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[China] [Folder 1] [1]
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2008-0702-F
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National Security Council
Speechwriting (Paul Orzulak)
ONBox Number: 4022
FOLDER TITLE:
[China] [Folder 1] [1]
2008-0702-F
'm200
RESTRICTION CODES
Presidential Records Act.- [44 U.S.C. 2204(a)l
Freedom of Information Act -[5 U.S.C. 552(b)l
PI
P2
PJ
P4
b(l) National security classified information [(b)(l) of the FOIAJ
b(2) Release would disclose internal personnel rules and practices of
an agency [(b)(2) of the FOIA]
b(J) Release would violate a Federal statute [(b)(J) of the FOIAJ
b(4) Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential or financial
·
information [(b)(4) of the FOIA]
b(6) Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(b)(6) of the FOIAI
b(7) Release would disclose information compiled for law enforcement
purposes [(b)(7) of the FOIA)
b(8) Release would disclose information concerning the regulation of
financial institutions [(b)(8) of the FOIAI
b(9) Release would disclose geological or geophysical information
concerning wells [(b)(9) of the FOIA]
National Security Classified Information [(a)(l) of the PRAJ
Relating to the appointment to Federal office [(a)(2) of the PRAJ
Release would violate a Federal statute [(a)(J) of the PRAJ
Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or
financial information [(a)(4) of the PRAI
PS Release would disclose confidential advice between the President
and his advisors, or between such advisors [a)(S) of the PRAJ.
P6 Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of
personal privacy [(a)(6) of the PRAI
C. Closed in accordance with restrictions contained in donor's deed
of gift.
PRM. Personal record misfile defined in accordance with 44 U.S.C.
2201(3).
RR. Document will be reviewed upon request.
�Page 1
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.LEVEL 1 - 120 STORIES,
(
1.
The American Prospect, December .20, 1999, CRITICISM; State of the Debate;
Pg. _54, 4067 words, CHINA: THE ENGAGING QUESTION, BY TREVOR CORSON
2.
The American Prospect·, December 20, 1999, No. 3, Vol. l1; Pg. 54
1049-7285, 4069 words; CHINA: THE ENGAGING QUESTION., CORSON, TREVOR
ISSN:
3.
The National Journal, December 4, 1999, SOCIAL STUDIES; Pg. 3447; Vol.31,
No.47, 1550 words, Go Ahead And Appease China--It's The Right Thing to Do,
Jonathan Rauch
4.
Insight on the News, November 22, 1999·, Monday, SPECIAL REPORT; Pg. 22,
3326 words, PC Answers on Panama Canal, J: Michael Waller; INSIGHT
5·.
Asiaweek, October 15, 1999, ARTS
RICEBOWL DIPLOMACY, BY TODD CROWELL
&
SCIENCES BOOKS; Pg. 54, 862 words,
6.
Insig~t on the News, September 13, 1999, Monday, INVESTIGATIVE REPORT; Pg.
14, 1934 words, At What Cost Did China Get Canal?, J. Michael Waller; INSIGHT
r
~~'
7
The National Journal I September 11 I 1999 I FOREIGN AFFAIRS; Pg. 2569; Vol.
No. 37, 642 words, China Trade Deal: No Fortune Inside, John Maggs
8.
U.S. News & World Report, September 6, 1999, U.S. NEWS; THE NATIONAL
INTEREST; Pg. 38, 878 words, China's strait flush, By Michael Barone
9.
Bulletin of the ·AtomicScientists, September 1, 1999, No. 5, Vol. 55; Pg.
30
ISSN: 0096-3402, 4408 words, China through the looking glass; U.S.-China
relations, Cumings, Bruce
10.
The Economist, August 21, 1999,
high-stakes game, beijing
u.s.
Edition, 1292 words, Taiwan's
G
l.
Insight on the News, August 16, 1999, Monday, SYMPOSIUM; Pg. 40, 1737
ords, Q: Should the United States end the 'strategic engagement' with China?;
es,: Clinton's policy .amounts to a sham peace which undermines U.S. nationa;J.
ecurity., Patrick J. ·Buchanan; SPECIAL TO INSIGHT
12.
Jane's Intelligence Review, August 1, 1999, ASIA; Vol. 11; No. 8, 2521
words, Sino-US relations turn sour as nuclear espionage brings fallout, Ehsan
Ahrari
13.
Business Week, July 26, 1999, NEWS; Analysis & Commentary: ASIA; Number
3639; Pg. 26, 1049 words, DIRE STRAITS AGAIN, By Jonathan Moore in Taipei, with
Dexter Roberts in Beijing and Paul Magnusson in Washington
14.
The Weekly Standard, July 26, 1999, EDITORIAL; Pg. 11, 1565 words, FREE
TAIWAN, William Kristol and Robert Kagan, for the Editors
1:
S.
The New Democrat, 'July, 1999
August, 1999, ESSAYS AND COMMENT; Pg. 24,
063 words, NEITHER FRIEND NOR FOE; The Search for a Realistic China Policy, BY
ENT HARRINGTON; Kent Harrington is the president of Harrington Group LLC, a
onsulting firm specializing in strategic planning and international business
G
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LEVEL 1- 120 STORIES
development. ·
16.
The National Interest, 1999 SUMMER, 6318 words, Undemocratic Capitalism:
China and the Limits of Economism, David Zweig '
17.
The Washington Quarterly, 1999 Summer, THE NEXT ASIA; Vol. 22, No. 3; Pg.
165, 6844 words, Besieged: China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan in the Asian Financial
Crisis, Willem van Kemenade - Willem van Kemenade is a writer and commentator on
China and East Asia and the author of China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Inc.: The
Dynamics of a New Empire (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1997). He·lives in Beijing.
18.
Chemical Market Reporter, June 14, 1999, No. 24, Vol. 255; Pg. 10; ISSN:
1092-0110, 409 words, Industry Backs President Clinton On Improving Trade With
China.
19.
Asiaweek, June 11, 1999, THE NATIONS; China; Pg. 20, 1683 words, THE SHOCK
FROM COX, BY TIM HEALY With reporting by David Hsieh/Beijing and Samuel
Gilston/Washington
20.
Presidential Studies Quarterly, June 1,· 1999, No. 2, Vol. 29; Pg. 280 ;
ISSN: 0360-4918, 10128 words, Interest Groups and Foreign Policy: Clinton and
the China MFN Debates., DIETRICH, JOHN W.
21.
Vital Speeches of the Day, June 1, 1999, Vol. 65, No. 16 Pg. 485-487;
ISSN: 0042-742X; CODEN: VISPAG, 2965 words, U.S.-Taiwan-China relations, Copper,
John F,
01837621
The Economist, M~y 29, 1999, U.S. Edition, 905 words, I spy ...
22.
0
3.
The Weekly Standard, May 24,. 1999, EDITORIAL; Pg. 9, 1092 words, CALL OFF
THE ENGAGEMENT, William Kristol and Robert Kagan, for the Editors ·
24.
Insight on the News, May 17, 1999, Monday, COVER STORY; Pg. 10, 2552 words
Chinese Fortunes, Jennifer G. .Hickey; INSIGHT
25.
The American Spectator, May,1999, The Smoke-Filled Room, 2217 words,
Handle With Care The GOP cautiously unwraps Chinagate., by Linda Killian.; Linda
Killian, a Washington journalist, is author of The Freshman: What Happened to
the Republican Revolution?, now available in paperpack (Westview).
26.
Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, May 1, 1999, No. 3, Vol. 55; Pg. 34;
ISSN: '0096-3402, 4600 words, A very convenient scandal; alleged Chinese
espionage not taken serious in US press for long time, Schwartz, Stephen I.
G
7.
The Weekly Standard, April 26, 1999, Pg. 27, 2243 words, I LOVE ZHU, ZHU
OVE ME: CLINTON'S CHINA POLICY, By Peter D. Feaver; Peter D. Feaver, associate
rofessor of political science at Duke University, served.,on the National
ecurity Council staff from 1993 to 1994.
~~8.
The National Journal, April 17, 1999, FOREIGN AFFAIRS; Pg. 1042; Vol. 31,
'-.:o. 16, 2974 words, The China Debate (Continued)., John Maggs
29.
Newsweek, March 22, 1999, U.S. Edition, NATIONAL AFFAIRS; China; Pg. 28,
1605 words, Open Secret, BY DANIEL KLAIDMAN AND MELINDA LIU With JOHN BARRY in
Washington, BRAD STONE in Silicon Valley and JOSHUA HAMMER in Los Alamos
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LEVEL 1- 120 SIDRIES
30.
Newsweek, March 22, 1999, U.S. Edition, NATIONAL AFFAIRS; China; Pg. 32,
692 words, Loves Me, Loves Me Not, BY FAREED ZAKARIA
31.
Aviation Week and Space Technology, March 15, 1999, HEADLINE NEWS; Vol.
i50, No. 11; Pg. 26, 1597 words,
Spy Charges Jeopardize China's Trade Status,
PAUL MANN, washington.
32.
USA Today (Magazine), March 1, 1999, No. 2646, Vol. 127; Pg. __28; ISSN:
0161-7389, 4577 words, Impact of the GLOBAL MEDIA REVOLUTION., Bell, Steve
33.
The. Economist, January 2, 1999, U.S. Edition, World Politics and Current
Affairs; ASIA; Pg. 35, 825 words, China. Three men who frighten the party
34.
Aerospace America, January, 1999, POLICY; Pg. 42, 2128 words; Helping
China improve its aim, by Ben Iannotta, contributing writer
35.
The Weekly Standard, December 28, 1998, BOOKS & ARTS; Pg. 35, 1183 words,
FOREIGN POLICY FOR SALE; Clinton, China, and Diplomacy, By Mark P. Lagon; Mark
P. Lagon is a Council on Foreign Relations international affairs fellow at the
'Project for the New American Century.
36.
Contemporary Southeast Asia, December 1, 1998, No. 20; Pg. 225; ISSN:
0129-797X, 6866 words, Current Sino-U.S. relations in strategic perspective.,
Roy, Denny
37.
Foreign Affairs, November, 1998 I December, 1998, COMMENTS; Pg. 2, 2526
words, Roiling Asia; U.S. Coziness with China Upsets the Neighbors, Ted Galen
Carpenter; TED GALEN. CARPENTER is Vice President for Defense and Foreign Policy
Studies at the Cato Institute.
Q
.
.
8.
Commentary, September, 1998, No. 3, Vol.. 106; Pg. 15; ISSN: 0010-2601,
793 words, Bowing to Beijing; President Clinton undermined American alliances
n his trip to China; Commentary> Waldron, Arthur
.
..
.
.
39.
Jane's Intelligence Review- Pointer, September 1, 1998,_ASIA; Vol. 5; No.
9; Pg. 10, 1064 words, DIPLOMACY - US-Chinese detente stirs India, Ehsan Ahrari
40.
The Weekly Standard, July 20, 1998, Pg. 14, 1012 words, GOP TAIWANNABES,
by Matthew Rees; Matthew Rees is a staff writer for THE WEEKLY STANDARD.
f41.
The National Journal, July 18, 1998, COVER STORY; Vol. 30, No. 29, Pg.
~668, 4276 words, What We Did in China, Carl M. Cannon
42.
The China Business Review, July 17, 1998, No. 4, Vol. 25; Pg. 4p;. ISSN:
0163-7169, 688 words, Members gather in Washington, elect board; 1998 meeting of
US-China Business Council in Washington, D.C.; Council Activities
43.
The China Business Review, July 17, 1998, No. 4, Vol. 25; Pg: 46; ISSN:
0163-7169, 688 words, Me~ers gather in Washington, elect board; 1998 meeting of
US-China Business Council in Washington, D.C.; Council Activities
44.
The Christian Century, July 15, 1998, No. -20, Vol. 115; Pg. 672; ISSN:
0009-5281, 830 words, Split views on Clinton's China trip; Christian concerns
~bout human rights policy
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Asiaweek, July 10, 1998, SPECIAL REPORT CHINA AND THE U.S.; Pg. 28, 2300
A WIN-WIN SUMMIT; In spite of their differences, China.and America seem
develop closer ties for the next century, BY TODD CROWELL AND DAVID
BEIJING With additional reporting by Sam Gilston/Washington
46.
WWD, July 10, 1998, No.· 137, Vol. 175; Pg.. 14; ISSN: 0149-5380, S42 words,
CHINA MFN LAUDED BEFORE SENATE PANEL; most favored nation regarding China,
Barrett, Joyce
47.
The Nation, July 6, 1998, No. 1, Vol. 267; Pg. 3; ISSN: 0027-8378, 1220
words, Clinton in China; Pres Bill Clinton; US relations with China; Editorial
48.
The Nation, July 6,· 1998, No. 1, Vol. 267; Pg. 22; ISSN: 0027-8378, 1859
words, China, human rights and the wait for a duck; Levi Strauss can.set example
in China, Schulz, William .F.
49.
Newsweek, July 6, 1998, U.S. Edition, SPECIAL REPORT; Between the Lines;
Pg. 31, 958 words, DON'T BREAK THE CHINA, BY JONATHAN ALTER
50.
Time, July 6, 1998, ;WORLD/THE CHINA SUMMIT; Pg. 66, 435 words, China
Photo-Op Diplomacy; Pretty pictures of a changing China were supposed to support
Clinton's policy of engagement, but China's leaders are still struggling to
master the intricacies of global propaganda, Jay Branegan/Beijing, With
reporting by Jaime A. FlorCruz/Xian
51. .. The American Spectator, July, 1998, FEATURE, 3801 .words, The Collapse Of
Clinton Foreign Policy Call it Clinton's New World Disorder. From China and
Russia to Iraq and India and Pakistan, nukes and a new arms race are the order
of the day, much of it abetted· by the.American president's own policies and
reflexive sympathy for likely enemies., Michael Ledeen; Michael Ledeen, foreign
editor of TAS, holds the Freedom Chair at the American Enterprise Institute.
52.
The American Spectator, July, 1998, FEATURE, 6828 words, Loral Exams It
doesn't·take a rocket scientist to figure out why the leader of a .country
without missile defenses has gone out of his way to help another country point
missiles at it., Kenneth R. Timmerman; Kenneth R. Timmerman is a frequent
contributor to TAS.
53.
The American Spectator, July, 1998, FEATURE, 3801 words, The Collapse Of
Clinton Foreign Policy Call it Clinton's New World Disorder. From China and
Russia to Iraq and India and Pakistan, nukes and a new arms race are the order
of the day, much of it abetted by the American president's own policies and
reflexive sympathy for likely enemies., Michael Ledeen; Michael Ledeen, foreign
editor of TAS, holds the Freedom Chair at the American Enterprise Institute.
54., The American Spectator, July, 1998, FEATURE, 6828 words, Loral Exams It
doesn't take a rocket scientist to figure out why the leader of a country
without missile defenses has gone out of his way to help another country point ·
missiles at it., Kenneth R. Timmerman; Kenneth R. Timmerman is a frequent
contributor to TAS.
55.
The Weekly Standard, June 29, 1998, Pg. 25, 3311 words, WISHFUL THINKING
ON CHINA, By Arthur Waldron; Arthur Waldron is Lauder professor of international
relations at the University of Pennsylvania and director of Asian studies.at the
(j
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American Enterprise Institute.
56.
The Economist, June 27, 1998,
As China rises, must others bow?
u.s.
Edition, Special; Pg. 23, 2840 words,
57.
The National Journal, June 20, 1998, ADMINISTRATION; Pg. 1446; Vol. 30,
No. 25, 1659 words, Clinton's China Challenge, Carl M. Cannon
58.
The Weekly Standard, June 15, ~998, Pg. 19, 879 words, NEWT IN THE CHINA
SHOP, by Matthew Rees; Matthew Rees is a staff writer for THE WEEKLY STANDARD.
~59.
The National Journal, June 13, 1998, THE WEEK; Pg. 1344; Vol. 30, No. 24,
\2;76 words, Clinton's China Policy: Defining Engagement Down, Michael Kelly
60.
Time, June 1, 1998, NATION; Pg. 46, 1957 words, Red Face Over China'; Did a
Chinese plot persuade Clinton to let a U.S. company give China its rocket
· science? No. Politics (and. policy) did, Eric Pooley,, Report'ed by Jaines Carney,
Elaine Shannon, Karen Tumulty and Michael Weisskopf/Washington
61.
The Weekly Standard, June 1, 1998, EDITORIAL; Pg.
SCANDALOUS SUMMIT
9,
1067 words, A
62.
Aviation Week and Space Technology, May 11, 1998, HEADLINE NEWS; Vol. 148,
.No. 19; Pg. 55, 1612 words, High Tech Dispute Dogs U.S./Sino Summit, PAUL MANN,
WASHINGTON
63.
Time, May 11, 1998, INTERNATIONAL EDITION; TIME ASIA; ASIA; View From
Washington; Pg.-17, 799 words, For The U.S., All Roads Lead To China; Clinton
thinks he can do business with these guys. Will they disappoint him?,
Christopher Ogden
64.
The Weekly Standard, April 27, 1998, EDITORIAL; Pg. 7, 1244 words,.
CLINTON'S CHINA SYNDROME
65.
The National Journal, April 25, 1998; NATIONAL SECURITY; Pg. 926; Vol. 30,
No. 17, 3586 words, China's Long March, James Kitfield
66.
Brigham Young University Law Review, 1998, Vol. 1998, No. 2 Pg. 563-606;
ISSN: 0360-151X; CODEN: BWITEU, 18032 words, Understanding Chinese-U.S. conflict
over freedom of religion: The Wolf-Spector Freedom from Religious Persecution
Acts of 1997 and 1998, Carlson, Darin W,
01675688
67.
Foreign Affairs, January, 1998 /February, 1998, Pg. 68, 5413 words, Is
China Democratizing?, Minxin Pei; MINXIN PEI is Assistant Professor of Politics
at Princeton University and author o~ From Reform to Revolution: The Demise of
Communism in China and the Soviet Union.
68.
The Weekly Standard, December 22, 1997, Pg. 18, 3671 words, BAUER POWER,
By Fred Barnes; Fred Barnes is executive editor of THE WEEKLY STANDARD.
Washington's Most Formidable Conservative
69.
The Weekly Standard, November 17, 1997, Pg. 19, 870 words, ENGAGEMENT IN
THE DOCK, by Matthew Rees; Matthew Rees is a staff writer at THE WEEKLY
STANDARD.
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70.
The Weekly Standard, November 10, 1997, 1429 words, CHINA: THE END OF
ENGAGEMENT, By Robert Kagan; Robert Kagan is a contributing editor of THE
WEEKLY STANDARD.
71.
Business Week, November 3, 1997, INTERNATIONAL BUSINESS; CHINA; Number
3551; Pg. 54, 1566 words,
TIME FOR A ~RESH START, By Stan Crock in Washington,
Dexter Roberts in Beijing, and Joyce Barnathan in Hong Kong, with bureau reports
(
72.
Business Week, November 3, 1997, BUSINESS WEEK INTERNATIONAL EDITIONS;
Editorials; Number 3551; Pg. 88, 625 words,
WHAT CHINA MUST UNDERSTAND
73.
RCR Radio Communications Report, November 3, 1997, Vol. 16, No. 43; Pg.
17; .ISSN: 0744-0618, 01243819, 778 words, Clinton, Zemin agree to phase out
telecom technology tariffs, Jeffrey Silva
74.
Aviation Week and Space Technology, October 27, 1997, HEADLINE NEWS; Vol.
147, No. 17; Pg. 24, 1788 words,
Milestone and Minefield, PAUL MANN, WASHINGTON
75.
Newsweek, October 27, 1997 , UNITED STATES EDITION, INTERNATIONAL;
Diplomacy; Pg. 36, 1546 words, Here Comes Jiang, BY GEORGE WEHRFRITZ AND MELINDA
LIU
76.
The Economist, October 25, 1997,. U.S. Edition, Leaders; Pg. 15, 1271
Greeting the dragon
wo~ds
77 ..
The National Interest, 1997 FALL, 6559 words, Why Our Hardliners Are Wrong
Robert S. Ross
·78.
u.s. News & World Report, September 29, 1997, u.s. NEWS; Pg .. 30, 932 words
China's surprising nuclear helpers, By Stephen J. Hedges; Douglas Pasternak
79.
Chemical Week, August 2~, 1997, September 3, 1997, COVER STORY; China; Pg.
38,· 1973 words, More Economic Progress Despite Political C:hange, IAN YOUNG
80.
The National Interest, 1997 SUMMER, 2413 words, Off-Center on the Middle
Kingdom; Review of Richard Bernstein's and Ross H. Munro's The Coming Conflict
with China (New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1997), Henry S. Rowen
81.
The Weekly Standard, June 30, 1997, Pg. 23, 2973 words, THE CANARY IN THE
CHINESE COAL MINE, By Robert Kagan; Contributing editor Robert Kagan's article
"What China Knows that We Don't" ran in our January 20 issue ..
82.
The Weekly Standard, June 23, 1997, EDITORIAL; Pg. 7, 1518 words, NO TO
APPEASEMENT, David Tell, for the Editors
83.
America, June 21, 1997, No. 21, Vol. 176; Pg. 3; ISSN: 0002-704.9, 833
words, In this corner, Mr. Gephardt ... ; budget, China policies; Editorial
84.
Business Week, May 26, 1997, INTERNATIONAL BUSINESS; INVESTING; Number
3528; Pg. 66, 2056 words,
HOW YOU CAN WIN IN CHINA, By Mark L. Clifford in
Guangzhou, with Dexter Roberts in Beijing, Pete Engardio in New York, and bureau
reports
85.
Business Week,. May 26, 1997, ECONOMIC VIEWPOINT; Number 3528; Pg. 26, 776
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words,
IS THIS A CHINA POLICY-OR A BAD DREAM?, BY_ROBERT KUTTNER; Robert
Kuttner is co-editor of The American Prospect and author of The End of
Laissez-Faire
86.
The National Journal; May 17, .1997, LOBBYING; Pg. 982; Vol. 29, No. 20,
4720 words, China Clash, PETER H. STONE
87.
Business Horizons, May 15, 1997 1 No. 3, Vol. 40; Pg. 43; ISSN: 0007-6813,
6900 words, New key success factors for China's growing market; includes
bibliography, Yim Yu Wong; Maher, Thomas E.
88.
Commonweal, April 25, 1997, No. 8, Vol. 124; Pg. 11; ISSN: 0010-3330, 2896
words, Limping toward China: Clinton's weak-kneed policy; commitment to freedom
and democracy overshadowed by commitment to international trade with China,
Finn, James
89.
The.Weekly Standard, April 7, 1997, EDITORIAL; Pg. 11, 1198 words, NO
CON:TROLLING MORAL AUTHORITY, David Tell, for the Editors
90.
The Progressive, April, 1997, No. 4, Vol. 61; Pg. 8; ISSN: 0033-0736, 1044
words, Getting rich first; U.S. and China; Editorial
91.
The Economist, Mar<::h 29, 1997, U.S. Edition, World Politics and Current
Affairs; ASIA; Pg. 35, 1411 words, America's dose of Sinophobia
92.
Brookings Review, March 22, 1997, No: 2, Vol. 15; Pg. 14; ISSN: 0745-1253,
1426 words, Relations with· the great powers: China; Sino-Amer~can relationship,
Harding, Harry
f
The National Journal, March 15, 1997, FOREIGN AFFAIRS; Pg. 501; Vol. 29,
93.
~o. 11, 5747 words, The China Challenge, Bruce Stokes
94.
The·New Republic, MARCH 10, 1997, Pg. 17, 2987 words, CHINATOWN,
Judis
Joh~
B.
95.
Business Week, March 3, 1997, BUSINESS WEEK INTERNATIONAL EDITIONS; Asia
Cover Story; Number 3516; Pg. 24, '726 words, STRAINS IN U.S.-SINO RELATIONS ARE
SHOWING -- AGAIN, By Stan Crock in Washington and Joyce Barnathan in Hong Kong
96.
Business Week, March 3, 1997, NEWS; Analysis & Commentary; Number 3516;
Pg. 32, 1240 words,
STRAINS IN U.S.-SINO RELATIONS ARE SHOWING-- AGAIN, By
Stan Crock in Washington and Joyce Barnathan in Hong KongThere Are Signs of
Progress .•. MILITARY: Beijing says it will sign the nuclear test-ban treaty and
has resumed high-level military dialogue with the U.S.TRADE: China is making its
currency easier to convert and indicates it will give foreign producers wider
market access if it can enter the World Trade OrganizationPOLITICS: Diplomatic
activity is in full swing, with Clinton, Al Gore, and Madeleine Albright
scheduling trips to Beijing ... But Flashpoints RemainHONG KONG: The July 1
handover could spark tension if Beijing cracks down on political and economic
freedomsDONORGATE: The ongoing probe raises fear of Chinese espionage in the
U.S. and undermines Clinton's credibility on Asia policyWEAPONS: Riots in
China's Muslim regions and ·need for Middle East oil could tempt Beijing to
continue supplying sophisticated military aid to Pakistan and Iran
The American Spectator, March, 1997, FEATURE, 7520 words, All Roads Lead
97.
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LEVEL 1- 120 STORIES
to China; John Huang was a main cog in a White House-DNC directed machine
involving such men as Ira Magaziner and the mysterious Dr. Wang., Kenneth
R.Timmerman; Kenneth R. Timmerman writes frequently on security issues for The
American Spectator. Sheryl M. Henderson contributed research for this article.
98.
Commentary, March, 1997, No. 3, Vol. 103; Pg. 44; ISSN:.0010-2601, 4348
words, How not to deal with China., Waldron, Arthur
99.
The Weekly Standard, February 24, 1997, CHINA; The Issue; Vol. 2, No. 23;
Pg. 20, 1930 words, LAND OF THE UN-FREE, by Christopher Cox; Christopher Cox; a
Republican from the 47th District of California, is chairman of the House
Republican Policy Committee.
I
10.0.
The Weekly Standard, February 3, 1997, Vol. 2, No. 20; Pg. 29, 2175 words
THE LAST DAYS OF HONG KONG, By Ellen Bdrk; Ellen Bork is s·enior professional
staff member for East Asia and the Pacific for the Senate Committee on Foreign
Relations.
101.
Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, January 11, 1997, No. 1, Vol. ·53; Pg.
20; ISSN: 0096-3402, 4703 words, The Chinese way: in the next century, the
world's most populous nation will set the pace in East Asia; Cover Story,
Johnson, Chalmers
102.
Insight, on the News, January 6, 1997, Monday, Final Edition, Part.
SYMPOSIUM; Pg. 25, 1806 words, Q: Should Congress. g:i.-~mt permanent •most favored
nation' status to China?; No: Don't let U.S.
•capitalist readers' prolong the
life. of the world's sole remaining gulag.; Harry Wu; SPECIAL TO INSIGHT
103.
The National Interest,. 1996/1997 W~NTER, 5896 words, China: What
Engagement Should Mean, Robert B. Zoellick
104.
Business Week, December 30, 1996, INTERNATIONAL OUTLOOK; Number 3508; Pg.
63, 601 words,
WHY WASHINGTON IS COURTING'CHINA~S GENERALS, By Joyce Barnathan
in Beijing, with Mark L. Clifford in Hong.Kong and Amy Borrus in Washington;
EDITED BY JOHN TEMPLEMAN
..
105.
MEDIAWEEK, December 9 1 1996, No. 47, Vol. 6·; Pg. 17; ISSN: 1055-176X, 848
words, The Mouse roars; Walt Disney Co. defies China's criticism of'its
investment in a film about Dalai Lama; WashingtonColum), Mundy, Alicia
106.
The China Business Review, November 21, 1996, No. 6, Vol. 23; Pg. 54;
ISSN: 0163-7169, 850 words, Conference explores the evolving Chinese legal
system; 1996 China Business Forum
107.
Newsweek, October 14, 1996 , UNITED STATES EDITION, BUSINESS; Diplomacy;
Pg. 7 0, 8 04 words; So Let'• s Be Friends, BY MARC LEVINSON AND GEORGE WEHRFRITZ
108.
Business Week, July 15, 1996,v INTERNATIONAL OUTLOOK; Number· 3484; Pg. 53,
585 words,
CHINA ANn THE U.S. TURN A TEMPEST INTO A TEA PARTY, EDITED BY
STANLEY REED; By Amy Borrus in Washington, with Dexter Roberts in Beijing
109.
Accountancy, July 1996, Vol. 118, No. 1235 Pg. 28-32; ISSN: 0001-4664;
CODEN: ACTYAD, 2832 words, ·china: This way up, Walker, Tony,
01268392
The China Business Review, July, 1996, Vol. 23 ; No. 4
110.
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0163-7169, 916 words, Perspectives onChina and Hong Kong., IAC 18622605
111.
The Weekly Standard, June 3, 1996, ARTICLE; Vol. 1, .No. 37; Pg. 18, 3873
words, MOST FAVORED NATION -- OR MOST APPEASED?, By Robert Kagan
112.
Asiaweek, May 31, 1996, BUSINESS; Pg. 60, 2210 words, Beyond Piracy;
China and the U.S. must also tackle other trade problems, By Tim Healy and David
Hsieh, BEIJING
113.
The Economist, May 25, 1996, U.S. Edition, World Politics and Current
Affairs; ASIA; Pg. 35, 1305 words, ~merica•s Chinese puzzle
114.
Asiaweek, May 24, 1996, ·THE NATIONS; Trade; Pg. 34, 1038 words, Once More
to the Brink; The China-U.S. copyrights tiff goes into overtime, By Todd
Crowell, Reported by David Hsieh/Beijing, Sam Gilston/Washington and Alejandro
Reyes/Hong Kong
115.
Business Week, May 6, 1996, INTERNATIONAL BUSINESS; CHINA; Number 3474;
Pg. 48, 1220 words,
CHINA SHOVES BACK, By Joyce Barnathan iri Beijing and Amy
Borrus in Washington
116.
Time, April 22, 1996, INTERNATIONAL EDITION; TOKYO; ASIA; Pg. 22, 1469
words, HONG KONG JITTERS; BEIJING'S ADVANCING STEAMROLLER COMES DOWN ON
DISSENTERS AND SENDS THE COLONY'S RESIDENTS SCATTERING, ANTHONY SPAETH, REPORTED
BY SANDRA BURTON AND JOHN COLMEY/HONG KONG
117.
Business Week, March 4, 1996, COVER STORY; COMMENTARY; Number 3465; .Pg.
65, 799 words,
COMMENTARY: CRAFTING A REALISTIC CHINA POLICY, BY AMY BORRUS;
Barrus covers trade and foreign policy in Washington.
118.
U.S. News & World Report, February 26, 1996, WORLD REPORT; Vol. 120 , No.
8; Pg. 46, 1584 words, How many Chinas?, By Tim Zimmermann; Richard J. Newman;
Susan V. Lawrence; Brian Palmer; Philippe B. Moulier; Kevin Whitelaw, Beijing
119.
Journal of Int~rnational Affairs, Winter 1996, Vol. 49, .No. 2 Pg.
309-331; ISSN: 0022-197X; CODEN: POENAI, 9408 words, Addressing the human rights
issue in Sino-American relations, Van Ness, Peter,
01296807
120.
New Perspectives Quarterly, January, 1996, Vol. 13 ;. No. 1 ; Pg. 41;
ISSN: 0893-7850, 3006 words, China's muscular nationalism. Revisi.ting the New
World Disorder, Jisi, Wang, IAC 18096591
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Copyright 1999 The National Journal,
The National Journal
Inc.
~...
~ ''
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•
April 17, 1999
SECTION: FOREIGN AFFAIRS; Pg. 1042; Vol. 31, No. 16
LENGTH: 2974 words
HEADLINE: The China Debate (Continued)··
BYLINE: John Maggs
HIGHLIGHT:
Critics howl about-the shortcomings of the United States' Policy
of ''engagement'' with Beijing.
BODY:
America is in the throes of another·· of its recurring
China crises, .this one stemming less from Beijing's misbehavior
·.than from our inc;,reasingly murky perception of the Middle
Kingdom. The·latest crisis has been heightened by the white-hot
rhetoric of those holding two warring views of China, each shaped
by memories of. the not-long-dead Soviet Union.
The resurgent critics of China say recent U.S. policy ha~
amounted to ·a blunder of historic. proportions: Through trade;
technical aid, and endless forbearance, we've helped arm a future
ene,my bent on challenging the United States and dominating Asic,t.
These critics scoff at those who accuse·them of being fixated on
the black-and-white world of the Cold War, but their harsh
language and tough proscriptions do indeed echo those days. -The
critics demand that U.S. policy-maker~ reverse· the overall
decline in U.S. defense spending, that they increase arms sales
to Taiwan and deploy a'theater anti-missile defense system there,
that they retard China's economic growth instead of assist it,
and that they i·solate China diplomatically:· They warn of
catastrophe otherwise.
The besieged defenders of the Clinton Administration's
policy of ''strategic engagement'' with China are convinced,
conversely, that there is no .other practical way to influence
Beijing (whatever its sins) while still \forestall.ing .a new Cold
war. They strongly dispute their .critics-'~ claims that engagement.·
has so far produced few conciet~ results:;. they pa'int to China
concessions in trade, its pledges tq cease-mass weapons
proliferation, and its expansion of liberties, however limited.
The engagers acknowledge that advances. in,' say, human rights and
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weapons nonproliferation have tended to be at least matclied.by
reversals. (In the past few year.s, Beijing has, for example,
allowed a moc:iestly greater expression of individual opinions but·
meanwhile greatly increased its oppression of organized political
dissidents.)
·
\'.'::
y
But these losses:, the engagers argue, are minor compared·
with the gains--for the American economy and for the spread of
American democratic values--resulting from the dramatic changes
that U.S.-style capitalism is bringing to China. Thus, say the
engagers, the. true historic mistake would be to jettison this
approach and turn tough, provok~ng a standoff that could derail
American prosperity and r·eopen the East-West schis~.
Not incidentally, this vituperative fight has been
nurtured by America's ever-nastier domestic politics. Many
Republicans are flocking to the camp of the anti-engagement
China-hawks because they see an.enormous political opportunity in
2000. It's the same opening that candidate Bill Clinton saw in
1992 when he identified.George Bush's pu~suit of engagement with
China--an approach descended from the'Nixon-Kissinger draw:lng
boards- -as ' 'the Achilles'. heel' ' of his foreign policy.
Republicans now glimpse
rare opportunity to use Clintonian
''triangulation'' against the President, joining with liberal
Democrats who've traditionally been leading critics of China.
Forcier Vice President Dan Quayle,· after only thre~ weeks of
campaigning, last month repudiated the very China policy he had
once helped uphold, siding with most of the rest of the GOP '
presidential pack. Asked whether.his shift would help Republicans
score poiitical points, Quayle·was candid:·' 'I l6ok at it as a
wonderful opportunity.''
a
Defenders of engagement appreciate th~t China is now
their Achilles' heel. Among the most v~sible defenders have been
not Administration figures but rather the legion of American
business executives who regard China as one very fat and untapped
marketplace. Business is well-suited to counter a Republican
attack--but it is not particularly suited to argue credibly that
big profits for U.S companies are promoting freedom and U.S.
interests in China.
The tendency instead too often has been to refuse to
acknowledge' even the most obvious evidence that China, in some ·
areas, may be working against American interests. The latest
ex~mple of the circle-the-wagons impulse has been the handling of
charges that the White House may have ignored or shrugged off the
theft of u.s. nuclear secrets by Chinese spies. As a White House
nuclear weapons specialist. looked on, nodding, former Democratic.
House assistant Joseph Cirincione last month argued, . improbaqly;.
to·reporters that America's security wouldn't be.not.;bly
threatened ev~n i f China indeed had pilfer~d from
atomic··
laboratories. the technology that would allow the People's
Liberation Army to incinerate five cities with one missile,- It
was ' 'absurd' ' and ' 'dishonest' ' to suggest otherwise'· claimed
u.s.
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Cirincione, now a· nonproliferation expert at the Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace.
And here, politics intrudes again. Because of the
politicai peril facing the Administration·, and by extension the
Democratic Party, over its China policy, many (though not .by any
mearis 'all) Democrats are joining the business community in. its
absolutist'defense of the engagement policy, reflexively.
springing to Clinton's defense. In this reflexology, anyone who
challenges any part of the Administration's approach is branded a
Cold War revanchist.
Conversely, the political bonanza many (though again, not
all) Republicans see in attacking the White House encourages an
uncompromising repudiation of every aspect of the policy, and
leads hotheads.to brand any attempt at engagement as
appea~ement--or even treason. Though there are plenty of
thoughtful vi~ws in between, they are often drowned out by the
raucous brawling. Along the way, many people (or at least many
among the few who pay much attention to such matters) are left
mystified by the posturi~g and deprived of obj ec'ti'v~ analyses.
As is often the case in Washington's policy debates, both
sides have it a little rig~t-~and a little wrong--when they look
to the Cold War for answers. China-hawks are wrong to regard
America!s stance toward Russia during the So~iet era as
model
of rigid principle that must be imita.ted now with China.
Engagers I for their part I are wrong to insist that ther.e are· no
Cold War lessons that could be useful in crafting post-Cold War
relations with Beijing. The history of the' cold ~~r ~oes in iact'
help ·explain much of the con.fusion and acrimony' over china.
a
Some useful perspective on a crucial .stretch.of the Cold·
War appears in Henry Kissinger's just-published book, Years of·
Renewal. Kissinger was the architect of the 1972 opening of
relations.with China and is still the fiercest defender of
engagement. But it is his discussion of the·Soviet Union,
stretching back to the establishme~t of detente in the Nixon
years,. that provides food· for· thought m1 China.
When President Nixon was sworn in, in 1969, the nation
had been.drained by 20 years of confrontation ~ith Moscow and by
the quagmire of Indochina. Nixon faced intense pressure to come
up with a new way of dealing with the Soviet Union. Based on a·
conviction that Soviet intentions had shifted, or could be
induced to shift, th~re was, Kissinger writ~s, ''a widespread and
vocal consensus, which had many supporters within the (foreign ·
affairs) bureaucracy, (for) the Administration to initiate
immediate negotiations with Moscow on tradet cultural and
scientific exchanges, and above all, arms control. ' ' ·,Hindsight'..
and the Soviet archives, Kissinge:r maintai~s, make clear that ·
such an approach would have been regarded as a show of weakness
by a Kremlin still in the grip of the expansionist Brezhnev
Doctrine,
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T_he National Journal, April17, 1999
Instead, Kissinger, the riew white House. national security
adviser, set out to concoct a policy that would reflect a
rethinking of Washington's dealings.with Moscow but still display
plenty of American backbone. The name given his invention. was
' 'detente, ' ' a French word that entailed a lessening o,f
hostilities but also implied stability and .resolve. In practice,
it, meant a ' 'flexibl.e nonideological approach' ' to the Soviets
that aliowed give-and-take on some issues, relaxing economic,
cultural, ~nd scientific exchanges where prudent, but p~nalizing
the Soviets for bad behavior, no matte~ how.minor.
·
The challenges that Nixon and Kissinger encountered in
1969 are very much like the ones Washington policy-makers now
face on China. The curremt U.S, -China policy ·is also. widely
regarded as obsolete, since it was forged at a time when the
paramount 'concern was forming a new alliance against the Soviet··
Union. The warm images of Nixon's China trip reassured the
public, but times have changed.
. ..
Now that Russia's military capabi·lities have rusted away,
the buzzwords of the Nixon China opening.--' 'strategic
partnership'.. and ; 'spirit of friendship'· ' --sound' inappropriate
when applied to China today, especially in light of China's
stepped-up repression of dissent, its arms exports, and its
possible nuclear spying.
.
. American policy-makers' habit of depicting U.S.-China ·
relations as always sunny has diminished the credibility of U.S.
policy on the. home front. And in China,· after years of mixed
signals from the Administration, America's standing has 'clearly
been undermined by the perception in Beijing that the President
is sometimes wec;tk and always prone to policy· swings prompted ·by ·
shifts in the prevailing domestic p~litical winds.
The thorniest confrontation between the two nations on '
Clinton's watch occurred in 1996, when China fired missiles near
Taiwan. Clinton immediately dispatched a flotilla of warships to·
nearby seas to remind China of America's treaty obligations to
defend Taiwan.
Beijing's leaders were, stunned and humiliated when
Clinton faced them down; they had thoroughly miscalculated his·
willingness to use military muscle. In retrospect, that
confrontation seems a consequence of Clinton's first-term China
flip-flop. After linking the overall relationship to progress on
human rights and then jawboning ·china for a year, Clinton
abruptly dropped the linkage in 1994 when· Beijing refused to
cooperate.
Re-es.tablishing the credibilitY of Unit~d Stat·es poli'cy~-:
here and in China--must begin with changing the world's
perceptions of America's goals--and of its will. to be consistent.
The accomplishments of detente (for a time, at least) during the
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Nixon era show t~at this can be done. Kissinger's approach to the
Soviet Union ·involved a broad and somewhat private linkage of the
things Moscow wanted most--a summit with Nixon, an easing .of
trade barriers- -to Soviet behavior everywhere. ' 'We· insisted, ' '
he writes, ''that individual negotiations, on trade or arms
control~ take place in an atmosphere of Soviet political
restraint, especially in regard to such long-standing trouble
spots.as Berlin, the Middle East, and Indochina.''
-~h ~inkage
"
.
currently is missing from U.S.-China
\_./
.
relations. Detente· showed that a policy presented as a way of
defusing tensions can still have a steel spine if the linkages
are clear, firm, and not subject to domestic political pressures.
A new China policy framed as firmer than engagement (but not ~s
inflexible as containment) c,an quietly re-establish linkages
needed to manage Chinese misbehavior.
Meanwhile, with America's China policy in flux, momentum
·in the debate is now clearly with the hawks. If ther~ are any
doubts. about the stakes, there .is !1 cautionary' tal.e. in the
unraveling of detente with the Soviet Union in the ~id-1970s.
Conservatives of the time, who criticized detente as too
squishy, had become trapped in ' 'heroic. posturing; ' ' Kissinge~
writes. Liberals who had urged flexibiiity ~ere suddenly united
with conservatives over an inflammatory issue: the persecution of
Soviet Jews.
They were joined by a ·vocal new fact·ion, the
neoconservatives. Most members of this group (many of them
journalists and academics) were former leftists and Socialists
who had grown disenchanted with Soviet repression in Easte.rn
Europe and who saw armed attacks on Israel as a Soviet
conspiracy. Norman Podhoretz, Midge_Decter, Irving Kristol, and
Daniel Patrick Moynihan were am9ng these founding thinkers of the
movement. In undiplomatic. terms, Kissinger essentially calls the
neocons self-absorbed dilettantes; ''whose defining experience
was their own ideolo.gical conversion to the pursuit of the Cold
War, I I and not any actual event. I 'Tactics bored them; they
discerned no worthy goals for American policy short of total
victory.''
In short order I liberals., conservatives I and
neoconservatives.halted the selective loosening of trade
sanctions ori the Soviets by pushing through Congress the JacksonVanik law, which linked trade to rights of free emigration. They
initiated the congressional preoccupation withhuman righ~s
inside Communist nations t,hat is behind many of Congress's
present efforts to alter the .course of.U.S.-China policy.
· Kissinge:;- fixes the begiiming of the enq of detente as
Nov·. 25, 1972, when that liberal tribunal, The New York Time~,
suddenly switched positions and said that closer trade ties had
to wait for relief for Soviet Jewry. A similar if less dramatic
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shift occurred in the past few.years on China; The Times now
·.supports linking human. rights and trade.
A major development in the current debate over China has
been a·ri unlikely alliance between traditional l:i_beral critics and
conservatives newly radicalized about the long-standing
persecution of Christians in China. and the repo.rts of forced
abortions there. The swelling conservative ranks of this alliance
have shattered the Republican Party's pro-business s~pport for
engagement.
In the liberal-conservative.toppling of detente,
Kissinger detected a whiff of what he considers the original sin
of American foreign policy--idealism inspired by the high-minded·
strivings of President Woodrow Wilson·. ' ! Moral conviction not
tempered by a sense of reality leads to self- righteousnes's,
fanaticism and the. erosion of all restraint,''. Kissinger writes.
1
'We Cannot abandon national SeCUrity in pursuit Of Virtue. 11
It is widely accepted that Ronald Reag~n's unyielding
determination to fight the Soviet ''evil empire'' on every front
played a decisive role in forcing the Cold War to closure, with
victory for the West. Reagan's arms-race escalation simply made
the long struggle too expensive for the Soviet Union to continue.
But the Kissinger school wouldsay it was not, say, Reagan's
costly commitment to the still-unrealized technology of .the
·Strategic Defens~ fniti~tive missil~-defensi'sy~te~ that'drove
the Soviet system to its knees. On the contrary, they would say,
it was Reagan's untrumpeted flexibility in agreeing to the
broadest disarmament pact in history. ·Kissinger hasn't endorsed··
?ny detente-like reformulation of the China policy he helped
create, but it may be worth considering.
.. .
.
China-hawks aren't merely caught in the grip of Wilsonian
Utopianism. And the engagers aren't necessarily as practical as
they seem. The engagers might sound pragmatic when they warn that
China is too big to be isolated, but their optimism is sustained
by what may be a false faith. Call it, after The New York Times ·
columnist who is among its foremost champions, Friedmanism: the
belief that U.S.-style capitalism can by itself generate
individual freedom, representative democracy, and the features of
a civil society. Sounds good--but the Asia financial crisis has
provided sufficient reason in itself to question this new
religion.
What's missing from both extremes now dominating the
China debate is flexibility, the engine that drove detente. The
China-hawks can't say yes. to Beijing's. membership in the World
Trade Organization- -even if their refusal ll)eans thwarting the. :
interests of·U.S. business and delaying reforms in China--because
this wouid hand a victory to ci.:i.riton and to engagement. Clinton·:·
ultimateiy can't say no to· a WTO deal; even though it represents
his only leverage with Beijing, because putting the brakes on
trade with China would be ari admission that his policy of de-
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linking trade from other China issues has been a failure.
Is China in a military position to challenge America's
forces? National security experts with some detachment from the
current fracas say China's. arse.nal of 20-odd nuclear missiles and
its technologically challenged 'armed forces are not re-ady for a
fight with the United' State's. Btit the reai question i~: Is China,
because of its military advances, in a position to challenge.
America over an issue that matters immensely to China and not.at
all to the average American? The issue·, of course, is the freedom
of Taiwan. The United States is obligated to defend the island,
but American policy essentially (if quietly) accepts Taiwan's
eventual reversion to control by mainland China. Most analysts
believe China isn't itching for a fight over T~iwan, but would
fight if provoked enough by Taiwan's growing movement for
nationhood.
If there is to be a showdown with China, this is where it.
will come, and this danger calls for a policy firm enough to
possess a backbone, but not so firm as to force confrontation.
Call it engagement with teeth, perhaps--or detente with a smile.
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH
LOAD-DATE: April 19, 1999
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Beijing, People's Republic of China)
For Immediate Release
June 29, 1998
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO STUDENTS AND COMMUNITY OF BEIJING UNIVERSITY
Beijing University
Beijing, People's Republic of China_
10:25 A.M.
(L)
PRESIDENT CLINTON:
Thank you.
Thank you, President Chen, Chairmen
Ren, Vice President Chi, Vice Minister Wei. We are delighted to be here
today with a very large American delegation, including the First Lady
and our daughter, who is a student at Stanford, one of the schools with
which Beijing University has a relationship. We have six members of the
United States Congress; the Secretary of State; Secretary of Commerce;
the Secretary of Agriculture; the Chairman of our Council of Economic
Advisors; Senator Sasser, our Ambassador; the National Security Advisor
and my Chief of Staff, among others.
I say that to illustrate the
importance that the United States places on our relationship with China.
I would like to begin by congratulating all, of you, the students, the
faculty, the administrators·, on celebrating the centennial year of your
university.
Gongxi, Beida.
(Applause,.)
·
As I'm sure all of you know, this campus was on·ce home to Yenching
University ·which was founded by American ·missionaries. Many of its
wonderful buildings were'designed by an Americanarchitect.
Thousands
of Americans students and professors have come here to study and teach.
We feel a special kinship with you.
·
I am, however, grateful that this day is different in one important
respect from another important occasion 79 years ago.
In June of 1919,
the first president of Yenching University, John Leighton Stuart, was
set to deliver the very first commencement address on these very
grounds. At the appoirited hour, he appeared, but no students appeared.
They were all out leading the May 4th Movement fqr China's political and
cultural renewal. When I read this, I hoped that when I walked into the
auditorium today, someone would be sitting here. And I thank you for
being here, very much.
(Applause.)
Over the last 100 years, this university has grown to more than
20,000 students.
Your graduates are spread throughout China and around
the world.
You have built the largest university library in all of
Asia.
Last year, 20 percent of your graduates went abroad to study,
including half of your math and science majors. And in this anniversary
year, more than a million people in China, Asia, and beyond have logged
on to your web site . . At the dawn of a new century, this university is
leading China into the future.
I come here today to talk to you, the next generation of China's
leaders, about the critical importance to your future of building a
strong partnership between China and the United States.
.
'
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The American people deeply admire China for its, thousands of years
of contributions to culture and religion, to philosophy and th~ arts, to
science and technology. ·We remember well our strong partnership in
World War II.
Now we see China at a moment in history when your
glorious past is matched by your present sweeping transformation and the
even greater promise of your future.
Just three decades ago, China was virtually shut off from the
world.
Now, China is a member of more than 1,000 international
organizations -- enterprises that affect everything from air travel to
agricultural development.
You have opened your nation to trade and
investment on a large scale.
Today, 40,000 young Chinese study in the
United States, with hundreds of thousands more learning in Asia, Africa,
Europe, and Latin America.
Your social and economic transformation has'been even more
remarkable, moving from a closed command.economic system to a driving,
increasingly market-based and driven economy, generating two decades of
unprecedented growth, giving people greater freedom to travel within and
outside China~ to vote in village elections, to own a home, choose a
job, attend a better school. As a result you have lifted literally
hundreds of millions of people from poverty.
Per capit~ income has mor~
than doubled in the last decade. Most Chinese people are leading lives
they could not have imagined just 20 years ago.
·
Of course, these changes have also brought disrupti~ns in settled
patterns of life and work, and have imposed enormous strains on your
environment.
Once every urban Chinese was guaranteed employment in a
state enterprise.
Now you must'compete in a job market.
Once a Chinese
worker had only to meet the demands of a central planner in Beijing.
Now the global economy means all must match the quality and creativity
of the rest of the world.
For those who lack the right training and
skills and support, this new world can be daunting.
In th~ short-term, good, hardworking people --~some, at least will
find themselves unemployed. And, as all of you can see, there have been
enormous environmental and economic .and health care costs to the
development pattern ·and the energy use pattern of the last 20 years
from air pollution to deforestation to acid rain and wate'r shortage.
In the face of these challenges new systems of training and social
security will have to be devised, and new environmental policies and
technologies will have to be introduced with the goal of growing your
economy while improving the environment.
Everything I know about the
intelligence, the ingenui~y, the enterprise of the Chinese people arid
everything I have h~ard these last few days in my discussions with
President Jiang, Prime Minister Zhu and others give me confidence that
you will succeed.
As you build a new China, America wants to build a new
relaiionship with you. We want China to be successful, secure and open,
working with us for a more peaceful and prosperous world.
I know there
are those in China and the United States who question whether closer
relations between our countries is a good thing.
But everything all of
us know about the way the world is changing and the challenges your
generation will face tell us that our two nations will be far better off
working together than apart.
The late Deng Xiaoping counseled us to seek truth from facts.
At
. the dawn of the new century, the facts are clear.
Th·e distance between
our two nations, indeed, between any nations, is shrinking. Where once
an American clipper ship took months to cross from. China to the United
States.
Today, technology has made us all virtual 'neighbors.
From
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laptops to lasers, from microchips to megabytes, an information
revolution is lighting the landscape of human knowledge, bringing us all
closer together.
Ideas, information, and .money cross the planet at the
stroke of a computer key, bringing with them extraordinary opportunities
to create wealth, to prevent and conquer disease, to foster greater
understanding among peoples of different histories and different
cultures.
But we al~o know that this greater openness and faster change mean
that problems which start beyond one nations borders can quickly move
inside them -- the spread of weapons of mass destruction, the threats of
organized crime and drug trafficking, of environmental degradation, and
severe economic dislocation.
No nation can isolate itself from these
problems, and no nation can solve them alone. We, .especially the
younger generations of China and the United States, must make common
cause of our common challenges, so that we can, together, shape a new
century of brilliant possibilities.
In the 21st century -- your century
·China and the United States
will face the challenge of s·ecuri ty in Asia. On the Korean Peninsula,
where once we were adversaries, today we are working together for a
permanent peace and a future freer of nuclear weapons.
On the Indian subcontinent, just as most of the rest of the world
is moving away from nuclear danger, India and Pakistan risk sparking a
new arms race.
We are now pursuing a common strategy to move India and
Pakistan away from further testing and toward a dialogue to resolve
their differences.
'
'
In the 21st century, your generation must face the challenge of
stopping the spread of deadlier nuclear, chemical, and biological
weapons.
In the wrong hands or the wrong.places, these weapons can
threaten the peace of nations large and small.
Increasingly, China and
the United States agree on the importance of stopping proliferation.
That is why we are beginning to act in concert to control the worlds
most dangerous weapons.
In the 21st century, your generation will have to reverse the
international tide of crime and drugs. Around the world, organized
crime robs people of billions of dollars every year and undermines trust
in government. America knows all about the devastation and despair that
drugs can bring to schools and neighborhoods. With borders on more than
a dozen countries, China has become a crossroad for smugglers of all
kinds.
Last year, President Jiang and I asked senior Chinese and American
law enforcement officials to step up our cooperation against the_se
predators, to stop money from being laundered, to stop aliens from being
cruelly smuggled, to stop currencies from being undermined by
counterfeiting.
Just this month, our drug enforcement agency opened an
office in Beijing, and soon Chinese counternarcotics experts will be
working out of Washington.
In the 21st century, your generation must make it your mission to
ensure that today's progress does not come at tomorrow's expense.
China's remarkable growth in the last two decades has come with a toxic
cost, pollutants that foul the water you drink and the air you breathe
-- the cost is not only environmental, 'it is also serious in terms of
the health consequences of your people and in terms of the drag on
economic growth.
·
Environmental problems are also increasingly global as well as .
. national.
For/example, in the near future, if present energy use
·patterns persist, China will overtake the United States as the world's
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largest emitter of greenhou~e gases, th~ gases which are the principal
cause of global warming.
If the nations of the world do not reduce the
gases which are causing global warming, sometime in the next century
there is a seri6us risk of dramatic changes in climate which will change
the way we live and the way we work, which could literally bury some
island nations under mountains of water and undermine the economic and
social fabric of nations.
We must work together. We Americans know from our own experience
that it is possible to grow an economy while improving the environment.
We must do that together for ourselves and for the world.
Building on the work that our Vice President~ Al Gore, has done
previously with the Chinese government, President Jiang and I are
working together on way::; to bring American clean energy technology to
help improve air quality and grow the Chinese economy at· the same time.
But I will say this again -- this is not on my remarks -- your
generation must do more about this.
This is a huge challenge for ybu,
for the American people and for the future of the world. And it must be
addressed at the university level, because political leaders will never
be willing to adopt environmental measures if they believe it will +ead
to large~scale unemployment or more poverty. The evidence is clear that
does not have to happen.
You will actual1y have more rapid economic
growth and better paying jobs, leading to higher levels of education and
technology if we do this in the'proper way.
But you and the university,
communities in China, the United States and throughout the world. will
have to lead the way.
(Applause.)
In. the 21st century your generation must also lead the challenge
of an international financial system that has no respect for national
borders.
When stock markets fall in Hong Kong or Jakarta, the effects
are no longer local; they are global.
The vibrant growth of your own
economy is tied closely, therefore, to the restoration of stability and
growth in the Asia P~cific region~
China has steadfastly shouldered its responsibilities to the
region and the world in this latest financial crisis -- helping to
prevent another cycle of dangerous devaluations. We must continue to
work.together to counter this threat to the global financial system and
to the growth and prosperity which should be embracing all of this '
region.
In the 21st century, your generation will have a remarkable.
opportunity to bring together the talents of our scientists, doctors,
engineers into a shared quest for progress: Already the breakthroughs
we have achieved in our areas of joint cooperation -~ tn challenges from
dealing with spina bifida to dealing with extreme weather conditions and
earthquakes -- have proved what we can do together to change the lives
of millions of people in China and the United States and around the
world.
Expanding our cooperation in science and technology can be one
of our greatest gifts to the future.
In each of these vital areas that I have mentioned, we can clearly
accomplish so much more by walking together rather than standing apart.,
That is why we should work to see that the productive relationship we
now enjoy blossoms into a fuller partn~rship in the new century.
If that is to happen, it is very'important that we understand each
other better, that we understand bot·h our common interest and our shared
aspirations and our honest differences.
I believe the kind of open,
direct exchange that President Jiang and I had on Saturday at our press
conference -- which I know many of·you watched on television -- can both
clarify and narrow our differences, and, more important, by allowing
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people to understand ~nd debate and disc~ss these things can give a
greater sense of confidence to bur people that we can make a better
future.
From the windows of the White House, where I live in Washington,
D.C., the monument to our first President, George Washington, dominates
the skyline.
It is a very tall obelisk. But very near this ·large
monument there is a small stone which contains these words:
The United
States neither established titles of nobility and royalty, nor created a
hereditary syste~.
State affairs are put to the vote of public opinion ..
This created a new political situation, unprecedented from ancient
times to the present.
How wonderful it is. _Those words were not
written by an American.
They were written by Xu Jiyu, governor of
Fujian Province, inscribed as a gift from the government of China to our
nation in 1853.
I am very grateful for that gift from China.
It goes to the heart
of who we are as a people -- the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness, the freedom to debate, to dissent, to associate, to
worship without interference from the state. These are the ideals that
were at the core of our founding over 220 years ago.
These are the
ideas that led ~s across our continent and onto the world stage. ~hese
are the ideals that Americans cherish today.
As I said in my press conference with President Jiang, we have an
ongoing quest ourselves to live up to those ideals. The people who
framed our Constitution understood that we would never achieve
perfection.
They said that the mission of America would always be "to
form a more perfect union" -- in other words, that we would never be
perfect, but we had to keep trying to do better.
The darkest moments in our histor~ have come when we abandoned the
when w~ denied freedom to our people because of
their race or their r·eligion, because there were new immigrants or
because they held unpopular opinions. The best moments in our history
have come when we protected the freedom of people who held unpopular
opinion, or extended rights enjoyed by the many to the few who had
previously been denied them, making, therefore, the promises of our
Declaration of Independence and Constitution more than faded words on
old parchment.
~ffort to do better,
Today we do not seek to impose our vision on others, but we are
convinced that certain rights are universal -- not American rights or
European rights or rights for developed nations, but the birthrights of
people everywhere, now enshrined in the United Nations Declaration on
Human Rights -- the right to be treated.with dignity;. the right to
express one's opinions, to choose one's own leaders, to associate freely
with others, and to worship, or not, freely, however one chooses.
In the last letter of his life, the author of our Declaration of
Independence and our third President, Thomas Jefferson, said then that
"all eyes are opening to the rights of man." I belteve that in this
time, at long last, 172 years after Jefferson wrote those words, all
eyes are opening to the rights of men and women everywhere.
Over the past two decad~s, a rising tide of freedom has lifted the
lives of millions around the world, sweeping away failed dictatorial
systems in the Former Sov~et Union, throughout Central Europe; ending a
vicious cycle of military coups and civil wars in Latin America; giving
more people in Africa the chance to make the most of their hard~won
independence. And from the Philippines to South Korea, from Thailand to
Mongolia, freedom has reached Asia's shores, powering a surge of growth
and productivity.
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Economic security also can~e an essential element. of freedom.
It.
is recognized in the United Nations Covenant on Economic, Social, and
Cultural Rights.
In China, you have made extraordinary strides in
nurturing that liberty, and spreading freedom from want, to be·a source
of strength to your people.
Incomes are up, poverty is down; people do
have more choices of jobs, and the ability to travel -- the ability to
make a better life.
But true freedom includes more than economic
freedom.
In America, we believe. it is a concept ~hich is. indivisible.
Over the past four days, I have seen freedom in many
manifestations in China.
I have seen the fresh shoots of democracy
growing in the villages of your heartland.
I have visited a village
that chose its own leaders in free elections.
I have also ~een the cell
phones, the video players, the fax machines carrying ideas,· information
and images from all over the world.
I've heard people speak their minds
and I have joined people in praye~ in the fiith of my own choosing.
In
all these ways I felt a steady breeze of freedom.
,
The question is, where do we go from here? How do we work
together to be on the right side of history together? More than 50
years ago, Hu Shi, one of your great political thinkers and a teacher at
th{s university, said these w6rds:
"Now some peo~le say to me you must
sacrifice your individual freedom so that the nation may be free.
But I
reply, the struggle for individual freedom is.the struggle for the
nation's freedom.
The struggle for your own character is the struggle
for the nation's character."
We Americans believe Hu Shi was right . . We believe and our
experience demonstrates that ,freedom strengthens stability and helps
nations to. change.
~
One of our founding fathers, Benjamin Franklin, once said, "Our
critics are our friends, for they show us our faults~." Now, if that is
true, there are many days in the United States when the President has
more friends than anyone else in America.
'(Laughter.)
But it is so.
In the world we live in, this global .information age, constant
improvement and change is necessary to economic opportunity and to.
national strength.
Therefore, the freest possible flow of information,
ideas, and opinions, a~d a greater respect for divergent political and
religious convictions will actually breed strength and stability going
forward.
It is, therefore, profoundly in your interest, and'the world's,
that young Chinese minds be free to reach the fullness of their
potential.
That is the message of our time and ~he mandate of the new
century and the new millennium.
I hope China will more fully embrace this mandate.
For all the
grandeur of your history, I believe your greatest days are still ahead.
Against great odds in.the 20th century China has not only survived, it
is.moving forward dramatically.
Other ancient cultures failed because they failed to change .
. China has constantly proven the capacity to change and grow.
Now, you
must re-imagine China again for a new century, and your generation must
be at the heart of China's regenerat~on.
The new. c~ntury is upon us ... All o)lr sights are turned toward the
future.
Now your country has known more millennia than the United
States has known centuries.
Today, howev~r, China is as young as any
nat:Lon on Earth.
This new century can be the dawn of a new China, proud
of your ancient greatness, proud of what you are doing, prouder still of
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the tomorrows to come.
It can be a time when the world again looks to
China for the vigor of its culture, the freshness of its thinking, the
elevation of human dignity that is apparent in its works.
It can be a
time when the oldest of nations helps to make a new world.
The United States wants to work with you to make that time a
reality.
Thank you very much.
(Applause. )
Q Mr. President, I'm very honored to be the first one to raise
question.
Just as you mentioned in your address, Chinese and American
people should join hands and move forward together. And.what is most
important in this process is for us to have more exc~anges.
In our view, since China is opening up in reform, we have had
better understanding of the culture, history, a'nd literature of America,
and we have also learned a lot about you from the biography. And we
have also learned about a lot of American Presidents. And we have also
seen the movie, Titanic.
But it seems that the American people's
understanding of the Chinese people is not as much as the other way
around.
Maybe they are only seeing China through several movies,
describing the Cultural Revolution or the rural life.
'
So my question is, as the first President of th~ United States
visiting China in 10 years, what do you plan to do to enhance the real
understanding and the respect between our two peoples? Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT:
First of all, I think that's a very good point.
And one of the reasons that I came here was to try to -- because, as you
can see, a few people come with me from the news media -- I hope that my
trip would help to show a full and balanced pitture of modern China to
the United States, and that by coming here, it would encourage others to
come here and others to participate in the life o~ China.
·
I see a ·young man out in the audience ~ho .introduced himself to me
yesterday as the first American ever to be a law student in China.
So I
hope we will have many more Americans coming here to study, many more
Americans coming here to be tourists, many more Americans coming here to
do business.
The First Lady this morning and the Secretary of State had
a meeting on a legal project. We are doing a lot of projects together
with the Chinese to help promote the rule of law.
That should bring a
lot more peo~le here.
I think there is no easy answer to your question.
It's something
we have to work at. We just need more people involved and more kinds of
contacts. And I think the more we can do th~t, the better.
Is there a another question?
Q Mr. President, as a Chinese, I'm very interested in the
reunification of my motherland.
Since 1972, progress has been made on
the question of Taiwan question, but we have seen that the Americans
repeatedly are selling advanced weapons to Taiwan. And to our great
indignation, we have seen that the United States and Japan have renewed
the U.S.-Japan security treaty. And according to some Japanese
officials, this treaty even includes Taiwan Province of China.
So I
have to ask, if China were to send its naval facility to Hawaii, and if
China were to sign a security treaty with other countries against one
part of the United States, will the United States agree to such an act;
will the American people agree .to such an act?
(Applause.)
THE PRESIDENT:
First of all, the United States policy is not an
obstacle to the peaceful reunification of China and Taiwan.
Our policy
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is embodied in the three communiques and in the Taiwan Relations Act.
Our country recognized China and embraced a one China policy almost 20
years ago. And. I reaffirmed our one China policy to President Jiang in
our meeti'ngs.
Now, when the United States and China reached agreement that we
would have. a one China policy, we also reached agreement that the
reunification would occur by· peaceful means, and we have encouraged the
cross-strait dialogue to achieve that. Our policy is that any weapon
sales, therefore, to Taiwan must be for defensive purposes only, and that the country must not believe -- China must not believe that we are
in any way trYing to undermine our own one China policy.
It is our
policy.
But we do believe it should. occur -- any reunification ihould
occur peacefully.
Now, on Japan, if yo~ read the security agreement we signed with
I think it will be clear from its terms that ·the agreement is not
directed against any country, but rather {n support of stability in
Asia. We have forces. in South Korea that are designed to deter a
resumption of the Korean War across the dividing line between the two
Koreas.
Our forces in Japan are largely designed to help us promote
stability anywhere in the Asian Pacific region on short notice.
But I
believe that it is not fair to say that either Japah or the United
States have a security relationship that is designed to contain China.
Indeed, what both countries want is ·a s~curity partnership with China
for the 21st century.
J~pan,
For example, you mentioned NATO -- we have expanded NATO in
Europe, but we also have made a treaty, an agreement between NATO and
Russia, to prove that we are not against Russia anymore. ·And the most
important thing NATO has done in the last five years is to work side by
side with Russia to end the war in Bosnia. And I predict to you that
what you see us doing with China now, working together to try to limit
the tension from the Indian and the Pakistani nuclear tests, y9u will
see more and more and more of that in the future.
And. I think you will
see a lot of security cooperation in that area. And we can't see the
agreements of today through the mirror of yesterday's conflicts.
Q Mr. President, I've very glad to have this opportunity to ask
you a question. With a friendly smile you have set foot·on the soil of
China and you have come to the campus of Beida, so we are very excited
and honored by your presence, for the Chinese p~ople really aspire for
the friendship between China and the United States on the basis of
equality. As I know that before your_departure from the States, you
said that the reason for you to visit China is because China is too
important and engagement is better than containment.
I'd like to ask you whether this sentence is kind of a commitment
you made for your visit or.do you have any other hidden sayings behind
this smile.
Do You have any othe~. design to contain China?
(Laughter
and applause) .
THE PRESIDENT:
If I did, I wouldn't mask it behind a smile.
(Laughter.)
But I don't.
That is, my words mean exactly what,they say.
We have to make a decision -- all of us ao, but especially the people
who live in large nations with great influence must decide how to define
their greatness.
When the Soviet Union went away, Russia had to decide how to
define its greatness. Would they attempt to develop the human capacity
of the Russian people and work in partnership with their neighbors for a
greater future, or would they remember the bad things the happened to
them in the·past 200 years and think the only way they could be great
would be to dominate their neighbors militarily? They chose a forward
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The world is a better place.
The same thing is true with China .. You ~ill decide both in terms
of your policies within your country and beyond, what does it mean that
China will be a great po~er in the 21st cent~ry? Does it mean that you
will have Bnormous economic success? Does it ~ean you wiLl have
enormous· cultural influence? Does it mean that ~o~ will be able to play
a large role in solving the problems of the world? Or does it mean you
will be able to dominate your neighbors in some form or' fashion, whether
they like it or not? This is the decision that every gr~at. country has
to make.
You ask me, do I really want to contain.China? The answer is no.
The American people have always had a very warm feeling toward China
that has been interrupted from time to time when we have had problems.
But if you go back ~hrough the history of our country, there's always
been a feeling on the part of our peopl~ that we ought to be close to
the Chinese people. And I believe that it would be far better for the
people of the United States to have a partnership on equal, respectful
terms with China in the 21st century than to have to spend enormous
amounts of time and money trying ·to contain China because we disagree
with what's going on beyond our borders.
So. I do not want that.
I want
a partnership. ·I'm not hiding another design behind a smile, it's what
I really believe.
(Appla.use. )
Because I think it's good for the· American people and it's my job
to do what's good for them. What's good for them is to have a good
relationship with you.
Q Mr. President, I'm going to graduate this year and I'm going to
work in Bank of China.
Just now, Mr. President, you mentioned the
~esponsibilities of the young generation of the two countries for
international security, environment, and. the financial stabiiity.
I
think they are really important.· And I think·the most important thing
is for the young people to be well educated. And I know, Mr.
President, you love your daughter very much, and she is now studying at
Stanford.
So, my question is, several years ago you proposed the
concept of knowledge economy -- so, my first question is, what ~o you
think.the education of higher learning, what kind of role can this play
in the future knowledge economy?
And the second question is, what expectations do you have, Mr.
President, for the younger generation of our two countries?
THE PRESIDENT:
Let me answer the knowledge economy question
first.
And let me answer by telling you what I have tried to do in the
United States.
I have tried to create a situation in America in which
the doors of universities and colleges are open to every young person
who has sufficient academic achievement to get in, that there are no
financial burdens of any kind. And we have not completely achieved it,
but we have made a great deal of progress.
Now, why would I do that? Because I believe that the more
advanced an .economy becomes, the more important it is to have a higher
and higher and higher percentage of people with a university education.
Let me just tell you how important it is in the United States. We count~
our people -- every 10 years we do a census and we count the numbers of
the American people and we get all kinds of information on them.
In the
1990 Census, younger Americans who had a,college degree were
overwhelmingly likely to get good jobs and have their incomes grow.
Younger Americans who had two years or more of university were likely to
get good jobs and have their incomes grow.
Younger.Americans who didn't
go to university at all were likely to get jobs where their incomes
declined and were much more likely to be unemployed.
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And the more advanced China's economy becomes, the more that will
be true of China -- the more you will need very large number.s of people
getting un·i versi ty education and technical education. So I think it is
very, very important.
Now, let me say one expectation I have for the younger gener~tion
of Americans and Chinese that has nothing to do with economics. One of
the biggest threats to your future is a ~orld ~hich.is dominate~ not by
modern problems, but by ancient hatreds. Look around the world and see
how much trouble is being caused by people who dislike each other
because of their racial or their religious or their ethnic differences
-- whether it's in Bosnia, or the conflict between the Indians and the
Pakistanis, or in the Middle East or the tribal continents in Africa.
You look all over the world, you see these kind of problems. ·
Young people are more open to others who are diffeient, more interested
in people who are different. And I hope young people in China and young
people in America. that have a good.education will be a' strong voice in
the world against giving in to this sort of hating people or looking
down on them simply because they're different.
·
Thank you.
(Applause. )
Q Mr. President, with regard to the question of democracy, human
rights and freedom, actually this is an issue of great interest to both
the Chinese and American peoples. But, to be honest, our two countries
have some differences over these issues. In your address just now you
made a very proud review and retrospection of the history of the
American democracy in ·human rights. And you have also made some
suggestions for China. Of course, for the sincere suggestions, we
welcome .. But I think I recall one saying, that is we should have both
criticism and self-criticism.
So now I'd like to ask you a question. Do you think that in the
United States today, there are also some problems in the area of
democracy, freedom, and human rights, and what your government has done
in improving the situation? (Applause.)
·
THE PRESIDENT: I do, and, first of all, let me say, I never raise
this question overseas in any country, not just China, without
acknowledging first, that our coufitry has had terrible problems in this
area -- keep in mind, slavery was legal in America for many years -- and
that we are still not perfect. ·I always say that, because I don't think
it's right for any person to claim that he or she lives in a perfect
country.· We're all struggling toward ideals to live a better life. So
I agree with the general point you made.
Now, I will give you two examples. We still have some instances
of discrimination in America -- in housing or employment or other areas
based on race. And we have a system set up to deal with it, but we have
not totally eliminated it. And in the last year, I have been engaging
the American people in a· conversation on this subject, and we have tried
to identify the things that government should do, the things that the
American people should· do either through the local government or through
other organizations, and the attitudes that should change the minds and
hearts of the American people. So that's one example.
Now, let me give you another example. We have -- when I ran for
President in 1992, I was in a hotel in New York City, and an American
.immigrant from Greece came up to me and he said, my son is 10 years old
and he studies the election in school and he says I should vote for you.
But he said, if I vote for you, I want you to make my son {ree, because
my son is not really free. So I asked this man, what do you mean? And
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he said, well, the crime is so high in my ne~ghborhood, there are so
many guns and gangs that my son does not feel that be -- I can't let him
walk ~o school by himself, or go across the street to play in the park.
So if I vote for you, I want you to make my son free~.
I think that's important, because, you see, .in America, we tend to
view freedom as th12 freedom from government abuse or from government
control.
That is our heritage. Our founders came here to escape,the
monarchy in England.
But sometimes freedom require~ affirmative steps
by government to give everyone an equal opportunity to have an education
and make a decent living and to preserve a· lawful environment.
So I
work very hard to try to bring the crime rate down in America, and it's
now lower than it has been at any time in 25 years, which means·that
more of our children are free.
But the crime rate is still high; there
is still too much violence.
So we Americans need to be sensitive not only to preserve the
freedoms that we hold dear, but also to create an environment in which
people can build a truly good and free life~
That's a good question.
(Applause. ) ·
Q Mr. President, you are warmly welcome to Beida. You mentioned a
sentence by Mr. Xu Jiyu, but our former president once said that' when
the gr.eat moral is in practice, the morals, they will not contrcl"dict
each other. And I don't think the individual freedom and the collective
freedom will contradict each other.
But in China the prosperous
development of the nation is actually the free choice of our people, and
it's also the result of their efforts.
So I think that freedom, real
freedom, should mean for the people to freely choose the way of life
they like and also to develop. And I also think that only those who can
really respect the freedom of others can really say that they understand
what freedom means.
(Applause.)
·
I don't know whether you agree with me or not.
THE PRESIDENT:
First of all, if you believe in freedom; you have
to respect the freedom of others .to make another choice. And even
societies that have rather radical views of individuai freedom recognize
limits on that freedom when it interferes with preserving other people's
. rights.
For example, there's one of our famous court cases which says we
have freedom of speech, but no one should be free to shout the word
"fire" in a crowded movie theatre where there is no fire, and cause
people to stampede over each other. There's another famous court
decision that says my freedom ends w~ere .the other person's nose begins,
meaning that you don't have the freedom to hit someone else.
So I .agree with that.· People have the freedom to'choose and you
have to respect other people's freedom and they have the right to make
decisions that are different from yours. And there will never be a time
when our systems and our cultures and our choices will be-completely
identical.
That's one of the things that makes life interesting.
Q Mr. President, I have two questions. The first question is, the
U.S. economy has been growing for more than 18 months, so I'd like to
ask, apart from your.personal contribution to .. ~he United States, what
other factors do you think important for the success of the U.S.
economy? Maybe they can serve as good reference for China.
The ~econd question is, when President Jian~ Zemin visited Harvard
University last year, there were a lot of students outside the hall
demonstrating, so I'd like you~ Mr.
Pre~ident, if you are in Beijing
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University, and if there were a lot of students
demonstrating, what feeling would you have?
outside·p~otesting
and
THE PRESIDENT: Well, first of all, on the United States economy,
I believe that the principal role of· government. policy since I've been
President was to, first of all, get our big government deficit -- we had
a huge annual deficit in spending-- we got that under control. ·We're
about to have the first balanced budget in 30 years.
That drove
interest rates down and freed up a lot of money to be invested in
creating jobs in the private.sector.
Then the second thing we did was
to expand trade a lot, so we began to sell a lot more around the world
than we had before. And the third thing we did was to attempt to invest
more in our people -- in research, development, technology, and
education.
Now, in addition to that, however, a lot of the credit here goes
to the American people themselves. We have a very.sophisticated
business community; they were investing money in new technologies and in
new markets and in training people. We have an environment where it's
quite easy.for people to start a business, and perhaps this is the area
that might be most helpful to China.
·
I know that my wife has done·a lot of work around the world in
villages, trying to get credit to villagers so they could borrow money
to start their own businesses, to try to take advantage of some skill
they have. And we have seen this system work even in the poorest places
in Africa and Latin America, where opportunity takes off.
So we have tried to make it easy in America ·for people. to start a
business, to expand a business, and to do busines~. And then we have
also tried very, very hard to get new opportunities into areas w~ere
there were none before. And all these things together --·but
especially, I give most of the credit to the people of my"6ou~try.
After all, a person in my position, we're supposed t6 have correct
policies so that we create a framework within which the American people
then create the future.
And I think that is basically what has
happened.
Now, you asked me an interesting question. Actually, I have been
demonstrated.against quite a lot in the United States.
I. told President
Jiang when he was there, I was glad they demonstrated against him, so I
didn't feel so lonely.
(Laughter and applause.)
I'll give you a serious answer.
If there were a lot of people
demonstrating against me outside, suppose they wete demonstrating over
the question that the first gentleman asked me.
Suppose they said~ oh,
President Clinton is trying to interfere with the peaceful reunification
of China and Taiwan, and he shouldn't be selling them any weapons
whatever. Well, I would try to find out what they were demonstrating
against and then I would ask my host if they minded if I would go over
and talk to them, or.if they would mind if one or two people from the
group of demonstrators could be brought to see me and they could say
what is on their minds, ,and· I could answer.
Remember what I said before about what Benjamin Franklin said
our critics are our friends, for they show us our faults.
You have
asked me some very good questions today that have an element of
criticism in them.
They have been very helpful to me.
They have helped
me to understand how what I say ~s perceived by other~ ~- n6t just in
China, but around the world.
They have helped me to focus on what I can
do to be a more effective President fo~ my people and for the things we
believe in.
And so I feel very good that we have had this interch'ange.
And
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from my point of view, the questions were far more important than my ·
speech -- I never learn anything wheh I'~ talking, .I only learn things
when I'm listening.
Thank you very much.
END
Thank you.
(Applause.)
11:22 A.M.
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For· Immediate Release
April 8, 1999
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AND PREMIER ZHU OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA
State Dining Room
9:04 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: May I have your attention, please. Can you hear?
Ladies and gentlemen, Premier Zhu, Madam Lao, distinguished members of
the Chinese delegation; to all of our guests here. And I would like to
say a special word of welcome to two special Americans who made an
extraordinary effort to be here tonight -- Reverend Billy Graham, and
his wife, Ruth. We thank th~m for joining us.
Thank you very much.
(Applause. )
'I wobld like to begin with two profound observations about China.
The Chinese 6ivilization has dazzled the world for thousands of y~ars,
and the Chinese do not have a tradition of long speeches before dinner.
(Laughter.)
I think there must be a connection.
(Laughter.)
Therefore, I will be brief.
It is not as brief in Chinese as in English.
(Laughter.)
Since 1784, Chinese and Americans have shared a lively dialogue
over how to achieve common cause in the countless pursuits that animate
great nations. ~homa~ Jefferson took care to promote what he called
"good dispositions" between the United States and China. Abraham
Lincoln, in his first annual message to Congress, predicted our
extensive trade'with China. And, of course, Franklin Roosevelt made it
America's purpose to join with China in defense of freedom.
Our dialogue and cooperation have now survived over two centuries,
and.over considerable challenges. Today, the Premier and I worked hard
to renew both. We spoke to each other with candor and respect about our
hopes for our people 'and our children's future.
Sometimes speaking
candidly is difficult.
Premier Zhu, I know your own life bears witness to this painful
truth.
But as you said this morning, only good friends tell each other
what they really think.
If you're right about that, you've turned out·
to be quite a good friend, indeed.
(Laughter.)
As you know, the American people are glad to see you, and to
·return the hospitality you so generously extended to Hillary and me and
our delegation last year.
People are interested in you. After all,
there aren't many leaders who understand both the intricacies of global
finance and the intricacies of the Beijing Opera, who play the huqin, a
kind of Chinese fiddle, and who voice both blunt political views and
blunt musical opinions.
··
For example, this morning's New York Times reported that you said
Western opera makes you want to take a nap.
(Laughter.)
I hope Yo-Yo
Ma understands the pressure on him tonight.
(Laughter.)
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Premier, .we have profound respect for your efforts to change China in
sweeping ways, to build a 21st century China in which all Chinese have a
chance to liv~ full and prosperous lives. Of course, we have some
differences over what is required to achieve that goal. And here in
America we are still trying; ourselves, to form the "more perfect union"
of our founders' dreams.
·
But we both believe tomorrow can b~ better than today, and we believe
that our responsibility is to make it so before our brief journeys
through life are over.
Last year on March the 5th; the Chinese people.celebrated the
of the birth of the first .premier of the People's Republic,
Zhou Enlai. Americans still remember well the man who greeted President
Nixon in 1972 and said to him in a toast:
"The people, and the people
alone~ are the motive force in the making o( world histoiy."
"We are
confident,~ he went on to say, "that the day will surely ~orne when this
common desire of our two peoples will be realized."
centenn~al
.Mr. Premier, as Zhou.Enlai's successor, you have done much to bring
this day closer.
Ladies and gentlemen, please join me in a toast to the Premier of
China, Zhu Rongji, Madam Lao and the people of China.
(A toast is off~red.)
(Applause.)
PREMIER ZHU:
Mr .. President and Mrs. Clinton, ladies and gentlemen.
May I begin by extending on behalf of my wife and colleagues, and also
in my own name, our heartfelt gratitude to you, Mr. President .and Mrs.
Clinton, for hosting this grand dinner for us.
I also wish to take this
opportunity to express our sincere appreciation to the government and
the people of the United States, especially to my old friends present
today, for the very warm welcome and hospitality.
(Applause.)
.
This year marks the 20th anniversary of the establishment of
diplomatic ties between China and the United States.
So this
relationship has traversed a quite tortuous course in the past two
decades.
But I always believe that the friendly relations and the
cooperation between China and the United States are developing and
growing in greater depth and scope, and also with constant improvement
in its quality.
·
Following the successful and historical visits by President Clinton
and President Jiang, China and the United States are working together to
build towards a constructi've strategic partnership.
Such a partnership
will serve the interests of people of both our countries, and also the
interests of the people in the world.
So we should steadfastly stay
this course.
Disagreements are unavoidable between any friends, but I have every
confidence th~t any ptoblem between China and the United States can be
resolved through friendly consultations. We share the responsibility to
further enhance mutual understanding and also increase exchanges between
our two ·countries ·and the two peoples, so as to further develop the
friendship between us.
Just now, in his toast, President Clinton'mentioned the Chinese
civilization. As a matter of fact, today, in the White House, I learned
a lot about the American civilization. Today, I also.went to visit
Abraham Lincoln's bedroom, and I also saw that manuscript by him of the
Gettysbu·rg Address.
I learned that address when I was in my middle
school years, and at that time I could recit~ it, but I'm afraid now I
cannot do so.
(Laughter.)
Th~re's "of the people, by the people, and
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for the people."
(Laughtei and applause.)
Meanwhile, I also had the opportunity of visiting the place where
President Roosev~lt made his very famous Fireside Chats.
It gave me
very great ·pleasure to have this opportunity to see that site, because
during the second world war, we already had the pleasure of reading
that.
And I especially, very appreciate the welcoming cere~ony held today
and also the ceremony before this evening's dinner.
I think these
ceremonies are very grand, and also make us feel very close to each
other. Well, in China, we don't have such ceremonies.
But I also would
like to say something quite honest, because President Clinton said I'm a
man famous for being quite honest.
Just now, just at the receiving
line, because by standing ~here for so long~ I felt that I couldn't move
my legs, so it's really-- (laughter) -- it's terrible for me.
But anyway, I think this is a very good· ceremony and very good
practice.
That is, through such handshakes, this can bring me closer to
each and every guest to this evening's dinner.
The reason why, it's
terrible for me because I'm 'already 70 years old, not as young as
President Clinton.
(Laughter.)
Maybe I should not have been so honest -- just now, President Clinton
also said that the Western opera makes me want me to take a nap.
Here,
I'd like to explain.
Please, don't misunderstand me.
It is said that I
took a nap when I watched the Western ope.ra, but that's not true.
I
just said I just wanted to take a nap, but not really took a nap.
(Laughter.)
And also, more than.that, I have not· taken
nap and also I
applauded and clapped my hands very hard.
But I'm afraid maybe
sometimes I clapped my hands at the wrong ti~e.
(Laughter.)
a
So I really believe that to strengthen culture exchanges between
China and the United States is a very necessary way for promoting a
lasting friendship between our two peoples.
I wish to let you know that today we had very friendly, candid,
constructive and productive talks with President Clinton and his
colleagues.
We have reached agreements on many issues, and we have·
enhanced mutual understanding on the issues over which we still have
some disa.greements. And ·we have also reached concrete agreements on
several areas.
For instance, on the question of China's accession into
the WTO, we are going to make a joint statement. And we have also
reached agreement on the SPS -- that's the agriculture issue -- as a
part of the WTO negotiation, and I believe this agreement will get the
full support of all of you present tonight.
But I think the.most important part of my visit to the United States
is in the coming days; that is to say, during my traveling in the United
States to ·several cities, and to have direct contact with the American
people, so as to enhance our mutual friendship.
I think I should take the advice from President Clinton, because
today, he told me a story about one of your Presidents in history who
died after two hour-long speech.
So I just cannot go on talking.
(Laughter.)
But, still; although I've tried my best, but I cannot do as
well as President Abraham Lincoln did, because his speech, Gettysburg
speech, was only two and a half minutes, but I believe this speech will
forever be remembered by people throughout the world in the years and
the decades and centuries to come.
So 'let's please join me in raising your glass to propose a toast to
the health of President and Mrs. Clinton, to the health of all the
friends present tonight, and to the friendly relations and the
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cooperation between China and the United States.of America.
(A toast is offered.)
END
(Applause.)
9:28 P.M. EDT
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
April 8, 1999
JOINT PRESS CONFERENCE OF THE PRESIDENT
AND PREMIER ZHU RONGJI OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA
Presidential Hall
3:51 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon.
Please be.seated.
Premier
Zhu and members of the Chinese delegation, I want to thank you again for
coming to the United States.
It is important for the leaders of America
and China to meet regularly.
Today we were able to make progress in areas that benefit both
the American and Chinese people. We had the chance to speak directly
and openly.on.matters where we have disagreements~ We reviewed our
ongoing efforts to enhance the security of both our nations, and to
build world peace and stability -- in our efforts to seek peace on the
Korean Peninsula, to work with India and Pakistan to curb their nuclear
competition, to join in adherence to international agreements limiting
the spread of ~eapons of mass destruction.
In that regard, let me say I hope that both our nations soon
will ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty to end all nuclear
testing.
We also discussed our common efforts to increase prosperity
for both our nations.
Economic is Premier Zhu's primary portfolio.
With his leadership, China's economy has withstood Asia's financial
turmoil and helped to mitigate its impact on other ·nations in the
region.
Now, with Asia's recovery underway, but regional growth still
fragile, Premier Zhu has been squarely addressing China's toughest ·
economic challenges -- reforming state-owned industries and financial
institutions, rooting out corruption, .bringing China into the
Information Age, and expanding international trade.
These efforts will
benefit China and its trading partners, including America's businesses,
workers and farmers.
\
Our nations also will benefit from new cooperative initiatives
we have agreed upon.in recent days --to develop a private housing '
market in China; to create a U.S.-China dialog~e on job training ~rid
labor rights; to support clean energy projects in China.
Today we will
sign a civil aviatlon agreement that will double passenger and cargo
flights between our countries, bringing jobs and economic activity to
both.
And after extensive efforts by our negotiators, China has
agreed to direct all its government agencies to use only licensed
computer software, which will greatly assist our software industry in
China, now the world's fifth-largest personal computer market.
Additionally, we have reached an important agreement that will open
China's markets for U.S.
exports of citrus, meat products, and Pacific
Northwest wheat, all highly important for our farmers.
·
·
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I am also pleased we have made significant progress toward .
bringing China into the World Trade Organization on fair commercial
terms, although.we are not quite there yet. A fair WTO agreement will
go far toward leveling the playing field for our companies and our
workers in China's markets; wili commit China to play by the rules of
the international trading system, and bring China fully into that system
in a way that will bring greater opportunity for its citizens and its
industries as well.
Today, we are issuing a joint statement recording the
significant progress we have made on WTO and committing to work to
resolve all remaining issues this year.
Ultimately, to succeed in the market-based, information-driven
world economy, China must continue its efforts toward reform.
Premi~r
Zhu has worked very hard on them.
There is still work to be done, and
w~ want to support China in its efforts to strengthen its legal system,
impose stronger labor and envirqnmental protections, improve
accountability, give citizens greater freedom.and increase .. their access
to information.
We disagree, of course, on the meaning and reach of human
rights, because I am convinced that greater freedom, debate and openness
are vital to improving China's citizens' lives as well as China's
economy over the long run.
It is troubling that in the past year, China
has taken some steps backwards on human rights and arresting people
basically for seeking to express their political views.
I also regret
that more progress has 'not been made to open a dialogue with the Dalai
Lama.
We honor China's remarkable achievements, its greater
prosperity and the greater range of personal choices available to its
citizens, as well as the mov~ment toward local democracy. We appreciate
the magnitude of its struggles, far greater than those fac~d by any .
other country in the world.
B~t the American people and, indeed, people
all around the worl~,· believe that all persons are entitled to
fundamental freedoms that include freedom of speech, religion and
association.
I hope that China's leaders will conclude that in these areas,
too, benefits of change outweigh the risks.
I hope and believe we can
make the kind of progress together that will enable both of us to have
the kind of strong partnership that would be very much in the world's
interest in the 21st century -- a partnership against war and terrorism,
against dangerous weapons and crime, far better health care and
education, for a cleaner.environment, achievements in the arts and the
scierices, a deepening of democratic values and prosperity for all our
citizens and indeed, for all the world.
I have no illusions that cooperation with China can resolve
all of our differences. Our countries are too large, our backgrounds
are too different. Where our interests diverge, we will continue to
stand for our values and. to protect our national security.
But a policy
of confrontation for confrontation,'s sake, as I said yesterday, will
accomplish nothing but the fulfillment of the bleakest prophesies held
by people in both the United States and China.
Yesterday I said we should not see this relationship through
rose-colored glasses, nor should we see it through a glass darkly.
We
should see it with clear eyes.
It is in the interest of the American
people and the Chinese people that whenever we can cooperate, we should.
This relationship, complex though it may be, is profoundly important to
the future of every American andevery Chinese citizens, and indeed, to
all the world.
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Premier Zhu.
PREMIER ZHU:
Thank you.
Ladies and gentlemen, I'd like to
thank President Clinton for his invitation, and now the delegation of
the People.'s Republic of China is visiting the United States. :And today
I'm very honored to join President Clinton, to meet all the friends
coming from the press. And I am ready to convey through the friends
from the media my most sincere greetings and best regards to the
American people.
From the moment since I set foot on the American soil, which
started from Los Angeles -- when maybe God did not welcome me very much;
for it rained very hard -- but it appears to me that the American people
like me. And tdday, we received a very grand welcome .£rom the President
and we. had a very good talk with the President and his colleagues. And
at noon, I also attended a very grand luncheon hosted by Secretary
Albright, which was an opportunity for me to meet many old friends.
I believe that our talks were frank and candid, and they were
6onstructive and fruitful.
Naturally, the result has nbt been measured
by how many agreements we may have reached -- I believe we've already
reached quite a number of agreements. What is the key that .the PRC
delegation is able to have the opportunity of meeting people from
different walks of life in the United States and that we can have an
opportunity to talk directly to the American.people to explain to them
what is our views.
As I said in the morning, it is riot that only ~riends who say
yes to you are good friends; we believe that maybe the friends who are
able to say no to you are the best friends for you.
And from Washington, I will also travel to Denver, to Chicago,
to NeW York and to Boston where I will meet quite a lot of ~riends from
the United States.
I'm ready to. talk to them,· and I'm also prepared to
argue, to debate with them.
I believe by doing so, we will be able to
promote the communication and mutual understanding between our two
peoples, thus promoting the relationship between us -- or, rather, the
objectives of working to build a constructiv~ str~tegic partnership
between the two sides as opened up by the two Presidents, and also to
continue to develop the friendship between us.
As the President said earlier this morning, we also reached
certain agreements on the WTO question, and we shall issue a joint
statement.
On this question and also on these areas we've already
agreed upon, such as on the agricultural questions, we· will sign certain
agreements.
In my view, all these will further promote the development
of friendship and cooperation between China and the United States.
And today I am ready to answer your questions in a very candid
But as the Premiei of China, I took my office only on the 17th
of March last year, and tod~y is my first time.~o ~xperience su6h press
conference-- so my heart is now beating.
(Laughter.)
I''m not as
experienced as the President, because the President is very experienced
in dealing with you.
(Laughter.)
I'm not that experienced, so should I
say something which is not appropriate very much, ·I do hope that you
will exercise certain leniency and try to promote what is good and try
as much as you can to cover what may riot be that appropriate.
Thank
you.
(Laughter.)
~anner.
Q Thank you, Mr. Premier. As a matter of fact, before your
visit to the United S~ates, and also since you set your foot on the
American soil, many of our leaders have such a question -- that is,
given such difficulties that the China-U.S.
relations encountered, why
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did you still decide to visit the United States as scheduled? What are
your real thoughts? And how do you thirik China-U.S. relations should
develop at the turn of the century?
PREMIER ZHU: Are you asking me to tell you the truth? To
tell you the truth, I was really reluctant to come.
(Laughter.)
Two
days before my departure from China·to the United States, I received two
congressional delegations from the United States, one headed by Mr.
Thomas, the other by Mr. Roth. All together, more than 20 senators and
congressmen·were at the meetings.
I said to them, as the current
political atmosphere in the United States is so anti-China, I really
lack the guts to pay the visit to the United States at present. And
they told me that you should go; we welcome you, because we Americans
like your new face.
I said, my old friend, Ambassador Sasser told me he was going
to go back to the United States before me and he was going to each and
every place that I was going to visit to introduce me to the local '
people and also to promote my trip. And he also told me that he was
fully prepared to be even beaten black.and blue, and maybe with a
bandage wrapped around his face when he saw me in the United States.
Then I said, even your Ambassador Sasser, an Americ.an, had such a risk
of being beaten black and blue, then what would my fate be as a Chinese?
Will my new face be turned into a bloody face?
(Laughter.)
The senators and the congressmen didn't give me any guarantee.
But President Jiang Zemin decided that I should come according to a
schedule, and he is number one in China so I had to obey him. Now, I
can tell you that I am now in a much better mood than when I was just
about to make the trip, because since I came to the United States I've
seen so many friendly faces and I've been accorded very warm welcome and
reception.
I believe that through my current visit to the United States I
will be able to contribute some of my part to the continued growth of
the friendly relations and the cooperation between China and the United
States. And more than that, I will also be able to get more
understanding from the American people and maybe develop more consensus
with the American side on the issues over which we still argue.
And we'll also be able to conclude several agreements in the
economic field -- for instance, on SPS. And, actually, our negotiations
in the field of WTO have been going on for 13 years. And on the.part of
the Chinese side, we have already made a lot of concessions.
For
instance, in the are of TCK wheat, now we have already agreed to lift
the ban on the exports of wheat from seven American U.S. states to
China. And·now we have also decided to lift the restriction on the
export of citrus from four states of the United States, including
California, to China.
·
On the question of China's accession into the WTO, in my view,
the gap between the two sides is really not very significant. Maybe Mr.
President does no~ quite agree with me on that; their side stfil
believes that the gap is significant.
So that '·s. why at present we are
only in a position to sign a joint statement instead of a full package
agreement.
If you want to hear some honest words, then I should say that
now the problem does not lie with this big difference or big gap, but
lies with the political atmosphere.
But we are very optimistic about
the prospect of the development of friendly relations and the
cooperation between China and the United States.
·
As I said this morning, I don't think there's any. problem or
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qu~stion between our two countries th~t cahriot be .r~solved
satisfactor-ily through· friendly consultations.\
As for some other issues, such as humari rights and the Dalai
Lama, President Clinton mentioned all- these issues in his .opening
remarks.
I think we have,eriou~h time to argue over these question~, so
I don't want to dwell on. these questions· .l·ong her~.
Q Mr. Preside.nt, I have a three'-part question pn
(laughter)-THE PRESIDENT:
You learned from her, right?
,
Q -- on Kosovo.
Solana says that there are ··ongoing
discussions on ground troops.
Has the U.S; position changed? Question
two:
Has the Cypriot interventi'on. helped to pave the· way for the
release of the American servicemen? And;.three:
Is Milosevic a war
criminal by Nuremburg standards?
.'
.·
THE PRESIDENT:
The answer to th~:first q~est{on is, no, I
believe our present strategy will work if..we can keep the allies with
it.
The answer to the second question is; r·don't knciw~
I hope so.
We
would like to see the servicemen released because they never should have
been detained in the fir~t pla~e.
They were iri Macedonia; they ~ad
nothing to do with the operations against· Serbia. And I would be for
anything honorable ·that would secure their .relea·se, obviously.
The ans0er to the third question i~ th~t that is, strictly
speaking, a legal decision that has to be made, but I certainly, think it'
should be lboked into.
Q Why are nine comritanders named by the State Department to be
possibly indicted, and you don't mention Milosevic?
THE PRESIDENT:
The answer to that is, I'm not sure.
The
question !want to emphasize ·io.you is, when you start talking about
indicting people there are laws, there are standards of proof,· there are
·coverages, there are all·those issues . . We have asked that this be
·looked at.
What we do know is this.
Let.' s · look ·at ;yhat we know.
What we
knO\:i' 'is that by a.deliberate policy. he has caused hundreds of thousands
of people to be refugees.
We know that·thousandi of .inno2ent people
have been killed -- defenseless, completely defenseless people. We know
that people were herded up and pushed to the borders and pushed over the
borders. And toda~ you all have Stories saying thaC the same borders
that people were her~ed up and pushed over or pushed ~P next to are now
being·mined, so if they try to get ~cr6Ss them to save their lives they
can be blown.up.
\'
We know that he supported, strongly, the Se~~ian actions in
the Bosnian War, which led to the deaths of over a quarter mi.llion
people and over 2.5 million people being made refugees.
Now, the important thing to me is to stop the killing, '.to stop
the exodus, to see the refugees return~ to see them safe; to see a
political sol~tion that gives-them the autonomy that they were promised,
to have'an international peacekeeping force ihat will prevent this from
happening again.
·
·
But I have been very clear, Helen -- I thiqk quite unambiguous
that, on the war crimes issue, that. is something -- wa have a tribunal
set up for. that.
We have people whose job it is i~ to. make 't~at
determination.
They should examine it and make that determination.
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And I think that's all that is appropriate for me to say,
because it's not my job and I'm not a legal expert on that question.
But I do think that the facts are clear.
The humanitarian suffering and
loss here is staggering, and it is a repeat of what we saw in Bosnia.
And it is his direct political strat~gy for first getting, and then
maintaining, power. And the human loss has been breathtaking.
'
'
Q Seven hours before you landed in Andrews Air Force Base
yesterday, President Clinton made a foreign policy speech in which he
mentioned the sending of carriers to the waters in the Taiwan Straits in
March 1996. And he said that that move had helped maintain the security
in the Taiwan Straits.
So, in your view, how do you see the effect of
the military capabilities of the United States on the situation across
the Taiwan Straits? And do you think there should be a timetable for
the reunification of the mainland and Taiwan of China? And do you wish
I
to pay a visit to Taiwan?
PREMIER ZHU:
The policy of China and the reunification of the
mainland and Taiwan of China is a very clear-cut one and the Pr~sident
Jiang Zemin has already expounded 6n China's policy in this regard.
So
I don't see the need £or me to reiterate here.
Since the return of Hong Kong to the motherland, the policy of
one country, two systems, Hong Kong people administering Hong Kong, Hong
Kong enduring a high degree of autonomy, have been fully implemented,
which is a fac~.there for the p~ople in the entire world to see. And
our policy for the reunification of China with Taiwan is more generous
than our policy towards Hong Kong.
That is to say, Taiwan will be
allowed to maintain its army, and we're also prepared to let the head of
Taiwan come to the central government to serve as the deputy head.
But as for whether he or she is able to be the head, then I'm
not sure.
But I'm afraid it would not get enough votes.
Nobody would
vote for him.
On the question of the reunification, the Chinese government
has repeatedly stated that we strive for a peaceful reunification of the
motherland, but we have never undertaken to renounce the use of force in
this ~egard.
Because if we were to make·such a pledge, mak~ such an
undertaking·, then I'm afraid that Taiwan would be in the perpetual state
of separation from the motherland.
Just now, in the Oval Office of President Clinton, I saw the
portrait of President Abraham Lincoln. Abraham Lincoln, in order to
maintain the unity of the United States and oppose independence of the
southern part, he had resorted to the use of force and fought a war for
that, for maintaining the unity of the United States.
So I think
Abraham Lincoln, President, is a model, is an example.
As for whether I'm going to visit Taiwan, .since none of them
have issued an invitation to me, so how can I go there and in what
capacity should I go th~re? I hope you will also help me to think qf
this.
(Laughter.)
Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT:
I think I have to say just one thing, if I
might -- since I got zapped by Abraham Lincoln.
(Laughter ..) First of
all, the United States has a one-China policy and I have reaffirmed that
at every opportunity.
I do. so again today.
Secondly, we believe that this matter should be resolved
peacefully.
The facts of the relationship between Taiwan and China over
the last 50 years are somewhat different than the facts leading up to
the American Civil War, as I'm sure that you would all agree.
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It does seem to me that China and Taiwan, apart from the blood
ties of being Chinese -- even the native ~aiwanese -- that you have a
lot.to offer each other, including economic power, but beyond that as
well.
And so I hope that we will see a resolution of this. And I
think if the Premier is as humorous and clever in Taiwan as he is here,
I think it would be a good thing for him to go~
(Laughter.)
PREMIER ZHU:
President
~linton's
black and blue.
(Laughter.)
Q A question to the Premier. Sir, how do you respond to
charges that China stole nuclear warhead designs and perhaps neutron
bomb technology from the United States, and also funneled hundreds of
thousands of dollars to President Clinton's reelection campaign?
(Laughter.)
And, Mr. Clinton, do ·you find any of these charges credible?
And what do you say to. criticism that your policy of engaging China has
benefited China, and not penalized them at all for human rights abuses,
trade problems, and espionage?
·
PREMIER ~HU:
In the capacity of the Premier of the State
Council of the People's Republic of China, I'd like t6 make a very
solemn statement here that I have no knowledge whatsoever of any
allegation of espionage or the theft of nuclear technology. And I don't
believe such a story.
I've also asked President Jiang, and he does not have any·
knowledge of that at all.
It is not the policy of China to ·steal
so7called "military secreti" from the United States. And I don't think
there can be such a problem, given the tight security measures.in the
United States and advanced technology. Although, it seems that to the
technology, with regard to this microphone, is not that advanced.
(Laughter.)
I think it's entirely impossible for China to have any
effective -- or to steal any nuclear technology or military secrets from
the United States effectively under such conditions, such tight security
measures.
In the scientific exchanges between scholars of our two
countries, they may have some exchanges concerning defense technologies.
But I don't believe that such exchanges will involve any substantive or
key technologies.
As a ~enior engineer, I've been in charge of~he industry in
China for more than 40 years, and I have never known any of our most
advanced technology came from the United States. But the technology
development, or technologies, are the common heritage or common property
of mankind. And in scientific inventions, actually, all roads lead to
Rome. And in terms of the missile and the nuclear technologies, indeed,
we have learned that from foreign countries.
While in the area of missile technology, the pioneer in China
is Mr. Tienjasen (phonetic), who returned from the United States.· And
in terms of the nuclear technology the pioneer in China is Chenseng
Chung (phonetic), who returned from the lab of Madam Curie. of France.
But I can assure yo~ that when they returned back, they didn't bring
back even a piece of paper; they just brought back with them their
brains.
That's why I said at the press conference last March that I
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hope you don't underestimate your own ability, your own security
ability, or your own ability to keep secrets, and don't underestimate
the capability of the Chinese people to develop their own technology.
At a luncheon hosted by the mayor of Los Angeles, the. wife.of
the mayor asked me, how are you going to celebrate the 50th ~nniversary
of the founding of the People's Republic? I told her that we planned to
hold a very grand military review and also the latest weaponry will be
on display. And I also told her that all the weaponry.are developed by
China itself, not stolen from the United States.
The wife of the mayor
gave me advice, and she said, maybe you should put a sign on the
weaponry, the missiles, that say, "Made in China, not fro~ the United
States." I appreciated her sense o·f humor very much, and I said, that's
a good idea.
(Laughter.)
Mr. Clinton stated in.the s~eech th~t the United States has
more than 6,000 nuclear missiles, while China only has less than two
dozen.
I think he knows better than I do.
I,· to tell you the truth,
don't know the exadt number of missiles that we.have.
(Laughter.)
Although I do not know the exact number. of our missiles, I agree with
you in your conclusion -- that is, we have a very small number of
missiles, and you have a very large number.
So China does not
constitute a threat whatsoever to the United States.
On the allegation of political ··contributions or· campaign
financing, I can also state in a very responsible manner here that
neither I, nor President Jiang Zemin, know anything about that. And we,
too,.also once asked th~ senior military leaders in China, and they told
us they didn't have any knowledge of that.
I think'this shows that some Americans really had
us.
If the political contribution were to be really that·
effective, then now I have $146 billion. U.S. of foreign exchange
reserved, so I should have put out at least $10 billion U_.S. for that
purpose -- why just .$300, 000? That would be too foolish.
(Laughter.)
I've learned that some people have spent a lot in lobbying here, but I
never believed such rumors.
underestim~ted
I think through such mutual.discussions and even debates, we
can develop consensus and reach agreement on many issues.
That will
serve the intere.sts of both the Chinese and American peoples. And we
also trust the American people and we, actually, we have never and we·
would not do such kind of thing.
THE PRESIDENT:
Let me respond to the question you asked me.
First of all, with regard to the two issues, the campaign finance issue
and the espionage allegations, I raised both .. these is~~es with Premier
Zhu last night.
He gave me the same answer he just gave you today. And
my response was that I hope that he and his government would cooperate
with these two investigations.
·
You know, China is a big country with a big government. And I
can only say that America·is a big country with a big government, and
occasionally, thing~-happen in this government that I don't know about.
And so I think it's important that·we continue the investigation and do
our best to find out wh_at happen'ed, and I asked for his cooperation.
Now, as to the second part of your question, which is, what do
we get out of this -- the sort of anti-China crowd in America says.
First of all, the implication is that if someone wants:to have a
relationship with us, they should agree with us about everything -that's just not going to happen.·
But I would like to point out the following things.
Because
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of our cooperation with China, we have lessened the tensions on the
Korean Peninsula for several years, China has participated with us in
any number of arms control initiatives, including an agreement to
re~train its transfers of dangerous weapons and technology to other
countries.
China is a signatory."to the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty,
and China has worked very hard, as I already'said, to stabiliz~ the
Asian economy at a time when it was not only hurting people in Asia, but
it was beginning to affect the American economy.
So we get quite a lot
out of our cooperation with China.
Last point. When you say, what· do we get out of it? He could
have people asking him that in China. They could say, it i~ the United
States, not the European Union, that sponsors the human rights
resolution.
The United States has stricter controls on technology
transfer to China than any other country ~ith which it deals -- both of
which are true.
But let me just give you one final example -- take the WTO.
How could it possibly serve America's interests not to open more Chinese
markets to America's workers and businesses and farmers? They have a
much bigger share of our market, in terms of exports, than we have of
theirs. ,How could it possibly be against our interest to bring more
Chinese into contact with more Americans, and to give more opportunities
for America to honestly compete in the Chinese market?
I think it is clear that the more we work together and talk
together, and the more China is involved with the rest of the world, the
more likely we are to reach positive outcomes.
That is the logic of the
policy, and the logic of what we are doing in particular nn WTO.
~-~~~B~~~:; I agree to cooperate with your side in
investigation, so l~ng as you can provide some clues. And no matter who
it may involve, we will investigate it.
I'd like here to respond to .what President Clinton said on
WTO.
He said that to allow China in the WTO will.be in the best
interest of the American people. And I want to say that although China
has made the biggest concessions, that will also.be in the interest of
the Chinese people.
Many Hong Kong newspapers say that I've come to
the United States to p~esent a very big gift.
I don't think such a
suggestion is right.
I'm sorry, I'm afraid I've offended the press.
(Laughter.)
r· ----- ------ ----
-- ------ - ---- ---------------- --- ------ ------- -.-(
r--------_/Because if China wants to join the WTO, wants to be integrated~
/in the international community, then China must play by the rules of the~
(game.
China cannot do that without making concessions. Of course, s~clf.
-~oncessions might bring about a very huge impact on China's na.tionalJ -i!_r_tpact::_ on _
_£_o_m_~--~-~--t:e-owned enterprises, and also on China's market. i
---:--
~
-
---
-----·
-
--
-----
--~-~-----
·-----
--
---
---
---~-
-
- - - . . . . - - --<--
...
But I have every assurance to say here, thanks to the
achievements made in our reform and opening up process, we will be able
to stand such impact. And _the competition arising from such impact will
also promote a more rapid and more healthy development of China_'s
national economy.
Here I'd like to call the attention of the Hong Kong press
people.
In your future reports, don't ever·write things like "present a
big gift," because that would be interpreted-- equivalent to a
political contribution or campaign financing.
That would be_ve:y much
detrimental to President Clinton.
(Laughter.)
Q I'm a correspondent with CCTV China.
Recently, there has
been much talk within and out of China about China's economic
development, reform and opening up policy.
So, Mr.
Premier, would you
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please make some observations on the current state of China's economy
and the prospect of economic development in China. And what impact do
you think China's economic development will have on the stability and
the development of the economy in Asia an~ the world at large?
PREMIER ZHU:
Last year, China's economy experienced extreme
difficulties due to the Asian financial crisis and the
devastating floods hitting some·areas in China.
But we have tided over
these difficulties and managed to achieve a 7.8 percent growth of our
GOP. And we have maintained a policy of not to devaluate the R&B
currency. And the prices in China have been maintained basically stable
and some have somewhat declined or have dropped.
As for the economic development in China this year, many
foreigners are predicting that China will be the next to be hit by an .
economic crisis. ·But I don't think that will be the case.
This year
the projected.GDP growth is 7 percent; but in the first quarter of the
year the growth rate was 8.3 percent. ~o I expect China's economic
development this year to be better.than that of.last year-- not in
terms of the speed, simply in terms of speed, but in terms of the
economic efficiency, economic results.
Secondly, some foreigners are saying that China's economic
reform has come to a stop.
I wish to state here in very explicit terms
that last year, instead of coming to a standstill, China's reforms made
greater progress than originally planned.
Firstly, in terms of the reform of the government
institutions, last year we set the objective of cutting the size of the
central government by half in three years time-- that is, from 33;000
people to 16,000 people. And this objective had been realized last
year, just in one year. Apart from 4,000 government functionaries who
have now gone to universities or colleges for further study, all the
rest have been re-employed ·by other sectors, by ente~prises. And so I
think that represents a very major achievement.
·And this year, we plan to press forward the reform of the
local governments. We also plan to cut the size of the local
governments by half in three years time -- that is, to cut from 5
million people to 2.5.
Certainly, some foreigners are saying that there is a very
serious problem of unemployment in China, a lot of people have been laid
off from state-owned enterprises and this h?S caused a SOCial
instability in China .. I think anybody wh~·has been to China will know
that this is not true.
In the beginning of last year, indeed, there were 10 million
laid-off workers or unemployed workers . . Thanks to our efforts .over the
past year we have put in place a social· security system. · Now all those
laid-off workers or unemployed workers can get basic living allowances.
And many of them have been re-employed . . Now there are 6 million
unemployed or laid-off workers who are in those re-employment service
centers waiting for being re-employed.
While the establishment of such a social security system is.
very helpful to our efforts to revitalize, rejuvenate the state-owned
enterprises by introducing shareholding system into the large
state-owned enterprises, and also to reform the small and the
medium-sized enterprises in various ways, includi'ng to privatize some of
the small ones.
Lastly, China now is introducing an unprecedented reform in
its banking system. We are drawing on the experience of the RTC in the
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United States to form the Assets Management Companies in China to handle
the non-performing loans of the state-owned banks.
I believe that such
reform is conducive. to turning the state-owned commercial banks into
genuine commercial banks, and is also conducive to helping enhance the
ability of the central bank to supervise and to regulate according to
international practice.
So here, I'd like to say that China's RMB will not be
depreciated and it will remain stable.
So here, I'd. like to call on the
American business people to go to China for investment.
You will not
face the risk of devaluation of RMB.
If you don '.t believe me, then· I
would take the advice from Professor Milton Miller of Chicago
University.
He advised me to offer a put option to those who don't
believe me.
Thank you very much.
THE PRESIDENT:
Q
Larry?
That was tough.
THE PRESIDENT:
That was real. statesmanshi~.
(Laughter.)
Q I think it was more of a ham, but -- I have questions for
both you gentlemen. Mr. Premier, as you know the U.S. State Department
issued a rather scathing report on human rights abuses in your country,
and the United States is in the process of sponsoring a resolution
before a U.N. group to criticize human rights in your country.
Do you
consider these assessments totally unfair, or do you think it's possible
that there are problems within your country that need to be corrected?
And, President Clinton, at your last ,formal news conference,
you spoke about the problems, or at least allegations, of Chinese
spying, and you said that it mainly deal't in the 1980s, that there were
no indications that it involved your presidency.
In the wake of today's
New York Times report, can you still make.that statement? Or are you
concerned that perhaps you were misled, .or had information withheld from
you about the extent of the all~gations?
PREMIER ZHU:
THE PRESIDENT:
Me first?
(Laughter.)
You're the guest.
(Laughter.)
PREMIER ZHU:
Thank you.
Firstly, I wish to say I'm firmly
opposed to the U.S. tabling of a draft resolution directed at China at
the Human Rights Commission session.
I not only regard that as unfair,
but also take it as an interference in China's internal affairs.
I wish to make three points here.
Firstly, China has made
·very big progress in the human rights area over the past several decades
since the founding ~f new China. And the Chinese people today enjoy
unprecedented extensive democratic and political rights.
Through certain legal procedures, through certain procedures,
the Chinese people can voice their criticisms ot' the government and they
can also exercise supervi.sion over the government. And they can express
fully their opinions. And in my view, in terms of the freedom of speech
and freedom of press, China indeed has made very great progress.
Secondly, I also think that we should put the question of
human rights .in a historical .perspective. And I think different
countries may have a different understanding of this question.
In terms
of the human rights concept, Mencius, who lived in a period more than
2,000 years ago in China, he stated that people are the most important
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and the most precious, while the state is next to that, and the emperor
or the kings are the least important.
So that kind of thought was much
earlier than Rousseau of France, and then the Human Rights Declaration
of France.
And also, different countries have different conditions, and
human rights, actuaily, is also a concept that has evolved in history:
In terms of per capita income, the per capita income of the United
States is 20 times that of China. And .also, in terms of education, the
ratio of university graduates in the United States, in its total
population, is higher than the ratio of the illiterate people, plus the
primary school graduates to the. total population in China.
So given
such different levels of education and also income, it's natural that
people may have. different concepts of human rights.
For instance, if you want to talk about human rlghts to a very
poor person, maybe what he is more interested in is -- if you want to
just talk to him about direct election.
But maybe that's not what he is
most interested in. What he is interested in most is the other aspects
of human rights, such as the right to education, the right to
subsistence, the right to development, the right to a cultural life, and
the right to medical care, health care. .so I think human rights
actually include so many aspects.
So I think every country has its own approach in improving its
human rights.
One should not be too impatient, but to tell the truth,
I'm more impatient than you are in how to further, constantly improve
the human rights in China.
Thirdly, I concede that there is ro9m for improvement in human
rights conditions in China. As you may know, China has a history of
several thousands years of a feudal system, feudal society --· so people
have very deep-rooted concepts influenced b~ this historical background.
' I t ' s quite difficult to change such mentality or concept overnight.
]\nd also in China, ·the legal workers, the people working in
the legal ?nd the judicial field, some of them are not that qualified,
are not that competent -- so sometimes in dealing with certain cases
they need to improve.their work.
So under such conditions it's really
not realistic to demand a very perfect practice in the human rights
field.
So we are willing to listen to you and we are willing to have
channels of dialogue on human rights question. We don't want to stage a
confrontation in this regard.
Actually, in China, when I received some foreign visitors,
they tend to put forward a list of so-called dissidents and ask me to
release these people.
Well, actually, we took this matter very
seriously and we have looked into all these cases, and if we found that
the person on the list has not committed any criminal offenses, then we
will just release him.
Well, before I came to the United States, many of my friends
mailed me a lot of materials in which they contained a lot of
information about the problems of human rights in the United States.
Anci they urged me to bring .such materials to President Clinton, but I
haven't brought them with me.
I don't want to hand that over to
President Clinton because I trust you are able to resolve your own
problems.
THE PRESIDENT: Actually, sometimes we could use a little
outside help, too. .(Laughter.)
Let me say, first of all, in response to the question you
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raise, I read The New York Times article today, and while I can't
comment on specific intelligence reports as a matter of policy, I noted
that even the article acknowledged that the alleged espionage might not
have been connected to the national labs, which is the question I was
asked in the· press confetence.
·
But let me say, I've looked into it and we're doing our best
to resolve all outstanding questions. And I've asked the law
enforcement agencies to try to accelerate their inquiries insofar as
they can.
The real issue is, and one that we made perfectly clear last
week, is that for quite a long while, from the '80s coming right up
through the time I became President, the security at the labs was
inadequate. And I think it grew out of, partly, the kind of dual
culture of the labs -- part of their great centers of science and
learning, and they've done a lot of path-breaking work in energy, and
alternative sources of energy, and computer processing, and the use of
software for all kinds of very important non-defense matters -- while
maintaining their responsibilities in the nuclear area.
And to me, the most important thing of all now -- besides
finishing the investigations in an appropriate way -~ is making sure we
get the security right.· You know ·that I signed that executive order in
early 1998.
You know what Secretary Richardson has done recently. And
I have also asked. the President!s Foreign Intelligencie Advisory Board
Chairman, Senator Rudman; to head a bipartisan panel to look into what
we have ~one, and to tell us if we haven't done·enough and what else we
ought to do.
So I think the most important thing now is to recognize that
for quite a long while, the security at the labs was not adequate, that
we have been moving to do a lot of things in the last year-plus, that we
have much more to do-- perhaps.-- and we .asked somebody to look into
it, and then to do these investigations and do them ri~ht, and do them
as quickly as possible.
THE PRESS:
~ND
Thank you.
5:22 P.M. EDT
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Guilin, People's Republic of China)
For Immediate Rel·ease
July 2·, 1998
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN DISCUSSION ON THE ENVIRONMENT WITH
CHINESE ENVIRONMENTAL SPECIALISTS
Seven Star Park
Guilin, People's Republic of China
I
11:00 A.M.
(L)
Q (started in progres.s) -- the local government· to stop the logging.
But the local government is so poor, they ask for compensation.' And
then finally, the central government agreed to give them 11 million RMB
per year to stop the logging.
THE PRESIDENT:
Good.
Q So, now, well, for the time being, the monkeys are safe. This is
one thing we have done.. And. I brought with me a picture of the monkeys
and will give it to you as a gift.
THE PRESIDENT:
0~,
thank you.
Q So this is the only red-lipped primate besides human beings.
the total number of it is less than 12 -THE PRESIDENT:
Q
My cousins.
(Laughter.)
And
How many total number?
Less than 1,200.
THE PRESIDENT:
You know, in our country we have exactly the same
issue.
We have, in the Pacific Northwest and the West -- California,
Oregon, Washington -- the U.S., we haye ·-- about 90 percent of our
old-growth forest is gone.
So n~w w~ have a law, a nation~l law on
endangered species, and it also protects the forest.
And we still have some logging in the forest, but you can't go in and
just cut all the trees down, you have to be very careful, tree by tree,
as the aging process goes, because I don't know how old the trees are,
but these trees in the U.S.
sometimes take 200 years for full growth.
When our Native tribes were there -:- Native American tribes -- they
would only cut the trees after seven generations of growth. And, of
course, that's not enough for an industrial society.
So ~ow, we have
pine forest; we just grow them faster.
In 20 to 30 years they can b~
harvested. And we try to get people to stay away from the old growth.
So, in this case, as I understand it, the provincial government
has the first say, but the national government can come in. and stop it.
Q Yes. And actually, the county government, they own -- they run
the state timber companies there.
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THE PRESIDENT: What about tree planting projects, who does that?
At what level is that done?
Q Well, at differen't levels.
The central government, local
government, and also NGOs are all involved in this tree planting.
But
tree planting is so slow that all these older forests -- they may have
some trees over 400 years old, and all these newly planted trees are so
small, there's no comparison with the forest.
THE PRESIDENT:
I agree with that.
Interestingly enough, we now
believe that tree planting may be most important in cities. We just had
a study done in the U.S. which shows that a tree planted in a city·will
take in ten times as much carbon dioxide as a tree planted in the
countryside.' Now, you say, well, of course, because that's where the
smog is.
But the important thing is we did not know until this study
was done that the tree could take in ten times as much and still process
it.
I noticed in Shanghai yesterday -- I say this because Shanghai,
you know, is growing very fast and they have all these wonderful new
buildings -- but I drove to one of the building complexes yesterday to
meet a family in their new home and I drove past a lot of the old
residential areas, and in all the old areas there were lots of trees
not only trees down the street, but trees up against the buildings.
So we're looking at whether in our country we should be supporting
more of these tree planting operations in the cities because they do
much ·more to clean the air than we had thought they did.
(In commenting on children's health)
THE PRESIDENT: Well, one of the things I think will really help
is your government is moving to ban lead in the gasoline, going to
unleaded gasoline. And that w'ill help a great deal.
And that's a very
forward step.
But also children's lungs, they get polluted with all the things
in the atmos'phere.
And, you're right, that will make -- smoking will
become, interestingly enough, even·more dangerous, more difficult
because of all the pollution in the atmosphere.
So one of the things that I
the Chinese government is to work
the air in ways that we have. been
economy. We think there are ways
hope we can do in our.partnership with
on the technologies that will clean up
able to do without hurting the
to do that.
In fact, one of the things that I hope -- I'm glad we have one
business person here because one of the things we have seen is that we
have actually created a lot of new businesses for cleaning the
environment, and it creates a lot of jobs, pro~ides a lot of opportunity
for people to get an education and do this work.
* * * * *
THE PRESIDENT:
I believe that China has a unique opportunity
because you're' developing rapidly, but later in time than other
countries, to avoid some of the terrible mistakes we made. And if I
could just mention, in the conservation area, our traditional energy use
that causes pollution is about one-third in ~e~icles -- transportation
-- about one-third in buildings, both housing and office buildings, and
about one-third in factories and in power plants .. And I thirk that if
you -- again, in China, it's probably more in factories and power plants
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-- a bigger percentage -- probably now, but it will come toward these
numbers.
If you just taken them each in turn, in the vehicles, you have
opportunities that, I think, that will come to you because of the
development of fuel injection engines, which will take 80 percent of the
pollution away; or natural gas-powered vehicles, which, I think, are
worth looking at .
.In the residential areas, yesterday in Sh~nghai, I spoke to .the
American Chamber of Commerce in Shanghai, and there on a visit was the
businessman who is the head of our homebuilders association in the whole
U.S.
Just a few weeks ago, we went to California, which has a warm
climate like much of China, and we started -- we announced a low~cost
housing project for peo~l~ with modest incomes.· And in these house~,
they have solar.panels that now look like ordinary shingles on the roof
and can be produced and sold for very little money, but they save huge
amounts of money -- energy.
You know, then the power plant can be used
to power the country's ~ndustry -- if you use it.
They have windows
which let in more light but keep 6ut more· heat and bold.
Now, they cost
a little more, but over a 10-year period they save huge amounts of
energy.
All these things could be jobs for Chinese people coming out of
the st~te-owned enterprises.
Someone could come in and start making
these solar panels that go on the roof, someone should start making
these windows.· They have light bulbs that cost, in our country, they
cost twice as much, but they last four or five times longer, and they
don't emit the same amount of pollution.
And then, finally, in the manufacturing industries, there are
whole businesses in America -- like you said, they make money going into
these plants and saying, here are 10.0 things you can do and you will cut
your energy use by 20 percent and increase your profits by 20 percent.
And in power plants, in our old power plants, as much as 70 percent of
the energy that goes in them, as you know, is lost in waste heat.
So
now we have huge facilities in America being heated and cooled with the
waste.heat.
I was in a cafe yesterday in Shanghai that had a picture of a
famous American basketball player, Michael Jordan.
Everybody knows who
he is. Almost no one knows that the United Center where he .plays
basketball is completely heated and powered by waste heat, recovered
from the normal electric generating capacity.
So these are things that we would lik~ to work with you on,
because these are all mistakes Americans made that we had to go back and
undo.· But since China is now building new factories~ building new power
plant~, building new home~, selling new cars -- if you can do thes~
·
things in the proper way the first.time, you will ha~e undreamed of
efficiencies. And it will help the economy, not hurt it.
So I thank you for what you're doing.
Q I'm from.the environmental monitoring station of Guilin City.
Mr. President, you are very welcome to visit Guilin.
Now I'd like to
introduce to you the environmental quality situation in Guilin.
Since
our efforts in the 1970s, the water quality of the Li River has reached
a grade two level of the state, that is the drinking water level. A~d
the urban air quality has reached a grade one level.
We have two problems. One is the acid rain, because Guilin is in
the acid rain area.
The second problem is that in the atmosphere .
there
still a lot of dust and smog, so we need to work hard to ·improve
•'s
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the situation.
In terms of noise, as Guilin is quite an old city and the city
proper is quite small, and the roads are quite narrow, so the noise
situation is not so good. And of course, today what we hear is the
sound of cities, lots of noises.
To. improve the envir.onment, the people in Guilin have paid a big
price since the 1970s. We have closed down or suspended 27 factories
poliuting the country. And we have also viewed some sewage treatment
plants.
So now we now the poisonous elements in the Li Jiang Rivet now
cannot be monitored
that ~s to say; the level has been reduced to a
lower level.
And also with the development of the tourism industry, more and
more tourists have come to Guilin.
So these tourists have consumed more
energy and leave more waste than the local people do.
So we are faced
with a problem of the treatment of domestic sewage. And through our
efforts over these years, some factories have also set a good example.
For instance, Legion Beer Brewery -- they have done a good job in
treating the waste water.
But still some other factories still need to
improve the work in this regard.
So I think, Mr. President, your vi~it to Guilin this time has
actual'ly provided us with a good opportunity. We hope that we can
enhance the cooperation with American businesses, American science
community in this regard.
Especially we hope that cooperation can be
stepped up in the area of environmental legislation, so that we can
further improve our environment, because water and the mountains of
Guilin not only belong to Guilin, but also belong to the peoples around
the .world.
So I'm really honored by your presence and arrival today in
Guilin.
THE PRESIDENT: One of the th.ings we find _...: I'd like to ask Mr.
Kong to talk next a~d then come back to Mr. Zhou, because I want to
pursue this.
I think it's a very good thing if one business does the
right thing here, but if you don't have legislation, sometimes it can be
unfair to one business, because if one business does the right thing and
the others don't, then the business that's the most responsible could
have a hard time making a profit.
But i£ everyone in the province or
country has to do it, then everyone is in the same footing.
I would like to ask two questions. One is, if you were to adopt
legislation, say, limiting the discharge of factories into the water and
requiring that it be treated, would it be done at the provincial level
or the national level? And two, are there funds available from the
national government to help communities like Guilin finance sewage
treatment centers for the tourists or for the people who live here?
/
Because 20 years ago in the United States, this was a horrible
problem. And I grew up in a littl~ town ~- a town not so little, about
35,000 --that had three lakes. And the lake with the largest number of
people living on it and the largest number of tourists was totally
polluted.
But we could not afford to fix it.
But the national
government said -- they gave us over time about 65 percent of the cost
of it, and we came up with th~ rest, and we cleaned up the lake.
So now
the children can swim there.
People don't get sick if they ingest the
water.
But we ha'd 'to have some help. Where would the laws come from -provincial or national level? And is there now a fund which helps you
with the sewage treatment?
Q Well, we have national legislation for the limit on the
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discharge. We. actually already have six laws in this. regard.
The first
is the general law; that is the environmental protection law~. And we
also have water pollution control act, noise control act, marine
environment law, and the wildlife protection act, and also air quality
protection law.
So these laws actually are enacted by the national
People's Congress. As for the provincial level, we also have our
legislations. Actually, these legislation are specific in accordance
with the local conditions.
As for the fairness, .all the factories are treafed as equals.
No
matter what factory it is, as long as its discharge exceeds the limit
imposed by the state, then that factory must be dealt with and
penalized.
As for the funding, the central government has given us a lot of
help in this regard, because in the past the Li Jiang River once was
turned into a seriously polluted river ·with two colors; one is green,
the other is red -- very serious pollution. And since the treatment of
the water pollution started the central government has allocated several
hundred millions of RMB.
And as for other sources of funding,.they mainly come from the
taxation or the charges levied from the fa-ctories.
And actually these
fees collected are also returned to the factories to help them to deal
with the environmental problem.
So actually these are the sources of
funding ..
Q There is national legisl~tion and the provincial legislation.
But basically the provincial legislation is based on the administration
and the national legislation.
THE PRESIDENT:
It can be more stringent.
Q Can be more stringent.
THE PRESIDENT:
It only can be more stringent.
But not weaker?
That's good, yes.
Q But funds from the central goverriment, basitally the investment
for the environment basically is the responsibility for the local
government, including fees.
The central government gave them· a .,little
money.
It basically is not a common case. The reason is that ..:_ so in
this case the central government gave them some money.
But basically it
was provided by them~elves, locally.
THE PRESIDENT~
You actually -- you're a lawyer and you helpe~ to
write these laws, right?
(Laughter:)
So what do you think the next
step should be? What'is the next most important thing to be done?
Q I think the central government should provide some additional
funding to local government, is my personal will. And -- (inaudible)
people they share the same idea.
Bu~ we haVe some different ideas from
the economic people, from -- (inaudible) ~- people.
So we still have
different views and positions on this issue.
THE PRESIDENT: ·Let me say, in our country there is still a big
fight over every new step, because there are always people who are
afraid that if we take a new step it will hurt the economy.
But in the
end -- he talked about the tourists --if you want the touiists to come
to Guilin, you have to have a clean environment.
If you want a stronger
economy, you'have to produce healthy children.
So at some point we have
to see these things together.
Q The-problem right now is the fee or the penalty is too light.
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THE PRESIDENT:
Too light.
Q So a lot of our experts suggest to raise the penalty for the
polluters.
Q I think the big problem is there is no community involvement.
I
·went to -- I stayed for over two years; I know in the U.S. the
enforcement of environmental law is very important, and U.S. EPA and the
local government and NGOs.
But there are so few NGOs in China -- -enforcement of the environmental law, just the government's behavior,
not the individual.
It's a big problem.
So how we can supervise or
monitor this process? If a company discharged some polluted water in
the night, who will know? It's a great problem.
I think the
enforcement of environmental law by -- (inaudible) -- invol veme,nt is
most important in China.
THE PRESIDENT:
Do you believe -- let me ask you this - do you
believe that most ordinary Chinese people believe that the environmental
standards should be rai~ed, that they b~sically support a strong
environmental policy?
Q I think this public awareness is still not so strong, so public
should be educated, make them know they have a right to that.
THE PRESIDENT:
That goes back to what Mr. Liang says about
educating the public.
Mr. Kong, why did you clean up your factory if you didn't have to
do it?
.MR. KONG: Well, as an entrepreneur, I'd like to say something of
my views. While the motive of business is to earn money, make profit,
there's no doubt about it, but the modern entrepreneurs must have two
responsibilities.
One is to create wealth; the second is to adopt
advanced technology to protect the environment and ecology.
So look
back at our experience. We are actually a beer brewer and we use the
water Li Jiang River ~nd I think this is th~ best --· one of the best
beers in China. And I believe a lot of American tourists have already
tasted that.
In the beginning period, the purification process was not very
good, our discharge did not reach the level.
But at ·that time, al t~ough
we made a lot of money, we felt quite guilty because we thought we' were
kind of destroying the environment. And last year .we persuaded our
shareholders not to get their dividends, but to just retain the
dividends in the company until we set up a discharge treatment plant.
And actually after the water is purified and the sewage is processed,
the discharge actually can reach or even exceed the state level.
So after that we feel quite happy because we really feel that God
has blessed us because we are living in such a beautiful environment.
So I think everybody, every citizen in Guilin has the responsibility to
protect our environment and the beautiful· waters and the mountains. And
I believe that only with the environment here being protected can
hu.ndreds of millions of tourists come here.
But I think the tourists
should also come to realize that we local people have also paid a big
price for that -- to protect the environment.
On the other hand, I think there's a problem that has not been
resolved yet. As Mr. President, you mentioned that environmental
protection actually requires the efforts of everybody, every enterprise,
every plant.
Only in this way can the planet, can the Earth be really
preserved well.
So we think we really should enhance the public
awareness of protecting the environment.
If everybody could do a good
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job in this regard then there will be n·o problem in the environmental
protection. And also ·in this regard, I think to protect the environment
will require a lot of funding and also a lot of risk-taking courage.
For instance, my company, we have invested more than 10 million RMB-yuan
in environmental projects, but.we have not actually gotten any return
from that.
So we have to explain to our shareholders why we have done
this.
And I think inother regard we think that government should also
provide some· incentives to those factories that have taken these
environmental protection measures.
For instance, the Guilin government
has already subsidized. 2 million RMB-yuan to us.
So I think, apart from
the respons~bilities of the. general public and also the enterprisei the
government should also take some responsibility in this regard.
THE PRESIDENT:
I know we have to go out to the program, but I
wanted to give every one of you a chance to s~y -- is there any specific
think that you believe that I could do, or the United States could do in
partnership with China that would be most helpful to you in-what you're
trying to achieve? If you were to ask us to go back and work with the
Chinese government on one thing that we could do, or with our business
people on one thing to be helpful, what would it be?
Q I would like to make a short comment on communications between
the two countries.
I think before, the communications between the two
countries was limited to government circle.
So I think today's
roundtable is a significant start in history. We have NGOs invited to
attend this important event.
You know, NGOs in China is so young and so
few.
This is a big problem.
I wish the U.S. to produce 90 minute TV
series. which is sponsored by U.S. EPA and the U.S.
Information Agency
about U.S. environmental movement.
So I think the most important thing
is -- (inaudible) -- and development of -- (inaudible) -- in U.S.
THE PRESIDENT:
So you think, for example, if we could arrange to·
have some of our leaders of our environmental groups come.here and meet
with citizens like you, you think that would be helpful.
Q Yes, sure, so we can widen .the NGOs channel to communication on
environmental issue. And what we can do -- my organization is the media
business and the grass-roots environmental -- we can provide some
opportunity, like we can do something. We have a TV program, weekly TV
program on China National Television, for over two years.
It's
broadcast at 1630 Friday, repeated at lunchtime Saturday.
It's a
countrywide TV program. We independently produce it for over two years.
So we will broadcast in the TV series about environmental protection in
the U.S. What we want to do is tell Chinese people, don't copy the
mistake made by U.S.
For example, we focused on some environmental-friendly lifestyle.
We tell the Chinese people, don't follow some wrong thing, like too many
air conditioners and too many private cars, too many one-time use
products.
'
THE PRESIDENT: ·One-time use, yes.
Yes, I agree with that.
Q And by this we educate -- sustainable consumption. So I think
this by we not only benefit t·o Chinese, but also benefit to Americans.
If we run more communication projects between the two countries, we will
encourage, induce the Americans to pay more attention to advocating
sustainable consumption, which will help your sustainable production and
the sustainable development.
We are seeking a training center, an NGO training center.
Maybe
we can authorize something like a training program for enforcement of
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environmental law. We'll tell the citizens how to sue a company,
polluter, and even how to sue the government if they cannot enforce the
environmental law.
So we can give them more information.
I think they
a~e not the resources available in the U.S. to Chinese.
And, of course,
we can keep this TV series to keep the Chinese peopl~ know by media what
America is doing, what .we should do.
And anyway, I think the communication of the NGOs -- why the NGOs
channel is very important. And furthermore, I think that the U.S.
comparing with European 'country and Japan, the U.S.
is far behind in
providin~ assistance to China.
I think now talking i i more than ac~ion.
I know in China the environmental issue draws more and more attent-ion
from Chinese people -- no matter government or NGOs.
So I believe that
there will be big environmental movement in China in the near future.
If Americans don't want to give up this good opportunity, economically,
politically, and environmentally, you have to take action now.
THE PRESIDENT:
I agree with that.
(Applause.)
Give that speech
to the Congress . . Unfortunately, all the people here from my Congress
agree with you, but we believe that the U.S. Congress does not give.
enough aid in these· areas. And I think it is a huge mistake, and I'm
always, trying to get more.
So I will take what you said and publish it
widely when we get home.
'
You raised another issue that I think is important. We have this
rule of law project with China, and my wife met with some people earlier
in the week about this.
But what happens when you have these
environmental laws and the government has to enforce them is you will
always have some honest disputes. And so there has to be some way of
resolving them. When our environmental agencies impose regulations, if
the companies think they're wrong or unfair or they m~de a mistake or
they think they have a cheaper way to do the same thing, well, they have
a way to go into the courts and we examine that.
So there has to be -I agree with you, that will be a part of it.
What'else?
Mr. Zhou.
Anybody else want to say what you think of that?
Yes,.
Q I have a specific suggestion. I assume maybe you can support us
to raise the alliance for an energy efficiency challenge and encourage
some big leading American company to be the co-initiator with such
voluntary activities to protect environment and to do energy efficiency
in China.
Thank you.
* * * * *
Q When we try to protect the animals, the monkeys in the province,
those people are rea'lly poor. And so we have experienced when these·
people say, you people in Beijing, you live in the houses with heating,
electricity, gas, and lighting, and everything. Why should we change?
We are moving into your houses and you people come here and live in this.
forest and see whether you can stop the logging and have a decent life.
So I think is basically·the rich countries and the poor countries are
facing the same problems.
But we are facing the problem of we want to
develop the economy, but we have so many difficulties here.
·THE PRESIDENT:
It's an honest problem, ~oo. And in the rural
in all developed countries, people tend to be poorer. And they
have to make their living, they believe, from natural resources.
I told
you, we had the same problem with the old-growth forests, and we had
never handled this very well.
So, in 1993 and '94, the'congress adopted
a plan that I asked them to adopt to provide extra funds to these
communities which were making the money from the logging to try to
change the basis of their economy.
area~
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To be honest, no one knew whether we could do it or not. We
didn't know. We thought we could, but we didn't know.
But I can tell
you now,. five years later, the unemployment rate ·in all those
communities is now lower than it was before we started to protect the
trees.
So over a five-year period, we were able to do th~s. And I
think it requires a lot of effort and.some money and a lot of thought
and very good, vigorous local leaders -- you have to have local leaders
who have confidence and then people who can chang~, you know.
But I:
think this can be done.
MS. LIAO:
If I could just site a specific interest and topic,
my organization is women NGOs and the full-time staff are women. We
focus on sustainable consumption and the children's education. We
public children's environmental guide. We got grant from U.S. EPA to
publish 10,000 volumes of this book. Of course, we need more support to
donate to every child in China.
Every child in China got this book.
THE PRESIDENT: . Really?
MS. LIAO:
Yes. And by my -- my organization views the women is a
very important force in environmental movement because women, sooner or
later; a mother, they care for the children's future.
So whenever we
tell women you have to do something or you choose -- (inaudible) -- they
say, oh, terrible, terrible, what we can do, we have to protect the
children.
So this way, we have many volunteers at my organization of women.
And we hold an annual forum on women journalism and the environment.
Almost every media organization attended this forum, which was very
helpful. We think that, also, women are consumer decision-makers.
Women choose environmental-friendly lifestyle, like reduce, recycle
and reuse.
So I would like to, by this chance, I would like to express
that hope that we'll promote more cooperation between two countries and
women and the environment.
·
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you.
I agree with that.
But interestin~ly
enough, as a result of what you're saying -- and that goes back to what
Mr. Liang was saying -- I think the more awareness the children have
about this, and the more this is taught in school, the better.
Because
in our country now, I believe that the children are the strongest
environmentalists.
·
You know, when I visit a community in America, suppose I -- next
week I have to go to Atlanta, Georgia, when I get back -- very often a
group of children will meet me at the airport, and they will bring me
letters that the children have writte~.
Sometimes th~ytre s~x years
old, these children. Very young. And I always look over these letters
to see what they're writing'me about.
They ask me questions, and
sometimes .they're, how do you like being President,. or something.
But
there are more letters from children age 12 and under on the environment
than any other subject now, for the last several years.
So when the children begin to ask their parents about this, when
they begin to talk about this at dinner, when it becomes a concern for
the children, and then when the mothe.rs are concerned about their
health, I think it can change a country. No American official can talk
to any group of schoolchildren for 10 minutes without being asked about
the environment.
It's an amazing thing.
The children are sort of out
there.
Well, I suppose we better go do the program, but this is very
helpful. And we have taken careful note of what you have all said, and
we will try to follow up. And I admire you all very much, and I thank
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you for what you're doing.
It will help not only the Chinese people,
but all the rest of us as well.
Thank you.
END
(Applause.)
11:45 A.M.
(L)
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...::-.
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Guilin, People's Republic of China)
For Immediate Release
July 2, 1998
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
ON THE ENVIRONMENT TO THE PEOPLE OF THE GUILIN AREA
Camel Hill Lawn, Seven Star Park
Guilin, Peopleis Republic of China
12:22 P.M.
(L)
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much.
Thank you very much, Mr.
Mayor.
Thank you for welcoming us to.your community and for your fine
remarks. And, Senator Baucus, thank you for what you said.
I want to
thank you and all the members of the United States Congress who are
here with you. Our American ambassador to China and the Chinese
ambassador to the United States and the other members of the Chinese
government who are. here, and especially I'd like to thank Chairman Ding
for being here and our Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright, and
others from the White House. We are all delighted to be among you in
Guilin today.
I would also like to express my appreciation to the seven
Chinese citizens with whom I have just met because they are taking an
active role in helping to clean up the environment, either of this area
or the entire country. And I thank them for that, and they're all
right there.
I'd like to ~sk them to stand up because they spoke for
all of China to me today.
Please stand.
(Applause.)
And since we're here to talk about saving the environment, I
want to thank Ambassador Li for giving me this energy-efficient air
conditioner.
(Laughter.)
Since Chinese civilization first began to express itself
thousands of years ago, its poems and paintings have sung of the beauty
of the land, the air, the water. No place in China is more evocative
. of the beauty of your country than Guilin.
The stunning mountains
along the Li River are instantly familiar to millions and millions of
Americans. When we see them, the landscapes of Guilin remind of us
China's past, but we know they are alive, and we are grateful for their
pre'servation.
A new sense of cooperation.is building between the
people of China and the people of the United States,· based on our
shared ties of commerce and culture, our common security
interests, and our common enthusiasm for the future.
But a big
part of that cooperation must rest on our common understanding
that we live on the same planet, sharing the same oceans, and
breathing the same air.
Not so many years ago in the United States, one of
our rivers was so polluted it actually caught on fire.
Foul air
blanketed our cities, acid rain blighted our landscape. Over the
last generation, we have worked hard to restore our natural
treasures and to find a· way conduct our economy that is more in
harmony with the environment.
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China's extraordinary growth has put the same kind
of pressures on your environment, and the ·costs of growth are
rising right along with your prosperity.
You know better than I
that polluted air and water are threatening your remarkable
progress.
Smog has caused entire Chinese cities to disappear
from satellite photographs. And respiratory illness. is China's
number one health problem.
We also know that more and more environmental
problems in the United States, in China, and elsewhere are not
just national problems, they are global problems. We must work
together to protect the environment and there is a great deal
that we can do together.
China has the world's longest meteorological
records, going back over 500 years.
They help us clearly to
understand the problem of global warming.
The five warmest years
since the 15th century have all been in the 1990s;· 1997 was the
warmest year ever recorded. And if present trends continue, .1998
will break the record. We know that if this trend continues, it
will bring more and more severe weather events and it will
disrupt the lives of hundreds of millions of people 'in the world
during the coming century.
China is already taking impressive steps to protect
its future.
Leaded gasoline is being banned.
Inefficient stoves
have been upgraded.
People can find out about air quality from
newspapers.
Communities and provinces and the national
government are doing more to clean up rivers.
Chinese scientists
are fighting deforestation and soil erosion. And citizens are
doing more to promote public education about the environment,
among families and especially among children.
The United States is determined to strengthen our
cooperation with you.
Last year our Vice President, Al Gore, and
the Chinese government launched a forum to coordinate sustainable
development and environmental protection.
In October at our summit, President Jiang and I
oversaw the beginning of a joint initiative ori clean energy.
This week we have made important new progress. ·we will provide
China assistance to monitor air quality. We will increase our
support for programs that support renewable energy sources to
decrease China's dependence on coal.·
We are helping China develop its coal gasification
and working with the Chinese to make financing available for
clean energy projects through the Export-Import Bank. Because
the United States and China are'the world's two largest emitters
of greenhouse gases that are dangerously warming our planet, we
must do more to avoid increasing severe droughts and floods and
the other kinds of destructive things that will occur.
Let me say, Mr. Mayor, I want to extend my
sympathies to you on behalf of the American people for the
families who suffered losses in the recent flooding here.
It
occurred just a few days ago, and some of our young Americans
were already here working on the trip.
They were honored to be
able to work with you in some of the sandbagging and other things
that were done.
But we grieve with you·in the losses that were
sustained.
We cannot completely eliminate floods and fires and
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other natural disasters, but we know they will get worse if we do
not do something about global warming.
There are many people who
simply don't believe that anything can be done about it because
they don't believe that you can grow an economy unless you use
energy in the same way America and Europe have 'used it for the
last. 50 years -- more and more energy, more and more pollution to
get more and more growth.· That's what they·believe.
But I
disagree.
Without any loss of economic opportunity we can
conserve energy much more than we do; we can use cleati, as
opposed to dirty, energy sources much more than we do; and we can
adopt new technologies to make the energy we have go further much
more·than we do.
Now is the time ~o join oui citizens and our
governments, our businesses and our industries, in the fight
against pollution and global warming, even as we fight for a
brighter economic future for the people of China and the people
of the entire world.
As we move forward together let us, Chinese and
Americans, preserve what we have inherited from the past, and in
so doing, preserve the future we are workin~ so hard to build for
our children.
Thank you very much.
END
(Applause. )
12:39 P.M.
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•.)
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Shanghai, People's Republic of China)
For Inunediate Release
June 30, 1998·
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN DISCUSSION AND CALL~IN
ON SHANGHAI RADIO 990
Studios of Shanghai Radio
Shanghai, People's Republic of China
12:14 P.M.
(L)
PRESIDENT CLINTON~
Fir~t of all, I want to thank the Mayor
for welcoming me to Shanghai, and say I very much enjoyed my first
morning here.
We did go to the library, my wife and I did, and we met
with a number of citizens from in and around Shanghai who are involved
in one way or another in China's remarkable transformation. And they
helped us a lot to understand what is going on in China.
I also want to s~y a word of appreciation to President Jiang
for the very good meeting we had in Beijing and for making it possible
for me to reach out to the people of·China through televising our press
conference together, and then, of 6ourse, I went to Beijing University
yesterday, Beida, and spoke with the students there and answered
questions. And that was also televised.
And then to be here in Shanghai, one of the very most exciting
places in the entire world, to have the chance to begin my visit here
with this radio program is very exciting.
So I don't want to take any
more time.
I just want to ~ear from the questioners and to have a·
conversation so that when it's over, perhaps, both .the American people
and the people of China will understand each other better.
MR. ZUO:
Mr. President, you already can see our TV ~creen
right in front of you there are so many people waiting in line to talk
to you. We're really happy about this: How about we just start right
here, okay?
PRESIDENT CLINTON:
Let's do it.
Q
I am in a foreign trading company in the city
of Shanghai, ·and the question I'd like to ask of Presideni
Clinton is as follows:
Right now, America is the number two
trading partner of China and the President of the United States,
in facing the Southeast Asian crisis today, and also as far as
increasing the cooperation between our countries~ what do you
think and what would you like to do to make this better?
THE PRESIDENT:
First of all, Mr. Fong, that is a
very good question and it has occupied a major amount of my time
since last year, when we saw the difficulties developing in
Indonesia, in the Philippines, in Thailand, in Korea and, of
course, in Japan.
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I would like to begin by saying I believe that China
has done a very good job in holding its ctirrency stable, in
trying to be a force of stability during the Southeast Asian
crisis.
Secondly, we are working together, the U.S. and China,
and we are working through the IMF to try to help all these
countries stabilize their economies and then restore growth.
But I think the last point I'd like to make is that
we cannot see growth restored in Asii unless it is restored in
Japan.
Now, in Japan the people are about to ha~e ~n election
for the upper house of the Diet, so this is not'an easy time for
them.
But the government is going to disclose in the next'couple
of days what it intends to do in the ar~a of .fin~ricial refbrm.
If it is a good proposal and the confidence of the
investors of the wo'rld is raised, then I. believe you will see the
sit~ation begin to turn around and the pressure will be eased in
China and we can see some economic growth come.back to Japan and
these other countries.
It is very important to the United States
and very important·to China.' We're working hard on it.
MR. ZUO:
Yes, that's right, everybody should know
that we've been working so.hard, we in China have been working so
hard to try to not devaluate the RMB.
That would be a great
pressure on us.
Mayor, it seems to me that I remember that the·
United States has a lot of trade going.very well with us here
right now; is that right?
/
I
MAYOR XU:
Yes, that's right, you're right about
that.
This year we had a lot of trade growth between us and the.
United States.
It was up 30 percent in the fi~st five months.
To Shanghai, as far as imports and exports go, actually there's
pretty much of a balance because in Shanghai w.e import a .lot of
equipment, high-tech stuff from the United States. We hope that
our trade will continue to develop with the United States.
MR. ZUO:
Okay, Mr. Fang.
Today 'there are a lot of
people wanting to talk to the President so we'll just.end it
here, okay?
Mr. President, you were just at the library before
this and now there's ·somebody from the library calling-- look at
that.
(Laughter.)
They'd like to engage an exchange with you,
okay?
Q
Mr. President, I am from the Shanghai Library.
I work there and my name is Mr. Chung. When you were touring our
library with Mayor Xu just now and talking with him when you were
at the library I was very happy.
I· was so happy that you we:r;-e
there doing this. And the question that I'd like to ask you is
as follows:
Please, can you tell me, as far as getting the
Shanghai Library and American libraries going for better and
better exchanges, what can we do to increase the amount of
exchange and cooperation between them?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, first of all, I think that we
need to make sure that all of our major libraries are connected
through the internet so that we can ship infor~atio~ back and
forth over the Internet that is not available in the libraries
themselves.
For example, if you have total Internet connection
with the New York Public Library, which is our largest public
library, then there would be things that you have they don't
have, but you could send them over the Internet.
There would be
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things that they have that you d6n't have that could be shared.
So what I will do, since you have ~sked'this
question, is, when I get home, I will ask·the people who are in
charge of our major libraries -- the Library of Congress, which
is the biggest library in Washington, D.C., it's our national
library, and the New York Public Library, and perhaps one or t.wo·.
others, to get in touch with the Shanghai Library and see whether
we can establish a deeper partnership.
I was very impressed that the Shanghai Library has
300,000 members who actually pay the annual membership fee
10
yuan. ·And I think that -- we have many people using our
libraries, too.
I would also like to figure out, if I might, how
these big libraries in America and China can better serve the
small libraries in the rural areas, where people are so hungry
for information and they don't have as much as we do, those of us
who live in the bigger areas.
So I will work on this.
Q
Okay.
Thanks, Mr. President.
MR. ZUO:
Mr. President was just say{ng that
libraries, especially in th~ rural areas shouid expand what they
can provide. We agree, not just for the people living in the
city, but a lot of people are saying, our farmers, or those
people living -- they want to read, too.
Give them books to
read. A lot of people -- what we're doing no~ is teaching th~m,
we're bringing libraries to the countryside.
THE PRESIDENT:
But as you know, you now have the
computers with .the Internet hookups, and if you have printers
there, then people all over China can order articles out of the
Shanghai Library and just print them out· on the computer.
So
that all you have to have now is a hookup with a printer in the
s~all libraries, in the smallest villages and anything in the
Shanghai Library can be sent to them.
Of course, it's more
expensive if it's a book.
But if it's just an article it's easy·
to print out, takes just a couple of minutes.
MAYOR XU:
Yes, but we really have .to take computer
knowledge and spread it, right.
It's very important here,
computer-wise, we have to get everyone conneciedi connected to
the Information Superhighway. - For the co~ntryside in China there
are a lot of people that don't even have a power grid, that don'b
even have electricity there.
So first we've got to get the power
grid going, we've got to get that out to everyone.
That's the
first thing we've qot to do, because I think, what I'd like to
add here is that this library has like 300,000 people who have a
library card. And every year they pay 10. RMB, or something like
that.
But they only take up five percent of the entire
resources, they only make up five percent of the budget. And the
'government has to make up a lot of that.
As the Mayor, I'm willing to put that money in.
I
think that's very important,· the best investment you can mak.e to
improve the life and education and information situation for the
people living in Shanghai.
So I'm willing to do that and also
acquire the skills necessary to operate in·the -MR. ZUO:
Right now we're talking about li~raries.
Look, here we have somebody talking about education issue. We
have Mr. Wong on here and he'd like to ask Mr. President and the
Mayor to talk about education in China and the United States.
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Q
Distinguished Mr. Clinton. and Mayor Xu, I am
very happy that I was able to get in on this call.
I am one oJ
the college professors living in Shanghai and I'd like to ask a
question, which is, you are both connected with education.
That's your fate.
You'r~ both education type people.
Mr.
Clinton, since you've been in office you have been advocating
education reform, and I think you, Mr. Xu, have been the
president of a university.
So 6an you both talk about
educational exchanges and the future £oi them between the United
States and China? That:s the question I~d like to ask here.
PRESIDENT CLINTON: Well, first of all, let me say
that we are working very hard in America to make sure that more
of our own people go on to university, and also acquire the
skills necessary to operate in the computer age.
So, I have·
worked very hard to open the doors of bniversities to more
people, to ~ake sure that the cost of the education is not a bar
to people going.
Now, in addition to that, we want to promote more
exchanges of students.
I want more American students to go to
other places in the world, including China, to study, to l~arn
the language, to learn the culture, to understand the nation.
And I very much want to bring even more students from around the
world to the United States to study.
So perhaps there's
something we can do corning out of this trip -- the Mayor and. I -to have more exchanges with people from the Shanghai area,
because I believe it's very important. And I think it will only
grow more important as we move into this new century.
MAYOR XU:
Oh, I very much agree with what President
Clinton said about how important education is. And we have to
let everybody have the access to education -- everyone have the
privilege to have education.
I agree.
In Shanghai, the
education is quite universal.
It's more universal here than it
is anywhere else in the country. We, right now, among our high
school graduates, 60 percent of them get into colleges. But we
right now would even like to raise that percentage. We'd like to
work through radio education, TV education,· or adult education,
to try to fill up the extra 40 percent, to make up,that gap.
'
<,
.
As for the education issue, I would like to talk a
little bit here with the President about something.
Let's talk
about traditional Chinese education versus American education.
We have a different way -- a different way of thinking about it.
For example, in the Chinese education, we talk about the filling
of information into the student, whereas in the United States,
they try to .make the students more able, they try to teach you
how to have ability to do things.
So a lot of tests -- Chinese
students are very good at g~tting very good grades on tests, but
not necessarily when it comes to scientific research.
I think in
this area, the two of us should try to reach a balance point.
I
think that's very important.
·
Another thing I'd like to say here is that whether
you're talking about the parents or the schools in China, we have
very high standards for discipline.
They have to work together,
and they have to be disciplined. We have high standards in this
area. And in the United States, I believe, they emphasize the
students being free, they want to give them more freedom ..
.
.
.
.
So a lot of the professors in China think it's so
hard to understand how it's going on there.
They think it's such
a messy, loud situation in the classes, or that it's not so
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organized.
They think it's so weird. A lot of times when you
ask questions·here in China, the students are too shy to raise
their hands ~nd ask th~·questions,· because they're used to
listening to the teacher speak, not listening -- to
participating.
So what I think, in educational exchanges, a good
basis for these exchanges would be that. we have. to first talk
about· our basic thoughts, our basic phi·losophy towards education.
I think both types of education have good points to them, but I.
think we have to learn from each other.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, actually, here's a case where
I think we would greatly benefit from working together, because
there is no perfect syste~.
If yob just start with the issue 6f
discipline, we kno~ that w{thout a certain amount of discipline
and order in the classroom, it's impossible for learning to
occur. We also know if t~ere is too much order, where everything
is structured, the child may close up and not be open to
information and to learning.
So we have tried all kinds of
things.
In our country, for example now, many of our schools
are going back to an older practice of requiring the students to
wear uniforms every day, as is the case in many other countries,
on the theory that it makes people more disciplined, it also
gives a spirit of equality.
This ~s .sweeping our country,
really, and doing ve~y well~
On the other hand, w~ want enough
freedom in the classroom so that the children have the confidence
they need to participate in the class discussion.
Now, on the second matter, which I think is very
important, does education emphasize drilling information into the
head of the student, or.should it emphasize sort of creative or
critical thinking? I think the answer is, clearly, both.
How
can you be a creative thinker if you don't know something in the
first place.
First, you must know what you need to know.
You
must have the information.
On the other hand, if you look at how fast things
are changing -- in this Information Age the volume of facts in
the world is doubling every five years.
That's a stunnin~ thing.
The volume of information is doubling every five years.
Therefore, it's very important not only what you know today, but
what you are capable of learning. and whether you can apply what
you know to solving new problems.
so·I think what we need is a careful balance between
making sure our students have the bedrock information without
which you can't make those decisions, but also learn to be
creative in the way you think to deal with the exploding
information of the world.
MAYOR XU:
Yes, after listening to you talk, Mr.
I think you·have a very deep understanding of
education.
I also agree with what you're saying.
So .if the
Chinese and the United States want to engage in exchanges, first
of all, we have to have a new consensus on our concept of
education. And that way we can have better exchanges.
Pres~dent,
Recently, there was an example we ,,had where we had
some America·n teachers come here to teach high school. And a lot
of parents didn't like it because the teachers didn't give enough
tests.
So they could speak English 6kay, but they co~ldn't pass
the tests.
So a lot of the parents in China didn't think this
was the right way. A lot of time~ what we do here is we make
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them memorize a lot of grammar and make them memorize a lot of·
vocabulary -- that's our way of doing it.
So I think we need to
have more exchanges in this area.
THE PRESIDENT:
But, to be fair, we need more
exchanges, too, because what sometimes happens in America is, if
you don't have pretty high standards for measuring whether
everybody knows what they should know, then the very best
students may do better under our system and they go on and win
the Nobel Prizes or they create the new companies, but we leave
too many behind because we don't make sure they know.
So I think there's something we have to learn from
each other and we really should work on this.
Because every
advanced society -- the Japanese could join with us in this, the
Russians could join with us in this. We ·all have the same
interests here in finding the right qalance in our educational
systems.
MR. ZUO:
Look here, the .President and the Mayor
have been having such an enthusiastic discussion about education,
even I'm jumping into thls discussion.
Usually when I do a
program like this education becomes an issue a lot, becomes a
topic that we discuss.· But the topic that comes -- when we have
an issue like this I want to get into, I want to talk to the
President about it.
How about investment in education? A lot of times
it's a slow process.
You have to invest in a project or a
company, though, it's fast-- you can get a payback right·away.
So a lot of people think, oh, I don't kno~ what to do in this
area, should I invest in education, because it's a long payback
period. What do you think and how do you -- what do you do in
this area?
THE PRESIDENT: Well,. it is a long payback p~riod
but it has the highest payback of any investment.
If you invest
in a child's education --maybe t~ey're five years
·
old when they start, and maybe they're in their early 20s when
they get out of university-- that's a long time. And you have
to hire all these teachers along the way and pay for all the
laboratory facilities and all that.
But there's nothing more
important.
And then the young person gets out into world in
which ideas create wealth and gives back to society many times
over.
So people shouldn't look at it just as one person
investing in another; it ought to be China investing in its
future, the United States investing in its future, together
investing in-a peaceful, stable, prosperous world.
Education, ·ideas, information -- they give us the
capacity to'lift people out of poverty and to lift peopl~ out of
the ignorance that make them fight and kill each other, and to
give us an understanding about how to solve the environmental
problems of .the world, which a~e great -- this is worth investing
in.
It's more important than everything else.
Yes, it takes a long time to pay out· in the life of
one child.
But the payouts for a country are almost immediate.
MR. ZUO:
Yes, that's right.
So, in other word~, we
have to have far-reaching and ambitious goals. We .have to look
toward the future.
We have to make investments in the long-term.
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The same thing for the Sino-U.S. relationship -- we have to
invest and look toward the future.
Okay, how about we talk about a question here that
everyone seems to be very interested in.
Somebody wants you to
predict who is going to win the World Soccer Cup.
Can you do
that? In a minute we're going to ask you this, we're going to
test you on this question.
Get ready, get prepared.
12
Q
Hi.
My name is Lee.
Here is the question that
my friends and I want to ask. We're very happy and we welcome
you here. We're very happy about your visit. We noticed that
you've been involved in .a lot of acti vi tie·s and· you seem to very
healthy, and you seem to· have a very nice figure, Mr. President.
And we like a lot of sports, too, in our university. We're into
sports.
So I'd like to ask you, Mr. President, first of all,
when you were in college, which sports did you like to play?
That's the first question.
·
The second question I'd like to ask, if you could
answer, Mr. President, is how do you maintain your energy in your
work? And then, also 1 the last thing I'd like to ask, can you
predict who's going to win, which team is going to win the World
,soccer Cup?
MR. ZUO:
Oh, yes, so many questions.
lot of questions at him all at once.
You threw a
THE PRESIDENT: Well, when I was in college, I liked
to play basketball, which is very popular in America, and I liked
to jog.
I have jogged -- I am a runner, you know, and I did that
for most of the last almost 30 years.
Then 1 about a year and
half ago I hurt my leg, .and I couldn't run for several months,
and I beg~n to work on the Stairmaster. You know, it's the
machine, you find them in a lot of these gyms.
You walk up and
down stairs. And I do that quite a lot now because it's quicker
than running. And I play golf.
I like golf very much . . It's my
favorite sport.
Even though it doesn't burn a lot of calories,
it makes my mind calm.· So I like it.
Now, on the World Cup, it's hard for me to predict.
I will say this -- the World Cup is now becoming important to
Americans in the way it's important to other countries, because
soccer came rather late to America because we had football and
basketpall.
Now, more and more of our children are -playing
soccer. And I think the World Cup is a great way of bringing
people together.
You know, the United States has been es~ranged
from Iran for a long time, but we had this great so6cer game and
they beat us fair and square -- it was heartbreaking for
Americans, but they won a great, fascinating soccer match. and
they eliminated us from the World Cup.
I'm not an expert in soccer, but I think.the
Brazilians are always hard to beat.
I've watched them play a lot
and they're very good.
MR. ZUO:
So.since we're talking about soccer, now
even I am inspired to ask some questions here.
Everybody knows
that the United States and Iran was a competition that everyone
was interested in in the World Soccer Cup.
Everybody was
thinking about that time a long time ago· that the ping-pong
diplomacy, those 20-something years ago, that started the
relationship between the United States and China.
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Now the question we'd like to ask you, Mr.
President, is, is it possible that we can do soccer diplomacy in
this area? Can you give us some information in this area,
because we here in Shang~ai are very interested in international
issues?
THE PRESIDENT:
I think it could be possible.
The
Iranians like wrestling very much, and we have e~changed
wrestling team visits. And they treated our American wrestlers
with great respect and friendship, which meant a great deal to
me. And then we were honored to receive their wrestlers.
So I think -- the new President· of Iran seems to be
committed to not only lifting the economic and social conditions
of his people; but also having a more regular relationship with·
the rest of the world, in accordance with international law and
basically just conditions of good partnership.
So I'm hoping
that·more will come out of this.
But I think Americans were riveted by the soccer
game. And they were impressed because we were supposed to win
the game and we had lots of chances and our players played very
well -- they played very well, they had lots of chance~, they
could have scored eight times or something -- but the Iranians
had two fast breaks and they played with such passion and they
had those two chances and they capitalized on both of them. And
we respect that.
It was very good.
MR. ZUO:
Of course we hope for peace between our
two countries, but not only that, we hope for peace all over the
world, right? Okay, how about now let's continue to get some
calls here.
We have caller number four, who has a very
interesting question here.
Go ahead.
Q
Hi.
MAYOR XU:
Thank you, Mr. Mayor, Mayor Xu.
Hi, how_are you?
·Q
Hi.
I'm just a regular citizen here of the
city of Shanghai.
I am just an employee at a certain place in
Shanghai.
I'd like to ask a question.
Right now in Shangh~i we
are encouraging people to have private cars.
Is this going to
make the traffic conditions worse, more crowded in Shanghai? And
also is this going to make more environmental pollution for our
city? I'd like to ask the mayor this question.
MAYOR XU:
You've asked quite a good question here.
We at the city government are just in the process of considering
this.
We are often debating this issue when we talk about
traffic in the city because there are 13 million people in the
city of Shanghai and it is very, very densely populated.
So our basic policy is to develop the public·
transportation system-- that's our priority-- like 'the subway
system, bus~s, all these types of public transportation.
Of
course, though, I would just like to correct you for a second.
We didn't encourage people to buy, private citizens to buy cars_
We just relaxed the regulations on and the restrictions on
individuals buying cars.
Because in the past few years there
hive been some ci~izens who have bought apartments,. then also
they bought cars. And they were living far away and they didn't
have a car, so they needed to have a car.
And then there were other people who bought houses
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that you Westerners live in that are farther away, and they
thought that it would be better if they had own cars.
So in the
past few years what we did was we had like ~n auction, soit of,
on the license plate that you could get for your car, and the
amount you had to pay for the license plate was pretty much as
much as the car itself cost.
So, as far as this goes, ~~·ve
relaxed the restrictions.
The government has decided pretty much
to relax it to maybe 10, 000· cars. As for how much this is going
to aff~ct the traffic situation, we still have to try to
whatever the situation, we have to meet the needs of the people
at all different income levels.
And as for the environmental question, we have to
use unleaded gas.
I think lead~d gas should not be used in
Shanghai. And then by 2000, we're also going to have use
purifiers, these filters ~- these filters that will make the
emissions that come out of the cars up to standards. We'll use
these methods to control the situation, because right now, we
have, like, I think only 7bO,OOO or so cars, less than in
Beijing, less than in Tokyo, less than in Hong Kong. And our
roads also need improvement.
·
But what the most important is that we need to
manage -- we need to the "software" of how to managed the
roadwork system. We have to know how to manage better the roads,
the road system.
For instance, _for the one-way roads, we have to
have maybe some roads that are not -- some will be one way, some
will not allow you to park or stop, things like that, measures
like that will help us improve the traffic situation.
I really understand what you're thinking. 1 As the
Mayor, I'm also afraid of there being too many cars.
Thank you
very much for asking that question.
Do you have any other
questions that you want to ask?
MR. ZUO:
Even though Mr. President is'here, look at
this-- some of the people here are still interested-in asking
questions of the Mayor about their city, because they're
interested and they're excited.
·
THE PRESIDENT: Well, they should be.
that's a very basic thing.
I mean,
I would like to comment on one thing the questioner
asked, because I was impressed that he is concerned that if
everyone has a private car, the air pollution will grow worse.
Let me say, this is a big problem everywhere in the world.
But I
once told President Jiang, I said, my biggest concern is that
China will get rich in exactly the same way America got rich, but
you have four times as many people, so no-one will be able to
breath, because the air pollution will be bad.
Now, one of the things that you need to know is that
when a car, an automobile burns gasoline, about 80 percent of the
heat value of the gasoline is lost in the inefficiency of the
engine.
But they are now developing new engines, called fuel
injection engines, where the fuel goes directly into the engine
and it is about four times more efficient.
So I hope that within
a matter of just a few years, in the U.S., in China, and
throughout the world, all these engines will be much, much less
polluting. And that will be very good for the health of the
people of China and for the health of world environment.
MAYOR XU:
Correct.
That's a good thing.
We, right
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now, are in the process of thinking abou~ natural gas, LNG, that
is, using it for cars, for taxis
THE PRESIDENT:
Very good.
MAYOR XU:
-- for buses. And at the same time, even
for personal motorcycles~ We're thinking of making them electric
instead of gasoline.
MR. ZUO:
Mr. President, we were just talking about
cars a second ag6, and do you agree that, as for the development
of cars, including in Shanghai and in China, ·we shouldn't make
the same mistakes that you guys made in America necessarily, we
should do it as suits the conditions in China, the development of
the automobile market?
THE PRESIDENT: Absolutely.
I think, for one thing,
you should be .much more· disciplined than we were about making
sure yoq have good, high-quality mass transit, because in the
c{ties where we have good mass transit, people use it.
So, if
you have good mass transit, then I think people should be free to
have cars, and it's a nice thing to have, but they won't have to
drive them so much and you won't have the.pollution problems.
Then I think the city, as the Mayor said, can set a
good example. f You can have electric vehicles, you can have
natural gas vehicles. And then, as I said, within a few years, I
believe all of us will be driving cars that, even if they use
gasoline, will be much, much more efficient.
Otherwise, if we
don't do these things, the air pollution will be terrible and it
will create public health problems that will cost far ~ore than
the benefits of the auto~obile.
You don't want that. And you
can avoid it.
You can avoid the mistakes we made with technology
and 9ood planning.
Q
Yes, thanks.
MR. ZHU:
The time has gone so fast.
I would love
if we could make the time go slower. Okay, let's look-- there's
somebody names Ms. Tong, number three.
Q
Hi; Mr. Mayor and Mr. President.
I work at the
Shanghai gymnasium, and I'd like to ask of the two of;you -- or I
should say I'd like to tell the two of you something.
In 1996 I
went to America and I studied a little bit for 10 months there.
And I felt like it really enriched me and I felt like the United
States was a beautiful, rich and very open co'uritry ;...._ especially
I went to certain places where there were some gardens and pretty
places. And I felt so at home when I saw these things, that they
sort of reminded me of the Orient, of the Eastern places.
And I thought, oh, this is in the United States?
I'm glad to see this.
But what I felt bad was that my kid was
studying at a school there and a lot of the American friends
there, American teachers there thought that Cantonese was
Mandarin -- because a lot of the early immigrants, Chinese
immigrants to the United States were Cantonese.
I said, no, this is Mandarin.
This is the common
language we speak in China.
I was hoping that you could have
more exchanges --whether it's the people .or the government -- to
get·to know each other better, to get to know even more and get
closer and closer and closer.
I think in this way, the Mayor and
Mr. President, you're getting closer and closer, and even.if we
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don't have any better conditions I would still like to know, what
are you guys planning to do to improve and increase the
cooperation and the amount that we get in touch in the future
betw.een the two of us?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, iirst of ali, I perfectly
agree with you.
I think that this is a very important point.
That's why I came to China.
That's why I am very pleased that
the press conference I had with President Jiang'was televised and
why I did a question and answer session at Beijing University
yesterday and why I'm doing this today.
I think that we need
more of this.
And as I said to an earlier caller, when I go home I
intend to see what I can do about sending more Americans to China
and trying to make it possible for more Chinese to come to
America.
Because the more we do these things the more we will be
able to work through our differences and build a common future.
And, besides that, it will make life more interesting and more
fun.
Q
Okay.
Thank
y~u
very much, Mr. Mayor.and Mr .
. President.
MR. ZUO: All right.
Let's look at number two.
I'm very sorry to make you wait so long.
Hi,
Q
Mr~ President and Mr. Mayor, hi.
I am engaged
in science and technology and I love what I do. And thank you
very much for what you're doing and you're talking about today.
I'd like to ask you today, right now we are in the
Information Age, we are in the knowledge age. We're also in the
economic age, where everyone is worried about the world economy
and the development of it. What I'd like to know is, ~s far as
expanding, promoting co6peration in science and technology
between the United States and China, what are you planning to do?
THE PRESIDENT: We have had for many years a
u:s.-China science and technology for.um -- (inaudible) -- some
research that has helped us to predict extreme weather events.
And it has helped us to predict the coming of earthquakes.
We have also had scientific research which has.
helped us to uncover the cause of a condition in newborn babies,
called spina bifida, that is caused in part by the mother's
having not enough. folic acid·. And that has helped us to have
more healthy children. My wife, two days ago, talked to a mother
whose first child was born with this condition and the second
child was born perfectly normal because of the research done by
our people together.
So we have made a commitment, President Jiang and I,
to identify other areas where we will do more work. And if you
or anyone listening to this program, if you have any ideas you
ought to send them to this station or the Mayor; they will send
them on to me -- because I think we should do more science
research together.
Q
Okay.
So we've talked about a lot of things
here. And in my mind since the President of the U.S. has stepped
off the plane in China there's something that I've .been thinking.
I don't know if you've noticed-- I very much admire the courage·
that President Clinton has.
This time his visit to China was
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Page 12 of 14
opposed by some congressmen and senators. And we think that
that's -- we call that people that didn't cooperate or weren't in
harmony with his thinking -~ but he still came anyway, he came to
China.
What I'd like to ask here is, after this visit -right now, of course, 'it's only part of it --but up until this
point in time, up until today, can you tell me, do you have
enough courage when y6u go back to the United States to convince
the people, the nonbelievers, that what you're doing is right?
Do you have facts and materials and information? If,you don't
have enough facts, don't have enough materials, I can provide you
with more.
THE PRESIDENT:
I believe that what the American
people have seen already -- that our media has reported back on
my meeting with President Jiang, and the press ·c9nference,
yesterday, the meeting with the students, today, the meeting with
the citizens before I came over here, and this -- it clearly
shows that whatever differences we have in our systems and the
differences of opinion we have about what human rights policy
ought to be, what the scope of freedom of religion ought to be
any of these differences, that we still have a lot in common and
by working on the things we have in common we may also come to an
understanding about how to manage our differences. And I believe
that the forces of history will bring about more convergence· in
.our societies going forward.
The Mayor and I were talking earlier about the
education systems and how, in the end, we ne.ed to educate young
people wifh the same kinds of skills. And I believe, as I have
said repeatedly, th~t high levels of personal freedom are ~uite
important to the success of a society in the Information Age,
because you need people who feel free to explore, to state their
views, to explore their own convictions, and.then·live out their
own dreams, and that this will add to the stability of a society
by enriching it. That'i what I believe.
And we've been able to have these conversations
here. And the government and the people of China'have been very
open. Also, yesterday, the students were very open in asking me
some rather probing, difficult questions. And al·l of this, I
think, is good.
So I think the American people will see when I
go home that this was a good thing that I came here. And it's a
good thing that we have a working relationship.
Q
I work in one of the government departments and
my name·is Wong. And the question I'd like to ask you is as
follows:
As for Chinese accession into the WTO and'the
negotiations, these negotiations have been going on for several'
years and I believe that the United States has an attitude in
these talks .which. is very important, which everyone will really
look to.
So. I hope that the United States will have a more
positive attitude to let China get into the WTO as soon as
possible . . As far as this issue goes, can we have President
Clinton talk a little bit about what you think about it? Thanks.
THE PRESIDENT:
Yes.
First of all, obviously I ·
think it is important for China to be a member of the World Trade
Organization because China is a major economic power that will
grow only larger over time.
Secondly, it should be obvious that
we in the United States want .to support China's economic growth.
After all, we are by far the largest purchaser of Chinese
exports.
No other country comes close to the p.ercentage of
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exports that we purchase in the United States.
your growth.
So we support
But we believe that when China becomes a member of
the WTO, it must do so on commercially reasonable terms; that is,
you must allow access to your markets, not only of American
products, but of others as well, and there should be some open
investment opportunities. And all of this should be done,
however, in recognition of the fact that China is still an
emerging economy, so you are entitled to have certain longer
timetables and certain pr6cedural help in this regard.
So what we're trying to do in America .is to say,
okay, China .should be in the World Trade Organization, but it has
to be a commercially realistic set of understandings when you
have memberships, and yet we owe you the.right to a reasonabie
period of transition as you change your economy. And I think
we'll get there.
I think we'll reach an agreement before long.
MAYOR XU: We very much hope that what Mr. President
just said will come to. fruition.
Of course,. we're hoping for
that day; we're waiting for that day.
MR. ZUO:
Okay, Mr. President, you've noticed and
you've seen that there are so many people waiting in line on the
screen here to talk to you.
There is not enough time; that's
obvious.
But somebody h~s asked you that in this constructive
strategic relationship· to promote world ·peace, they want to know
what kind of meaning this has.
They also want to know what the
United States -- what else the United States can do in the
Southeast Asian financial crisis, et cetera, et cetera, et
cetera.
There are a lot of questions, but I think in the
interest of time -- well; I think that in the future we might
have other times to do this again, but I think for the time let's
not take any more calls.
A minute ago when I was.talking with you,. when I was
talking to the President, he said that in the United States, in
America, he often gets in contact with the citizens, but he's
never done this type of program outside the United States.
It's
right, this was th~ first time? Yes, the first time.
So what I'd like to know is, what do you think?
What impressions do you have of this first time?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, first of all, I have enjoyed
it very much.
I want to th~nk all the people who called in with
their questions and tell you that I'm sorry we didn't get to
answer more questions~
But it's always the.way.
People
everywhere want to engage their leaders in dialogue. And so I
thank you for your questions.
They were very good ones. And if
I didn't. get to answer your question, I'm sorry.
But this has
been a historic occasion. And perhaps now when I travel to other
countries, I will ask them if they will do the same thing.
This
was a very good idea.
MR. ZUO:
Thanks.
Just now, Mayor Xu, you should also have come to see
that in our program the people listening also hope that you will
come back to this program. They'll engage in ari exchange with
you.
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MAYOR XU:
Okay, fine. As long as you arrange it,
I'll come.
I myself, as the mayor, that should be part of my
job. That's an important part of my job, to be in close contact
with the citizens of the city.
MR. ZUO:
So after doing such a program with the
President, did you think it was -- wasn't it fun? Didn't you
have a good time?
MAYOR XU:
Yes, it was very, very nice.
I liked the
way the President answered a lot of the questions.
He has a 1ot
of far-reaching thoughts, and he has ·a lot of far sight.
I
learned a lot from him.
MR. ZUO:
The time went s6 fast.
Look at that, it's
pretty much almost.gone.
But we'll remember it forever, and we
hope that the friendship between China and the United States ~ill
last forever, just as President Clinton said. :We hope it will be
just as long as the Great Wall.
And I would like now, for the Shanghai radio station
and on behalf of this program, I'd like to really express my
heartfelt thanks to the President and the Mayor for participating
in this program.
Thank you very much to those in the audience.
Bye.
THE PRESIDENT:
Good-bye.
END
Thank you.
1:00 P.M.
.
.
(L)
.
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THE WHITE HOUSE
...
Office of the Press Secretary
(Shanghai, People's Republic of China)
For Immediate Release
July 1, 1998
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT.
TO U.S. BUSINESS LEADERS AND
LEADERS OF THE SHANGHAI BUSINESS COMMUNITY
Atrium of Portman Ritz Carlton
Shanghai, People's Republic of China
9:37A.M.
(L)
PRESIDENT CLINTON:
Thank you very much.
Ladies and gentlemen,
thank you for your warm welcome and.let me begin by thanking Charles Wu
for inviting me here today.
I am honored to be joined not only by '
Secretary Daley, but by Secretary Albright and Ambassador Barshefsky,
from whom you .have already heard, and the distinguished congressional
delegation and our. fine ambassador, Jim Sasser.
It is fitting that the American Chamber-of Commerce here in
Shanghai is the fastest growing· one in Asia.
Over the past 24 hours or
so, I've had the chance to see examples of the kind of ingenuity and
energy of those who live and work here. -- from the magnificent· examples
of architecture and culture to the people.
Yesterday, I hosted a discussion with a range of Chinese leaders
in academia, in law, in the media, in culture and nongovernmental
organizations, all workipg to create a ~ore responsive, open,
decentralized society. And also yesterday some of you may have heard
the radio call-in show that I had, where the mayor joined me.
It was
very much like call-in shows. in America.
People were concerned about
quite imrriediate issues by and large. My favorite caller s,aid he did not
want to talk to the President, he wanted to talk to the Mayor about
traffic issues.
(Laughter.)
One of the greatest American politicians in the last 50 years, the
late Speaker Tip O'Neill, once told all of our Democrats in the House
that all politics was local. That's the most extreme expression I've
seen in a long time and I liked it very much.
Later today I will have the opportunity to speak with several new
entrepreneurs and to families who have recently moved into their own
home for the first time. All of this to me has been very, very
encouraging. Many of you have helped to nurture Shanghai's success and
in so doing have helped to nurture China's opgoing evolution to a more
open, stable, and prosperous society.
~our presence in Shanghai is
vi tally important for the future of China· and the United States and the
larger worJ.d.
'
China has, of course, been one ·of our largest trading partners.
They bring more jobs, better pay, more growth, greater prosperity back
home ·to the American people.
In the 21st century more· than ever our
ability to compete in fore~gn markets will be a critical source of our
strengthen and prosperity at home. We have, after all, in the United
Staies just 4 percent of.the world's p~pulation, but we produce 20
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•.
percent of its wealth.
Clearly we must do·something with the other 96
percent of the people on this small planet in order to maintain our
standard of living and our ability to_ stand up for our values around the
world.
We especially must reach out to the·developing world, whose
economies are projected to grow at three times the rate of the developed
economies over the next 20 years, including, of course, the largest
country -- China.
America, as' Secretary Daley has said, has bee~ very blessed these
last five and a half years.
I am grateful to have_had the chance to
serve, and I'm very grateful for the support I have received from the
members of Congress here in this audience and, even more importantly,
for the work .the American people have done to bring our country back,
bring our country together, and move our country forward.
But it is very important to note that a big part of all those
numbers that Secretary Daley read off was the expanding, vigorous
American presence in foreign markets. About 30 percent of the growth
that produced those 16 million new jobs and the revenues necessary to
balance the budget for the first time since 1969 and run a surplus came
from expanded trade. And it is a cause we must keep at.
I also want to say that in addition to the positive impacts you
have on the United States, your work here has a very positive impact in
China.
China's 20-year track record of unprecedented growth has been
fueled in part by foreign products, know-how, investment, trade, and
energy.
These ties also have more subtle and perhaps more profound,
long-lasting effects. They strengthen the rule of law, openness, and
accountability.
They expose China to fair .labor practices and stronger
environmental standards.
They spread powerful agents of change:
fax
machines and photocopiers, computers and modems.
Over time, the more China enters the world community and the
global economy, the more the world will strengthen freedom and openness
in China.
You are in the vanguard, therefore, of an historic process.
Our commercial relationship has also helped to strengthen, and in
turn has been strengthened by, expanding diplomatic cooperation between
our nations.
I will do everything I can to encourage stronger trade
ties between the United States and China.
Just before my departure, the
House Ways and Means Committee voted overwhelmingly in favor of normal
trade treatment for China -- MFN.
I hope the rest of Congress soon will
follow suit.
Failure to renew that would sever our economic ties,
denying us the benefits of China's growth, endangering our strategic
partnership, turning our back on the world's largest nation at a time
when cooperation for peace and stability is more important and more
productive than ever.
China and, indeed, Shanghai face major challenges in advancing
economic progress b~yond the present point. We all know that -- more
restructuring of state-owned enterprises, developing a transparent legal
and regulatory system, preserving the environment as the economy grows,
building a strong financial system, opening markets, playing a
responsible role in sustaining the international financial system.
The United States is prepared to work with China in meeting these·
challenges because the success of China will affect not only the Chinese
people and Chinese prosperity but America Is, well-being and global
stability as well.
First, restructuring state enterprises is criticaL to building a
modern economy, but it also is disrupting settled patterns of life and
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work, cracking the Iron Rice Bowl.
In the short term, dismantling state
enterprises put~ people out of jobs
lots of them -- and into
competition for employment for private jobs. Those who lack the right
education ·skills and support risk being left behind here, as they do, I
might add, in the. United States and other countries undergoing changes
because of the global economy in the Information Age.
China will have to devise new systems of training workers and
proViding social benefits and social security. We have asked our
Council of Economic Advisers, the Treasury, Commer.ce, and Labor
Departments to share their experti~e and ~xperiences with Chinese to
help them navigate this transition.
Second, China is working to put in place a. ·more transparent and
predictable legal and regulatory system, with enforceable rights, clear
procedures, and strong efforts to combat corruption.
I am pleased that
American businesses have pledged financial support for the rule of law
initiative President Jiang and I have launched.
It is terribly
important.
It will improve legal education and judicial training in
China, streamline the regulatory system, and improve legal· aid for the·
poor.
Just as important, it can be the basis for strengthening the
protection of personal rights and constraining arbitrary government.
We've also initiated a dialogue between our labor ministers that will
address worker rights.
I challenge you to set a good example here to
show that respect for core labor standards goes hand in hand with good
and successful business practices .
. Third, as we go forward we must ensure that economic development
does not lead to environmental catastrophe. Respiratory illness from
air pollution is now China's number one health problem.
Every major
body of water is polluted.
Th~ water table is dropping all over the
country.
China is about to assume the unfortunate distinction of
replacing the United States as the largest emitter of greenhouse gases
that are dangerously warming our planet.
Increasingly, pollution at home -- whether in China or the United
States or elsewhere ·-- becomes a worldwide environmental problem, as
well as a health, environmental, and economic problem for people in
their home countries. Climate change is a real and growing issue.
The
five hottest years recorded on. the planet since 1400 have all occurred
in the 1990s.
If present trends continue, 1998 will be the hottest year
ever recorded.
Now, unfortunately, it~is itill the dominant opinion in virtually·
all developing countries -- and. I might add, in many sectors of the
United States, including among many in the·congress --that there is an
irop, unbreakable link between economic growth and industrial age energy
practices.
If that is the link~ we can hardly expect decisionmakers in
countries with a lot of poor people iiying to come to grips.with the
enormous changes of the global economy, to do anything other than either
deny the environmental problems or say that their children will have to
fix them.
Happily, it is not true.
It is simply not true.
We have example after example after example of countries whose
economies ar~ doing well as they adopt more sensible environmental and
energy practices, and companies in the United States who are making a
significant share of their profits through conservation and the
implementation of new technologies -- everything from simple
initiatives, like using ~ore natural gas, using better lighting and
insulation material, use of waste heat from power generation facilities
to provide heating, cooling, and lighting, and about to be widely ·
available, fuel injection engines which will cut pollution from
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automobiles by 80 percent ..
All these things are available.
Shanghai could be the center of
an energy revolution in China which would actually lead to faster
economic growth, less re~ources invested in cleaning up the mess 'later,
and less resources invested in taking care of sick people who won't get
sick if more is done to preserve the environment.
But we have to do something to break the idea in people's minds
that the only way to grow the economy of a developing country is to
adopt industrial age energy use patterns.
It. is not tiue; it is a huge
problem.
It is still a problem in.the United States, and I ask you to
lead the way.
All the evidence is, if you look at the record of our country
going back to 1970, every time the United States has adopted higher
environmental standards, businesses have created new technologies to
meet them, and we have actually had faster economic growth with better
and better paying jobs as a result.
This is something we will have to
·do together.
I am pleased that the Energy and Environment Initiative we
launched last October ~~s begun already to yield concrete clean energy
and clean air projects, which I'll have an opportunity to talk about
more tomorrow in Guilin. ~ut I wanted to take this opportunity to ask
all of you to try to change the thinking because I have no right as
President of the United States to ask China to slow its economic growth.
I don't have a right to do that.
But as a citizen of the world and the
leader of my country, I have a responsibility to ask us all to work
together for a planet that our grandchildren can still enjoy living on.
· And so do you.
(Applause. )
Fourth, you know better than I that China faces significant
in strengthening its financial ind its banking systems.
America learned some hard lessons from our savings and loan crisis in
the 1980s. The Asian financial crisis today demonstrates the havoc a
weak and inadequately supervised banking system can create. We want to
help China avoid similar errors by improving regulations, opening to
foreign competition, training bank·supervisors and employees, and in the
process, I might add, developing the capacity to fund more private
entrepreneurs in small businesses.
challenge~
Fifth, as you are well aware, China's economy still is burdened
with complicated and overlapping barriers. More open markets are
important to the United States, which buys today about a third of
China's exports, and in turn should have a fair shot at China's markets.
It is important to China as it builds an economy that must compete
globally.
In America, as in China, rapid change and the disruptions it
brings make it tempting to turn inward and to slow down.
But for China,
as for America, the promise for the future lies in helping our citizens
to master the challenges of the global economy, not to deny them or run
away from them.
President Jiang and I agree on the importance of China's entry
into the World Trade Organization. But that .can only happen on strong
terms, the same terms that other nations of the world abide by to
benefit from WTO membership.
Of course, there will have to be an
individual agreement that recognizes the transitions China must.
undertake, but the terms have to be clear and unambiguous.
I'm disappointed that we didn't make more progress on this issue,
.but we'll keep working at it until we reach a commercial viable
agreement.
I also want to emphasize something I'm sure every member of
Congress here would agree with, which is that we cannot build support
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for permanent MFN for China in the Congress on the basis of anything
less.
Finally, China must help to m:eet the challenge of an international
financial system with no respect for borders.
I must say that I
appreciate the very constructive role China has played in promoting
financial stability in the region, through direct assistance,
multilateral cooperation, participation ~n the international financial
institutions.
Premier Zhu and President.Jiang told me. China is
.
determined to play'its part in avoiding another round.'of competitive
devaluations, which I believe would also be damaging to China, as well
as to the region.
Both our countries have important responsibilities to counter the
threat to the internatiq~al financial system, and I am confident that
working together, we can.do so.
Of course, we have work to do to meet
all these challenges, but you can help, as I'm sure you know-~
explaining to Chinese colleagues the important and tangible benefits in
the Information Age of increasing individual ireedom, and limiti~g
arbitrary governmental decisions.
It isn't simply a philosophical matter that no one has-a monopoly
on the truth.
If you look at what is driving the Information Age, it is
ideas.
The Chairman of. the Federal Reserve, Alan Greenspan, was having
a conversation with me several weeks ago and he told me something that I
didn't know -- he usually tells me something I don't know when I visit
with him -- (laughter) -~ but he said that, actually, economists had
measured the physical size of ·national output and compared changes in
GNP or GOP with changes in physical size.
He says that in the last 15
years, while America's income has gone way up, the bulk of what we've
produced has hardly increased at all. Why? Because wealth is being
generated by ideas.
That wil.l become increasingly true everywhere.
In that kind· of
world we must all value the ability ·of people to think and speak and
explore and debate -- not only because it is, we believe in America,
morally right, but because it is the only thing in the end that will.
actually work to maximize the potential of the people of China, And they
deserve a chance, after so much struggle and so much hard work, to live.
up to their potential and to see their nation live up to its potential.
(Applause. )
I also believe it is important to explain to American colleagues
and friends back home the importance of our engagement with China.
There are some people who actually question whether I ought to have come
on this trip and who had, I thought, prescriptive advice, which would
have completely undermined the effectiveness of the trip.
It is important for Americans to remember, as we go around the
world telling people that no one has a monopoly .on the truth, that we
don't either.
(Applause.)
And that we live ·in a: world where the unique
position of the United States as the world's remaining military
superpower, with all of our economic strength, is such that we can·
maximize our influence only by reaching out a hand of cooperation as
well as standing strong when the moment requires it.'
·
We have to make most of our progress with most people by working
with them, and that requires us to seek to understand and communicate
and reciprocate and to live by the values we espouse.
So I hope you will do both these things.
I hope you will bring
energy and commitment to these 'tasks.
I hope you will be immensely
successful at what we call your day job as well, because we have a lot
to do to help America and China reach their full potential in the 21st
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century. But a great deal is riding on.our success, and I believe we
will succeed.
Thank you.
Thank you very much.
END
(Applause.)
10:00 A.M.
(L)
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Beijing, People's Republic of China)
For Immediate Release
·June 27, 1998
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
IN TOAST AT STATE DINNER
Banquet Hall of the Great Hall of the People
Beijing, People's Republic of China
THE PRESIDENT:
President Jiang,_ Madame Wang, members of the
Chinese government, fellow guests -- I am honored to be here
representing the people of the United States in the Great Hall of the
People, which reflects the impressive progress of the Chinese people
in the 20th century.
We Americans first saw it on our televisions 26 years ago when
President Nixon became the first American leader to visit China.
Those
were the very first live pictures of China ever seen in my country.
Across the United States, Americans were filled with great hope as
relations resumed between our two great nations.
That visit changed history.
It reminded u~ of the warmth each
nation felt for the other -- long befor~ the Cold War.
It recalled our
alliance in World War II and our long history of commercial relations
dating back to the infancy of the United States. We were trading
together before our Constitution was written.
Even the tea that our
founding fathers threw into the Boston Harbor in 1773 to protest
British taxes was from China.
For most of our history we have looked upon China as a distant
friend across the sea. As the Bamboo Curtain opened, Americans and
Chinese learned about each other all over again.
Starting with pandas
and ping pong players, we have built a broad and friendly relationship.
'
Today China and the United States cooperate across a wide range of
enterprises -- in bbsiness, in the arts, in the acad~mic w6rld, and in
the personal friendship that unites Chinese and Americans. More than
1 million Americans trace their roots to China.
Every day, Chinese
Americans build a petter America -- as entrepreneurs and architects,
artists and public servants. And we form lifelong bonds with the
thousands of Chinese students ~ho study with us every year, teaching us
their culture as they learn from ours.
Americans are proud that many of China's leaders spent time in the
United States.
Dr. Sun Yat Sen visited six times between 1896 and
1911, and he was in Denver when he learned he would become China's hew
leader.
The great teacher, Hu Shi, was a student in New York when he
pioneered a new system of expressing vernacular Chinese, an idea that
changed China forever.
I look forward to seeing Beijing University
during its centennial year, a monument to Hu Shi and so many other
friends of America.
As two great nations, the world looks to us to set a good example.
In the last few months, we have seen how much we can and must do
together -- in our strong response to the crisis in India and Pakistan,
our efforts for lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula, our cooperation
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to.stem the flow of dangerous weapons around the world~
In so many
different ways, we are upholding the teachings of Mencius, who said:
"A good citizen in one community will befriend the other citizens of
the community; a good citizen of the world will .befriend the other
citizens of the world."
Mr. President, the American people admire the great strides Chl.na
has taken.
Your people are leading lives inconceivable just a
generation ago.
Your phenomenal growth over.20 years has opened new
worlds of possibility -- for jobs, for more schools, for greater
mobility, for instant access to the outside world. We Americans
appreciate the mutual respect.of our relationship-- a relationship
based on cooperation, candor, and recognition of each nation's values
.and traditions.
An ancient Chinese proverb tell us:
"Be not afraid of growing
slowly; be only afraid of standing still." Let us commit to keep
moving forward together, turning small steps into giant ~trides for
our people, our nations, and the world.
I ask you now to please join me in a toast to the president and the
first lady of the People's Republic of China and to the friendship
joining our two peoples and.the future we will build together.
Gan bei.
END
I"-\.'
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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
(Shanghai, People's Republic of China)
For Immediate Release
June 30, 1998
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
AT RECEPTION IN HIS HONOR
HOSTED BY THE MAYOR OF SHANGHAI
Shanghai Museum
Shanghalj People's Republic of China
6:40 P.M.
(L)
THE PRESIDENT:
Thank you very much, Mr. Mayor, Madame Xu, to
Museum Director Ma, ladies and gentlemen.
It is a great honor for my
wife and members of our family, six members of the United States
Congress, and many members of our Cabinet and other American citizens
to be here in Shanghai tonight.
This museum is a fitting symbol,of wl;lat I have seen in China these
last few days -- the magnificence of your ancient past and your
brilliant future.
I have seen a nation rising in its influence in the world, with
China's leadership for stability in the Asian economic crisis; ~nd
China's leadership for peace on the Koiean Peninsul~ and in workirig
with us to help to deal with the difficulties caused by the nuclear
tests by India and Pakistan.
I have seen the Chinese people rlslng, millions of them, out of
poverty; millions more finding interesting work of their own choice,
pursuing more educational opportunities, having more say in their local
affairs.
I saw a great example of that when the Mayor and.I did a talk
radio show this morning here in Shanghai .. And I was especially
impressed when one of the callers called in and said, "don't want to
talk to the President, I want to talk to the Mayor about traffic
problems in Shanghai."
(Laughter.)
Shanghai is truly the place where East meets West.
Over the last
150 to 200 years, the West has not always been the best of partners in
Shanghai, but now we have a good partnership.
I am especially pleased that a United States firm, RTKL, will
design the new. Scienceland Museum here.
I hope that is a symbol of the
kinds of positive, good things we will do together in the future.
I also want to say a special word of appreciation to your mayor.
Mr. Mayor, I heard -- this may not be a true story, but don't tell me
if it's not -- (laughter) -- I heard that years ago when your
predecessor, Zhu Rongji, .invited you to head Shanghai's Central
Planning Commission you told him you hated the whole idea of central
planning. And Zhu replied,· then you're exactly the man I want for the
job.
(Laughter.)
·
Now we see you unleashing this city's great potential, cutting red
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tape, fighting corruption, protecting the environment, spurring an
artistic revival. You are making Shanghai a place the ~orld loo~s to
for commerce, culture and people of different walks of life thriving
together.
Mr. Mayor, in 1996, when I·asked the American people to give me
another teim as President of the United States, the theme of my
campaign was, building a bridge to the 21st century. In Shanghai, you
are building that bridge to the 21st century, and we want to build it
with you.
Thank you very much.
END
Thank you.
(Applause. )
6:48 P.M.
(L)
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THE.WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Presi Secretary
(Beijing, ~eople's Republl.c of China)
For
Immedia~e
Release
June 27, 1998
PRESS BRIEFING BY
MIKE MCCURRY,
NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISOR SANDY BERGER,
AND NATIONAL ECONOMIC ADVISOR GENE SPERLING
Shangri-la Hotel
Beijing, People's Republic of China
4:12 P.M.
(L)
MR. MCCURRY:
Let me explain what we'll do. _I'm delighted to
have here the President's National Security Advisor, Samuel Berger; and
the President's National Economic Advisor; Gene Sperling. -They're
going to do a variety of things, so sit back and enjoy yourself for a
while.
They will -- first, Sandy will provide a readout of the
bilateral meetings the President conducted today with President Jiang.
Zemin.
He will then go through elements that are contained in the fact
sheet and the agreements that have been reached so you better
understand the remarkable substantive achievements that occurred at
this summit.
And then Mr. Sperling will provide a _readout of the working
lunch held today with Premier Zhu Rongji and that delegation, talk a
little bit about the economic issues that were raised at this sumn:tit.
And then we will turn to your questions. And we apologize for the
lengthy presentation, but it's one that we think is important so that
you understand in greater detail the substantive achievements of this·
summit.
With that, Mr. Berger.
MR. BERGER:
Delighted to have you.
thank you, Mr. McCu~ry.
I think this h~s been quite an extr~ordinary day in the·
evolution of U.S.-China relations.
The summit today and the press
conference which followed I believe demonstrate.more graphically than
anything we could possibly have said.that the premise that we have been
proceeding along is correct.
That is that engagement with the Chinese
can advance America's interests and its values.
This is a summit that
produced substantial results that will make life more secure and
improve lives in other ways for the American people and for the Chinese
people.
We also saw today a truly historic press conference
that for the first time witnessed the,leader of the United States
and the leader of China discussing and debating a rang'e of
issues, but most partl.cularly human rights, to a live audit.;mce
across China and the,United States. A President of the United
States and a President of China not only speaking to themselves,
not o~ly speaking:to the press, but speaking to their own people
and speaking to each other's people.
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There were a number of firsts involved in that press
conference, and in the events of the past several hours.
I think
it's the first time that·a foreign leader has.addressed Tiananmen
as directly as the President did in his remarks.
It is, as far
as we know, the first time a press conference held by a foreign
leader has been broadcast live.
It certainly was the most
extensive public discussion by far between a Chinese leader and
an American leader on human rights.
And it was extraordinary in other ways as well.
President Jiang at various points invited President Clinton to
add to his ,comments, .thereby deciding to engage in this
discussion rather than seeking in any way to truncate it.
I will come back to that and answer your questions
about it in a few moments.
Let me go to the other side of the
equation here, because this was a summit that produced
substantial concrete results, and we're very pleased with those
results.
Let me just go through them, hopefully not in
excruciating detail, but in some detail.
I think perhaps the most important developments in
this summit came, as they have generally in the last few
meetings, in the area of nonproliferation, as China increasingly
becomes part of the global nonproliferation regime. We have an
agreement with the Chinese not to target our strategic nuclear
weapons under their respective control at each other.
I think
this is an important step, as I talked about yesterday as we
speculated about its possibility.
In the missile area, there are several pieces here.
I think the most important piece, one that I am particularly
pleased about, is that the Chinese have agreed now to actively
study joining the MTCR.
Now, what does that mean? The Chinese
in the past have said unilaterally that they would adhere to the
.MTCR guidelines.
That is a kind of a generai commitment and it
doesn't necessarily include all of the technology and components
that are part of the annex of the MTCR, and it's not binding in
any kind of international way.
This is an important towards joining the MTCR, and
we have seen in the past --whether it's been the Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights or variou~ other measures -- the
Chinese often do these -- jump across the river in two or three·
steps. And here they have said basically that they are moving
towards considering joining the MTCR.
That would be a very
significant development in terms of the sale of missile
technology worldwide.
On chemical weapons, we agreed that we would
strengthen our controls even further of the export of dual-use
chemicals, that is those that can be used in perfectly legitimate
commercial uses and those that can be used in weapons.
China has
just announced that it will expand its list of chemical
precursors that will be under those controls.
In the area of biological weapons, I think you've
heard me and the President, others, talk about our desire,
perhaps this year, but as soon as possible, to negotiate an
enforcement protocol for the Biological Weapons Convention, ~hich
does not have enforcement machinery. And the Chinese have agreed
to work with us towards that objective.
J
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And finally in this area, the Chinese have agreed
with us on practices· for end-use visits on U.S. high-technology
exports to China.
Th~s has been an important issue back in
Washington. We will now.have a procedure for verifying that
exports that are going to a location ar~ at that location ihrough
a process of visits and inspection.
In the area of the security dialogue, the two
Presidents talked considerably about South Asia, and both
committed to place heavy priority over the next months to trying
to de-escalate the tensions in the region.
China has a unique
histor~cal relationship both with Pakistan and with .India
asymmetri·cal relationship -- and obviously can be a very_
important part of this process.
In the area of human rights, in addition to the
press conference itself, which I think was a powerful· discussion
beaming across China about the relationship between freedom and
government and the past and the future, we've agreed that we will
resume our bilateral dialogue on human rights.
The Chinese
earlier had indicated they would sign the International Covenant
on Civil and Political Rights, indicated they will do so this
fall.
And on religious freedom, we agreed that we would.·
continue to exchange among officials, as we had earlier this year
with the mission of the three clerics, and that the State·
Department and the Chinese Ministry of For~ign Affairs will
resume its dialogue.
I will let Gene talk about the economic area.
On energy and environment -- I talked about this
yesterday -- I think this is extremely important -- China,
growing as fast as it is, will surpass the United States as the
largest emitter of greenhouse gases in 10 or 15 years. And we
will now intensify substantially our cooperation on clean en~igy,
with American technology, working with the Chinese, working on a
nationwide air quality monitoring network, working on power
projects and coal bed methane technologies, as well as having an
energy finance conference so that we can talk about how China can
finance an economic growth pattern that does not replicate the
energy -- the wasteful energy pattern of the developed countries
in the postwar period.
In science ~nd technology, a area where"~e have been
cooperating for 20 years, w~ will continue that cooperation,
emphasizing a number of areas I will mention -- particularly
disease, fighting disease. We're going to be cooperating in
several areas including child health issues, birth defects, and
health hazards due to environmental factors.
The President
mentioned this in his statement, talked about some .of the t~ings
that have happefied ai a result of this cooper~tion:
.
In, the area of rule of law, we will work with the
Chinese on a more robust project, working with their judges, with
their lawyers, training them on judicial systems, judicial
practices. And also we will hold an important meeting with them
in November on le·gal protection of human rights, including
international human rights covenants, criminal procedural rights,
legal protection of religious freedom and other.issues.
There are a number of other things that are in the
fact sheet, but I think it's a very rich and diverse set of steps
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which continue the process that has been ongoing now for the last
two years at least of strengthening and deepening and widening
this relationship.
Now, let me just speak for a second about the
meeting itself.
The meeting started with an extended bilateral
-- probably 10 on each side, 12 on each side . . The President
both .Presidents exchanged obviously their commitments to the
relationship and the President began with South Asia, talked
about the role that China had played in the P-5 and chairing. that
and helping to move towards a common position of the
international community with respect 'to what India and Pakistan
need to do to get this process reversed. ·
They talked about Korea, Kim Dae Jong, and the
cooperation that we have there, both for trying to move a process
of reconciliation between North and South, as well as making sure
that the agreed framework that has stopped North Korea's nuclear
program is adhered to.
·
.
.
The President in his larger meeting raised three
economic issues ·-- Asian financial crisis, trade and the ·economy
and the environment .. Agaln, Gene will-talk about those.
On the
economy and the environment, the President said basically that
China can avoid the mistakes that the developed world made over
the last 30 years in developing a very high carbon energy base
and do so in ways that don't impair its growth, but don't. impair
its environment.
Then we went to a smaller meeting.
President Jiarig
expressed qratitude to President Clinton for coming to China,
notwithstanding the criticism of the trip that a few people have
raised at home. And the President said that there never was a
question in his mind to give in to th~ critics, that he believes
that the United States gains an advantage from engagement -- can
gain an advantage from engagement, and the President must do
what's in the best interest for the United States; that we can
cooperate_ and it's important that we discuss areas of
disagreement.
There was a lengthy discussion of trade and WTO.
On
human rights, the President acknowledged the steps that China has
taken w±th respect to release of dissidents -- some dissidents
his agreement to sign the Covenant, invitation granted to the
religious clerics, and said the question now is where do_ we go
from here; how do we get on the right side of history tdgether.
He said that that would have, he thought, enormous impact -- that
that, that is, China's opening up and giving greater degree of
political freedom, a greater degree of freedom of expression;
would have an enormous impact on China's standing, it would be a
source of strength for China, not weakness. And ·.as he said in
the press conference, it would be a source, ultimately, of·
stability for China, not instability.
He talked about a number of areas he mentioned in
the press conference in general terms that China could undertake
with respect to prisoner releases, with respect to freedom of
access to information~
He raised the question of the arrest or
the detention of the dissidents over the last few days.
He
mentioned the question of jamming Radio Free Asia and he said
that he looked hopefully to China for_improvement.
On Taiwan, the President r.estated our basic policy,
one China policy.
It continues to be at the heart of our policy,
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based on the three communiques. We don't support independence
for Taiwan or one China, one Taiwan, or Taiwan's membership in
organizations that require statehood; but that it is
extraordinarily important to the United States that the issue
between China and Taiwan be resolved peacefully. And that was a
point the President emphasized.
There was some discussion of Tibet.
You heard a
reprise of that to some degree at the press conference. And the
President urged President Jiang to engage in a dialogue .with the
Dalai Lama bas~d upon a commitment or a statement,that the Dalai
Lama acknowledging that Tibet is a part of China.
The President
said he believed that the Dalai Lama would do that.
He urged President Jiang to take .the step which he
said had importance ·not only for the people of Tibet, but also
for people around the world who I think have a particular feeling
for the cultural and religious identity of Tibet and want to see
it preserved.
Let me stop.
Let me ask Gene to fill in the
economic pieces. And then I will seek to answer your questions.
MR. SPERLING: .Clearly, one of the things we are
most. pleas~d with during this trip is that both in the meeting
yesterday with Secretary Rubin and then again with the working
iunch today with the President, Premier Zhu Rongji was very
strong and quite unambiguous in his commitment to not devalue the
currency in China, and expressed the view that that would be
harmful to the region, to Hong Kong, and ultimately, in the
long-term, harmful to China; that w6atever difficulties and
short-term costs, that this was a sound approach for the region.
And the President was strong in his praise for the· sound judgment
and responsible judgment that.that showed.
As you know, the President had asked Secretary Rubin
to go out a day earlier and have a preliminary conversation.
That went very well yesterday. And again the President went
through many of these issues with the Premier over the working
lunch.
.
On the joint -- on accession to the World Trade
Organizatfon, there was clearly progress made, but.clearly it.
didn't go far enough. We said before that, as we'~e always said,
we needed a commercially viable package and that that would be
our test.
I can tell you that over the last several weeks,
Charlene Barshefsky and her team, Deputy USTR Fisher and
Assistant USTR Cassidy, I think showed tremendous skill in both
pushing and engaging their Chinese counterparts and in making
some significant progress. We just have far.ther to go.
A new round of talks has been scheduled for the week
of July 20th in Geneva. The areas where progress was made was in
new tariff cuts across a wide range of products, though not
enough, particularly in some of the key export areas that are
important to American workers and producers; reductions in some
nontari(f barriers, such as quotas and licensing procedures; a
new financial service offer; and their very first
telecommunications market access proposal.
I think China got a better understanding of what it
would take,
I think that it was made cle~r that while the
President would like to see a time when there is permanent MFN,
that that could only be done in the context of a strong and
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corrimercially viable WTO package.
On othe~ fronts -- I won't go through everything {n
the fa'ct sheet, but Secretary Daley certainly made progress in
strengthenin~ our ex~ort controls with China. cchina has.agreed
t6 & f~amework for permitting end-Gse verification inspections of
U.S. dual-use high-technology exports. There is a five-year
aviation initiative that will focus on airport infrastructure
development, training, management, air traffic control systems.
On Monday Secretary Daley will be part of several cont~act
·
signings.
And one thing in particular we're very pleased with
due to some very hard work right up to the last minute was that
we are announcing the first exchange of Labor Secretaries to go.
over a broad dialogue of.labor issues, including core labor
standards, employment creation policies. And I think this is
very important in continuing progress and some of the
intersection between some of the economic iss~es and the freedom
of association issues.
In the meeting with Zhu, if starte~ by him telling
the President of som~ of his previous visits prior to his current
job, and the President inviting the Premier to come to the United
States.
He warmly received that, though obviously any type of
dates would have to be discussed.
·
The Pr~sident had a significant conversation with
him on climate change, echoing some of the things that·Sandy just
went over in his conversation with President Jiang Zemin -- the
notion that when the President is trying to bring in China into
the Kyoto frame~ork with targets.ind timetables, that. he does not
mean them to be targets or tim~tables that would limit Chiria's
growth, and that he believes. that with the right type of energy
policy ·earlier, that there can even be potential for reducing the
gro~th of greenhouse gas emissions while encouraging growth.
There was also a significant discussion on Japan and
the Asian financial crisis.
This was at the point where the
Premier made very clear to the President tha~ as a matter of
their responsibility to the region and to their neighbors and to
Hong Kong, as well as economic sense for China, that they would
not consider devaluing.
There was discussion of the situation in
Japan and what the economic challenges were there.
The Premier went through some of the issues with
their own economic plan, their tremendous challenge in trying to
deal with the 300,000 state-operated enterprises and their
efforts to create a social safety net to deal with things, the
problems and the challenges that result from that.
He spoke of
the fact that they were focusing very much on infrastructure
investment, long-term infrastructure investment as their way of
further stimulus, and the President was supportive of·the
long-term investment focus on that as opposed to a commercial
subsidy focus.
On the WTO, the President talked about the
importance of making progress. One thing I would say is that at
this meeting the President had invited and the Chinese had
invited the cortgressional delegation to be at the meeting; · During
the discussion in whi9h·the Pr~sident was talking about the .
importance of making further progress on trade, he asked a few
members of the congressional ·delegation to speak.
Senator
Rockefeller and Senator Baucus talked about. the importance from
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their perspective in maintaining support for open economic
relations with China and.foi eventually getting permanent MFN or
not having to fight such hard battlei every year, of having ·
greater open markets and doing more on the export side so as to
bring down the trade deficit.
Congressman Hamilton also strongly
made these points and stressed that the effort of himself and
people to continue open trade relations with China.
The President echoed that the status quo was not in
an acceptable place and that we needed to ~~ke fuither progress.
With that -- since I know you are anxious to get to
questions -- I will stop, either Sandy or I will be available for
any questions you have.
Thanks.
Q
Sandy, did we somehow signal to President Jiang
that President Clinton would raise the issue of Tiananmen Square
in the press conference, that he would, in fact, speak at some
'length on what that meant to the American people and to him?
MR. BERGER: No, there was no specific conversation
with President Jiang about what the President intended to say.
Q
That wasn't the question.
MR. BERGER:
Yes, I said no.
Q
Did he signal in any way, not whether there was
specific conversation.
MR. BERGER:
No, didn't pull his ear, didn't --
Q
And none of you talked to your counterparts at
a lower level?
I
MR. BERGER:
No.
Q
Sandy, what message should other governments in
Asia
Japan, India, for that matter, Taiwan -~ take from this
new relationship that you are forming with China?
MR. BERGER: As far as I know, every leader that we
have met with from Asia has encouraged us to develop a good,
itrong relationship with China. Well, we haven'·t had a
conversation with the new Indian government of great depth,
although we look forward to having discussions with them.
But
certainly, the J~panese, Prime Minister Hashimoto, the Koreans,
President Kim Dae Jong.
I ~hink that the nations in this region
know that we are not forming an alliance with China.
They know
that we are not -- that an improving relationship with China is
not directed against any of them, but that stability in China and
bringing China into the global and regional regime is to their
advantage~
· ·
So I think we've tried to make it quite clear to
each of them -- we do have, of course, security relationships
with a number of those countries -- with Japan, with Korea, with
Thailand, with the Philippines, with Australia.
Those are
qualitatively different relationships.
Those are defense
security relationships.
But I think the others, for the most
part,'prefer to see a strong, good relationship between the
United States and China than a tense and hostile relationship.
Q
Can you help us and point to any particular
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place in the human rights debate that we watched where President
Clinton's stated views on human rights in China moved at all, or
where you think President Jiang's position on human rights budged
an inch?.
MR. -BERGER: Weil, I think, first of all~ the very
fact that this happened is a movement on the part of the Chinese.
It would have been .unthinkable for that to happen even five years
ago, perhaps even yesterday.
So the fact that President Jiang
not only was willing to engage, but seemed almost eager to engage
in that dialogue-- there were times when he turned'to the
President where he could have cut off the discussion, and said,
President Clinton,_ do you want to add anything to that.
What you're seeing in that press conference·to some
degree is a window into what has happened in the evolution of
their relationship over the past few years. What I have seen in
these meetings, where two leaders now have a level of mutual
respect sufficient that they can engage in these discussions with
a good deal of ~onesty and candor.
I think there were a number of moments -- I think
that ·when President Clinton said at one point, I'd like to add a
comment; first of all, I think this debate and discussion has
been healthy and a good thing, and then went into a discussion of
the relationship between stability and freedom.
What he has been
saying in many different ways and now is saying directly to the
people of China is that: I understand China's apprehension, at
least the leadership's apprehension, about disintegration."
China has had historic problems of bre~king up.
But in the
future, stabilitY. and freedom are not inconsistent. The better
way to get stability in this new world is greater degree of
freedom-- I think that's a very strong message to the people of
China.
And I think the President was aware that this was
being broadcast live and I think was speaking to the broadei
audience in that respect.
.
Q
Sandy, how was he aware that it was being
broadcast live? You didn't know going_ into this that it was
going to be, did you?
MR. BERGER: We knew as we carne out of the meeting,
I think Mike had received some indication before the press
conference that it would be broadcast live. And I think maybe on
radio live. We've heard reports from some of our embassy people
of cab drivers stopping and pulling over to the side of the
street to listen to this.
Those are unverified, and they are
sourced to the U.S. embassy personnel.
Q
-- mentioned that he would work on helping with
people who are being arrested because of the counterrevolutionary
law, that they were being arrested and put in jail. But wouldn't
it be a matter of semantics, because people are being arrested
now for endangering the safety of the country? So what would be
your
MR. BERGER: Well, I think the President made clear
that he opposed arresting anybody for the expression of their
views, of their political views, and made some suggestions to
President Jiang as to.concrete steps that might be taken in that
direction.
But we would oppose, obviously, the arrest for anyone
for expression of religious freedom, for expression-of their
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political views.
I think part of this dialogue was President Clinton
saying to the Chinese people and to President Jiang, let me
explain America's values to the Chinese people and why that has
made America strong, and why that can make China stronger.
Q
President Jiang Zemin stated very clearly the
idea of political contributions to the U.S. was absurd and sh~er
fabrication.
President Clinton didn't say anything about that.
Do you know his views on the matter, ·ar what's the White House
position?
MR. BERGER:
I'm.sorry, what was the predicate of-I just didn't hear the first part.
Q
Political contributions.
MR. BERGER: Oh. · This is a matter we have raised
before with President Jiang and other Chinese leaders.
They have
in the past said things similar to what President Jiang said
today; that is. that they have conduct~d their own investigation
· an.d they have not found anything to bear out the proposition. that
the Chinese government was engaged in an effort to funnel
campaign finances into political parties in the United States.
That is as matter for the Justice Department to investigate and
we urged, as we always have, the Chinese government to cooperate.
Q
On a related issue, did the issue of satellite
export :waivers come up in any of the meetings
past, present or
future export waivers?
1
MR. BERGER:
Did not come up.
I mean, it certainly
has come up in our discussions with the Chinese at other levels;
did not come up in the summit.
But as you know, I think our view
is that while there are some instances of private companies that
are being investigated, t0at our policy with respect to satellite
launches on Chinese satellites is one that serves the national
interest and has not compromised our national security.
Q
Sandy, can I ask about a couple of pieces of
language that came out today -- one, an additional piece of the
language and one that was omitted, and I'd like to ask your
explanation of what these two things meant.
The first on~ was,
in talking about the detargeting, there was an interesting phrase
about weapons under their respective control.
Is that a
reference, for instance, maybe to weapons on NATO bases in
Europe? What does it mean -- weapons that are under the
respective control?
And the second is an omission, or seemed to me to be
an omission. After the summit I did not hear a repetition of the
Taiwan Relations Act as being one of the pillars of American
policy toward Taiwan.
Does that Relations Act .continue to be a
policy of ours?
MR. BERGER: With respect to
the issue of arms
sales did not come up in the press conference. Obviously with
respect to that, our template, our guidance is the three
communiques and U.S. law.
And with respect to missiles under our control, that
means all missiles that are under U.S. control.
I'd rather not
get into that more specifically.
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Q
You said that the President reiterated
policy with regards to Taiwan to President Jiang.
Then why
didn't the President make that a part of his .statement at·the
press conference? Was that by mutual agreement?
MR. BERGER:
No.
Q
And one more.
During the.President's stay in
China, is he planning to address that issue in public?
MR. BERGER: There is no change here in the policy.
Secretary Albright articulated it when she was here.
Others have
articulated it.
I think I answered a question yesterday,
answered a question today with·respect ~o the policy.
I don't
know whether -- it's not inconceivable to me that at some.point
between now and the end -- there is a lot of speeches to go -that the President will address .Taiwan somewhat more
specifically.
Q
Did he specifically mention -- the three nos to
President Jiang? Did the President specifically state
MR. BERGER: He stated what our policy is.
It
includes those elements -- also the three communiques, the one
China policy, peaceful resolutidn of the di~pute.
He restated
our policy.
Q
When did the United States begin talking about
when did the United States start saying that it fdrmally
opposes independence for Taiwan?
MR. BERGER:
That has been part of our policy I
think for quite some time.
Q
That would be the case even if the
democratically-elected government of Taiwan chose that, or there
was a democratic-referendum that overwhelmingly favored it?
MR. BERGER: No, we believe that the status -- the
issue of the future of Taiwan and China should be resolve&
between the two entities and between the two peoples. And it is
inherent in the three communiques that we do not support the
independence of Taiwan.
T~at goes back long before we got here.
Q
Can I follow up? Did the President restate the
three nos of the one China policy on his own, or he was
responding to a request from President Jiang? And also, -what was
President Jiang's response to the President's point that the
pursUit of a cross-strait dialogue is the best way to achieve a
final peaceful resolution?
.MR. BERGER:· I have.not in my readout tried to
characterize ·Presi'dent Jiang's comments.
I would suggest that
you go to the Chinese government for that.
Q
What about my point --
MR. BERGER:
The President stated this in the
conteit of a discussion on Taiwan which President Jiang talked at
some length about Taiwan, and the President articulated our
policy.
MR. MCCURRY:
Our counterparts on the Chinese
si~e,
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Zhu Bangzao, the spokesman ~or the Foreign Ministry, very
graciously delayed his briefing, their readout, until 5:00 p.m.
I wanted to alert everyone of that.
That will begin shortly
those. of you who have got responsibility to cover that event as
well.
Q
Where is that?
MR. MCCURRY:
You can inquire -- Paul, do yo~ know
where they're doing that? Up around the corner, very nearby.
So
I did want to advise you of that. We will conti~ue for a short
while here for those of you in the White House press who've got
some more questions.
Q
On the environment, I would like to ask you, we
all feel like China has a moral obligation to act on ·human
rights.
You sounded very strongly on your comml.tment to
environmental dialogue with China.
So is the~e a .feeling that
we, as developed countrie·s -- America as the richest country -has a mo~al obligation to help China do its job on clean energy
and the environment?
MR. BERGER:
The whole premise of our approach
maybe we can just actually keep it a little bit down back there
so I ·~an try to answ~r the question.
Our whole premi~e at Kyoto
was that developed countries such as the United States had basic
obligations to deal with the emissions that are causing
greenhouse gases and global warming. And we undertook very
substantial cuts in our levels over a period of time.
But we also said that if we cut, and the developing
world, like China, doesn't cut, the planet doesn't know whether
emission comes from Shanghai or San Francisco.
So 'we'll have the
same problem. And therefore we asked the developing countries to
undertake their own efforts and to participate with us in a
emissions control exchange regime whereby investments that are
private sector could make clean energy in the developing world
would both provide them an investment and provide our companies
with credit for emissions control.
Q
Just a quick question, clarification from
yesterday.
You described China as an authoritarian regime
communist states are generally regarded as totalitarian.
Is this
an upgrade or a downgrade?
(Laughter.)
MR. BERGER: Any single word doesn't capture I think
a regime as complicated as China.
This is a regime in
transiti6n.
In some respects, as I said yesterday, the people in
this country have a far better life than they did wh~n I first
came here 20 years ago, or 10 years ago or 5 years ago -- not
only in their economic life, but also in their ability to 6hoose
what they do for work, whether they're educated, whether they
travel, whether they have cable television and a whole range
whether they elect their village mayor.
Now, at the same time, this ii a one-par~y st~te ~rid
it has a very tight control on -- certainly on public expression,
on political dissent. And in that respect it is authoritarian.
Q
phrase,
clarify the earlier question, what is this
"under their respective control"?
MR. BERGER:
later about that.
Let me have a conversation with you
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Q 'Sandy, on the question of transition, the
President has now had seven meetings, I think, with Jiang.
Do
you see him as a .transit~onal figure of sort of the Gorbachevian
mold or is it something less than that or is it something more
than that?
MR. BERGER: Well, first of all, one has to be
, humble about predicting the future of American leade.rship, let
alone the future of Chinese leadership.
I do not believe that
President Jiang is a transitional figure.
I think that he has
consolidated his support within the government and that has been
affirmed by various institutions.
I think that he has strong
control of the government.
Obviously, others in this government are
extraordinary i~portant -- for example, Premier Zhu Rongji, who
has special influence in the massive economic restructuring going
on here.
But I think President Jiang is not a transitional
figure.
I think he is someone who, I would expect -- and I would
hope that's he's not a transitional figure, I'd hope that he's a
figure that accelerates the transitio~ of China.
Q
But is he a reformational figure?
MR. BERGER: Well, I think ·we'll have to make those ·
judgments looking backwards.
I think that what he did today was
rather interesting.
I think there are many. ways to have reacted
to that situation in the press donference.
His instinct was not
to cut it off.
His instinct was to engage in the discussion, in
the dialogue, in the debate, even to prolong it.
I think thai's
an interesting instinct. And I hope that he will be a figure
that sees the relationship between economic reform and political
reform in China.
Q
Did President Clinton directly complain to
President Jiang about the recent detention of U.S. dissidents,
and did President Jiang indicate that this would cease while
President Clinton was in this country for his visit?
MR. BERGER:
President Clinton specifically raised
it.
I'm not -- I don't believe President Jiang specifically
responded to it, although others have said that the three
individuals, in particular, have been released.
Obviously, we
don't -- we're not able to verify that independently, although I
think there has been some confirmation of that in a few of the
cases.
Q
There were reports that people in other parts
of the country were picked up, too.
It.isn~t just those three.
MR .. BERGER: Wefl, the President raised it, and not
just -- the President raised it in the larger sense of how
counterproductive it is for these thitigs to ~- and h6w mpch of a
mistake it is for these patterns to be repeated in connection
with official visitors, and urged that it be stopped.
Q
Something on the economy.
I just wanted to ask
We've seen that the Yen has
weakened again, and independent of the words that have been
exchanged today, does the U.S .. plan or will consider the.
possibility of a new intervention {~ the market ~hould the yen
weaken further? And was. this discussed directly: with the
Chinese, whether they can participate in that?
~omething about the intervention.
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01/12/2000
�Page 13 of 15
MR. SPERLING: Weli, I think that what our view is,
what the President has communicated is that the main thing that
will determine the strength of the yen in the coming weeks and
month is going to be the actions Japan takes itself, particularly
in the banking and financial restruction area, to restore
confidence.
It was within the context of serious statements by
both Prime Minister Hashimoto and Finance Minister Matsunaga on
serious statements foreihadowing significant action that the
intervention was taken.
So I think that the real test will be -- the real
test in the view that cur~ency follows in the long-term
.fundamentals will be the actions that Japan takes. As Secretary
Rubin has said and repeated, currency intervention is a tool that
obviously is available and will be used by the Se~retary of
Treasury when he feels its appropriate, and will not be used when
he doesn't feel it's appropriate.
The terms of the discussion, there certainly was
discussion of currency issues in more depth in the meeting with
Secretary Rubin and Zhu Rongji yesterday.
It came up a little,
the overall issue did, in the meeting with the President today.
I don't recall that it did in the meeting with Presiderit Jiang
Zemin.
Q
So what did they actually talk about regarding
Japan? Did they both just kind of -- that Japan isn't taking
much action, but will support Japan if they do, or did the
Chinese side say, we'd appreciate it if the U.S. put a little bi~
more pressure on Japan to stimulate its economy and so on? What
did they actually talk about?
MR. SPERLING: Well, I don't want to do too much, as
Sandy suggested, debriefing on their comments.
But I think what
was significant is that they were not suggesting that their
actions -- that China's actions on devaluation were dependent on
Japan or the yen. What they were suggesting was that they felt
that regardless of the circumstances it would be nonadvantageous
for the region and for China in the long-term to devalue and to
risk another wave of competitive devaluations.
So, again, they wer~ very reassuring on their pledge
not to devalue and they were not hedging that commitment that was
given both to the President and to Secretary Rubin on actions by
the Japanese government or the movement of the yen.
Q
Can you tell us more about the conv~rsation of
yesterday between Secretary Rubin and Zhu?
MR. SPERLING:
It was a very in depth conversation.
I think it must have lasted an hour and 20 minutes.
I think
Secretary Rubin did give a readout to some of the reporters who
were with him yesterday.
There was a lot of conversation simply about what
China itself was doing about what the restructuring they .were
doing, their growth targets.
Secretary Rubin praised in the
meeting the fact that to the extent they were trying to stimulate
the economy, they were not focusing on commercial investments,
which they suggested would lead to the kind of redundancy that
they were tr~ing to ~void, but rather on infraitructure
investments; that they had been growing at 10 percent, 15 percent
over this first half pf the year in infrastructure investments
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01/12/2000
�Page 14 of 15
from highways, railroads, power plant commitments. So it was a
very in-depth discussion of what they were doing. Certainly,
Japan and currency issues came up. I don't feel I should go into
too much more in what -- in their conversation.
Q
Sandy, do you have a take_on why the Chinese
reversed course on the question of televising the remarks after
earlier signaling not a lot of flexibility on that question?
And, since is the last question, more broadly, can you speculate
on what you think this improved relationship.between the two
leaders is going to mean over the next six months or year in
terms of policy advances or other summits, what have you?
MR. BERGER: I knew you'd ask that question and I've
been waiting to say, I told you yesterday, not to make ~ judgment
based on the first day.
Q
I took your advice, Sandy.
MR. BERGER:
(Laughter.)
Good.
I think it's a very interesting decision that they
made to televise the press conference. And I'm not-- I·think
it's a very encouraging decision because in many ways, one had to
believe that, given the fact that the arrival deremony was in
front of the Gre·at Hall of the People, adjacent to Tiananmen
Square, that the President might address it. There certainly had
been a good deal of sp'eculation in the press about that. And so
I think, notwithstanding that, they made a judgment -- I mean, we
have been encouraging them to give as much access to the
President, and in every contact we've had the Chinese -~ when
Madeleine was out here, when I was out here, Jim's contacts in
the last few days, we have said, we want the President ~- it's
very important for the President to be able to speak to the
Chinese people. And I think they realized. it was important to
us, and I think they want this summit to be successful not just
for them, but I think for the relationship.·
In terms of where the relationship is going, I hope
that this puts on·a solid and higher level of cooperation. I
hope that those who are critical of the relationship at hom~ will
see 'that through engagement you can get ~ lot 6f serious things
done and promote America's values and maybe even advance the
process of change in China all at the same time; that these are
not multiple choice, you've got to pick one or the other.
I think today proved that premise to be correct.
And I think there is a willingness on the part of the President
and I think there is a willingness on the part of President Jiang
to keep building as we have. We have built on each of these
summits -- the October summit, this summit -- substantial
achievements in a widening area of cooperation while talking
about our differences in increasingly candid and open and honest
terms. That can only be. good.
And I hope that that will continue and I hope
those who saw this back home will realize t~at this
important relationship, there is an enormous· amount
that you can aggressively pursue your interests and
pursue your values at the same time.
THE PRESS:
END
that
is an
'at stake,
aggressively
Thank you.
5:10 P.M.
(L)
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�
Dublin Core
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Title
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Speechwriting Office - Paul Orzulak
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Paul Orzulak
Date
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1999-2000
Is Part Of
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<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36267" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585791" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
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2008-0702-F
Description
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<p>Orzulak served as speechwriter for President William J. Clinton and National Security Advisor Samuel R. Berger in 1999 and 2000.</p>
<p>Orzulak authored speeches for President Clinton concerning permanent normal trade relations with China; the United States Coast Guard Academy commencement; the role of computer technology in India; the defense of American cyberspace; the Eleanor Roosevelt Human Rights Award; the memorial service for Former Prime Minister Keizo Obuchi of Japan; the Charlemagne Prize in Germany; the presentation of the Medal of Freedom to President James E. Carter and Rosalyn Carter in Atlanta; the Millennium Around the World Celebration in Washington, DC; the Cornerstone of Peace Park in Japan; the role of scientific research and the European Union while in Portugal; sustainable development in India; armed forces training on Vieques Island, Puerto Rico; and the funeral services for Admiral Elmo R. Zumwalt, Jr. in Annapolis. Orzulak’s speechwriting for National Security Advisor Berger concerned Senator Joseph R. Biden, China’s trade status, Kosovo, and challenges facing American foreign policy.</p>
<p>This collection was made available through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/freedom-of-information-act-requests">Freedom of Information Act</a> request. For more information concerning this collection view the complete finding aid.</p>
Provenance
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Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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82 folders in 7 boxes
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Paper
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[China] [Folder 1] [1]
Creator
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National Security Council
Speechwriting Office
Paul Orzulak
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2008-0702-F
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Box 2
<a href="http://clintonlibrary.gov/assets/Documents/Finding-Aids/2008/2008-0702-F.pdf" target="_blank">Collection Finding Aid</a>
<a href="http://catalog.archives.gov/id/7585791" target="_blank">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
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Adobe Acrobat Document
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Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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5/19/2014
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42-t-7585791-20080702f-002-006-2014
7585791