his motives were different: he has vowed to steer Portugal into the new European
economic and monetary union.
But to do so he will have to ensure that Portugal can meet the Maastricht
criteria and reduce its deficit to below 3 per cent of GDP.
Mr Guterres has been helped by lower interest rates, which have cut
Portugal's debt servicing costs, .but a tax rise would have been seen as hostile
to enterprise. So he has clamped down on the tax -dodging professional classes
instead, while keeping a tight rein on government spending.
The effect has been a kind of benign lethargy. Unable to do much because
they cannot spend much, Mr Guterres and his ministers have concentrated on the
feel-good factor.
"They have what they call a 'dialogue approach': talking to everyone·about
everything and trying to reach a consensus," says Jose Manuel Fernandes, deputy
editor of the centre-left 0 Publico.
That has made them unusually well liked, particularly in the polls .
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The Guardian (London), January 24, 1997
Even Mr Guterres•s rival, the leader of the opposition PSD Marcelo Rebelo de
Sousa, acknowledges that the prime minister's style is "nice and warm".
Mr Guterres has introduced an experimental minimum wage and edged up nurses'
and teachers' pay. But he has not tackled one of Portugal's biggest problems the absence of anything but the semblance of a welfare state. Mr Guterres
inherited education and health services in such deplorable states that even the
rightwing press is campaigning for action. Talk of improving these services by
greater efficiencies gets a dusty response from health and education
professionals.
The problems which can arise when a "dialogue approach" is superimposed on a
spending freeze are illustrated by the government's dilemma over university
student fees. These had prompted protests on campus for several years. Almost as
soon as they took office the Socialists suspended the fees, promised to discuss
the matter and table legislation within six months.
"The problem is that everyone agrees that some sort of fee is needed except the students," says Mr Fernandes. "The government's original deadline for
a new law was June 1996. But here we are in January 1997 and we still don't have
a new law."
But the government's approach may be tactical rather than strategic, he
stresses. If it can get Portugal into economic and monetary union there is a
prospect of rock-bottom interest rates that would free more money.
That is the
point at which Mr Guterres might decide he should keep faith with his socialist
origins.
With Mr Blair reluctant to commit Britain to EMU, this is a horizon an
incoming Labour government does not have.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
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Prime ~inister's Curriculum
.
·Prime Minister
I
·!;
Biograp_hical Notes
.
'
.
'
Antonio Manuel de-Oliveira Guterres:
Born on'the 30th April, 1949, .
·
in Santos~o-Velho, Lisbon, Widower, two children. ~ · ·
Academic Qualifications: Degree inEl~ctrotechnical Engineering by
. · Instituto Superior Tecnico, Lisbon, 1966-1971, with the final classification of
. 19.
.
' . . .. .
/,
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.~ '
.
· Political Curriculum:
Since October 1999 ·
Prime Minister of the XIV Constitutional Government.
October'1995- .October 199~) · ·
Prime Minister of the XIII- Constitutional Government.
.
.
.
'
Since October 1995
. Re-elected.Member ofParliainent, by the Socialist Party, with
.sus pen ':fed ·mandate.
..
.'Since November 1999
· President of the Socialist International
September 1992-0ctober 1999
Vice-President ·of the Socialist Intern~tional,. organisation
which groups over one hundred socialist and social-democrat
·
parties and organisations at world leveLSince 1991
Member ofthe·Council of State. ·
1979-1995
President of the Municipal Asse~bly of Fundao. ·
1985 -1995
'
'
.
. '.
Member of Parliament by.·the:S.odalist Party.
1985.'- 1988
· · President of the Parliamentary Committee for Territorial
Administration, Municipalities and Environment.
'
.
.
.
.
.
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Prime Minister's Curriculum
#'
1981 ~ 1983
Member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of
Europe, which groups the parliaments of all the democratic
countries of Europe.
1983
President of the Parliamentary Committee for Demography,
Migrations and Refugees of the Parliamentary Assembly of the
Council of Europe.
1977-1979
President of the Parliamentary Committee for Economy and
~~~
.
1976-1983
Member of Parliament by the Socialist Party.
Party Curriculum:
Since February 1992
Leader of the Socialist Party.
Since 1974
Member of the National Committee and of the Political Committee of the·
Socialist Party.
1988-1991
President of the Parliamentary Group of the Socialist Party.
1986-1992
)
Member of the National Secretariat of the Socialist Party.
1980-1987
Co-ordinator of the Electoral Technical Committee.
1977-1981
Member of the National Secretariat of the Socialist Party and co-ordinator of the
Study Department of the Socialist Party
Professional Curriculum:
1984-1985
.Director of Strategic Development of IPE (Investimentos e Participa~oes do
Estado, SA), responsible for the development of joint-ventures with foreign
companies in areas of high technological level.
1983-1984
Director of the Master Plan Division ofGabinete da Area de Sines (New deep
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Prime Mj.nister's Curriculum
water port, urban and industrial centre in the Portuguese coast).
1976-1979
I
Member of the European Integration Committee (Negotiating. Committee for
Portugal's Entry in the European Community).
1975-1976 .
Assistant of the Minister for Finance of the VI Provisional Government, Dr.
Francisco Salgado Zenha. 1975·
·
Assistant of the Minister without Portfolio of the IV Provisional Government.
Dr. Mario Soares.1974-1975
Head of the Cabinet of the Secretary of State for Industry of the I, II and III
Provisional Governments, Eng. Jose Torres Campos.
1973-1974
Director of the Industrial and Te~hnical Planning Division of Gabinete da Area
de Sines. 1973 .
Technical Cadre of the Technical Secretariat of the Presidency of the Council of
Mmisters (Central Planning Department).
Teaching Activities:
1973-1975
Lecturer of the Chairs of Theory of Systems and Signals and of
Telecommunications at Instituto Superior Tecnico.
1972
Lecturer responsible for the Post-Graduation Course "Economics for
Engineers", at Instituto Superior Tecnico.
1971-1972
Lecturer of the Chair of Physics I, under the orientation of Professor Sales Luis,
while 5th year student at Instituto Superior Tecnico, having, obtained for this
purpose special authorisation from the Ministry for Education.
Associations:
1974
Emolment as militant in the Socialist Party.
1973-1974
Founder, first Vice-President and member n° 1 of DECO- Associa9ao
Portuguesa de Defesa do .Consumidor (Portuguese Consumer Defence
Association)
1970-1996
Member of SEDES - Associa9ao para o Desenvolvimento Econ6mico e Social
(Association for Economic and Social Development).
1968-1972
Member .of JUC -· Juventude Universitaria Cat6lica (University Catholic Youth).
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Prime Mjnister's Curriculum
Social Solidarity Activities:
1971-1972
President of Centro de Acc,:ao Social Universitario, university organisation for
professional training actions and social development in impoverished
neighbourhoods in Lisbon.
·Participation in International Conferences:
Presence and participation in work-shops, seminars and conferences·.
February 1996
Participation in the "World Economic Forum", in Davros.
1994
Participation in the "Bilderberg Meetings".
Publications and Participation in the Media:
Several articles of opinion and interviews in newspapers, magazines, radio and
television programmes.
1979
Headed the Work Group responsible for the project "10 Years to Change
Portugal-Programme of the Socialist Party for the 80's", submitted at the 1979
National Congress of the Socialist Party .
Distinctions:
1972
D. Dinis Award- awarded to the best student of the 1970/1971 course of
Instituto Superior Tecnico (awarded to the best students of only 6 universities).
Interests and Hobbies
Travels, History, with special emphasis on the Middle Ages,, Cinema and Opera.
[Prime Minister's Message [ [Prime Minister[ [Official Residence[ [Mail[
[Main]
·
Prime Minister's Office - 1999
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LEVEL 1 - 2 OF 66 STORIES
Copyright 1998 The Financial Times Limited
Financial Times (London)
October 27, 1998, Tuesday
SECTION: WORLD NEWS - EUROPE;
LONDON EDITION 1
Pg. 02
LENGTH: 527 words
HEADLINE: Portuguese call for 'pact of courage'
BYLINE: By Peter Wise in Lisbon
DATELINE: Lisbon
BODY:
As leader of Portugal's Socialist party in 1991, Jorge Sampaio, now the
country's president, stood before parliament and confessed to a crime. He
declared what every politician knew but few dared to ad~it: the Socialists had
spent much more on a recent general election campaign than the law allowed.
Seven years later, Mr Sampaio is calling for a "pact of C~}lrage and
understanding" between p~rties to reform the political system, as the Socialist
government attempts to deal with what one minister describes as "a serious
crisis for democracy" involving allegations of corruption and illicit financing.
"My hope is that we can set aside the day-to-day warfare of party politics
and establish sound foundations for the system that can be accepted by
everyone," Mr Sampaio said in an interview.
Portugal is in the midst of a political crisis caused by the allegations of a
former head of the National Road Board that construction companies gave pay-offs
to officials and political parties in return for public works contracts.
Antonio Guterres, the Socialist prime minister, has responded with a package
of anti-corruption measures. The road board controversy has revealed "the
public's deep lack of confidence in the capacity of state institutions to combat
corruption and punish the corrupt," Mr Guterres said in a televised address to
the nation.
Both Portugal's main parties, the Socialists and the
receive large corporate donations in cash, according to
professor. Nobody knows how much goes to the parties or
pockets of individuals, he said. This has given rise to
of illicit personal enrichment.
Social Democratic party,
a university economics
how much stays .in the
a series of allegations
Legislation on party financing has been reformed several times, including an
untested new law approved in July. But calls are being made for further, more
sweeping reforms aimed at making political funding wholly transparent.
Mr Sampaio suggests more stringent limits need to be imposed on election
campaign spending. He believes voters would welcome more modest campaigns and
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Financial Times (London) October 27, 1998, Thesday
fewer "Hollywood style" party political broadcasts. This .would make overspending
easier to to detect.
But for this to work, more effective verification and enforcement of the new
limits would still be required. After Mr Sampaio•s· confession of overspending in
the 1991 election - an admission deliberately made to bring about reform - the
Socialist party was fined the equivalent of about £200.
He also suggests that donations to parties should be made public and
verifiable- "names on cheques not money under the table". This would probably
require more state funding for election campaigns, because fewer private
companies would be willing to donate publicly. 'At present, state financing for
political parties helps cover normal running costs but "does not amount to 1 per
cent of the cost of a general election campaign," said Mr Sampaio.
"My aim is to help the country agree on the fundamental foundations of our
political institutions," he said. "That is something for which it is worth
putting aside party political conflict and taking time over."
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: October 27, 1998
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LEVEL 1 - 5 OF 66 STORIES
Copyright 1998 The Financial Times Limited
Financial Times (London)
April 23, 1998, Thursday
SECTION: EUROPE;
USA EDITION 1.
Pg. 03
LENGTH: 950 words
.HEADLINE: Portugal takes on mentor role to eastern Europe's economies:
President Jorge Sampaio believes the experience of his country
over the last 30 years can show the east how to catch up with the
west,· writes Peter Wise:
BODY:
Jorge Sampaio, Portugal's socialist president, told students at the School ot
International Relations in Kiev while on a visit to Ukraine last week that,
having been a leader of a militant student movement in the 1960s, he was looking
forward to a lively discussion.
He tried not to look disconcerted as they queued politely at the microphone
to ask respectful questions. But a restrained curiosity quickly emerged from
behind the formality. It soon became clear ,that the issue for these young
Ukrainians was much the same question as Mr Sampaio and his companions had posed
in their own youth when Portugal was poor, isolated and uncertain:· how do we
become modern, democratic, prosperous Europeans?
Mr Sampaio believes he has learned enough over the past 30 years to give
Ukrainians and other east Europeans some of the answers.
In that period, Portugal'toppled an authoritarian regime, emerged peacefully
from revolutionary turmoil, privatised a state-dominated economy, made
parliamentary democracy work, joined the European Union, almost caught up with
western European living standards and qualified for economic and monetary union.
Portugal is now eager to impart the benefits of its experience to east
European countries which want to achieve similar ambitions.
At the same time Mr Sampaio believes pragmatic political and business
advantages are to be won from making the lessons of Portugal's recent history
available to emerging democracies.
"The Portuguese transition was the first to reveal the great strength of the
wave of democratisation, which then went on to Greece, Spain, and Latin
America," he told the Ukrainian students.
"It was also the first time that, in a revolutionary situation·, democratic
socialists prevailed over orthodox communists." In this sense, Portugal's
·experience "anticipated the overthrow of communist regimes in central and
eastern Europe".
While Mr Sampaio told Leonid Kuchma, the Ukrainian president, that he was
�Page 8
Financial Times (London) April 23, 1998, Thursday
impressed with the country's ndetermination to build a democracy based on the
rule of law and the same humanist values as our ownn, there is something of an
ambivalence in Portugal's attitude towards the former Soviet bloc.
For one thing, the. market economies under construction in eastern Europe
compete with Portugal for foreign investment. Most offer a lower paid but better
educated workforce, production capacity much closer to big north European
markets and a higher level of technology in some industrial sectors.
Moreover, when the main direction of European Union aid flows is switched
from southern Europe and Ireland to the east European countries joining the EU,
Portugal will suffer a reduction in its level of EU funding.
Portugal relies more heavily than any other EU member on so-called structural
and cohesion funds, which provide the equivalent of more than 3 per cent of
gross domestic p'roduct.
Yet Portugal ·has opted to throw itself wholeheartedly behind the EU's
expansion to the east. In return, it expects its own claims for continuing to
receive a high level of EU aid to be given a receptive hearing.
Part of this strategy involves imparting the wisdom of its emergence from
dictatorship to any east European willing to lis~e~.
In Ukraine, Mr Sampaio and his delegation of businessman, scientists and
politicians found an eager audience.
In the Ukrainian parliament, persistent questions on how Portugal's
parliamentary system works led him to sketch a diagram of the relationships
between the presidency, government, parliament and other institutions. The piece
of. paper remained behind as an nhistoric documentn.
Ukrainian politicians were also keen to learn the details of Portugal's
privatisation programme, one of the most extensive and successful in Europe. Mr
Sampaio drew attention to how privatisation revenue had been used both to lower
public debt and to restructure other state-owned companies in readiness for
privatisation.
Alberto Moreno, a economist who works with the World Bank on an interchange
programme between Portugal and east Europe, says one the most import lessons to
be learned from the Portuguese experience is the need to create effective
competition in sectors that are to be privatised.
Portuguese businessmen believe they have other experiences that can work to
their advantage in east Europe. One of these is a familiarity with the same kind
of stifling, time-consuming bureaucracy produced both by the Salazar-Caetano
dictatorship in Portugal and the communist regimes of the former Soviet bloc.
nwe understand the mentality behind the red tape and how officials have to
take their time because they are justifying the existence of their jobs,n says
Pedro Soares dos Santos, head of the east European operations of Jeronimo
Martins, Portugal's second largest retail distribution chain. "This makes us
more effective than many other foreign investors."
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Financial Times (London) April 23, 1998, Thursday
Advice is not all Portugal is sharing with eastern Europe. Over the past four
years, Jeronimo Martins has invested $ 200m in setting up the largest food
retail chain in Poland. It will be operating more than 400 stores by the end of
this year and forecasts 1998 sales of $ 600m. Several other Portuguese companies
have followed with investments in Poland, Hungary, Russia and neighbouring
countries.
···,,_
"East European markets are less competitive in many sectors than any of the
EU markets," says Mr Soares dos Santos. "That makes them a natural target for
Portuguese companies finding there is no room left for expansion at home. By
moving into east Europe we stand to benefit all over again from the flow of EU
funds that has stimulated such strong economic growth in Portugal."
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
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Copyright 1996 The Baltimore Sun Company
The Baltimore Sun
Jan~ary
SECTION: TELEGRAPH (NEWS)
15, 1996, Monday,
FINAL EDITION
Pg. lOA
I
LENGTH: 306 words
I
HEADLINE: Socialist Jorge Sampaio wins presidency in Portugal; Parliament, head
of state now share party ties
SOURCE: FROM WIRE REPORTS
BODY:
LISBON, Portugal -- A Socialist lawyer defeated a former premier yesterday in
elections to succeed veteran statesman Mario Soares as Portugal's president,
ending a political era.
Jorge Sampaio's victory over Anibal Cavaco Silva, who conceded·two hours
after polls closed, gives Portugal a government and president of the same
political hue for the first time since democracy was restored in 1974.
Socialists won October's general elections, costing Mr. Cavaco Silva his
premiership.
It also marks a milestone for Portugal with the nation's two dominant
politicians of the past decade quitting the scene -- Mr. Soares, the affable
defender of civil rights, and Mr. Cavaco Silva, the austere technocrat.
Official results from more than 90 percent of voting districts showed Mr.
Sampaio winning 54 percent of the vote, compared with 46 percent for Mr. Cavaco
Silva. Turnout was 66 percent of the nearly 9 million eligible voters.
Since 1974, voters had viewed the presidency as a counterweight to the
government, electing a head of state of a different party than the dominant
party in Parliament. But Mr. Cavaco Silva, 56, has been burdened with an
economic slump that hit his government in recent years.
The avuncular Mr. Sampaio, 56, will take office March 9 and is expected to
adopt a "father of the nation" style similar to that of Mr. Soares, 71, who is
winding up the maximum two five-year terms as president allowed by the
constitution.
Once considered a left-winger, Mr. Sampaio, a former Lisbon mayor, is solidly
in favor of the European Union and says unemployment will be his main concern.
He also is an expert negotiator.
Although the Portuguese president has a largely ceremonial role, he can veto
legislation, and his power to dissolve Parliament can make him a key figure
during political upheaval.
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Copyright 1996 The Financial Times Limited;
Financial Times (London)
January 15, 1996, Monday
SECTION: Pg. 2
LENGTH: 537 words
HEADLINE: Sampaio victory ends era in Lisbon
BYLINE: By PETER WISE
DATELINE: LISBON
BODY:
The victory of Mr Jorge Sampaio, the Socialist candidate, in yesterday's
presidential election, marks the end of a conservative era that advanced
Portugal economically but failed to fulfil voters' aspirations for social
change.
The defeat of Mr Anibal Cavaco Silva, the conservative candidate in the
presidential race, comes hard on the heels of the Socialists' general election
victory over his centre-right Social Democrats (PSD) last October, ending Mr
Cavaco Silva's 10 years as prime minister.
Mr Sampaio's victory is largely an expression of support for the minority
Socialist government amid fears that Mr Cavaco Silva could have undermined it in
a political crisis. But the election was also partly a referendum on the
conservative era that Mr Cavaco Silva epitomised.
'If the election were two months later, my victory would be certain,' Mr
Cavaco Silva said during the campaign, acknowledging that the unpopular last
years of his government would weigh strongly against him. 'I may lose the
election but the judgment of history will be in my favour.'
Mr Cavaco Silva, 56, was virtually unknown when he first came to P!Ominence
as an austere finance minister 12 years ago and led the PSD to two overwhelming
general election victories in 1987 and 1991. After vowing last week that he
would never fight another election, his meteoric political career appears to be
at an end. He is to resume his post as an economics professor.
By contrast, Mr Sampaio, also 56, is a life-long politician who began as a
student leader of opposition to the authoritarian Salazar regime. His career
peak, until. yesterday, was his short-lived leadership of the Socialist party
that ended with the election defeat by Mr·cavaco Silva in 1991. He went on to
become mayor of Lisbon.
Although not a charismatic figure, Mr Sampaio embodies a new mood in
Portugal in which issues such as education, health, housing, the environment and
culture have taken prominence over what is now seen by many voters as the
'nouveau riche' materialism of the Cavaco Silva era.
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Financial Times (London), January 15, 1996
Mr Cavaco Silva, heading the first stable government Portugal had. known
since the return of democracy in 1974, was able to implement far-reaching
reforms that have transformed the country's physical appearance.
After taking Portugal into what is now the European Union in 1986, he
channelled a huge inflow of structural funds into the building of new roads,
bridges, hospitals and schools. He launched an ambitious privatisation programme
that is now moving towards completion and established a sound foundation for
economic growth based on low inflation and controlled deficits.
These reforms have been embraced by the new Socialist government. But Mr
Natonio Guterres, the prime minister, has won popularity by adding
social
dimension to economic issues.
a
Mr Sampaio has won support for his championing of political tolerance, in
contrast to allegations of 'arrogance' made against Mr Cavaco Silva
The former prime minister denies ever saying 'I never make mistakes and
rarely have any doubts'. But it is a phrase attributed to him that is likely to
go down in history as an indication of how the Cavaco Silva era came to an end.
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LOAD-DATE: January 15, 1996
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.Biography
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http://www.presidenciarepublica.ptJen/presidente/biografia/
JORGE FERNANDO BRANCO DE SAMPAIO was
born in Lisbon on September 18,1939. He is married to
Maria Jose Ritta and has two children, Vera ·and Andre.
After his secondary education at the Pedro Nunes and
Passos Manuel "lycees" in Lisbon, he entered the Law
School of Lisbon University, from wh~ch he graduated in
1961. During these years he became a well known . ,
· · student activist and was elected President of the Students
Association of the Law School and Secretary-General of
the federation of academic associations (RIA) in ·.
· 1961-1962. In this capacity he was one of the main
. protagonists of the students protest movement against the
dictatorship in the early 60's.
As a lawyer, Jorge Sampaio was particularly active as a
defender of prisoners tried by the special courts which
dealt exclusively with political cases.
In 1969 he stood for the parliamentary elections as a
candidate of the opposition movement to the dictatorship.
During the 1973 elections, he decided not to stand again,
as he considered that conditions for free and fair elections
did not exist.
After the 1974 revolution Jorge Sampaio became one of
the driving forces behind the creation of M.E.S., a .
socialist left wing movement, which he abandoned even
before its first constitutive congress due to the extreme
left drift of this initiative. In 1975 he played an important
role in the political negotiations between civilian political
forces and the moderate wing of the Armed Forces·
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Movement which had overturned the dictatorship, in
order to ~nsure the establishment of a democratic regiille
in Portugal. He became a member of the Government in
March as Secretary of State for External Cooperation. In
this capacity he led negotiations with some of the
Portuguese former colonies, following the agreements on
their independence. '
Still in. ~975, he founded a political association
("Intervenyao Socialista") and in 1978 he joined the
Socialist Party, becoming a member of its National
Secretariat the following year. He was elected to
Parliament in 1979, 1980, 1985, 1987 and 1991, and was
the Speaker for the Socialist Parliamentary Group in
·
1987 and 1988.
From 1979 to 1984 he was member of the European
Human Rights Commission of the Council of Europe .
where he pursued an intense activity in the defense and
promotion of those fundamental rights.
·
In 1986 and 1987 he was responsible for the International
Department of the Socialist ~arty and was elected
·Secretary-General ofthe Party in 1989: In this capacity,
Jorge Sampaio co-chaired the "Africa Committee" of the
Socialist International. He was appointed by Parliament
member of the Council of State, a consultative body of
the President of the Republic .
,
.
Jorge Sampaio was ~lected Mayor of Lisbon in 1989 .and
received a second mandate for this office in 1993. He
was President of the Union of Portuguese Speaking
Capital Cities (UCCLA) between 1990 and 1995,
Vice-President of the Union of Iberian-American Capital
Cities (1990), President of the Eurocities Movement and
President of. the World Federation of United Cities.
With the support of the Socialist Party and of many
· independent personalities he stood for the Presidential
elections of 1996 which he won on the first round with
53% of the vote. Jorge Saril.paio was sworn in and took
office as President of the Republic on March 9, for a five
. year term.
Jorge Sampaio is fluent in English and French. He lias a
passion for books and classical music; if given the
chance, he enjoys directing an orchestra; he has a keen
interest in football and also likes a good game of golf.
He has written a number of articles on political issues for
Portuguese newspapers and magazines and has published
two books, one of which is a collection of his political
speeches and another which contains his reflexions on a
number of contemporary issues ("A Look on Portugal",
1995).
' 2 of3
5/19/2000 11:00 AM
�Page 12
LEVEL 1 -·64 OF.64 STORIES
Copyright 1992 The Financial Times Limited;
Fin~ncial Times (London)
February 24, 1992, Monday
SECTION: SECTION I; Overseas News; Pg. 3
LENGTH: 208 words
HEADLINE: Lisbon socialists elect new leader
BYLINE: REUTER, LISBON
BODY:
PORTUGAL'S opposition Socialist party (PS) yesterday chose Mr Antonio
Guterres, ~n energetic 42-year-old pragmatist, as its new leader in an effort to
revive its fortunes after last year's election defeat, Reuter reports from
Lisbon.
Mr Guterres, who replaces the dry intellectual Mr Jorge Sampaio as
secretary-general of the centre-left party, was overwhelmingly elected by 1,800
delegates at a three-day party congress.
He immediately challenged Prime Minister Anibal Cavaco Silva to a televised
debate on the budget - presented earlier this month - which imposed value added
tax on food.
The congress also elected a new 200-member National Commission dominated by
Mr Guterres' supporters.
Mr Guterres challenged Mr Sampaio for the leadership after the PS, out of
power since 1985, lost badly to Mr Cavaco Silva's centre-right Social Democrat
party (PSD) in elections last October. the PS won only 29 per cent of the vote.
Mr Guterres has said he wants to rejuvenate the PS leadership and make the
party more attractive to young people, whose interest has slid away from
politics to making money in Portugal's economic boom. He also promised to widen
the party's appeal to voters in the middle ground of the political spectrum.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
�PRESIDENT WILLIAM JE~FERS«;lN CLINTON
REMARKS WITH EUROPEAN UNION LEADERS
. THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON, DC .
DECEMBER 18,1998
•
I am delighted to welcome Chancellor Klima [KLEE-muh] and President Santer [sahnTEHR] to the White House. ·
•
This is Austria's first EU presidency term, and Austria is the first of the three EU new
members from 1995 to hold that office. I'm pleased that the EU has steadily expanded its
membership, thereby helping to extend the frontiers of prosperity and democracy in Europe.
•
Security will certainly be on our agenda, P.articularly our military operation to attack .Saddam
Hussein's weapdnsofmass destruction and his capacity to threaten Iraq's neighbors. I am
encouraged by the support we have received for this effort from leaders around the world, as
well as the support that has come from a bipartisan group in Congress. Let me say again that
I am very proud of the American troops who are carrying out this mission, along with British
forces.
•
There are other important security matters to discuss, including our ongoing cooperative
efforts to bring peace and stability to the Balkans and between the Israelis and Palestinians.
•
We will also discuss the global economic situation and our shared responsibilities to spur
growth, assist ailing economies, and make trade more free and.fair. The overall economic
relationship between the US and the EU is the largest in the world -- trade and investment
between us supports more than six [twelve?] million jobs.
•
So I am happy to report that we are putting in place an action plan for our new Transatlantic
Economic Partnership, as agreed last May in London with Prime Minister Blair and President
Santer. It is aimed at reducing trade barriers and improving regulatory cooperation between
us. We will certainly be discussing that effort, as well as the January 1 start of the European
Monetary Union.
###
�
Dublin Core
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Title
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Speechwriting Office - Paul Orzulak
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Paul Orzulak
Date
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1999-2000
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36267" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585791" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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2008-0702-F
Description
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<p>Orzulak served as speechwriter for President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger in 1999 and 2000.</p>
<p>Orzulak authored speeches for President Clinton concerning permanent normal trade relations with China; the United States Coast Guard Academy commencement; the role of computer technology in India; the defense of American cyberspace; the Eleanor Roosevelt Human Rights Award; the memorial service for Former Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi of Japan; the Charlemagne Prize in Germany; the presentation of the Medal of Freedom to President James E. Carter and Rosalyn Carter in Atlanta; the Millennium Around the World Celebration in Washington, DC; the Cornerstone of Peace Park in Japan; the role of scientific research and the European Union while in Portugal; sustainable development in India; armed forces training on Vieques Island, Puerto Rico; and the funeral services for Admiral Elmo R. Zumwalt, Jr. in Annapolis. Orzulak’s speechwriting for National Security Advisor Berger concerned Senator Joseph R. Biden, China’s trade status, Kosovo, and challenges facing American foreign policy.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request. For more information concerning this collection view the complete finding aid.</p>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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82 folders in 7 boxes
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Paper
Dublin Core
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Title
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[Portugal] [1]
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Paul Orzulak
Identifier
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2008-0702-F
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Box 7
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0702-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585791" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Reproduction-Reference
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5/19/2014
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42-t-7585791-20080702f-007-001-2014
7585791