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4/8/00 4:00 p.m.
Orzulak
JAMES B. STEINBERG
DEPUTY ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT
FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS
REMARKS AT STANFORD UNIVERSITY
AprillO, 2000
At the National Security Council, Sandy Berger and I are often asked to give speeches
But it's not every day that we receive invitations from not just one - but two - former
interns of the NSC. If Matt Spence and Cody Harris are any indication of the kind of
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leaders this conference is producing, I'd say the future of our relationship is in good
hands.
In his State of the Union Address this year, President Clinton identified the challenge of·
encouraging our former Cold War adversaries, China and Russia, to emerge as stable,
prosperous, democratic nations as one of the four fundamental challenges facing the U.S.
in the 21 ~~ Century. There's been a lot of interest in China over the past few weeks, but
tonight I want to focus on our strategy to help bring about this transformation in Russia.
Nearly a decade ago, the Russian people made a fundamental break with their own
history by dismantling both the Soviet Union and the brutal and stultifying communist
system that kept it together. They instead opted for the truly daunting course of building
democracy and a market economy for apeople who have never experienced either. Just
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�last month, we witnessed the latest step in that transformation -- an election that
completed the first constitutional transfer .of power in Russia's thousand-year history. ·
Over the past decade, there has been a great deal of debate in this country about the future
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of Russia, and what America's strategy should be. Is America better served by a
politically and economically successful Russia once again playing an active role on the
global stage, or an inward-looking, debilitated Russia? Should Russia be engaged or
contained? There are some who assume Russia's experiment in democracy is destined to
fail, who recommend that we base our relations with Russia on classical balance of power
considerations, who take it as a given that Russia is destined to embrace authoritarianism
at home and expansion abroad, who argue, in effect, that if Russia is not on its knees it
will
some~ay
be at our throats.
From the beginning, President Clinton and his Administration rejected that approach. If
we have learned anything the past decade, it is that the weakness of great nations poses as
much a threat to our safety and security as their strengths. We have felt first-hand just
how hard it can be to deal with a Russia that is unsure of its standing in the world - a
Russia that is a source of instability to its neighbors, a less cooperative partner in meeting
important arms control and nonproliferation challenges, and a contributor to global
financial turmoil. For all the concern about what a successful Russia could mean, just
.
.
think about the risks that could be posed by a weak and isolated Russia - permanently
beset by internal conflicts, social dislocation, criminal activity, loose nukes, andlargescale emigration. We didn't fight the Cold War for 50 years to end communism only to
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�replace it with a permanent zone of instability across Europe and Asia. We did it to
create a more stable, prosperous, and democratic world ..
Our securi~y and Russia's success are not a zero-sum game. They are flip sides of the
same coin. If Russia is going to be weak and insecure within its borders, our own safety
and security will be threatened. At the same time, if Russia succeeds, if it evolves into a
stable nation that is capable of meeting the needs and aspirations of its people; a strong
nation that defines its strength in ways that benefit the international community; we will
benefit. Russians gained freedom, but it came at a cost. Our challenge today is to help
Russians overcome the costs, so they never get rid of these hard-won freedoms. ,
We are convinced that the best way to accomplish that goal is to deepen Russia's
integration into the global economy and rules-based political and security arrangements.
This belief is based on several key premises: that Russia is neither destined to be our
adversary nor guaranteed to be our friend; that how Russia develops internally will affect
its actions externally; and that deeper integration in wider regional and global institutions
will advance Russia's economic and security interests in ways that are consistent with
our national interests. It is a belief that seeks to harness the forces of globalization as a
positive inducement to change. That Russia and her leaders will see that the best hope for
success in a world where information and investment can flow in -- and out -- of nations
at a key stroke is to integrate into the global economy. That the best-- indeed the only-way for Russia to secure its interests and advance regional and global security is to
participate in the institutions and arrangements that establish and uphold rules and
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�standards on· everything from trade to arms control to non-proliferation to human rights.
If Russia has a voice in setting those rules, we believe it is more likely to accept the
legitimacy and value of the rules, and not only abide by them, but help enforce them.
After nearly a decade, it seems appropriate to step back and ask: how has our strategy
fared? To make a sound assessment, we need to look at all three of monumental
transitions Russia is undertaking: from Communism to democracy; from an empire and
nuclear threat to a nation state and nuclear partner; and from a command economy to a
market economy. · On each transition, we can see the greening shoots of our strategy of
integration, along with some of the dangers and uncertainties that this policy will face in
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the coming years. Let's take them in turn, beginning with Russia's progress toward
political freedom.
In the communist system most Russians remember, citizens had no alternatives to the
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Communist Party, no free press, no free speech, no freedom of religion, no freedom of
movement. Today, Russians can think, speak, worship, learn, teach, buy, sell and travel
freely. And there is no place where this change is being seen and felt more than at the
ballot box.
Today, the ballot box is increasingly the instrument whereby Russians choose their
leaders. Since the break-up of the Soviet Union, there have been three nation-.wide
parliamentary elections in Russia, two presidential elections, and hundreds of regional
and local contests. Nearly 70 percent of eligible 'voters participated in the last election.
4
�Fifteen years ago, none of them had cast a ballot in an election that wasn't rigged.'
Vladimir Putin won the Presidency with an outright victory· with over 50 percent of the
vote:. Election monitors from the U.S. and Europe concluded that there were no major
irregularities in the electoral process.
And we have done our best over the last seven years to help the Russian people in their
efforts to deepen democracy's grass roots. The vast majority of our assistance for Russia
--other than fqr threat reduction activities --is spenfon prog~ams that do not involve the
Russian government. Our assistance programs have brought more thari 40,000 young
Russians to the U.S. for training, and nurtured more than 300 independent TV stations in
Russia's provinces. When we started this assistance, Russia had only a h~dful of nongovernmental organizations. Today, it has 65,000. We have
~ong
argued that our
engagement with _Russia should not be focused solely on the Kremlin, that we should
encourage pluralism in Russia by dealing with Russia as a pluralistic society. It isprecisely this kind of assistance that helps us to meet that goal, and it deserves the
continued support of Congress.
Russia's second transition is from an empire to a nation-state that advances its interests by
cooperating with its neighbors, not by dominating them .. Here, the progress has been
substantial.
Throughout the Cold War, But the Soviet Union dominated its so-called Warsaw Pact
allies and posed a military and political threat to the community of free nations
5
�Ten years later, Russian troops have withdrawn from Central Europe and the Baltic
states. Russia has begun building equitable relationships with its neighbors and has
recognized their independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity. Together we have
worked to strengthen the only pan-European security organization, the OSCE. We
worked hard to achieve the landmark NATO-Russia Founding Act in 1997, which
codified a cooperative partnership with NATO, despite Russian objections to NATO
enlargement. The commitment to the NATO-Russian relationship was recently
reaffirmed with the visit ofNATO's Secretary General to Moscow last month. And
despite our disagreements about NATO's air campaign against Serbia, the U.S. and
Russia coordinated our diplomacy to induce Milosevic to meet NATO's conditions for
.ending the bombing. Since then, Russian and American soldiers have served side-by-side
to keep the peace it) Kosovo and are still cooperating in Bosnia; our negotiators worked
with.28 other countries to adapt the Treaty .on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe, and
to reach agreement on the withdrawal of Russian forces from Georgia and Moldova. On
the broader global stage, Russia is now a member ofthe'G-8, working together with the
world's leading industrialized democracies to tackle broad-ranging problems from
. stability in South Asia to infectious diseases to climate change.
On the one issue that dominated our 'time, resources, and attention for nearly half a
century - the nuclear arms race - we have made remarkable progress. ·The end of the
Cold War and collapse of the Soviet Union created an opportunity to take major steps to
reduce nuclear dangers.
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�Working together, we have helped deactivate almost 5,000 nuclear warheads in the
former Soviet Union; eliminate nuclear weapons from Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan;
strengthen the security of nuclear weapons and materials at over 100 sites; tighten export
controls and restrict illicit trafficking in sensitive technologies and materials; engage over
30,000 former Soviet weapons scientists in civilian research; and purchase hundreds of
tons of highly 'enriched uranium from dismantled Russian weapons. But the true measure
of the program's success can be measured in what has not happened in the last seven
years: the doomsday scenario many predicted when th~ Soviet Union collapsed- of
weapons of mass destruction flowing to the arsenals of rogue states and terrorists and of
scientists selling their services en masse to the ,highest bidder - has not come to pass.
Russia's cooperation with us to reduce Cold War era threats has not wavered- not during
the debate over NATO enlargement, nor the conflict in Kosovo, nor in the wake of ·
successive changes in its government. In the meantime, Russia has joined us in banning
nuclear testing and in ratifying the Chemical Weapons Convention. And our two nations
· have agreed on a framework for further cuts to be made in the Start III treaty that would
reduce our nuclear weapons by 80 percent from their Cold War peak.
On the economic side too, much has changed. In the Soviet days, virtually every citizen .
woke up in an apartment or a house owned by the government and went to work in a
factory or a farm run by the government. State-run workplaces also operated the schools
where they sent their children, the clinics where they received dental care, and the stores
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�where they bought their food. Rus~ia was fallingbehind the West. every year, but most
had little knowledge of the world and living standards most people in the West enjoyed.
Today; all that is transformed. State-owned enterprises are increasingly being·replaced
by private businesses. Citizens can own p~opeity and start their own businesses. Russia
has enjoyed a strong than expected rebound since the crash and financial crisis of August
1998. That's in part because of rising oil prices and the import substitution effects of
ruble devaluation. It's also because of a combination of sound monetary policy and
improvement of fiscal policy that has kept doWn inflation.
. \
We have pursued several parallel tracks to help Russia create the infrastructure of a
market economy: dismantling state controls, creating private property, and building the
laws and institutions that support an open and competitive market. Specifically, we .
launched a rule of law project immediately after the 1993 Vancouver Summit that helped
Russia draft a new Criminal Code, bankruptcy laws, and much of the legal and regulatory
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framework that allows Russia's fledgling Securities and Exchange Commission to·
function. Our assistance programs have been important in separating the'judicial system
from the executive branch, training judges in commercial law, and supporting a'number
of Russian law schools.
We joined with the World Bank to promote sound practices by Russian banks and create
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a program ~o raise them to international standards. We have been helping the Central·
Bank develop modem commercial bank supervision that has taken 900 risky banks off
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�the market. Banking sector restructuring has a long way to go, but Business Week
recently reported that banks in Russia have begun to do something most never did before
-give longer-term loans to the real sectors ofthe economy, particularly small and midsize
businesses, as opposed to limiting their activities to financial arbitrage. At the same time,
we have given financial assistance that has benefited more than 15,000 small and medium
businesses in Russia, and helped more than 250,000 Russian small businessmen with
financing or training. We are also working with Russia to achieve its eventual accession
to the WTO, which would be a capstone to Russia's integration with the new global
economy.
On all three transitions, these are historic changes in the fight direction.
Ov~r
the long
· run, they promise to bring the Russian people what they so often say they yearn for: a
normal life in a normal country. But of course, for many ~derstandable reasons, many
ordinary Russians do not yet see it that way. Some may even feel"they have lost more
than they have gained.
Under the old system, there was little dignity in work, but there was basic security in
work _:.. the certainty of lifetime employment. People weren't free to travel or to choose
where to live, but at home they had a guaranteed roof over their heads. Decent health
care was only available to those with connections, but rudimentary health care was
available to all .
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�....---------------------------------------- --------------------.
In today' s Russia, too many citizens have seen the meager social benefits 'of communism
melt away, but they have not yet seen a modem system of social security or a real social
safety net take their place. They have seen the rise of crime and persistence of corruption.
They have seen new freedoms abused by a small number of well-connected insiders who
have profited unfairly from Russia's rapid and sometimes chaotic transformation and
amassed great power. And in the face of this rapidly accumulating wealth for a few, the.
Communist era's lingering legacy of poverty and deprivation seems even more painful.
What is more, they have witnessed the decline of the symbols of Russia's old power and
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standing.-- its industrial, scientific, and military might, its status as a
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sup~rpower and the
leader of the Warsaw Pact.
Thus, as we enter the 21st century, Russia's three transitions are in mid-stream. As last
month's election show, there are still those who would like to turn back to the comfort of
a familiar shore. But the majority want to persevere --.and we must work with them to
addresss the remaining challenges.
On the transition from Communism to democracy, the process still leaves much to be
desired. Democracy is not just about free elections; it's also about the r:ule of law, a
strong civil society, broad-based political parties, and a free press. Today in Russia,
respect for the law and a level playing, field is spotty at best. Far too much power resides
in media outlets controlled by a select few, including the powers.:that-be in the Kremlin
itself. The emergence of a genuinely independent media remains a key challenge in
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�deepening democracy's roots in Russia over time. That's why we are working to obtain
more funding for programs that will further strengthen many of those NGO:s and
.
..
independent media outlets.
Democracy also requires a commitment to pluralism and ethnic and religious tolerance.
That's why the way Russia has-- and·will-- handle the conflict in Chechnya is so
important for Russia's future. Russia has a legitimate interest in re~ponding to terrorism
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and threats to its territorial integrity from forces both within and outside Russia. But
Chechnya is a more complex challenge. The roots of the Chechnya conflict go back to the
era of czarist conquest and the darkest days of Stalinist Russia, when the Chechen pe.ople
were deported to Central Asia, only to return during the Khrushchev thaw. It is a political
problem, which becomes harder and harder to solve with each bullet fired in anger. It has
produced a heavy toll: 285,000 people displaced, thousands of innocent civilians killed or
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wounded, and thousands of homes and businesses destroyed since last September, clumsy.
attempts to manipulate the media and to keep foreign observers out.
We've made clear to Russia that reports of human rights abuses by Rus~ian forces in
Chechnya offer a mor:nent of truth it should seize to show that it takes its own laws and
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international obligations seriously. Russia, as a member of the OSCE and the Council of
Europe is obliged to resp·ect the norms and institutions of which it.is part. That's why we
c.
have called on Russia to cooperate fully with international organizations such as the ·
OSCE, to investigate all credible allegations in an open and unbiased way; to hold
perpetrators accountable for.their actions; and to let the OSCE.teestablish apermanent
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�presence in the region .. President Putin' s decision to grant the International Committee of
the Red Cross unfettered access to all detainees and detention facilities was a welcome
first step. We have tried to help ease the humanitarian crisis by providing $10 million to
tlie Red Cross and the United Nations agencies to help persons displaced by the conflict.
We.will continue to urge Russia to open a political dialogue with pragmatic and
responsible Chechen leaders , instead of deepening the antagonism of their people. That
also means being careful not to make people from the Caucasus second-class citizens, or
in any way trammeling hard-won human rights or civil liberties. It also means working
cooperatively with neighboring states to deal effectively with the underlying economic
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·and security problems of the Caucasus, but not pressuring those neighbors iri ways that
will shake their fragile sense of their own stability and independence.
On the second transition, Russia has largely abandoned coercion in favor of persuasion as
a means to influence its neighbo'rs. But it can still be heavy handed in its dealings with
the Baltics, Ukraine and the nations of the Caucusus and Central Asia. It is an active.
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partiCipant in helping rein in proliferation in South Asia and North Korea, but the
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temptation in. institutes and companies to sell sensitive weapons and materials to the
.highest bidder is still clearly present. Indeed, the problem of Russian entities'
cooperation with Iran's missile and covert nuclear weapons program remains at the top of
the U.S.-Russian relationship. But it is worth bearing in mind that the average salary of
a Russian nuclear weapons scientist is just $100 a month. That is why President Clinton
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launched the Expanded Threat Reduction Initiative, a program which has significantly
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�increased funding for our work in this important area and to deal with the very real
security challenges that remain.
Together, we must also move forward to build 'on our progress on strategic arms control.
Mr. Putin has told us that he expects to win ratification of Start II in the very near future.
That could pave the way for beginning formal negotiations on Start. III and deeper
reductions of offensive weaponry. At the same time, we are working with the Russians to
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try to reach agreement on limite~ modifications to the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty of
1972 that will allow us both to address newly emerging ballistic missile threats while
preservi~g
the ABM's central role in assuring strategic stabilitY, ..
Finally, the transition to a market economy has raised its share of questions, both about
the choices Russia has made, and about our own decisions in supporting it.
Smart people, even some with Nobel prizes, disagree as to the cause of events in August .
1998 and their aftermath: was there too much reform, too little; reform, or the wrong mix
of reforms? Some experts say that the G-8 and the IMF gave the wrong advice or had the
wrong focus; others say that the advice was fundamentally correct, but the
implementation was inadequate. Some say that the pace of Russia's integration into the
global system was too quick, accumulating unmanageable debt; other say it should have
moved faster. Some say that there should have been more generous external financing;
others say that there .should have been less because e{(temal support simply allowed
Russia to avoidhard choices.
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�Indeed, it is true that since the financial collapse of 1998, with little or no IMF support,
the Russian economy has done better than expected. The crisis and its aftermath made
clear that the most important factor in Russia's economic performance is its own ·
government's commitment to. sound economic policies, and that self-reliance imposes its
own disciplines.
The big question is whether Russia would have been better. or worse off without outside
support in the years after its transition began? And of course, we cannot say for sure.
But we can say this: with our support, institutions like the World Bank and IMF did help
Russia to
conqu~r
hyperinflation, to liberalize prices, and to make the ruble convertible,
and in so doing, probably gave it1the breathing room it needed to begin the long, hard
transformation of its economy. And despite the mistakes; setbacks, and missed
opportunities of the last decade, Russia is fundamentally movi.ng in the right direction:
no serious faction advocates a return to central planning or abolition of markets.
Economic growth is emerging. This progress is having an impact on people's lives.
Nowthe challenge is to move forward with concrete steps to achieve self-sustaining
growth and opportunity. President Putin has an opening to work with new Duma: to
strengthen laws that protect private property, ensure transparency and accountability, and
establish a rational, equitable and progressive tax code. We hope they also create the
conditions that will attract long-term, committed capital to Russia- people who will
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invest not just in Russian T-bills, but in Russian factories, Russian laboratories, and
Russian entrepreneurs.
In real and measurable ways, the work of Russians committed to democracy and free
markets, aided by our strategy of integration, has created positive change. Still, some
argue that since Russia is still struggling to overcome so many ,challenges, that our
strategy has failed and should be abandoned. That would be a mistake.
Seven years ago, in the head~, early days of Russia's democratic transition, President
Clinton made clear that in our view, Russia's transformation would take "a generation or
more." Looking back, the international community's efforts to assist Russia's transition
might have benefited from even more of that kind of realism. One of the clear lessons we
have learned the past seven years is that of all the European nations emerging from
communism, Russia has had perhaps the hardest road to travel.
Communism left Russia with far more than ~ legacy of political repression - it left deep
scars on its economy, its environment, and the psyche of its people. Countries like Poland
and Hungary, which have recover~d far more quickiy, experienced this system for 45
years. Russia experienced it for more than 70 years, which means that in 1991, virtually
no one in Russia had a living memory of a different way of life. In central Europe, most
people knew communism as a foreign, alien imposition, and thus the desire to discard it
came naturally - in fact, it was seen as an expression of patriotism and national pride. In
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�- - - - - -
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--
Russia, communism was home grown; its failure was harder to face, because it was
undeniably a Russian failure.
The historian James Billington once wrote that many times in their history, "Russians
have sought to acquire the end products of other qivilizations without the intervening
process of slow growth and inne'r understanding." It's a lesson both the Russians and we
should take to heart. In today's global economy, the longer Russia stays outside global
norms and fails to adapt basic market and social reforms, the more it remains vulnerable.
But at the same time, we cannot expect this change to happen overnight if it is going to be
lasting and genuine.
To a Russian family struggling with economic hardship today, patience is not an obvious
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virtue. But to those of us asking where Russia is heading, it remains a practical necessity.
With the election of .President Putin, Russia has a fresh chance to address the_key
challenges that remain.
Ther~
is much that is unknown about the new President and what
direction he will lead Russia. But it is not very productive to try to predict Russian
policies by evaluating Russian personaliti~s -- and it is the policies that matter to us. Our
challenge will remain to work with the leadership the Russian people democratically elect
to demonstrate that choosing the path of integration will profoundly serve Russia's own
interests.
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�"
This is especially daunting for U.S. policy because success will depend on the outcome of
a complex process that is largely beyond our control. We can't make Russia's choices for
it. But we can make our own choices. We can work to encourage Russia to move in the
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right direction, or we can turn our backs and almost certainly push it in the wrong
direction. We are all the more convinced, based on the last seven years, that policy
guided by a fundamental commitment to deepen Russia's integration into the global.
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economy and rules-based and security arrangements off~rs the best prospect for securing
Russia's future and our own national interests.·
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�65/12/00
14:~5 FAX 2022674153
141007
Reuters
Thursday, May 11, 2000
U.S. threatens to fire on Russia-crewed ship
By Sue Pleming
WASHINGTON (Reuters) -The U.S. Coast Guard said Thursday it
took the unprecedented step this week of threatening to open fire
on a Russian-crewed fishing vessel suspected of using illegal drift
nets off Alaska when it refused to surrender.
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·
Coast Guard spokesman Cmdr. Jim McPherson told Reuters a
U.S. cutter had chased the vessel, the Arctic Wind, for five days
after a Coast Guard aircraft spotted the ship violating a ban on
/ drift netting in international waters.
Called "curtains of death", the nets -- often five or more miles long -are devastating to marine life and kill birds, mammals and other
sea creatures caught in their wake. They are also believed to be
a major cause of over-fishing.
"The Coast Guard will not allow people to conduct this type of
. illegal fishing and will take whatever action is necessary," said
McPherson.
When the Arctic Wind consistently ignored warning messages
sent from the cutter by radio in several languages, lights, bells
and flags, the captain of the cutter was given permission
Monday to use "warning or disabling shots" on the ship for .
violating international agreements on drift nets.
"This was the first time the Coast Guard had ever gotten
permission to fire warning shots and disabling fire on a fishing
vessel in international waters," McPherson said.
"We had been chasing this guy for days. We only have one
cutter up there in Alaska and we can't afford to chase one
ship all the way from Alaska back to Russia," he added.
McPherson said Coast Guard officials had boarded the boat and
were completing legal and diplomatic formalities to seize the
177-foot (54 meters) vessel, staffed by Russians and with
an expired registration in Honduras. :The Arctic Wind was
CC)tching salmon for sale in Japan ..
"We expect these formalities to be completed very, very shortly,"
McPherson said.
The cutter never actually opened fire but its captain ordered
the crew to make a show of force by pulling up close to the
fishing vessel and uncovering the Coast Guard boat's machine
guns and rotating its big gun toward the fishing boat.
Within moments, the Coast Guard said the Russian vessel
radioed to ask what the cutter was doing. "You wouldn't shoot
us on the high seas," radioed the vessel. The captain of the cutter
responded he had no choice unless the Arctic Wind surrendered:
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�05/12/00
14:56 FAX 2022674153
@! 008
Moments later the vessel surrendered. The massive, five-mile
long polyurethane net was hauled in and officials counted about
300 whole salmon, three sharks, 20 puffins and two albatross.
The net,. which had floats on the top of the water to keep it
afloat; stretched 300 feet down from the surface of the water.
On boarding the vessel, the Coast Guard said it found more
than a ton of salmon already processed and packed in its
.refrigerated hold.
The captain of the Russian-crewed ship was ordered to locate
two more drift nets the Coast Guard aircraft had spotted .and
was told that the United States had approached the Honduran
government concerning the seizure of his vessel.
McPherson said the nets were tracked via electronic
transponders attached to nets when they are tossed out to sea.
The captain of the Russian-crewed vessel had provided
transponder frequencies for the missing nets. A whale had
been spotted in one of the nets still drifting at sea.
The nets are usually left to drift in the ocean while vessels
move to other areas and return later to collect their haul. "The
danger is you can easily lose them. The transponders can
break and then you have problems and they are left in the sea,"
said McPherson. ·
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The Washington Post
Thursday , May 11, 2000
Fishing Boat Held After,Chase
By Roberto Sura
Washington Post Staff Writer
. The U.S. Coast Guard boarded a Russian-manned fishing
ship this week and is preparing to seize it in a stepped-up campaign
against the illegal use of drift nets on the high seas, a step
that environmentalists have long sought.
.
Coast Guard officials said yesterday the 177-foot fishing boat
was apprehended only after a five-day chase through Alaskan
waters and an unprecedented threat to fire on the civilian vessel.
·
The climax of the encounter came early Monday morning,
when Capt. David Ryan ordered the crew of the Coast Guard cutter
Sherman to battle stations. For the first time ever, officials said,
Coast Guard headquarters had authorized the cutter to fire on a
fishing ship for violating international agreements against the
use of drift nets, the so-called "curtains of death" blamed for
exhausted fisheries.
For the better part of a week, the Sherman had chased the
vessel Arctic Wind across 1,000 miles of frigid Alaskan waters,
never getting a response to warning messages sent by radio,
lights, bells, flags and loudspeakers.
After receiving permission to use warning shots or disabling fire,
Ryan pulled up close and told his men to make a show of
uncovering the Sherman's machine guns and preparing its
76mm deck gun. As the big gun's turret rotated toward the fishing
vessel, the radio finally came alive.
"What are you doing?" asked the anxious master of the Arctic
Wind, which the Coast Guard says was manned by an
all-Russian crew, had an expired registry in Honduras and was
catching salmon for sate in Japan.
The Sherman informed him that a Coast Guard aircraft had
spotted his ship a week earlier violating the 1993 global prohibition
on all drift-netting in international waters--a ban embodied in a
U.N. resolution, U.S, law and several international conventions.
"You wouldn't shoot us on the high seas!" radioed the fishing
vessel.
"Yes, we will. We have permission," responded Ryan.
With that, the Arctic Wind surrendered. Yesterday, the
Coast Guard was completing the diplomatic and legal formalities
necessary to seize the ship and bring it to port in Alaska.
According to the Coast Guard, only a couple of weeks into a
six-month voyage, the Arctic Wind already had more than a ton
of salmon processed and packed in its refrigerated hold. One
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of the nets it had released was five miles long, with buoys
attached to the top and weights on the bottom so that it
stretched 300 feet down from the surface. When it was pulled up, the
silky web of plastic had ensnared some 300 salmon, three
.
sharks, 20 puffins and two albatrosses.
Moreover, a Coast Guard patrol plane ~ad spotted a whale
thrashing to death in another net allegedly set by the Arctic Wind.
"Alaskan-originated salmon and many seabirds, marine
mammals and other sea life are threatened by illegal high-seas drift-net
fishing activity in the North Pacific Ocean," said the Coast
Guard's chief. of operations, Rear Adm. Ernest Riutta. "The U.S.
Coast Guard is committed to interdicting rogue fishing
vessels that persist in this destructive practice."
Illegal drift-net fishing has rebounded in recent years after.a
dropoff in the mid-1990s, when the ban first went into effect.
According to the Coast Guard, there was a particular
resurgence last year of activity by Russian vessels that slip
easily from their coastal waters, where drift nets are permitted,
into international waters, where they are not.
The Russian government has cooperated with enforcement
efforts in the past, announcing fines against crews of vessels seized
by the Coast Guard and then returned to Russia.
The interdiction of the Arctic Wind marked the first enforcement
.
action by the Coast Guard in the 2000 fishing season, and
Coast Guard officials said they meant to send a get-tough message.
Aboard the Sherman, Ryan, a 46-year-old from San Francisco,
first confronted the fishing vessel about 600 miles southeast of
Adak Island in the Aleutians. "She started going in circles and
then doing high-speed turns back on us until the two of us were
doing this little dance out in the middle of nowhere," the captain
recalled.
(c) 2000 The Washington Post Company
2
�May 17 I Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1988
heads of state of the countries with which
we trade-when they call what we have
seen here in the last S 1/2 years-called the
American miracle-and when I have talked
to them, they've asked me for questions
about what are some of the things that we
had done. I found · out in answering their
questions that they themselves deplore the
fact that in their countries the rules and
regulations imposed on government-including things like this and rules about
hiring and firing-are part of what they say
is holding them back and keeping them
from having the kind of economic recovery
we have.
Q. Ready for Gorbachev?
Q. Has Regan hurt your reputation? Has
Regan hurt your reputation? Has Regan
damaged your reputation, Mr. President?
The President. Well, I was worried about
his.
Note: The exchange began at 3:49 p.m. in
the Briefing Room at the White House.
Remarks at the United States Coast Guard Academy
Commencement Ceremony in New London, Connecticut.
May 18, 1988
The President. Thank you, Admiral Cuer- well to the Academy. It's been said that
oni, and thank you, Secretary Burnley, Ad- graduation is a time of sentimental goodmiral Yost, Senator Weicker, Senator Dodd. byes coupled with extreme relief. One stuI thank you all. And it's an honor to be able dent departing his alma mater wrote inside
_to participate in the commencement exer- the cover of his yearbook: "All things must
cises of the United States Coast Guard pass-though I almost didn't." [Laughter]
Academy. I'm especially delighted to be Now, I don't imagine that any of you wrote
here with the class of 1988. You see, in anything like that inside of your copy of
certain ways I envy you. For one thing, .all ~'Tide Rips."
of you know what you'll be doing next year.
You know, as President, I have a military
[Laughter]
aide from each of the five services. My
The fact is many young.people have trou- Coast Guard aides have been excellent. One
ble choosing their life~s work. I was an ex- of them taught me that "The Coast Guard
ception. After college, · I knew exactly is that hard nucleus about which the Navy
where my future lay. I became a radio forms in time of war.". But there's one thing
sports announcer. It was just a lucky guess. I haven't been able to get a straight answer
But I know what I would say to any young on. What I want to know is, how's the
people who told me that they were torn awning?·
between different careers. If they said they ·
Cadets. Aye, aye, sir!
,. .
wanted to help people in distress, guard our
The President. Wefl-[laughter]-I hope
borders, conserve fisheries, battle drug that means it's all right. [Laughter] Well,
smugglers, .enforce maritime law, test their graduation day belongs to the graduates,
courage against stormy seas, and defend but I want to take just a moment to speak
America in times of war, and wear proudly to some special people here today: your
each day the uniform of this great country, mothers and fathers. You know, I've often
. then I would tell them just one thing-I'd said that there's nothing that makes me
tell them: Join the Coast Guard.
prouder than America's young men and
I know a lot has happened since you women in uniform. I want to ask the parstarted here as swabs, were presented with . ents: Are you as proud of these soon:to-be
a copy of "Running Light," and first rode officers as I am? [Applause] During World
the wind on America's mighty square- War II, one general said that America's
rigger, the Eagle~ Soon, it'll be time for you secret weapon was "just the best darn kids
to receive your commissions and bid .fare- in the' world." Now, that may not have
606
�Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1988 I May 18
been the exact word he used..:_[!aughter]but when I look at your sons and .daughters have arrested more than 8,500 drug smugtoday, I know exactly what he meant. And · glers, and for that, America salutes you. It's
cadets, let me ask you something: For your time to make illegal drugs public enemy
parents, or that special teacher or friend number one. It's time to make~well, it's
who helped you to be here today, can we . time to. say America's tolerance for illegal
give them a very loud salute? [Applause] drugs is zero. rhe Congress made a s~rious ..
Well, since· your service was founded by mistake when our· fiscal year '88 budget rethe first Congress nearly 200 years ago, it quest for the Coast Guard was reduced by
has served with courage and honor in every $72 million and forced a curtailment in the
war our nation has fought. The first Coast drug interdiction effort. I hope the ConGuard casualty of World War II came the gress will restore the funds necessary for
day after Pearl Harbor, when a transport you to accomplish your vital mission.
While that is one thing, it's not the only
evacuating American families out of Singapore came under attack. On D-day, · when thing that all of us as a nation must c::lo. But
our soldiers hit the beaches at Normandy, before I talk about what remains to be ·
~here were Coast Guardsmen piloting the done, let's take stock of what has already
landing craft. And some 1,500 soldiers occurred. Yes, it's true that across the
whose craft were sunk by enemy fire were. . breadth of the Federal Government we
., rescued by the Coast Guard on that fateful have assembled a strong antidrug team and
day. Back when Washington bureaucrats enacted tough antidrug policies. In 1982 we
were not as sophisticated or numerous as set up the South Florida Task Force, which
.they are today, we named things more was headed by Vice President Bush. Hunnearly for what they were. One of my fa- dreds of additional drug agents were sent to
vorite examples is that one of the predeces- Florida,; along with extra judges and prossors of today's Coast Guard· was known ecutors. More Coast Guard cutters were desimply as '·the Life Saving Service. And ployed, and the other military services prothough the Coast Guard does many jobs, I vided surveillance assistance for the first
suspect seafarers in distress will always time. We made record drug seizures, and
think of you that way.
major crime in South Florida decreased
In March of last year, some 200 miles off nearly 20 percent.
our New Jersey coast, in stormy Atlantic
Because of that success, the next year we
waters, a Soviet freighter sent out a desper- formed the National Narcotics Border Interate SOS. The ship was listing 26 ·<:legrees to diction System, also led by the Vice Presiport in seas that were running 20 feet. Gale dent, to coordinate Federal, State, and local
force winds were gusting up to 55 knots, law enforcement efforts against drug smugand the skies were dark with rain and sleet. gling nationwide. Since the formation of the
The Soviet ship was sinking. Well, three· Border Interdiction System in 1983·, annual
Coast Guard helicopters came to the rescue. cocaine seizures involving the Coast Guard
Their fuel was low; there was little time. are up more than 20 times what they had
And despite screaming winds and pitching ' been. In 1987 I established the National
seas, !'lach helicopter in turn managed to Drug Policy Board in order to coordinate
hover above the ship's heaving deck. And all of the administration's efforts in.this cruthe helicopter crews, with infinite care, sade. This bmird, chaired by Attorney Genlowered a wire basket and lifted up to eral Meese, has developed a series of comsafety, one by one, each of the 37 people on prehensive strategies to reduce both the
board. It was one of the most dramatic res- supply and demand for illicit drugs.
cues in Coast Guard history and a heroic
And let me stress, the Coast Guard and
demonstration of what we mean when we
the · other armed services have played a
say the Coast Guard is "an armed service
major role in this unprecedented campaign.
imc::l more."
In addition to the Coast Guard's tremen- ·
Today, one of the Coast Guard's most important missions is to fight the importation dous efforts, last year the Pentagon providof illegal drugs. In the last 10 years you ed over 2,500 ship days of maritime support
and more. than 16,000 hours of air surveil-
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�May 18 I Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1988
lance. The Coast Guard and the Depart- that excessive drug politics might underment of Defense gained important new re-· mine effective ·drug policy. If America's
sources for their drug-fighting efforts from antidrug effort gets tripped up in partisanthe An.tidrug Abuse Act of 1986. And last ship, if we permit politics to determine
year the Coast Guard and agencies with policy, it will mean a disaster for our future
which it works seized nearly 26,000 pounds and that of our children. That's why today,
of cocaine-26,000 pounds of a drug that I'm calling on both· Houses of the Congress,
has a street value of $1,000 an ounce. Don't both ·sides of the aisle, to join with my reptry to figure that out in your head; it's $416 · resentatives in a special executive-legislamillion. And by keeping deadly drugs from tive task force to advance America's unified .
reaching our communities, I think the Coast response to the problem of illegal drug us~.
r Guard earned yet another .good reason to
Because if we cannot remove the politics
be known as the Life Saving Service.
from drugs, how can we hope to remove
Another key part of the war on drugs has the drugs from our communities, workbeen the appointment of no-nonsense Fed- places, and schools?
Our task force should agree on solutions
eral judges. Not only have drug convictions
doubled since 1979 but prison sentences are for every area of the drug problem, from
40 percent longer. And last year, new, blocking supplies to curtailing demand,
tougher sentencing guidelines were issued. from treatment to education to prosecution,
The· Compr~hensive Crime Control Act, from interdiction and confiscation to eradipassed in 1984, helps put drug dealers out cation-nothing should be overlooked or
Of business. Last year alone over· $500 million. in drug-related assets were seized. left out. Our policy is one of zero tolerance
Drug eradication programs are now under- for illegal drugs, and we're looking for soluway in 23 countries, up from just 2 in 198 1. tions, not just a restatement of the problem.
.
r
. ·
More fun d s th an ever b erore are b emg And no later than 45 days from now there
. spent on drug education and public aware- should be a report to me and to the bipartiness, and more funds still have been re- san l~adership of Congress laying out our
quested. Since 1981 we've tripled the anti- proposals .. ·
.
drug law enforcement budget, and I'm
Let me take a minute to. spell out some
asking for 1 another 13-percent increase. specific items that need to be considered.
That would give the Federal Government a First, to d.eter violent crime and narcotics
total of $3.9 billion next fiscal year to fight trafficking; we have to deal with the· drug
this menace.
syndicates on our terms. That means when
All told, it's an extraordinary demonstra- a death results from narcotics trafficking or
tion of our commitment and a remarkable. when a law enforcement officer is killed in
record of achievement. And that having the battle the law must provide for swift,
been said, you know what else-extraordi- certain, and just punishment---"including
nary as it is, remarkable as it is, as much a capital punishment. We've got to send a
testimony as it is to those in law enforce- loud, clear. message to drug kingpins and
ment and the Coast Guard-more has to be cop-killers. We also need to appoint more
done. There's an additional step we must tough Federal judges who take drug crime
take, and without it, I don't know if we can seriously and to pass mandatory penalties
succeed. I want to use this opportunity .• for those who sell drugs to children.
today to call for a special initiative. One of.
Our military assets can be used for great. America's greatest strengths is our unique er command and control· functions in surcapacity for coming together during times veillance and drug detection. And ·we
· of national emergency. We set aside those should consider allowing our Governors.
differences that divide us and unite as one greater use of the National Guard in this·
people, one government, one nation. We've effort. But one thing must be clear: When it
dqne this before. We must do it now.
comes to the military, let's give them a
Illegal drug use is the foremost concern clear mission for specific situations. To assist
in our country. And frankly, as I finish my in this effort I have also today directed Secfinal year in office and look ahead, I worry retary of Defense Carlucci to tap the best
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�Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1988 I May 18
minds both inside and outside of governIn one week I will depart. for the Moscow
ment to come up with creative solutions on
summit. It'll be my first visit to the Soviet
how we can better use military resources
and technologies to detect drugs and sup- . Union and my fourth meeting with General
port civil law enforcement agencies in Secretary Gorbachev. Our goals there are
'something that -I've been discussing for the
interdiction.
We need stepped-up international eradi- last several months in detail, but let me
cation programs to reduce the supply of summarize. There are four main agenda
drugs, and additional education and preven- items in the U.S.-Soviet relationship: human
tion programs to reduce demand,. including rights, regional conflicts, arms reduction,
the use of civil sanctions, such as fines and and bilateral exchanges. With regard to
loss of Federal privileges. Our encourage- human rights, though we note some imment, our goat should be for those who provements, we'll continue to press for full
have never tried drugs to remain drug free. respect for the freedom of expression,
I'm especially proud of the antidrug work travel, religion, and other rights contained
that Nancy has done, which has changed in the Helsinki accords, and for institutional
the way we talk and think about drugs. You reforms that would guarantee such rights
see, at the root of the drug crisis is a crisis and the rule of law. We'll discuss a number
of values and a spiritual hunger. l believe of regional conflicts in which the United · ·
that as a society we're still paying for the States supports the forces of, freedom
permissiveness of the 1960's and 1970's, against brutal Communist dictatorships. In
when restrictions on personal behavior particular, we will note the progress of the
came under attack by a cultural establish- Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan. We
ment whose slogan was "just say yes." will reaffirm America's support for the
There were numerous calls for repealing brave Mujahidin freedom fighters and- the
our prohibitions on drugs. And those who goal of an independent, nonaligned, and unfavored tougher drug laws, or even just divided Afghanistan, free ·to determine itskeeping the ones we had, were labeled con- own future. In the area of arms control,
servative, moralistic, reactionary, and old- General Secretary Gorbachev and I wlll
fashioned-and that was back before those continue .our dialog on the reduction of nuwords were meant as compliments. [Laugh- clear weapons, focusing in particular on
ter] The none-too-subtle message to young strat~gic offensive systems. And with repeople was that they had to use drugs if spect to bilateral exchanges, I especially
they wanted to be cool. What greater want to encourage more student exchanges
shame can there be than that many of our between our two countries. I hope that
young people began to use drugs not to more Soviet young people can view firstrebel but to fit in? So, in the crusade for a hand America's democratic system and way
drug free America, the next step is .to en- ·of life.
force a policy of zero. tolerance of illegal
Just the other day I met with 70-some
drug use. So, when we say no to drugs, it'll
students, 38 Americans and 38 Soviet stube ,clear that we mean absolutely none, no
dents, who've held a conference in Helsinexceptions.
ki, in Moscow, and are now here in the
This concern with values goes beyond just
the issue of ·drugs, of course. We worked United States holding one. And I looked out
hard in the early eighties on our national at them, as I'm looking at you, and you
recovery so that we might be able to recog- couldn't tell which were Russian and which
nize, indeed, deal with social problems that were American. And I had to say to the.m:
had been too long ignored and sometimes If all the young people of the world·. could
get to
obscured in the past. Well, today America is anotherknow each other, there'd never be
war.
facing head-on social problems like drugs
Well, I should also mention that part of
and crime. And this, as I say, stems from
the renewal of our fundamental beliefs and our meetings will focus _on the U.S.-Soviet
values as a nation. And this renewal goes Maritime Search and Rescue Agreement
that. has just been concluded. Other maribeyond just our own borders.
time issues we're currently discussing in-
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May 18 I Administration of Ronald Reagan, 1988
~elude
the issue of fisheries and plans for
dealing with emergency pollution spills. So,
yes, the Coast Guard's concerns are the
Moscow agenda.
It's been a great honor to be here with all
of you. And you can be sure that when I'm
in Moscow I'll think of all of you here today.
You represent the · best of America and
carry in your hearts· the values that are the
·source of our liberty and our spiritual
strength. This is reflected .in the path of the
service that you've chosen: We're a riation
of free men and women, who use our Godgiven liberty to serve our country because
we .love her and all that she represents. It's
our earnest prayer to serve America in
peace. It is our solemn commit~ent to
defend her in time of war.
I believe that America is standing before
the brightest future the world has ever
_known, and that future is yours. And prop-
erly so, because you've chosen to wear the
uniform of your country and risk all that
you have and all that· you are in her defense. l. wish not only to congratulate you
on your graduation, but as your Commander in Chief, I salute you! Thank you, and
God bless you all.
Note: The President spoke at 1:11 p.m. at
Nitchem Field: In his opening remarks, he
referred to Rear Adm. ·Richard Cueroni, Superintendent; james H. Burnley IV, Secretary of Transportation; Adm. Paul A. Yost,
Commandant; and Senators Christopher J
Dodd and Lowell P. Weicker, ]r., of Connecticut. Prior to his remarks, the President
visited the USCG "Vigorous" for briefings
and demonstrations of procedures used for
the interdiction of vessels. Following his remarks, the President returned to Washington, DC.
Interview With Foreign Television Journalists
May 19, 1988
Helsinki Accords
Q. This is the Oval Office in the White
House. First, Mr. President, let me thank
you for this opportunity to give us an interview before. the Moscow summit. And my
name is Mikko Valtasaari. I'm from the
YLE, Finland. And I'm here with Edward
Stourton, ITN, Britain; Antonello Marescalchi, RAI, Italy; Kenichi Iida, NHK, Japan;
Wolf von Lojewski, ARD, West Germany,
and Jacques Abouchar, Antenne-2, France.
And, Mr. President, you are soon in Helsinki, and next Friday you will speak from
the very same stage where the Helsinki
document was signed in 1975. And at that
time, President Gerald Ford was criticized
by going there and signing on to something
that was cause of detente, which only
served the Soviet interest, as it was said.
How do you evaluate the document now?
The President. Well, I value it very much
because it specified the agreement of a
number of governments to recognize those
basic rules of freedom for people. And since
our country, this country here, is the first
:
.
one that ever declared that government is
.the servant of the people, not the other
way ~round, we heartily endorsed it.
Right now our concern, as I'm sure the
concern of a great niany other people is
that there has not been a complete keeping
of those pledges in that agreement by some
of the participants-by the Soviet Union,
particularly-in recognizing the fundamental rights of people to Jeave a country,
return to a country, worship as they will,
and so. forth.
Q. Do 'you think that the Soviet Union
has moved that way?
·. The President. That what?
I
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Q. -.-has moved that direction after this
document-The President. I am, I think, reasonably
optimistic in view of the summit meetings
that we've had, and the meeting we're
going to have, that we have made progress
with the Soviet Union on a number of those
things under the present leader.
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FAX
To: Paul Orzulak, NSC speech writing
From: LT Eric Kowack, USCGA
5 pages
PaulEnclosed please find 'the material you
requested~ ·I left a message ab~ut the
cadets marching in the Inauguration parade
when they were 4/c (freshmen).
I hope this
helps but feel free to give me a ring
anytime.
Eric.
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United States Coast Guard Academy Class of 2000
Class President: 1/c Marc Smith
Class Advisor: LT Eric Kowack
This class has had (almost)excessive training on personal
finance that began their· 3/c year (sophomore) with a
discussion on the financial wisdom of purchasing CD's
versus investing the rnoriey·- as a result they may find it
funny if the speaker thoughtfully wonders how much money
he/she would have if he/she hadn't· bought certain COs many
years ago or records that contain old, terrible music.
The Superintendent likes to say "Go Books!" instead of the
normal expression "Go (USCGA) Bears!." The class would
probably find it funny to tastefully mimic that expression.
Class Motto & Crest
~ucentes viam en millennium
Leading the way into the millennium
Class Crest: The sword symbolizes our connection to
the officer corps, the Jayhawk and cutter symbolize·our
connection to the operational fleet.
On the cutter itself,
our reporting in date was used as the· hull number.
Ring Crest: 4 '2000's are placed in the crest, the
most obvious-at the top of the crest, the remaining 3 are
hidden within the crest
People Who Are Significant 'to the Class
CAPT Brooks - Commandant of Cadets
LT Kowack - Class advisor
CDR Alfultus - Marine Science Instructor
MKl Wilcott - Academy staff
Mike Powers - Academy sta·f.f
Class Activities
Spring and fall·road rallies- cadets use clues to
figure out where the final meeting place is for a party
Castle .dance - cadets rent out a mansion in Newport
for a formal.dance
Toga parties at Campus - self explanatory.
Playing pool in the 1/c lounge - a daily leisure
activity
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Heckling at socc'er games - cadets are notorious for
excessive heckling at games where they are usually told to
stop "heckling~~ - this often leads to a complaint letter
form the opposing. college president. Cadets are proud of
·this.
Class Hang-outs
Campus Pizza
Mr. Gs
Stash's Cafe
Roadhouse Cafe
Hawk's ·Nest
*****
Many people in the audience, including the class of ·
2000 and their families are staying out at the beach houses
at Hawk's Nest and Groton Long Point~ the audience would
react to mentioning those·places!
Memorable Moments in General
Luders - 2 week sa'iling programs during 2/c (Junior)
year.
Bourbon St during CATP (during flight training)
Castle Dance
Road Rallies
skits in the new quad after taps (4/c year)
*** will definitely get a reaction (laugh)-
1. 1/d Richard Droshe was a contestant on the "Price
is Right".
2. Their class advisor acted in a role on the TV ~how
"Baywa tch" .
Academic
Who' s Who of berica:
1/c Burrus, 1/c kessler, 1/c Gross,· 1/c
Serumgard, 1/c Worst~ 1/c Broadhurst, 1/c Skow, 1/c
Sommella, 1/c Hamel, 1/c Rogers, 1/c Andrechik, 1/c
Orlich, 1/c Ye~ef~ki, 1/c T~ixeira, 1/c Corteville,
and 1/c Simmons
Road Scholar:
1/c Peggy Gross and 1/c Tim Sommella were
candidates for the Scholarship.
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Internships:
1/c Chris Burrus worked with Dr. Ballard
exploring the Mediterranean.
1/c Teresa Grano traveled with a group to Israel
as part' of a service academy goodwill exchange between
officers in training in the U.S. to officers in
training in. Israel.
1/c Sandi Fox,worked with the International Ice
Patrol.
Senior Projects:
Naval Architecture and Marine Engineering:
Designed a deep water surface cutter and a
replacement for the Mackinaw, a Great Lakes cutter
1/c Rogers and 1/c Scolfield received memberships
to.the ASNE for their papers
Mechanical Engineering:
Solar Splash, 1 of the 20 international boats
competing, currently ranked #1
U.S. First, an engineering outreach program
between colleges and elementary/high schools. Placed
22nd out of 400 competitors.
Fuel Cell, a test stand and operation manual for
testing future Fuel Cell use for ATON and other
applications in the-Coast Guard.
Electrical Engineering:
Cadets in the class completed various individual
projects regarding the use of GPS and Loran.
Improving Coast Guard response to distress signals was
one example.
Civil Engineering:
Rails To Trails, a project with the CT Department
of Environmental Protection and National Guard.· Built
two bridges from unused railroads.
Marine Environmental Sciences:
Hazardous material response, drilled with the
strike team and individually responded to hypothetical
spills~
1/c Andrechik presented a paper at a National
Hazardous Materials Conference
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Athletic (needs to be annotated ·by the Athletic staff)
..1/c Nick Neely 'went to Olympic trials. for· P.istol.
· 25 All-New England athletes
4 All American athletes
Musical
1/c Madeline Wright fias been ac~epted fdr .the NE
Intercollegiate Band.Festiv~~ for 4 years.
'
Military I Leadership
1/c Jessica Worst attended the All Service Academy
Honor Conference
1/c Lalicata, 1/c Burrus, 1/c Serurngaid, and 1/c Worst
attended the All Service Academy Leadership Conference
Community service day lead by all 1/c, pr.lmarily
established by 1/c Corteville.and.l/c Gross- this class 1s
proud of it's community service record
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REMARKS AS PREPARED FOR DELIVERY BY VICE PRESIDENT AL GORE
INTERNATIONAL PRESS INSTITUTE
Boston, MA- Sunday, April30, 2000
I'm honored to be here in the Old South Meeting House-- where the seeds of American liberty
were first planted. And I'm delighted to have this chance to meet with the International Press
Institute. The people in this roomraise.the banner offreedom around the world.
•·.
I know that you take your responsibility very seriously. ~- to stand for freedom of expression, and
the free flow of ideas, even in places where those freedoms are far from self-evident.
In this fundamental sense, you demonstrate, each and every day, a principle that I believe is
essential to American foreign policy in this new global age.
America's power comes not just only from our weapons and munitions -- but also from the
American ideal itself.
For as long as the Old South Meeting House has stood, America has stood as proof of the
principle that self-governance unlocks the highest fraction of human potential -- that liberty and
democracy allow our people to share in an ever-widening circle of freedom, human dignity, and
self-sufficiency.
This is a time of great opportunity for our country. Our economy is the envy of the world. Living
standards are rising -- and the gap between the rich and the poor is closing for the first time in 20
years. America is a powerful engine for the global economy, because we have met our
responsibility to balance our budget, to begin paying down our ,debt, and to embrace our role in
· supporting free markets and economic growth among all nations.
Just as we have an extraordinary prosperity, we also stand at an extraordinary time in our history.
We are the only superpower. We are the strongest force for peace and prosperity that the world
has ever known.
Twenty-five years ago today, the last helicopters lifted off from the roof of our embassy in
Saigon. Although that brought an end to the war in Vietnam - a conflict I witnessed with my own
eyes-- it did not bring an end to its influence on our thinking about foreign policy.
Even now, a decade after the end of the Cold War, we hear echoes of the old arguments. Some
seem to believe that with the fall of the old Soviet empire, we have nothing more to fear in the
world and should dramatically cut our defense budget. Others keep insisting that we continue to
prepare to face doWn a Cold War threat that no longer exists, and persistently ignore the world as
it is. I' believe that both groups are locked in .a self-destructive argument over a false choice.
For all of my career, I have believed that America has a responsibility to lead in the world. That's
why I was one of only a few Democrats in the United States Senate to vote in support of the use
of force to drive Saddam Hussein out of K¥wait. And even as I was working hard in the
Congress to help develop new approaches to arms control, I often disagreed with the
�predominant view in my own party as I pushed for a strong national defense and a new
generation of less destabilizing missiles.
We are now in a new era. To label this time "the post-Cold War era" belies its uniqueness and its
significance. We are now in a Global Age. Like it or not, we live in an age when our destinies
and the destinies ofbillions of people around the globe are increasingly intertwined. When our
grand domestic and international challenges are also intertwined. We should neither bemoan nor
naively idealize this new reality. We should deal with it.
·
We must now view what could be called the classic security agenda- the question of war and
peace among sovereign states - in light of these new realities. But we must also recognize that
there is a New Security Agenda, which I discussed at the United Nations Security Council in
January - a set ofthreats that affect us all and that transcend political borders; a set of challenges
equal in magnitude to the challenges of the past.
Today, at the dawn of the 21st Century, we need a foreign policy that addresses the classic
security threats-- and understands the new ones as well. We need a new approach for a new
century -- grounded in our oWn economic and security interests, but uplifted by what is right in
the world. We need to pursue a policy of "forward engagement" -addressing problems early in ·
their development before they become crises; addressing them as close to the source of the
problem as possible; and having the forces and resources to deal with those threats as soon after
their emergence as possible.
We need a new security agenda for the Global Age based on forward engagement.
In that context, I want to make three essential p~ints to you today. First, although the nature of
. · the challenges we face are· new, the bedrock of our .foreign policy is not. America must always
maintain a strong defense, and unrivalled national security-- to protect our own interests, andto
advance the ideals that are leading the world toward freedom.
Second, from our position of unrivaled affluence and influence, we have a responsibility to lead
the world in meeting the new security challenges. We must make forward-loqking investments at
home and abroad to conquer the new threats that are jointly menacing to us all-- and to rise to
the possibilities of the moment to reshape the world.
·
Third, we must resist those who would meet new global challenges with a newfound fear of the
world itself. Isolationism and protectionism were dangerously wrong in the Industrial Age -- and
they are still wrong and even more dangerous in this new Global Age.
Let me consider each of these points in turn.
First, Amer~ca must have a strong defense. We must never forget that our national defense is
about much more than the land within our borders. Just as we fought and conquered
totalitarianism during World War Two-- just as we fought and conquered communism during
the Cold War --.we are defending the idea of freedom itself. All of our polic~es, in war and in
�peace, are extensions by other means of Lincoln;s proposition that our founders' dream is
humankind's last best hope.
That is why America must have a military capability that is sec~nd to none. It is central to the
continuing demands of the classic agenda -- to resist aggression, and to stop armed conflict. It is
crucial to our security in this era of rogue states and international terror. And it is absolutely
essential if we hope to wage peace through diplomacy. In our dealings with Saddam Hussein and
. .Slobodan.Milosevic, we have:leamed the importance-of diplomacy bac~ed with force. I look
forward to the day when· Serbia and·Iraq will be free from the grip ofMilosevic and Saddam and
the terrors they have wrought on their own people .
.We prevailed in those conflicts with minimal American casualties because we have maintained a
.. superbly well-trained fighting force- and because the American people have supported
. investments in weapons that give us a technological edge.
I
-
(
Today, we need to ensure that our military personnel have adequate pay and benefits and
continue to receive the training and leadership which.makes them the finest inthe world. And we
are on the threshold of manufacturing and deploying the next generation of military weapons:
.weapons that are vitally needed to replace equipment that has been in service for far too long.
Weapons that are critical to meeting changing needs on today's battlefields.
Ifl am entrusted with the Presidency, I willlead.the effort to ensure that America has the new
generation of weapons we need.
But we need not only a new generation of weapons. We need a new generation of thinking.
· That means· strengthening•andrenewing our·key' alliances. We must remain open to further
enlargement ofNATO, we must bolster otir trans-Atlantic ties, and we must build a strong, stable
relationship with the·European Union. We must encourage Japan- one of our most important
. economic partners, to join. us in meeting the global responsibility to assure growth,. greater trade,
and higher living standards. We must invigorate our ties with all the Americas-- to combat the
··flow of drugs; to increase·the flow of trade and the pace of economic development and continued
political reform arid modernization.· · .
.
Jn the Global Age,.we must be prepared·to,engage-.in regional conflicts~selectively :._where the
stability of a region important to our national security is at stake; where we can a~sure ourselves
that nothing short of military engagement can secure our national interest; where we .are certain
that the use of military force can succeed in doing so;' where we have allies willing to help share
the burden, and where the cost is proportionate. America can not. be the world's policeman. But
we must reject the .new isolationism that says: don't help anywhere, because we can not help
· everywhere.
That means supporting the difficult work of democratic reform and economic growth, to help
Haiti and other states in the Caribbean build a more hopeful future.
·..,
�--------------------------
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------------------------------.
It means pressing for a lasting peace in Ireland -- not merely the laying down of arms, but the
joining of hands in a new political. relationship that enables former rivals to govern and thrive
·
together.
In the Balkans, we have to keep working with our European allies, to protect a fragile peace and
secure the economic future ofthe entire region.
·
On the Korean peninsula,-we must continue to work with our South Korean allies to maintain the
peace. And that means not only exercising creative diplomacy toward the North, but standing
·
ready to honor our commitments to the defense of South Korea.
In South Asia, we have to work with India and Pakistan to dampen down a nuclear arms race on .
. the sub-continent and to continue to urge them to deal with their' differences over their conflict in
Kashmir with peaceful means.
In the Middle East, I am deeply committed to doing all I can to facilitate their efforts to forge a
fair and acceptable peace with security. And this I have believed for all my years in public life:
Israel is America's strongest ally in a region of strife and conflict. If I'm entrusted with the
Presidency, I will ensure thatthe U.S.-Israel relationship remains strong and unspakeable.
I
.
We need to intensify cooperation with civilized goveriunents all over the world to combat the
common threat of terrorism.
But perhaps the biggest change in our approach to the classic agenda is how we engage two
countries that once were only known to us as enemies: Russia and China.
· During the Cold .War, we worked to contain these t"':'O powers and limit their reach. Our task in
the 21st Century is not making them weak -- but instead to encourage forces of reform.
a
That is why we have worked hard the~e past seven years to help Russia make transition to a
market-based democracy. We have helped Russia privatize its economy and build a civil society
marked by free elections and an active press. We have brought Russia into a working
.
relationship with NATO through the Permanent Joint Council and the Partnership for Peace
program. We have been able to work with Russian forces successfully inside a NATO
framework in the Balkans.
.
'
We have helped safeguard Russian nuclear material against the danger of theft. We have made it
possible for thousan~s of Russia's nuclear scientists and weapons experts to find peaceful
pursuits. And we have helped Russia to reduce its nuclear arsenal by nearly 5,000 warheads ..
\
This work has not been without difficulty, or controversy. We strongly disagree with Russia's
course in Chechnya. Russia must intensify its own work to stop the flow of dangerous
t~chnologies that irresponsible groups and rogue states can·use to create weapons of mass
destruction. Russia must still take decisive steps to combat corruption and achieve reform. But a
new Cold War is not the right path to progress. Engaging Russia is the right thing to do. That's
. why I took on the task of leading our effortto work with Russia- not because it was politically
�-----
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·
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popular, but because it was right for America's security, and right for the spread of democracy
around the world.
For these same reasons, we must also follow'a:policy'toward China that is focussed on results,
not rhetoric.
Make no mistake: we have strong disagreements with China over htiman rights and religious
· . freedom, and over·ChinesetreatmentofTibet. These issues cannot-- and must not-- be ignored
or marginalized. They must constantly be pursued. Human rights. and human dignity speak to the
.deepest bonds we share, across all borders and nationalities. America has to prod China to make
progress in all these areas-- and as President, that's exactly what I'll do.
We also have.concerns over tensions building between China and Taiwan. We need to maintain
. our commitmentto the One China policy, but urge China and Taiwan to intensify their dialogue
and to resolve. their problems by.peaceful :means. The Administration is honqring its obligation
to make defensive weapons available to Taiwan. But I am.deeply concerned that those in the
Congress who are.pushing the Taiwan Secu~ity Enhancement Act are blind to its consequences: a
sharp deterioration in the security of the region.
It is wrong to isolate and demonize China -- ~o build a wall when we need to build a bridge.
As all of you know, I have friends and supporters who disagree with ~eon the best way to bring
change and reform to China. I understand their views. They are justifiably impatient with the
pace of change in China. I am, too. But the question is not whether we should be dealing with
China. The question i~ whether we can afford not to.
Can we·really abandonthe kind·offrank.and open ex~hange that allows us to raise our
differences in the first place? Can we really isolate a na~ion with l.ibillion people and a nuclear
arsenal? Can we really turn· our backs on one of the most dynamic economies on the planet?
I
•
•
I strongly support Permanent Normal Trade Relations with China-- and I will continue to press
the Congress·to support it this year. I support China's membership in the World Trade
.Organization -- to make China abide by the same rules of international trade that we follow
today .
. We have to. engage China-- even as we challenge China on key areas of difference. It is in
·America's clear national security interest to do so. It is in America's vital economiC interest to do
so. And in the long run, I believe it is the only way to bring freedom and reform to the people of ·
China.
There is another reason for principled engagement with Russia and China, and a renewed
commitment to our alliances. And that brings me to my second major point today. ·
'
\
While the old threats persist, there are new things under the sun -- new forces arising that now or
somi will challenge our international order, raising issues of peace and war: a New Security
Agenda.
..
)_
.,
�I believe that we must not waste this moment. A responsible foreign policy must look outward
from a stance of forward engagement, to our broadest hopes for the world-- not just inward, to
our narrowest fears.
·
.
A responsible foreign policy must harness all our economic and military might -- but it must also
make use of our values and principles.
.
And thaUs "what-concerns ·me. about the. foreign .policy pronouncements of George W. Bush.
From what we can tell of his foreign policy, Governor Bush does not prepare us to meet the
grand challenges ofboth the classic and New Security Agendas.
Just as we are about to deploy the next generation of military weapons, Governor Bush wants to
"skip" that generation ofweapohs. Instead; he talks in vague terms· about undefined new
technologies. This would leave our armed -forces ill-equipped for the battlefields of the next two
to three decades. Is that a responsible approach to foreign policy?
-Meanwhile, Governor Bush dangerpusly fixates on the Cold War past when speaking of the use
of force. He suggests that he would not intervene to relieve even the brutal repression of ethnic
cleansing and genocide. No wonder it took him six weeks to say anything about our action
against the ethnic cleansing in Kosovo. Is that the right message for America to send to people
around the globe struggling for freedom?
Stuck in a Cold War mindset, Governor Bush continues to view Russia and China primarily as
present or future enemies. While we must remain vigilant against any deterioration in our
relationships, the reality ofth~ Global Age is that Russia andChina are indeed competitors, but
also vital partners in our efforts to tackle problems menacing to us all.
Just this past week, Governor Bush used his brief meeting with Russian Foreign Minister Ivanov
to issue a warning-that-his intention would be to build and deploy a global "Star Wars" system
--that he believes· could defend the U.S. and all our allies against any missile launch from any
source. In the 1990's, most serious analysts took a look at the implausibility of this endeavor, the
fantastical price that our taxpayers would be expected to pay, and the dangerously destabilizing
· consequences· of traveling down that path-- and rejected this notion. Governor Bush wishes to
return to it, and. chose the-worst .possible venue in which to .launch - fodack of a better phrase -his risky foreign policy scheme. I won't even guess at the new math .needed .to make his risky
foreign policy scheme and his risky tax scheme add up.
Instead I favor -- and we are negotiating with the Russians -- changes in the ABM treaty that
would lead to a responsible and practical defense against a nuclear.attack from a rogue state.
When it comes to the challenges of the New Security Agenda, Governor Bush's foreign policy is
noticeably blank. Although Africa represents a vast untapped market, has major health and
environmental concerns that directly impact us, and the reaches of modem terrorism took
American lives in two of our embassies on that continent, Governor Bush said that Africa
'
"
~
�Because of the historically unprecedented power of the technologies now widely available
around the world, mistakes that were once tolerable can now have consequences beyond our
calculation. Threats that were once local can have an impact that is regional and global. Damage
that might once have been temporary-and limited can now be permanent and catastrophic.
A rogue state or terrorist group with biological, chemical, or nuclear weapons -- or the technical
, skill to disrupt-our computer-networks-- can bring destruction. far out of proportion to its size.
The international drug trade and corruption spill across borders - subverting democracy and the
rule of law in country after country.
New pandemics and new mutations of disease can devastate entire societies-'" with impacts
threatening to destabilize entire regions.
The disruption of the world's ecological. systems-- from the rise of global warming and the
consequent damageto our climate balance, to the loss of living species and the depletion of
ocean fisheries and forest habitats _:.. continues at a frightening rate .. Practically every day, it
becomes clearer to us that must act now to protect our Earth, while preserving and creating jobs
for our people. · ·
'
And at the very same·timethatthese threats are developing, the traditional nation-state itself is
changing -- as power moves upwards and downwards, to everything from supra~national ·
organizations and coalitions all the way down to feuding clans. Susceptible to tyrants willing to
exploit ethnic and religious rivalries, the weakest of these states have either imploded into civil
·
war or threatened to lash out across their borders.
To meet these challenges requires cooperation on a scale not seen before. A realistic reading of
the world today demands reinvigorated international and regional institutions. It demands that we
confront threats before they spiral out of the control. And itrequires·American leadership- to
protect our interests and uphold our values.
But the Global Age is not just a time of security threats, it's a time of unprecedented
opportunities.
'\
From Asia to the Americas, from sub-Saharan Africa to our own country, there are still far too
many who have not benefited from the explosion of worldwide wealth. More than one billion of.
· the Earth's inhabitants live on Jess than one dollar a day. And this deep and persistent poverty has
a security dimension as well as a moral one-- for it invites social dislocation, violence, and war.
I believe that now we have a profound responsil;>ility to open the gates ofopportunity for all the
. world's people so that they can become stakeholders in the kind of society we would like to build.
at large in the world and at home. Let me be clear: promoting prosperity throughout the world is
a crucial form of forward engagement.
�We know how to launch this renaissance- for what has worked to spark the economic boom here
in the United States is, at its essence, the way we can spark the fires of growth abroad. The
difference is one of degree, not kind.
It starts. with the rule of law, and with fiscal discipline and sound economic policy - but it does
not end there. We must also invest in people, ghiing them the education they need to seize the
jobs of the future- and in the developing world, that especially applies to women anq girls; the
,·health security they require to raise a family; the confidence that when they become old, they
will not become abandoned.
An African leader, Julius K. Nyerere, said part way through the· last century: "the most powerful
contraceptive in the world is the confidence of parents that their children will survive." Along
with the· education and empowerment of women, improvement in child and maternal health, and
culturally appropriate access to information and technologies for family planning, this basic
, . confidence-that smaller families are:more . prosperous families has helped the world make
.
.
progress toward stabilizing population growth: It is crucial that we.continuethis effort with new
resources-., and the U.S. must lead in this effort.
· We must also promote global access to the Internet. We need to bridge the digital divide not just
within our country, but among countries. Only by giving people around the world access to this
technology can they tap into the potential of the Information Age.
We need not only open trading systems, but systems that work for people around the worldtaking into account not only the bottom line, but the well-being of working men and women, the
protection of childrenagainst sweatshop labor, and the protection of the enviroinnent. We have
to ratify the Kyoto Agreement while making sure that all nations - developed and developing ·do their part to .reduce greenhouse gas emissions. In addition, we should take steps to boost the
export of environmentally.,dean technologies, an area where we have a decisive trade advantage.
It is not only good forthe environment. It is also good for economic gro~h.
We need to promote the stable flow of investment around the .world- which, in turn, requires
healthy financial institutions that"canwork to prevent financial instability, and that are capable of
dealing with it 'should it occur.
·We need to give the poores_t.countries a hand·up -:.through passage oflegislation such as the
. Africa Growth and Opportunity Act and the Caribbean Basin Initiative. We need more economic
. · engagement and expanded trade with all the Americas. And we must assist the poorest nations
through debt relief. I called for this process last year in Davos. We have begun it. We need to
pursue and intensify it.
Certainly, we cannot do this alone -- we need to inspire the cooperation of others. The rebirth of
Africa's economies, for example, is a task well-matched to the capabilities of the European
Union and the United States working together. But if we do not point the way, if we are not as
ready to invest in peace as in war, then others will not follow.
.'
~·.,
�- - - - - - - - - - -
----------
-----------
'I
'
..
"doesn't fit into the national strategic interests." Is that a responsible assessment of our national .
interest?
One has to assume that these gaps in Governor Bush's foreign policy views and experience will
be filled by the ideologies and inveterate antipathies of his party- the right-wing, partisan
isolationism of the Republican Congressional leadership. Since 1994, the Republicans in
Congress have recklessly tossed aside decades of bipartisan cooperation on foreign policy.
They have refused to· adequately fund our diplomatic. and international development efforts- ·
from promoting peace in the Middle East to fighting drugs in South America. They have held our
contributions to the ~nitedNations hostage to their own political agenda for years. They haverepeatedly tried to sabotage this Administration's programs, even in places like Bosnia and
Kosovo where what is needed is .steadiness and continuity of purpose. They have made
themselves the sworn enemies of a worldwide effort to dealwith'the·global environment.
And in the end, despit~ their constant assertion of concern.for.our alliances,.they have rejected
the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. In one blatant partisan move, they have profoundly shaken· r
the confidence of our-allies in American steadiness, purpose, and in our capacity to lea~.
Governor Bush joined with the isolationist, partisan Republican majority in Congress in
.. ·opposing the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. He chose politics over principle.
LastThursday,.GovernorBush called for a return to "comity:" to an era when men and women of
good will could reach across party lines for the sake ot'the national good. I couldn't agree more.
But on the very same day, one of the ·Republican Party's great institutions, Senator Jesse Helms,
out of overt distaste for the President - said that he will block any new arms control pact until a
new President is inaugurated in January.
.·
·
Well, this Administration is working on the entry into force ofthe START II Treaty, the
negotiation of a START IU Treaty providing for everi deeper reduction in weapons pointed at the
United States, and an agreement with Russia to adjustthe ABM Treaty to make it possible to
defend ourselves against rogue states.
If Governor Bush were to inherit from us an arms control agreement.so clearly in the best
interests of the American people, is Senator Helms the last word? Is Governor Bush willing to
putaside partisanship for the cause of peace?
.
·
I believe America can do better-- for our own national security, and for the id.eals'we must
model to the world.
And that is the choice in this election when it comes to foreign policy. Will we meet our
responsibility? Will we move forward and do what is right for our country, our interests, our
ideals, and our leadership in the world? Or will we build new walls, neglect n~w and urgent
challenges, and pursue an irresponsible ne?-isolationism? ·
,.
�;I
I
.
, ..
lf":'e meet our great responsibility, I believe we can not only deter aggression and create an ever
more secure and widening world of security.-- but we can also shape, step. by step, a future 'of
liberty and opportunity across the world. Thank you.
�
Dublin Core
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Title
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Speechwriting Office - Paul Orzulak
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Paul Orzulak
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1999-2000
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36267" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585791" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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2008-0702-F
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<p>Orzulak served as speechwriter for President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger in 1999 and 2000.</p>
<p>Orzulak authored speeches for President Clinton concerning permanent normal trade relations with China; the United States Coast Guard Academy commencement; the role of computer technology in India; the defense of American cyberspace; the Eleanor Roosevelt Human Rights Award; the memorial service for Former Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi of Japan; the Charlemagne Prize in Germany; the presentation of the Medal of Freedom to President James E. Carter and Rosalyn Carter in Atlanta; the Millennium Around the World Celebration in Washington, DC; the Cornerstone of Peace Park in Japan; the role of scientific research and the European Union while in Portugal; sustainable development in India; armed forces training on Vieques Island, Puerto Rico; and the funeral services for Admiral Elmo R. Zumwalt, Jr. in Annapolis. Orzulak’s speechwriting for National Security Advisor Berger concerned Senator Joseph R. Biden, China’s trade status, Kosovo, and challenges facing American foreign policy.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request. For more information concerning this collection view the complete finding aid.</p>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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82 folders in 7 boxes
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[Coast Guard Academy] [Folder 2] [1]
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Paul Orzulak
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2008-0702-F
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Box 4
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0702-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585791" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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42-t-7585791-20080702f-004-006-2014
7585791