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Clinton Presidential Records
Mandatory Declassification Review
This is not a presidential record. This is used as an administrative
marker by the William J. Clinton Presidential Library Staff.
Documentsfromthis Mandatory Declassification Review were
released in full.
�CONFIDENJlAb
TELEPHONE CALL TO BELGIAN PRIME MINISTER DEHAENE
Status: Our Ambassador asked Foreign Minister Claes for a Belgian police monitor contribution
to thefirstphase Haiti multinational force on September 4. Claes understood the importance of
such participation for the proper implementation of UNSC Resolution 940 and said Belgium
would seriously consider a law enforcement contribution, possibly with a French-speaking team of
paramilitary gendarmes. Claes was to raise the issue with Prime Minister DeHaene. The request
could be considered formally as early as Friday, when the Belgian cabinet holds its regular
meeting. Claes' positive response was somewhat unexpected given previous indications that
Belgium was reluctant to become involved in Haiti at all. especially after losing ten UN
peacekeepers in Rwanda. Your goal is to reinforce the supportive message Claes presumably
conveyed to DeHaene and to urge DeHaene to seek a prompt positive decision at Friday's
Cabinet meeting.
Talking Points
•
Calling to discuss issue of serious concern to United States and world community: Haiti.
UNSC Resolution 940 expressed exhaustion of international patience. Working to build
multinational coalition force.
•
UNSC Resolution 940 authorizes two phases: multinational force with UN endorsement,
which we are leading; and UN Mission in several months.
•
My goal remains getting Cedras and associates out peacefully. Building threat of force
enhances odds that will work.
•
If not, will forcibly remove them, restore democracy.
•
Would then welcome Belgium's participation in police monitor role as soon as we establish
internal stability, i.e., a few days after intervention. Conflict between Belgian police monitors
and Haitian military unlikely.
•
French language capability, democratic tradition, professionalism make your gendarmerie
perfect for police monitoring task.
•
Share your anguish at tragic murder of Belgian peacekeepers in Rwanda. Working together
to resolve that crisis. Haiti another humanitarian crisis we must resolve, but threat to
peacekeepers not expected to be so severe.
•
Ambassador has discussed details with Foreign Minister Claes (phonetic: Klaas). Hope you
and Cabinet will decide on early participation in police role.
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Visit to Washington: DeHaene is planning a trip to Washington this Fall. No dates have been
set but he will want to meet with you.
Talking point
•
Know of your plans to visit. My staff looking at dates. Will get back to you.
NATO Succession: Foreign Minister Claes appears to be the strongest of the candidates
actively seeking to succeed Manfred Woerner. His candidacy has not yet, however, been
formally declared.
Talking point
•
Seeking a strong successor to Woemer.
•
(If Claes mentioned by name) Claes one of stronger candidates. Prepared to give him fullest
consideration.
NO
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TELEPHONE CALL TO BOLIVIAN PRESIDENT SANCHEZ DE LOSADA
Status: On September 6 President Sanchez de Lozada told our Ambassador that he agreed in
principle to contribute 100 police personnel for the MNF and UNMIH. Final commitment is
subject to Bolivian political and legalrequirementsthat President Sanchez de Lozada believed
would not be impediments . He also stated that more specifics were needed on the transition from
MNF to police monitoring and the relationship monitors would have with UNMIH. Your aim is
to ensure that the Bolivian police arrive within a week of the intervention.
Talking Points
•
Enjoyed our meeting in June at the World Cup; look forward to meeting again in December at
Summit of the Americas.
•
Your strong interest in sustainable development is on target. We are going to do everything
we can to support you.
•
Just learned of your decision in principle to join the multilateral coalition.
•
Recognize you have legal aspects to work out, but still wanted to call to express appreciation.
•
Prospect of Haitianregimestepping down voluntarily increased by Bolivia's participation.
Decision lends weight to common cause.
•
Hope you meet Ambassador Watson and Ambassador McNamara in Rio. They will give full
details on MNF.
•
Crucial that Rio group endorse UN authorized effort to restore democracy. I count on your
support.
•
Biggest challenge in Haiti following intervention: help the Haitian people maintain civil order.
•
Haitian police weakened through years of misuse. But they can be recast into an effective
force if they have help.
We have a plan to re-build the police force. But this will take time.
•
I am most concerned about the time just after intervention, when Haitian police will need firm
guidance to d their job.
o
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We need police monitors-soldiers or civilian police-to ensure that Haitian police act
responsibly and to link them Coalition military forces in emergencies.
•
Also need forces to back up police, ensure order. Vital for development of Haitian economy,
for democracy to take hold.
•
U.S. forces will do Phase 1, the intervention, but we would like Bolivia's offer of 100 police
within a week after intervention.
•
Understand concerns about loss of life.
•
Bolivian personnel will not be part of the assault force, not be involved in combat; rather, will
be in support role.
•
We will handle transportation and all other costs.
•
Bolivian presence on the ground essential to broader support for democracy in Haiti, will
create foundation for more piosperous and free hemisphere.
•
Can we count on you to help us?
(IF RAISED)
Fernandez Visa: Goni could raise our continuing refusal to issue a visa to his political ally Max
Fernandez because of concerns about possible trafficking activities.
Talking point
•
We have examined the case and although I cannot go into the details we concluded that MR.
Fernandez does not qualify for a visa.
Anti-Narcotics Program: Bolivia is engaged in a new anti-narcotics drive called New Dawn,
which is having some success.
Talking points
•
Am encouraged by your current anti-narcotics operation, New Dawn. Keep up the pressure.
Know it is a difficult operation.
•
Urge you to supplement the operation with an effort to help coca growers find alternative
economic activities.
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TELEPHONE CALL TO BRAZILIAN PRESIDENT FRANCO
Status: Brazil is not intending to contribute forces to the MNF. They will, however, be a key
player at the Rio Summit in shaping the Summit declaration on the Haiti issue.
Talking Points
•
As we speak, Assistant Secretary Watson is in Rio addressing the Rio Group members on
support for our objectives in Haiti.
•
We want the illegal regime in Haiti to give way peacefully to democracy. We are hopeful the
international community will remain firm in sending a strong message to the illegal
government that it has no alternative to departing immediately.
•
The de facto leaders take comfort from mixed messages, and thus welcome new messengers.
We should ensure that the only message the de facto regime receives is UN Security Council
Resolution 940.
•
We appreciate any further action you can take to convince other nations of the imponance for
everyone to speak from the same script.
•
We look fonvard to continuing to work closely with you and your government in the coming
weeks as we seek to restore democracy in Haiti.
(CONTINGENCY POINTS - IF RAISED)
Summit of the Americas
•
We held a very useful round of consultations with your govem-ment on the Summit of the
Americas in Brasilia on August 26.
•
Although we will meet again with you in the context of our consultations with the Rio Group
in Washington on September 21, we also wish to continue our bilateral discussion on
preparations.
More detailed consultations on the Summit agenda will continue in the coming months. We
anticipate a fruitful process of generating specific initiatives that can carry our goals forward
at the Summit in December.
We consider Brazil a democratic leader in the hemisphere and value your insights and advice
on how to proceed.
^ L M T O N LIBRARY P O O O Y *™E.O.
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Cuba: The Rio Group Summit, which is meeting in Rio de Janeiro this week, will consider an
initiative urging the U.S. and Cube to begin a broad dialogue.
•
I urge thai this bereconsidered.Such an initiative, while well-intentioned, could derail our
immigration talks with Cuba and encourage the Cuban authorities to believe they need only
stall while international pressure builds on the U.S. to abandon the embargo.
•
One of the fundamental causes of the despair that is driving the Cuban people to flee their
country is the lack of basic freedoms and respect for humanrightsin Cuba.
•
We have seen no improvement in the Cuban government's humanrightsrecord. On the
contrary, we have seen further abuses such as the sinking of the tugboat "13 of March" and
the callous encouragement to the Cuban government to its people to risk their lives by taking
to the high seas in flimsy rafts.
•
The U.S. will continue to bring before the United Nations and other international
organizations evidence of humanrightsabuses by the Cuban government.
•
We would appreciate any support you could provide in the United Nations and other
international fora in calling on the Cuban government to respect the humanrightsof its
people.
Treaty of Tlalelolco: Cuban government officials have stated publicly that the Cuban
government intends to sign the Treaty ofTlatelolco.
•
We applaud the Cuban government's announcement and efforts on the part of the Brazilian
government to discuss the importance of the treaty with the Cuban government. We
anticipate the Cuban government will sign the treaty at the earliest opportunity.
COHFIDEHTIAL
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TELEPHONE CALL TO CANADIAN PRIME MINISTER CHRETIEty
Status: Canada will be the largest contributor of police monitors in phase II (UNMIH). They
could make a major contribution to and in fact lead the police element in phase I. However,
although Canada sponsored UNSC Resolution 940, Chretien has resisted participating in the
multinational force, probably out of concern that involvement before complete pacification in
Haiti and without UN control of the international presence could further stress a domestic
political base already uncomfortable with therisksto Canadian forces in UNPROFOR. Yet
Canada was the most forthright Friend pushing hard for Aristide's return, due to a concentration
of Haitian-Canadian voters in key Quebec districts. They criticized us for hesitancy. Now they
must follow through. We need their own capabilities and if they join it will encourage others.
You pushed for Canadian phase one police participation in an August 16 letter to Chretien. His
reply declined such a role. Subsequent clarifications that we envisage Canadian arrival in "phase
one-and-one-half (i.e., after initial stabilization) have elicited Foreign Ministry willingness to
send police monitors as early as 7-10 days after intervention. We are consulting at high levels on
their procedural concerns. At the same time, a Cabinet decision apparently is needed. Your aim
in this call is to get Chretien to commit to early participation.
Talking Points
•
We have led efforts to resolve Haitian crisis ~ "Friends of Haiti", Resolution 940 co-sponsors.
•
Must stand together during coalition phase authorized by Resolution 940.
•
Effort to build broad coalition gaining strength. Thirteen nations committed to military or
police participation. But we need more police in early stages.
•
Participation by allies with Caribbean ties especially important. British and Dutch
participating. Calling Dutch Prime Minister Kok (phonetic: Kawk) to seek their police. Also
calling French to urge they send police in coalition phase. Mitterand told me France
committed to close cooperation.
• Grateful Canada taking lead on police in UNMEH, phase II. Need to maintain law and order
from thefirstdays. In line with Canadian commitment to Haitian democracy, urge you to
provide 100-200 Canadian police monitors in first phase.
•
Understand now Canada could deploy police several days after military leaders removed,
when initial stabilization complete.
•
Problem is your officials saying can only do it if police under UN command. As UNSC
Resolution 940 reads, police are under coalition command. But Canada could command
MNF police component.
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Such a police coniribution will be mainstay of coalition and encourage other participants to
sign on. Commitment now will number Canada among those whose determination enabled
Haitians to build a hopeful future.
Who can Ambassador Blanchard work out details with?
CONFIDBNT4Ai
tLINTON LlWmOTOCOPY
�-CONFI DE^fffAL
(IF RAISED)
Visit to Canada: You have decided to make a one-day visit to Canada this Fall. A decision has
not yet been made whether to accept the time period formally proposed by Canadian Governor
General Hnatyshyn (October 1-21) or to suggest alternative dates. Your reply to Hnatyshyn
accepting the invitation in principle awaits signature.
Talking point
•
Look forward to one-day visit this Fall. Appreciate offer of October 1-21. Hope to respond
soon so we can identify a mutually-convenient date.
Softwood Lumber Refund: An extraordinary challenge panel dismissed all U.S. appeals
against Canada in the softwood lumber case. Canada wants prompt refund of C$800 million in
bonds against our countervailing duty assessment.
•
Understand urgency in seeking prompt refunds. But I must handle Congressional interests.
Our experts examining best way to meet both sides' concerns.
Fish Disputes: Canadian treatment of U.S.fishermenin recent disputes on Icelandic scallops
and Pacific salmon have caused concern, particularly in Congress.
•
Would welcome positive Canadian response to our proposal for binding dispute settlement on
Icelandic scallops issue.
•
Let's have our salmon negotiators reach multi-year agreement before next year's season.
Cuba: In general, Canada believes that our shared objectives ofpromoting a democratic
opening and improved human rights in Cuba are better pursued through dialogue than isolation.
A few months ago, Canada resumed humanitarian assistance to Cuba. The Canadians have not
taken a public stance on the current migration surge from Cuba or our response to it.
Talking points
•
Hope measures we have taken will stabilize Cuban exodus.
•
Migration talks are promising, hope for early agreement on orderly emigration.
•
Will not broaden talks unless Castro acts to respect human rights, make democratic reforms.
-CONFIDENTIAL
LI NTON-flaMCilPHOTOCOPY
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NATO Succession: Canada is weighing options, interested in ensuring that NATO avoids the
appearance of disunity over choosing a successor to Woerner and undecided whether to promote
a compromise candidate should there be a deadlock.
Talking point
•
Not prepared to take position yet on specific candidates. Agreement on a strong successor
must take account of rotation at the top of other European institutions and various succession
traditions. Our people should keep in touch as selection process develops.
Quebec: September 12 provincial elections pit separatist Parti Quebecois (PQ) leader Jacques
Parizeau against incumbent Liberal Premier Daniel Johnson, who is closing the gap in recent
polls but is well behind among native French speakers. The PQ has pledged to hold a
referendum on Quebec's future within ten months if it wins.
Talking point
•
Americans following the campaign with interest. We have long enjoyed excellent relations
with a strong, united Canada. How Canadians craft constitutional change is for them to
decide.
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TELEPHONE CALL TO CHILEAN PRESIDENT FREI
Status: Participaiion by the Chilean paramilitary carabineros in the first phase multinational
force is particularly important since it will both give us greater Latin cover, which we need, and
provide the services of a highly professional police force. In your June 28 meeting with President
Frei he said he could not provide carabineros because of institutional opposition from the armed
forces and carabineros commander General Stange, whom he had tried unsuccessfully to force
from office on human rights grounds. You told Frei you understood and that it was more
important to maintain Chile's progress toward full civilian control of the military.
As police monitors have become a top priority we have approached many countries for
contributions, including Chile again. Foreign Minister Figueroa was cautiously positive and told
our Ambassador that he, Frei and the Defense Minister would seriously consider our request.
Stange remains a concern, but Figueroa said that matters have improved since your June meeting
and that seeking carabineros participation in Haiti was no longer impossible. Your aim is to
urge Frei to make the political commitment to send a sizable contingent of carabineros to
the MNF once the security situation is stabilized by our forces.
Talking Points
•
Calling to ask that Chile provide police to act as monitors of Haitian police, as part of
multinational force now assembling to implement Resolution 940.
•
We will provide bulk of military units ourselves and U.S. forces would do intervention.
•
We need police monitors in phase two starting few days after intervention to ensure that
Haitians who will enforce law on interim basis do so properly.
•
Ambassador Kamman conveyed to Foreign Minister our request for sizable contingent of
carabineros, at least 100, as many as 250-300.
•
Carabineros have deserved reputation as professionals. That and their international
experience (El Salvador) suits them well to police monitor role once democracy restored.
Multinational Force in control and they can operate safely.
•
Discussed this proposal in your June visit. Realize a sensitive area, that relations with armed
forces delicate. Resurrect request only because so important, carabineros so skilled.
•
Foreign Minister Figueroa told Ambassador you would consider request seriously, and he
raised several specific concerns.
•
Confident those concerns can be resolved. We would handle transport, other costs. Our
concept of operations flexible, can accommodate Chile's special requirements.
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Will appreciate your participation in Multinational Force along lines I described, but need
decision soon. Who can Ambassador Kamman work out details with?
ELINTON L
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H0T0C0PY
�CONFIDENTIAL
(IF RAISED)
Free Trade: The Vice President spoke to Frei about this by telephone a few weeks ago and told
him we were working hard with the Congress to get fast-track authority. You also assured
Chile's new Ambassador of our commitment when you received his credentials last month.
Talking point
•
As Vice President Gore said, am working with Congress to get the legislative authority
needed for effective free trade negotiations. Confident I will get it.
Rio Group Summit: The Rio Group, comprising most Latin countries, will meet in Brazil at the
end of this week. We want the Group to issue a supportive declaration on Haiti and have
approached Chile in this regard. We also look to Chile to push an effective anti-corruption
initiative for the December Summit of the Americas, following up on a recent NSC/State team
pre-Summit consultation. In both cases, we anticipate unhelpful Brazilian positions, reflecting
their opposition to UNSC Resolution 940 on Haiti and to our ambitious Summit agenda.
Talking points
•
Appreciate support for Resolution 940 on Haiti. Hope Rio Group statement will support it.
•
Pleased our Summit of the Americas team had good talks in Santiago. Want to keep working
with you, appreciate Chile's willingness to join in promoting anti-corruption initiative.
Relations with Peru: The Peruvian government recently decided not to submit a boundary
agreement with Chile to its Congress for ratification. Chile has already ratified the agreement,
which resolves disputes lingering from the 19th century War of the Pacific between the two
countries. It is furious with Peru and has withdrawn its Ambassador from Lima. We are neutral
in this dispute and wish to remain uninvolved.
Talking point
•
Hope you can resolve issue with Peru. Realize recent developments disappointing to you.
•^nMCinEMTTAl
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TELEPHONE CALL TO COLOMBIAN PRESIDENT SAMPER
Status: Colombia has made no commitment on participation in the MNF or UNMIH. It has said
it would "study" participation after hostilities cease, but before transition to UNMIH. Your aim
is to get a significant Colombian presence on the ground in Haiti.
Talking Points
•
You are off on a strong start as president.
•
Appreciate excellent relationship you and your colleagues have with Ambassador Frechette.
Your team is first-rate.
•
Look forward to meeting with you at Summit of the Americas in Miami in December.
•
Colombian support crucial to UNSCR Resolution 940.
•
Biggest challenge in Haiti following the intervention: help the Haitian people maintain civil
order.
•
Haitian police weakened through years of misuse. But they can be recast into an effective
force if they have help.
•
We have a plan to re-build the police force. But this will take time.
•
I am most concerned about the time just after intervention, when Haitian police will need firm
guidance to do their job.
•
We need police monitors-soldiers or civilian police-to ensure that Haitian police act
responsibly and to link them Coalition military forces in emergencies.
•
Also need forces to back up police and ensure order. Vital for development of Haitian
economy.
•
Would like 2 infantry companies and 100 police to help in police monitor roles within a week
after intervention.
•
Colombian personnel will not be part of the assault force, not be involved in combat; rather,
will be in support role.
•
Colombian presence on the ground essential to broader support for democracy in Haiti, will
create foundation for more prosperous and free hemisphere.
coNFiDCNTtTtL
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Wc would handle transportation and other costs.
Can we count on you to help us?
(IF RAISED)
Possible Samper Visit: Samper might be in Washington on or about September 15 for President
Gaviria's swearing in at the Organization of American States, but we do not recommend that you
meet with him.
Talking points
We are delighted that President Gaviria will be heading the OAS. He will bring new
dynamism and creativity to that important post.
I am glad you will be here to celebrate with us.
CLINTON LIBRARY P O O O Y
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�TELEPHONE CALL TO PANAMANIAN PRESIDENT BALLAPARES
Status: You sent Secretaries Babbit and Cisneros to Perez Balladarcs' September 1 inauguration.
His new government has been favorably disposed to us. agreeing to shelter up to 10.000 Cuban
refugees, for example. We have been supporting Panama's national police as the replacement for
Noriega's disbanded National Guard. The government is considering conuibuting 30-40 of those
U.S.-trained personnel to a later MNF state under controlled conditions, perhaps to act as Secret
Service protection for Aristide. You recently sent a joint letter to Perez Balladarcs stressing the
importance of joining the coalition. High ranking State officials followed up at the inauguration
and at the Central American Foreign Ministers Conference just concluded in Costa Rica. Your
aim is to get at least 100 police monitors from Panama.
Talking Points
•
Agreement to shelter Cubans shows great compassion and courage.
•
Effort to build coalition gaining strength. Many Caribbean countries joining. Important that
all countries in hemisphere work with UN.
•
Biggest challenge in Haiti following the intervention: help the Haitian people maintain civil
order.
•
Haitian police weakened through years of misuse. But they can be recast into an effective
force if they have help.
•
We have a plan to re-build the police force. But this will take time.
•
I am most concerned about the time just after intervention, when Haitian police will need firm
guidance to do their job.
We need police monitors-soldiers or civilian police-to ensure that Haitian police act
responsibly and to link them Coalition military forces in emergencies.
Also need forces to back up police and ensure order. Vital for development of Haitian
economy.
•
Would like 100-200 police to help in these roles within a week after intervention.
•
We have supported Panama in building a national police. We know how capable they are.
•
Panamanian personnel will not be pan of the assault force, not be involved in combat; rather,
will be in advisory role later in thefirstweek after the intervention.
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W would handle their transportation and other costs.
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•
Panamanian presence on the ground essential to broader support for democracy in Haiti, wil
create foundation for more prosperous and free hemisphere.
•
Can we count on you to help us?
-CONriDCNTIAjL
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Clinton Presidential Records
Mandatory Declassification Review
This is not a presidential record. This is used as an administrative
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29 Apr 94
SUBJECT: Tasks for UNMIH
-(S)"~The following list of tasks will be used for the purpose of
estimating force composition and associated costs.
• Training/Construction
• Self-protection
* Protect International Presence (including ICM, PVOs, UN/OAS observers,
economic aid workers)
Advise on security requirements
Provide escorts as requested/needed*
Provide security for humanitarian supplies*
Respond if international monitors, NGO's etc., request
emergency aid
•
Protect/evacuate US/UN/other third country nationals
•
Protect Aristide-nominated PM, government, CINC, police chief,
parliament, operatives in countryside*/**
• Protect key facilities (port, radio/TV, power supply)*/**
•
Disarm/detain military/police remnants**
--
•
Uniformed forces
FRAPH
Attaches, etc.
Assist new government's security leadership
Break up army's infrastructure (section chiefs, etc.), separately
identifying capability required to perform this effort, where possible.
Deter/counter resistance from military/police remnants
*
Consider degree to which these functions could be provided by Haitian
or foreign civilian contractor security personnel.
**
Consider degree to which new government's own security forces can
perform this function. UNMIH to serve as backup only.
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-.0:
SECRET"
• Visible patrolling to deter resistance/violence
• Prevent/Respond to Haitian on Haitian violence beyond ability/
willingness of Haitian security forces**
Respond to organized efforts or that which threatens survival
of new government
protect dismissed Ti Soldat
deal with pro-Aristide violence
•
Respond if military/police hard-liners attempt coup
-{S)-The above tasks are based upon the following planning
assumptions:
• US invasion will have seized control of key points in PAP, arrested key
leaders of military/de facto regime
• US invasion force will protect UNMIH arrival and withdraw in a few
days, turning over to UNMIH
• Aristide will have named new PM, army commander
• Army commander will come from existing officer corps (not necessary a
general); bulk of officer corps will be in place when UNMIH arrives
•
Sanctions will be lifted (except targeted) as UNMIH arrive
Questions to be addressed, beyond force requirements
• ROEs
• Legal authority (rely on Haitian courts, prison system)
• Command arrangements (relation/responsiveness
• Intelligence/communications
to new government)
requirements
• Costs/financing
• Level of US participation - none? logistics/commo/intell? substantial?
CLINTON LImmrPHOTOCOPY
�
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Clinton Presidential Records
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Declassified Documents concerning Haiti
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2013-0122-M
Description
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This Mandatory Declassification Review contains material on correspondence between the National Security Advisor (or Deputy), regarding Haiti, from 1993 thru 1994. Included is a Department of Defense memo from April 1994 regarding military tasks for a U.N. force in Haiti.
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Clinton Presidential Records: NSC Cable, Email, and Records Management Systems
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William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
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2/6/2015
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2013-0122-M
7388808
Declassified
Foreign Policy
Haiti
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/ab00b2a31b72379aaa50893b58251794.pdf
96786b56f67cb71149b97d6eec8cd843
PDF Text
Text
Clinton Presidential Records
Mandatory Declassification Review
This is not a presidential record. This is used as an administrative
marker by the William J. Clinton Presidential Library Staff.
Documents from this Mandatory Declassification Review were
released in full.
�CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCO^^
UNITKn NATIONS MISSION TO HAirF: TRAINTNfi OR OCCUPATION?
fosue EQC Decision: As a part of the recent policy review, we have pledged to reconfirm
our willingness to participate in a UN military mission in Haiti, and noted that it might be
necessary to have a "reconfigured" mission, and consequently a restated UNSC
mandate. When he was asked to confirm that he would agree to a new UN military
mission, President Aristide asked what its "reconfigured" mission would be.
To answer President Aristide's question, and to have clarity in our policy, a
decision is needed to determine whether the mission we have in mind is similar to that
provided for in the Governors Island Agreement, namely to train and professionalize the
Haitian military, and perform limited "civic action" construction, or whether the UN
military mission should also have an internal security role and other peace enforcement
tasks.
Considerations Common Xa Both Options:
Under both approaches, an important issue is whether the UN military force
would be sent in before President Aristide had returned to power in Haiti, or only after
his successful return. Sending the force only after he had resumed the powers of the
presidency would reduce the impression that the force was intended to assure his return,
either by deterring non-cooperation by the Haitian military or by direct military action.
Whether that is an advantage or a disadvantage depends on one's view of what the
mission of the force should be. Sending the force before Aristide's return could help
calm the situation and regime cooperation with it would be a manifestation of a real
intent to cooperate in implementing GIA fully. If, however, the force is intended to have
a limited mission, sending it before the most difficult part of GIA -- President Aristide's
actual return to power in Haiti -- is accomplished, could imply a willingness to use US
military force that we did not intend.
Deployment of either mission would follow only after the UN provided approval
via a UN Security Council resolution. Consistent with the principle of making our
action regarding Haiti multilateral, we would not unilateral y intervene. Whether the
UNSC would authorize a mission of the second kind, which could reasonably be
characterized as an intervention, is problematic. There is no possibility that the OAS
would authorize such a mission.
Either approach would entail significant costs. For either the US would have to
provide the overwhelming majority, if not all, the troops. For the training mission, the
USG would seek to have the mission conducted as the basis of UN reimbursement by
assessments under Chapter VI. For the internal security mission, we would seek
reimbursement as a Chapter VII operauon. Whether we would succeed in getting
significant cost-sharing under any approach is dubious.
DECLASSIFIED
PER E.0.13526
CLASSIFIED
BY DIR IA\
DECLASSIFY ON OADR
OCCnCT
Oni-a
r\\11-
AO)3-OM*
^
�Options
Option I: Military training for professionalization-The October 93 model updated,
with no internal security functions.
Under this approach the military mission's main task would be to retrain the
Haitian military into a non-political, professional force capable of carrying out the normal
functions of military establishments in small, underdeveloped states with constitutional
governments. Its premise is that the phase out of police functions from the army, along
with concunent redefinition of military roles, would gradually help Haiti develop a
responsible military with a legitimate purpose in a democratic society. This would be a
long-term effort, requiring substantial commitment of personnel and resources (from
foreign aid, not DoD 0& M, budgets) for a period of several years.
For this mission, revision of the present UN mandate would be required to permit
shifting the focus of the mission from civic action construction projects to training, and
to assure that the mission could be the size and composition needed to carry out the
mission while providing for its own security. That option is temporarily provided by
UNSCR 905, which will expire June 30.
Under this UNMIH configuration, internal security would remain the
responsibility solely of Haitian security forces, throughout thetimethe unit was in
Haiti. Initially those forces would be responsive to the Haitian authorities awaiting
Aristide's return; afterward they would be those on whom President Aristide chose to
place the responsibility. The UNMIH forces would provide training, serve as role models
and, in respect to police functions, monitor performance of the Haitian forces. The UN
military mission would have neither the authority nor responsibility to monitor
compliance with the key political terms of the GIA nor to intervene in local security
matters or to insure compliance with the GIA. In the event of violence or noncompliance, UNMIH would take steps to assure its own safety, but would not engage in
peace enforcement, or, indeed, in traditional peacekeeping.
1
The US element of the UN military training mission would not be deployed to
Haiti until it would go as part of a viable political agreement having the support of all
^
parties, and steps had been taken to begin putting the other elements of the settlement in
place. In particular, it would be a precondition of deployment of the military mission that
the police monitoring units were in place. In addition, the US would require that all
parties formally confirm their agreement to the deployment and give strong assurances,
backed by demonstrated changes in behavior, that the mission was coming as part of an
accepted overall settlement and would receive the support and cooperation of the
Haitian authorities, both military and civilian. In this connection, we would insist on
their active help in carrying out its mission, as well as in being properly received and
protected while in country. We would also insist on appropriate host nation support
J
There would also be an international police assistance mission. However, its role
would be monitoring the activities of the (reconstituted) Haitian police and certain forms
of technical assistance, not itself policing the country.
GCCRCT
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�arrangements, including a Status of Mission Agreement (SOMA), assured access to ports
and airfields, and agreements on how the training mission would be conducted.
However, in configuring the force, we would not count on a permissive
environment. The detailed force requirements for the force would be set by the relevant
command. Illustratively, the US training team could consist of approximately 100
trainers and 200 support personnel. It would carry such weapons, have such security
personnel, and be governed by such ROE as the US deems appropriate to enable the
force to provide for its own protection and to ensure that it could land and move safely
to its facilities in the event Haitian authorities do not cooperate or they fail to provide
security. We would not negotiate with either President Aristide or the Haitian military
on these points, though we would inform them of our intentions.
2
The force would not be configured to keep order in Haiti, provide protection for
Aristide and his government, or (if sent in before he returns) deal with military refusal to
accept his return. In briefing Congress and the press, we would need to make clear the
limited character of the mission, so it would be public knowledge that we did not intend
to use force to install or protect Aristide or deal with violence in the country. Should the
situation deteriorate to the point where it was unsafe or infeasible for the mission's
training activity to continue, it would remain in a protective posture until the situation
improved or it was withdrawn.
Option II: Internal security tasks included in mission
This approach would give the UNMIH the authority and responsibility to perform
internal security functions, as well as training. Its tasks would include preventing and if
necessary suppressing violence among Haitians, providing personal security to Aristide
and his key government associates after his return, and disarming/disbanding armed
civilian groups, such as the FRAPH. Its mission could also include using military force to
protect him physically in the course of his return.
Adopting this approach would be based on the premise that the return of Aristide
could precipitate violence on a massive scale between Aristide partisans seeking
revenge on the army and army enlisted seeking to preempt such attacks through terror
and intimidation of their own, and that Haitian security forces either could not or would
not deal with the problems themselves. It assumes that, without a foreign (and in
practice US) military force, Aristide cannot count on returning to power in Haiti and
keeping control of the country and the security forces. It does not assume that
reconciliation and fundamental political and social reform is impossible, only that it will
take a long time to reform and rebuild institutions based on democratic principles and
that, in the meantime, it is both necessary and in the US interest to provide the muscle to
sustain President Aristide in office.
A force assigned this internal security mission would be configured quite
differently from one assigned only a training and self-protection mission. The force
would be significantly larger, and would operate essentially as an occupying army,
2
To the extent it was part of the force's mission to conduct civic action
construction projects, additional personnel would be needed.
S E I C n [ : T
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�-sccncT
4
pending the establishment of Aristide's full and effective authority in the country,
including winning loyalty of the security forces, or inauguration of a new president in
February 1996. Over time US casualties would be certain, as would be Haitian casualties
caused by US actions. Under the War Powers Act, its introduction would appear to
begin the timetable for congressional authorization, unless the Act is considered not to
apply to operations of this character.
It would be necessary to resolve in advance the relationships between the US
commander of the force and the Haitian government, as to the circumstances in which
the force would intervene in internal conflicts in Haiti, and its ROE for doing so.
Because such a force could be involved in conflict situations, it would require complete
freedom of action, under U.S. command, in determining which measures were necessary
for its own protection, and in determining how to carry out its broad mission. For
obvious reasons, there would be a tension between the requirement of clear US
command and control - which is necessary for legal and practical political reasons -- and
its function as the de facto internal security force of a foreign government.
It is not clear that President Aristide could give permission for a US force to
operate in this way, given the traditional Haitian view of US military intervention. It is
certain that the OAS would not mandate such a mission. Whether the UN would do so is
problematic, though Russian support could almost certainly be achieved because of the
desirable precedent it would set for Russian action in its own "near abroad."
Eras and Cons QllhsTm Options
Option I: Training Mission. No internal security functions
Pros;
•
Keeps the onus on Haitian parties for maintaining security, and for avoiding
provocative acts towards each other. A limited US role is consistent with the basic
xoposition that the future of Haiti is a Haitian issue, in which the US has only a very
imited interest (however strong our sympathies and preferences) and requires that
Haitians take responsibility for solution.
•
Avoids drawing US and other foreign forces into internal conflicts, thus reducing
security risks to our personnel and scale of US commitment ,
•
Avoids placing US and other foreign personnel in the positipn of taking law
enforcement measures against Haitian citizens and all the potential for legal and other
difficulties such a mission would entail.
•
Keeps the mission focus on professionalization, a task for which US military is
experienced.
• Has been accepted by President Aristide, the Haitian military (at least formally),
elements of the Parliament and by the UN and other troop contributors.
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
SCOnCT
�•cccmrf•
5
Has a reasonable chance of winning UN and hemisphere approval. International
support is essential for legitimacy and credibility (at home as well as abroad).
•
Would not involve defacto US occupation. Avoids giving the US military a police
function.
•
Requires a modest investment of US forces and funds.
Cons;
•
Does not provide deterrent or counter against Haitian military moving against
President Aristide or his supporters, and vice versa.
• Presence of any US military capability in Haiti will to lead to calls for it to become
involved if violence erupts.
•
Should significant levels of violence occur, the UN and member states will almost
certainly be criticized for failing to intervene.
• The Administration could be compelled to withdraw forces if conditions made its
training mission unsafe of impractical.
• Without the active cooperation of the Haitian military, this mission will not succeed.
• Does not guarantee professionalization of the Haitian armed forces. This is a longterm process for which no funding, beyond the FY92 set-aside within the FAA,
currently exists. Nor is any outyear funding planned which would allow the robust
degree of FMF/IMET funded training necessary to accomplish a realistic
professionalization mission.
Option II: Mandate to intervene militarily in Haiti if the internal security situation
warrants.
• Would diminish probability of major hostilities between pro and anti- Aristide groups
• Would provide greater security for Aristide and his government.
•
Assumes a military defeat or internal collapse of the Haitian security forces. (It is not
conceivable that any Haitian military leadership would agree to the introduction of
foreign forces to perform sovereign internal security functions.)
• Maximizes chances of President Aristide's successful return to power in Haiti by
providing US military guarantee
Cons:
• Difficult to secure support from Congress, where enthusiasm for direct US military role
in administration of Haiti is limited even among strong supporters of democratic
reform.
SECRET
CUNTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
�QEORCT
Ignores Haiti's sovereignty. Neither Aristide nor any other Haitian political figure has
been willing to take responsibility for inviting foreign forces to intervene, citing both
historical and constitutional reasons.
Requires a major effort to obtain approval of such a mandate at the UN. Other
countries are very unlikely to make meaningful troop contributions.
Requires a substantial commitment of U.S. resources, including a significant combat
military presence for an extended period.
Places US and other foreign soldiers in the position of carrying out police functions
(the UN has been unable to recruit sufficient police personnel for even a limited
monitoring mission) in an unfamiliar environment in which they do not speak the
language.
Likely to result in guerrilla/terrorist activities by nationalist groups against the US
mission.
Potential for conflict with President Aristide and other authorities if we refuse to
comply with their directives, and, conversely, places responsibility on the US for
controversial reform and security policies if we do.
CLINTON LIBRARY PHOTOCOPY
GECRET
�
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7388808
Declassified
Foreign Policy
Haiti
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https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/a4be61d6329b854db1a56418f41169ef.pdf
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This Mandatory Declassification Review contains National Security Council email regarding United Nations peacekeeping efforts in Haiti
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Haiti
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This Mandatory Declassification Review contains material related to Vice President Gore's trip to Haiti in September 1995. Included are memoranda from Leon Fuerth and Strobe Talbot to Vice President Gore regarding meetings with Haitian Prime Minister Michel and Haitian Finance Minister Rey.
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Haiti
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Description
An account of the resource
This collection of declassified records focus primarily on foreign affairs. These records were declassified and made available to the public through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/mandatory-declassification-review-requests">Mandatory Declassification Review</a> request.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Declassified Documents Concerning Haiti
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2014-1120-M
Date Available
Date (often a range) that the resource became or will become available.
4/3/2020
Description
An account of the resource
This Mandatory Declassification Review contains documents from Clinton Library FOIA case 2006-0187-F (Haiti). Included are letters to Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien, talking points, briefing papers, and administrative paperwork.
<a href="https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36135">2006-0187-F</a>
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
NSC Records Management System
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/26457815">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
The material or physical carrier of the resource.
Preservation-Reproduction-Reference
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: NSC Cable, Email, and Records Management System
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
3/10/2020
Haiti
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/7bacf871a53629ceb3920bb67302ea8b.pdf
1823dc22d42d31a995459de86ff732f8
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
<strong>Declassified Documents</strong>
Description
An account of the resource
This collection of declassified records focus primarily on foreign affairs. These records were declassified and made available to the public through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/mandatory-declassification-review-requests">Mandatory Declassification Review</a> request.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Declassified Documents Concerning Haiti
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2015-0039-M
Date Available
Date (often a range) that the resource became or will become available.
4/3/2020
Description
An account of the resource
This Mandatory Declassification Review contains documents from Clinton Library FOIA case 2006-0187-F (Haiti). Included are letters to Jean Chretien, Prime Minister of Canada; talking points, briefing papers, and administrative paperwork.
<a href="https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36135">2006-0187-F</a>
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
NSC Records Management System
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/26457815">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
The material or physical carrier of the resource.
Preservation-Reproduction-Reference
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: NSC Cable, Email, and Records Management System
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
3/10/2020
Haiti
Jean Chretien
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/700f506defebcb0fa654763ec1b90053.pdf
a80f55d5d46fe18f48f753eff3ba89e4
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
<strong>Declassified Documents</strong>
Description
An account of the resource
This collection of declassified records focus primarily on foreign affairs. These records were declassified and made available to the public through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/mandatory-declassification-review-requests">Mandatory Declassification Review</a> request.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Declassified Documents Concerning Operation Safe Haven
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2014-0835-M
Date Available
Date (often a range) that the resource became or will become available.
9/19/2016
Description
An account of the resource
This Mandatory Declassification Review contains material on Operation Safe Haven. Materials include Department of Defense papers and situation reports regarding the processing of Cuban and Haitian migrants and refugees.
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36265">2011-1045-F</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/2525024">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
The material or physical carrier of the resource.
Preservation-Reproduction-Reference
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: White House Staff and Office Files
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
9/15/2016
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
2014-0835-M
Cuba
Haiti
Operation Safe Haven
Refugees
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/03373d78c3f07a5782d713c98f3899d9.pdf
aa9bdae5992259e6512ca1556852148e
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
<strong>Declassified Documents</strong>
Description
An account of the resource
This collection of declassified records focus primarily on foreign affairs. These records were declassified and made available to the public through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/mandatory-declassification-review-requests">Mandatory Declassification Review</a> request.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Declassified Documents Concerning President Jean-Bertrand Aristide of Haiti
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2015-0365-M
Date Available
Date (often a range) that the resource became or will become available.
9/21/2018
Description
An account of the resource
This Mandatory Declassification Review contains Department of State cables outlining the timeline for the 100 days following President Aristide's return to power in Haiti on October 15,1994.
Is Part Of
A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included.
<a href="https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/items/show/36073">2006-0211-F</a>
<a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/24194018">National Archives Catalog Description</a>
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
NSC Cables
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
The material or physical carrier of the resource.
Preservation-Reproduction-Reference
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: NSC Cable, Email, and Records Management System
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
9/11/2018
Source
A related resource from which the described resource is derived
2015-0365-M.pdf
24194018
Aristide
Haiti
-
https://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/files/original/112b92f2ee2ec9e3cdf379ac0edf4340.pdf
aec121ec7d0113898dad222f8376b8b6
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
<strong>Declassified Documents</strong>
Description
An account of the resource
This collection of declassified records focus primarily on foreign affairs. These records were declassified and made available to the public through a <a href="http://clinton.presidentiallibraries.us/mandatory-declassification-review-requests">Mandatory Declassification Review</a> request.
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Text
A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text.
Original Format
The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data
Paper
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Title
A name given to the resource
Declassified Documents Concernining Haiti
Identifier
An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context
2013-0122-M
Date Available
Date (often a range) that the resource became or will become available.
3/3/2020
Description
An account of the resource
This Mandatory Declassification Review contains memorandum, briefing papers, and notes related to sanctions against the government of Haiti, Haitian immigration and Haitian refugees. Records to be released include information regarding negotiations with the United Nations and communications with Congress concerning the return of President Aristide to his elected office as president of Haiti.
Creator
An entity primarily responsible for making the resource
National Security Council
NSC Records Management System
NSC Inter-American Affairs Office
Format
The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource
Adobe Acrobat Document
Medium
The material or physical carrier of the resource.
Preservation-Reproduction-Reference
Provenance
A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource.
Clinton Presidential Records: NSC Cable, Email, and Records Management System
Publisher
An entity responsible for making the resource available
William J. Clinton Presidential Library & Museum
Date Created
Date of creation of the resource.
2/18/2020
Haiti
immigration
Refugees